Sermon – Election – 1807, Connecticut


Amos Bassett (1764-1828) graduated from Yale in 1784. He was pastor of a church in Hebron, CT (1794-1824) and in Monroe, CT (1824-1828). This election sermon was preached by Rev. Bassett in Hartford, CT on May 14, 1807.


sermon-election-1807-connecticut

ADVANTAGES AND MEANS OF UNION
IN SOCIETY.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

IN

HARTFORD,

May 14th, 1807.

BY AMOS BASSETT, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Hebron.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1807.

ORDERED, That the Honorable Henry Champion and Mr. Asaph Trumbull, present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend AMOS BASSETT, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the 14th day of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM CXXXIII. 1.

Behold how good and how pleasant it is, for
brethren to dwell together in unity!

THIS Psalm, it is thought, was composed and sung on occasion of the reunion of the twelve tribes of Israel after a distressing civil war of eight years. However this may be, it is probable that the inspired author of the pleasing and excellent sentiments contained in it, had on some occasions witnessed the numerous blessings arising from union in society. He had also, without doubt, had frequent opportunities invites them to “behold how good and how pleasant it is, for brethren to dwell together in unity.”

Though the term brethren, in its primary import, is applied to descendants of the same parents; yet, it is also used in the sacred scriptures, and in the general language of mankind, with some variety of signification. While the scriptures treat those as brethren, in the most exalted sense, who, in addition to other bonds of union, possess the holy image of the living God, they call those, also, in a more general sense, brethren, who, from their local situation, ought to consider themselves connected together for mutual benefit, and ought to aim for the promotion of the common good. 1 Of the last description are the members of a neighbourhood—a town—a state—and, indeed, of every civil community however extensive.

Of brethren of every description, and probably there are brethren of all the above descriptions present, it may truly be said, that it is “good and pleasant for them to dwell together in unity.” The favour of your candid attention is therefore requested, while an attempt is made to point out, with special reference to a civil community,

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

II. Means for promoting this union.

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

The union, now contemplated, is very different from a selfish combination of partisans. Such a combination contains the seeds of dissolution within itself. Drawn together at first by self interest and self gratification men may unite for a season. But such cannot, they will not long “dwell together in unity.” The basis of their union is essentially defective. The more they know of each other, the more their mutual jealousy will increase. The same unjustifiable motives that drew them together at first will invariably produce discords and contentions: and wretched is that society which must sustain the conflict.

Nor will this discourse contemplate that union, if anyone choose to call by this name, a mere quiet, enforced by the arm of a despot, who is subject to no law—controlled by no principle of virtue.

What is now advocated is the union of a free people in unfeigned regard for the public good—in benevolent, virtuous affection for each other—and in harmony of sentiment relative to the leading measures which are to direct their public concerns. Where the two first properties of a salutary union prevail, the last will be attained without great difficulty. Erroneous information will not be designedly given. Confidence may be placed in the opinions of the ablest members; and the disinterested, candid and diligent enquirer will be able to ascertain, to a sufficient degree, the men whose superior merit entitles them to promotion.

The advantages to be derived from such an union among brethren are numerous. The first that will be mentioned is peace—peace in society, resulting from the prevalence of pure principles, and from an universal attachment to them. This is among the richest blessings of divine providence. The benevolent Creator, in the promise of good things to be enjoyed in the present life, includes peace, as being one of his greatest favours. Yea, it is one of the blessings which constitute the perfect state of enjoyment in the heavenly world.

Another advantage of this union is strength. The union of a people, in real regard for the common good, powerfully braces and strengthens the public arm. Society can now avail herself of the united talents of her most able and respectable members. Her union presents also a firm and stable bulwark against violence from abroad—a far better defence than artificial mounds and ramparts erected without her walls, while the community within is confused with discord, and distracted with party divisions, frequently more opposed to each other than even to a common enemy. Infinite wisdom has declared “every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation, and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand.” The declaration of the destructive tendency of discord applies with peculiar force to a people enjoying a republican government. How many miserable examples of the truth of this declaration have even our own times produced! They fell—they were brought to desolation, and their enemies divided the spoil; because they were disunited, and of course destitute of strength. Behold, and consider them well: look upon them, and receive instruction.

Again—while “brethren by dwelling together in unity” are thus rendered powerful, another advantage is gained in a consciousness of security, both public and private. This consciousness of security attaches a value of great importance to all their possessions and to all their enjoyments. They tremble not with apprehensions of falling a prey to foreign enemies. Neighbours also, dwell securely by the side of each other.

How much does it abate, and oftentimes, how entirely does it destroy the enjoyment of blessings, to consider that they are entirely insecure from the violence of man? The enjoyment in such a case, is like that of the person mentioned in history, attempting to regale himself at a rich entertainment; but beholding at the same time a sword suspended over his head by a single hair. Need much be said to a considerate people upon this subject?

Who, in surveying and forming an estimate of the blessings with which he is surrounded, would not find his pleasure unspeakably abated did he know that his enjoyment of them was suspended upon the uncertain events of changes and revolutions,–upon the mercy of some foreign tyrant,–or upon the capricious humours and frenzy of irritated partisans. To-day he is surrounded with the dearest friends, and favoured with a tranquil enjoyment of his possessions. To-morrow he is doomed, perhaps, to behold those friends bleeding around him, and those possessions falling a prey to lawless invaders.

Happy is that people, who, “in union, dwell together,” and in security enjoy their liberties and their privileges. Happier still, when favoured by heaven with wisdom to prize, and resolution to preserve them.

Again—in a union thus constituted the pleasures of friendly intercourse are enjoyed in the highest degree. Each one is made happy by beholding the happiness of his neighbour and of the public. Where friendship is cordial and benevolence sincere, the prosperity of a neighbour can be beheld, not only without envy, but with delight. The eye of the beholder will not be evil because divine providence has been good.—nor because the favours of God have been distributed, in that proportion which seemed best to infinite wisdom.

Where even two or three are thus cordially united, in benevolent affection, the pleasure is great. The happiness is increased in proportion as the subjects of this union become numerous. Extend, then, this union, to neighbourhoods, to towns, to a whole community. Contemplate them,–all in harmony—all seeking the public good—all observing the duties of their respective stations—all engaged in offices of mutual kindness, wishing well to each other, counseling, warning, assisting and instructing each other in love. Notice their mutual civilities, their unsuspecting confidence, their numerous charities;–each person taking pleasure in the happiness of others, and endeavouring to his utmost to promote it.

If the mind be truly benevolent, the sight must be highly grateful: and while the heart of the observer expands with sensations of the sincerest joy, he adopts, as his own, the excellent sentiments of this psalm; “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity. It is like the precious ointment,”—(made in those days of the most rich and costly materials)—“like the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon the beard, even Aaron’s beard; that went down to the skirts of his garments;” not only refreshing and delighting with its fragrance, the whole assembly that were present; but perfuming the names of the twelve tribes, written upon the garment of Aaron; and representing thereby the advantages that might be derived to the whole nation, from that “unity” which true virtue produces. It is “as the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion.” How different is the origin of this from the origin of discord. This, like the dew, descendeth from heaven. Discord cometh up from beneath, accompanied with hatred, envy, and bitter revenge,–unhallowed, malignant passions, that mingle a portion of gall with the most valuable ingredients of our happiness.

The benefits attached to society are lost, and its enjoyments destroyed, in proportion to the prevalence of the malignant passions. “A fire devoureth before them, and behind them a flame burneth: the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.”

The peaceful and cordial friend of his fellow creatures, deprived now, of the sweet enjoyments which before had rendered society so desirable, and pained to behold the sufferings and wretchedness of those around him, will feelingly adopt the words of the Psalmist, on an occasion very opposite to that which produced the text: “I mourn in my complaint, because of the voice of the enemy, because of the oppression of the wicked. My heart is sore pained within me. Fearfulness and trembling are come upon me, and horror hath overwhelmed me. And I said, O that I had wings like a dove! For then would I flee away and be at rest; I would hasten my escape from the windy storm and tempest.”

The virtuous and upright union of brethren cometh down from heaven. Like the dew that distilled on Hermon and on the mountains of Zion, it is gentle, sweet, and mild in its influence. And, as the dew is most refreshing and fruitful in its effects, causing the earth to “yield her increase, and the bud of the tender herb to spring forth;” so, the seeds of public happiness shall abundantly spring up,–flourish—and issue in a joyful harvest; where “brethren dwell together in unity.” Instead of the thorn, shall come up the fir tree, and instead of the brier, shall come up the myrtle tree; and the happy inhabitants “shall go out with joy and be led forth with peace.”

To cultivate such an union by all proper means, must, surely, be an object worthy the attention of every wise people, and especially of that people who are favoured with a free government. Let the attention, therefore, of the good citizen, be directed,

II. To means for promoting this union.

And here two means present themselves, as being of primary importance, information and virtue.

1. Correct and liberal information is highly to be prized. Great pains ought to be taken to diffuse this, as far as is practicable, among the body of the people; for it deservedly claims a high regard in the public patronage. At the same time it ought not to be forgotten, that, without the prevalence of virtuous principle, the union of a free people cannot be preserved by mere information, however extensive. It is indeed a very valuable price put into the hand of man; but it may and will be abused by a corrupt heart. Extensive knowledge and great abilities, without virtue,–without principle—are dangerous in the extreme. The truth is suggested as necessary to be kept in view in all arrangements made for education; not as an objection against promoting and diffusing knowledge as far as is practicable. The only valid objection is against the abuse. Information is dangerous in the hands of the vicious only. Place it in the hands of a free and virtuous people, and it becomes of immense advantage to them. Hereby they are assisted to understand their privileges—to set a just value upon them—judiciously to defend them—to distinguish between what will contribute to preserve, and what will tend to destroy them—and to have a correct discernment of characters qualified to be their rulers.

Let information, then, be extended to every class of the community, by all proper means, and especially by the institution of schools and seminaries of learning, and let them receive the liberal patronage of government.

And further, as it is of indispensable importance that information be connected with virtue, and as youth are almost the only persons who are members of these institutions, it becomes peculiarly necessary that the instructors who are to superintend them be cautiously chosen. Our children are our hope and our joy. Whoever is engaged in corrupting their minds is doing them and us an injury which he can never repair. A person of vicious conduct, and who is zealously engaged in disseminating principles which tend to vice, is clearly disqualified to be a teacher of youth, whatever may be his learning.

Many are the unhappy dupes of vicious artifice, even among those who are arrived at manhood. Much more are youth liable to imposition. It is not difficult for an artful man to take advantage of their inexperienced years—to avail himself of the prevalence of passion in that early period of life—and, instead of giving them just ideas of what is practicable, and consistent with the being of well ordered society, to bloat them with pride, and excite in them an extravagant ambition. It is not difficult, by fostering their irregular propensities, to fill them with an impatience of control, to persuade them to despise the restrictions of moral virtue, and to engage them in a warfare against every wholesome and necessary restraint.

But, to do thus, is to train up a generation for slavery here, and perdition hereafter. Should our youth become thoroughly and generally abandoned,–should the gratification of vicious propensities become their supreme object—what can be expected from them in manhood? Will they hesitate to sell themselves and the liberties of their country for their favourite indulgences? No. The spirit of a people abandoned to vice is the spirit of slaves. While, as individuals, they are tyrannical to those who are under them, they can easily cringe and fawn around a despot without any material change of feeling.

Is a government attempting to promote the public union and happiness by means of schools and colleges? Let them not destroy with one hand what they attempt to build up with the other.

To improve the minds of your children by correct and useful information, is to do them an immense favour; but to confirm them in principles of virtue, is to do them a favour unspeakably greater: unite them both, and you bequeath to them the richest inheritance. When you are about to depart from the state of action, and to be gathered to your fathers, you may bid them adieu, with the pleasing prospect that they will be free and happy.

2. In every advance that is made in illustrating the subject under consideration, the essential importance of virtue becomes more and more evident.

The past and present experience of mankind authorizes the declaration, that virtue, including that morality which is the fruit of it, is the only sure and permanent bond of public union. Banish this from a people, and the blessings of union and freedom depart with it. It is impossible that the tranquility of a vicious people should be preserved long, except by means which will destroy their liberty.

Are any disposed to call this in question? They are requested, candidly to compare the nature and effects, both of virtue and vice, with the valuable objects of a free government. Are they still unsatisfied, and, at the same time, free from a criminal bias upon their minds? Let them next repair to history, sacred and profane, and they must be effectually convinced, that vice is the reproach and ruin of a people—that it alienates their affections from the public good—and tends to discord with all its train of miseries.

Virtue—living, operative virtue, which always includes pure morals, has such a decided influence in promoting “unity among brethren,” that it merits a further and more particular consideration.

A view will now be taken,–first, of the influence of morals,–secondly, of the nature of that virtue which will produce and preserve them.

(1.) Of the influence of morals. A practical view is now designed, which will be contrasted with a view of the tendency of their opposite vices.

Upon every good citizen, a conviction of the importance of morals to the welfare of his country, as well as motives of a higher consideration, will have a practical influence. In all his intercourse with society, he will maintain truth and integrity. He will take heed that he offend not against truth or justice with his tongue. This member, under the influence of an envious and malicious heart, frequently becomes “a fire, a world of iniquity. It setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell. It is an unruly evil, full of deadly poison. Behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth.” By malicious falsehoods, the nearest friends are often set at variance, and the most peaceable neighbourhoods are distracted with contentions. Envy and strife are excited: and “where envy and strife are, there is confusion and every evil work.” The fairest character cannot escape, and the most undeviating rectitude cannot shield the citizen, when envy and ambition aim their darts at him secretly.

In all the dealings of men with each other—in the transaction of every kind of business, let the same regard to truth and integrity be maintained. Thus, neighbours may “dwell together in unity.” Peaceful and secure, they will put confidence in the declarations and engagements of each other.

As in private intercourse, so, especially, in public communications, a sacred regard ought ever to be had to integrity. That man who has the public good at heart, will see, that all his communications are founded on truth. The means will be consistent with the motive. To practice deceit, by design, in information professedly given to the public, is to embarrass the public mind; and, so far, to deprive a people of the means of their security. Such conduct may proceed from a variety of motives; but it can never be dictated by a regard to the common welfare. It is an insult offered to the public, which deserves to be reprobated by every upright man.

Further—The true patriot, who wishes to preserve purity of morals, and, by means of them, to share in the union and happiness of a free people, ought carefully to guard against party spirit. Party spirit and discord are plainly the same; and whoever imbibes and indulges this spirit subjects himself to many dangerous temptations. This spirit never fails to injure the morals of a people. Passions of the most dangerous kind obtain the ascendency over reason, and the moral sense is gradually weakened;–the moral sense—which ought ever to be feelingly alive to the essential difference between virtue and vice. Destroy this, and you reduce the public body to a wretched mass of corruption. No longer will such a people experience, under a free government, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.” They cannot dwell together at all, without some government; and for forlorn expedient must now be a despotism. There are but two ways in which order is preserved among mankind, when they “dwell together.” The one is principle—the other is force. In proportion as the former prevails, the latter becomes unnecessary. Extinguish the former, and the latter must be applied in the fullest degree.

FURTHER—A temperate, yet faithful execution of the laws enacted for the suppression of vice and the preservation of order, is of great importance as a guard to the morals of a people. The best regulated society is liable to be disturbed by individuals who have not moral principle to restrain them from crimes injurious to themselves, destructive to moral and civil order, and, of course, subversive of the public union, peace and security. Law and government therefore become indispensably necessary. They are ordained by that Being who is perfectly acquainted with the state and dangers of our race. He has pointed out the objects of them,–and also, those qualifications which he requires civil officers to possess. Such officers, if they are faithful to God and man, will see that the laws are executed for the suppression of vice. The “oath of God is upon them;” they will endeavour to be “ministers of God for good” to society.

WHAT, then, shall be thought of the fidelity of civil officers, in places where Sabbath-breaking and riotous collections are publicly known, and yet meet with no legal censure? What of their fidelity, who by improper forbearance, give countenance to places employed as retreats for intemperance and various species of disorder? To pass by such places and not censure them is to sanction them.

You will suffer yourselves, in this place to be detained for a moment, by some remarks on the excessive use of spirituous liquors—an alarming, and, in some places, it is to be feared a growing evil; and that which needs the correction of executive authority. A great part of what is consumed is, in particular instances, worse than thrown away. Through the frantic influence of these spirits, rational beings are transformed into furies,–the peace of society is broken, and many crimes are wantonly committed. To procure this liquid poison, families of the poor are deprived of their necessary food and clothing; and not a season passes, in which many victims of intemperance are not registered in the bills of mortality. The excessive use is indeed confined to comparatively few, and therefore it is less impracticable to prevent it. There is no necessity of suffering individuals to consume, annually, from 50 to 70, and perhaps an hundred gallons of ardent spirits. Let the civil officer appointed to take cognizance of this, as well as of other crimes,–when he attends one and another of these wretched victims to their graves, lay his hand upon his heart, and be able to declare, as in the solemn presence of God, “I have done my duty,–I am free from the blood of this man.” Let retailers of spirits, and keepers of public houses be able, also, to make the same declaration.

FURTHER—among the things favourable to morals may be reckoned industry.

PERSONS engaged in some reputable, industrious calling, endeavouring to “provide things honest in the sight of all men,” are found, more usually than the idle, to be friends of morality and order. They have property to be protected. They wish for that security which is attached to union in society where all are engaged in seeking the public good.

A STATE of idleness, on the contrary, exposes to many temptations. It tends to extravagant expense—to poverty—to discontent—to envying others, and coveting their possessions—and, in many instances, to that turbulent conduct which endangers the public welfare.

The view, which has now been taken of the opposite tendencies of morality and vice, is thought sufficient to furnish decisive evidence of the importance of the former, as a means of union in society.

The inference is obvious. A wise republic will guard the morals of her citizens with the most assiduous care. No labour or expense, requisite to guard these, will be deemed too great, no watchfulness too strict; fully convinced, that to neglect or abandon them is to give up the public happiness, and to render insecure every valuable blessing of social life. She will take heed, also, that the same sentiment does feelingly and practically evade every branch of her government.

Apprized of the almost unbounded influence of the examples and sentiments of men in public stations, she will watch over her elections with a jealous eye, and guard against bribery, corruption and intrigue with persevering zeal. Knowing that the progress of degeneracy among a people, once virtuous, is commonly gradual, proceeding from small beginnings at first; she will “look diligently, lest any root of bitterness, springing up,” spread its malignant influence, till “many be defiled” With her, it will be a first principle, sealed with her seal, a principle which no man, on any pretence, may reverse; that all those who are elevated to public and important stations must be men of sound, approved virtue.

It becomes important to ascertain, as was proposed,

(2.) The nature of that virtue which will effectually produce and preserve morals.

It is here desirable to obtain a true description comprising the whole of virtue, in principle as well as practice. To neglect this, in the consideration of the present subject, would occasion a material defect. It is also desirable and necessary to find, if possible, a system of religion, which not only speaks of morals; but effectually influences mankind to practice them. Where then is this to be found? Shall we go to the heathen moralists? They have, indeed, written many valuable truths relating to virtue and morals; but they have failed in essential things: they cannot furnish what is now sought. Shall we repair to the modern infidel philosophy? The world has already tried enough of the bitter fruits of this philosophy to ascertain the nature of the tree. The wretched situation of those nations, who have “experimented” on the principles of this philosophy, forbids us to adopt it. Turn your eyes to these nations. The principles of Voltaire preceded the destruction and misery in which they are now involved. “Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this world?” Do they experience, in the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom and happiness, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity?” Far from it. “Destruction and death can only say, we have heard the same thereof with our ears.” That Being who alone possesses infinite benevolence and unerring wisdom has put into our hands “a sure word,” comprising a complete and perfect system of moral virtue,–including everything that is now sought—and accompanied with “promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.”

As it has been much disputed by some whether it is of advantage to civil government to patronize the Christian religion; the subject under consideration authorizes me to state some of the first principles of this religion, that it may be seen how far they comport with the justifiable objects of a civil community.

The existence and perfections of God are at the foundation of all true virtue. Begin, then, with the character of the Deity. This religion reveals to us a Deity rendered glorious and perfect by such attributes as commend themselves to every enlightened conscience. Infinitely just, holy, wise, powerful, merciful and faithful, he is necessarily the unchangeable friend of virtue, and the determinate enemy of vice.

It is, surely desirable to know the original cause of the vices and distresses of the nations. The sacred scriptures point it out. It is the apostacy of our race from God.

In the same scriptures, a law of moral virtue is stated to us, which, in its strictness and purity, resembles God. Holy, just, and good, it leaves not to every man to say what is virtue and what is vice, but both, as will presently appear, are truly and accurately defined.

No vicious propensities are fostered by this law or palliated. The pride of no person whatever, high or low, is flattered with any prospect, that it will or can be abated, in the least, on his behalf. But, a way is revealed in which God can be just and yet justify the penitent and reformed sinner, thro’ faith in Jesus Christ the son of the Highest who, by becoming a sin offering, has magnified the law and made it honourable. Thus, the divine law is supported, and moral virtue secured.

Not only does this religion shew to man the origin and nature of his moral disorder, but, different from all other religions, it makes effectual provisions for his cure, in a radical and total change of heart. In this change, “a new creature” is formed, by the power of the Holy Ghost, and a thorough, permanent principle of moral virtue is given. Men are “created unto good works,”—formed to act with fidelity in every situation of life.

This religion having thus formed men for moral virtue, proceeds to furnish them with instructions relative to duty in every condition of life. The law of God is continually placed before them, for their study and practice. A summary of it is given in these words, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength:–and—Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self.” This is true virtue. A transgression of this law is sin,–is vice.

This summary, so far as is necessary, is traced out into its several branches. The disciple of Christ is taught to “deny ungodliness and worldly lusts; and to live soberly, righteously, and godly:” soberly, as it respects personal duty, exercising temperance, modesty and humility;–righteously, in his intercourse with his neighbour, “doing to others as he would that they should do to him;”—and godly in his treatment of the Deity, honoring him in all his institutions, and having a supreme regard to his glory in every transaction of life.

The religion of the Bible commands the public worship of the Deity. It enjoins the observation of the Sabbath, and, on this holy day, it forms a public school of moral virtue. While men stand in the holy presence of their Creator, a sense of his attributes is awakened,–they are reminded that they must be like him,–that they must “love one another, and live in peace.”

Men are taught, by this religion, their duty, in all their relative stations. The ruler finds his duty pointed out,–the subject finds his. The ruler is taught that he is to be a “minister of God,”—sent by him to be a “terror to evil doers and a praise of them who do well.” The subject is taught “to obey magistrates, and to submit to every ordinance of their appointment for the Lord’s sake.” If the citizen be favoured with the privilege of electing his rulers, the characters to be chosen are plainly pointed out to him. They are to be “just men, men of truth, haters of covetousness, fearers of God.” In the important transaction of choosing a ruler, the person cannot disregard the “oath of God” and be guiltless; for, even in the common concerns of life, he is not to abandon religious principle, but “whatever he does, is all to be done to the glory of God.”

Masters and servants—husbands and wives—parents and children—all find appropriate directions, relative to the duties of their respective stations. Every vice is condemned. Every social virtue is enjoined.

The religion communicated in the sacred scriptures having taught men that in this life they form their characters, and fix their destination for eternity, places before them the eternal retributions. Nothing can be so dreadful as the punishments that will assuredly be inflicted upon the vicious,–nothing so glorious as the rewards that will be bestowed upon the virtuous. They both infinitely exceed all that human laws can pretend to. The laws of Christ extend to every motive of action. They take cognizance of crimes which neither the law nor the eye of man can reach. They enjoin many acts of kindness and humanity which are not to be known till “the resurrection of the just.” They follow the workers of iniquity into every place of darkness where they may attempt to screen themselves from human view; assuring them that they are “naked and opened” to the penetrating eye of an almighty avenger, always present, always noticing their conduct for the purpose of a future judgment,–thus “placing by the side” of every crime an adequate and certain punishment.

To the consciences, and not to the passions of my audience is the appeal now made. Cannot this religion be of service to civil government?—In the consequence of every intelligent hearer, the answer is ready,–and it is the same.

Let it be added, that the period is advancing when there shall be the fullest display of the salutary influence of this holy religion upon civil government. “The kingdoms of this world shall become the kingdoms of the Lord and of his Christ: for the mouth of the Lord of hosts hath spoken it.”

Previous to this period, there are to be dreadful desolations in the earth; men having, by their great wickedness, become ripe for the execution of divine vengeance. These desolations are signified to us in scripture by the representation of “an angel standing in the sun, crying with a loud voice, and saying to all the fowls that fly in the midst of heaven, Come and gather yourselves together unto the supper of the great God; that ye may eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of captains, and the flesh of mighty men, and the flesh of horses, and of them that sit on them, and the flesh of all men both free and bond, both small and great.”

If the time referred to in this representation be now commenced, the next important event will be the binding of Satan, and the ushering in of the millennial day.

“Behold, I come as a thief,” saith the glorious judge. A careless, unbelieving world will not know his judgments, nor consider the operation of his hand, in the passing events.

Blessed are those servants, of all descriptions, who watch, and are found, of their Lord, faithfully performing the duties of their respective stations.

Civil Rulers, exalted in the providence of God to decree and administer justice, will feel themselves addressed by the subject. While they bestow due praise upon those who do well, they will be a terror to evil works.

Duly impressed, also, with a sense of their obligations to the most High, they will adorn their honourable stations by “adorning the doctrine of God their Saviour.”

The Lord commanded the ruler of his people to pay great attention to the divine law. “It shall be with him,” saith the command, “and he shall read therein all the days of his life; that he may learn to fear the Lord his God; that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren; and that he turn not aside from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left.”

The same general reasons for cultivating an intimate acquaintance with the word of God must ever exist. The commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening the eyes.”

“God is not a respecter of persons,” but of moral character. May the honoured and respected rulers of this state, ever be influenced by the most High, to honour him, and become blessings to his people, by maintaining a religious, firm, upright deportment. “Them that honour me I will honour,” saith the Lord.

Ministers of the gospel are reminded, by the subject under consideration, of the duties, which they, in their proper spheres, are required to perform to God, to their country, and to the souls of men.

When we engaged in the sacred office, my brethren, though we did not give up our rights as citizens, yet the chief employment assigned to us was to promote virtue, and bear testimony against sin. We are to beseech men, in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God. We are also to bear testimony against sin. When the voice of every friend of God, and of mankind ought to be lifted up against the vices that destroy the peace of society and the souls of men, let us not keep undue silence.

It is our acknowledged duty also, continually to intercede with the Most High for our common country, and for the churches of the Saviour, that he would “spare his people and not give his heritage to reproach.”

If we may be the happy instruments of promoting that love to God and man, and that pure morality which the gospel of our Lord and Saviour enjoins, we shall do an essential service, not only to the souls of men, but also to our country.

The chief design of the gospel is to fit men for the eternal enjoyment of God in heaven. And, in doing this, it necessarily enforces those principles and that conduct in the present life, which cannot fail to produce the most benign effect on civil society. The great duty of love or charity which the gospel enjoins is the strongest bond of union in society of any that can be named. Short is the period of duty in the present world. The recent and numerous deaths 2 of our brethren in the ministry remind us that “the time is short.” Let us “give all diligence in making full proof of our ministry. There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave.”

The Freemen of the State have also a real and important interest in considering and understanding the subject suggested by the text. God has entrusted with you, fellow-citizens, the protection of your rights and privileges. Be thankful to him for the favour. Let no flattery entice, nor the gratification of any sordid passion allure you to part with the sacred deposite. Rising superior to every partial and degrading motive, and looking steadily at the common good, labour to strengthen the bonds of that “unity,” which causes it to be “good and pleasant for brethren to dwell together.” Virtuous principle is the basis of your government and must be the pledge of your security.

God, through the influence of his religion, has blessed your native state with a very high degree of prosperity, for more than a century and a half. Is not this a sufficient proof of the excellency of the plan on which the settlement was formed? “Consider the years of many generations: ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee.”

It is not a vain thing to preserve your institutions,–“it is your life.”

“I beseech you in Christ’s stead, Be ye reconciled to God.” Bring up your children for him. Let their minds be enriched with knowledge, and their hearts with the love of their Creator. Labour to secure, for yourselves and for them, the protection of the Almighty; and you need not fear. Your enemies, however numerous, shall not overwhelm you; if the Lord do not deliver you over into their hands.

From the very beginning of the settlement of this state, to the present day, Jehovah has been acknowledged by the people, and by the government, as their “strength, their refuge, their deliverer, and the horn of their salvation.” Still do both appear openly on the side of Christ, and publicly patronize his cause.

This anniversary reminds us all of our obligations to praise and bless the God of our fathers, who “sheweth mercy unto the thousandth generation, of them that fear him and keep his commandments.”

Appearing, this day, as his messenger, in the revered and beloved assembly of the Governors, the Counselors, the Representatives and the Judges of this free and happy republic; and uniting in my wishes with my brethren the ministers of the Saviour; I close, in conformity to the tenor of this discourse, by “putting the name” of Jehovah, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, upon this assembly, as including the sum of all blessings.

“The LORD bless thee and keep thee: The LORD make his face to shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee: The LORD lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace.”

AMEN.

 


Endnotes


Amos Bassett (1764-1828) graduated from Yale in 1784. He was pastor of a church in Hebron, CT (1794-1824) and in Monroe, CT (1824-1828). This election sermon was preached by Rev. Bassett in Hartford, CT on May 14, 1807.


ADVANTAGES AND MEANS OF UNION
IN SOCIETY.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

IN

HARTFORD,

May 14th, 1807.

BY AMOS BASSETT, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Hebron.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1807.

ORDERED, That the Honorable Henry Champion and Mr. Asaph Trumbull, present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend AMOS BASSETT, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the 14th day of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM CXXXIII. 1.

Behold how good and how pleasant it is, for
brethren to dwell together in unity!

THIS Psalm, it is thought, was composed and sung on occasion of the reunion of the twelve tribes of Israel after a distressing civil war of eight years. However this may be, it is probable that the inspired author of the pleasing and excellent sentiments contained in it, had on some occasions witnessed the numerous blessings arising from union in society. He had also, without doubt, had frequent opportunities invites them to “behold how good and how pleasant it is, for brethren to dwell together in unity.”

Though the term brethren, in its primary import, is applied to descendants of the same parents; yet, it is also used in the sacred scriptures, and in the general language of mankind, with some variety of signification. While the scriptures treat those as brethren, in the most exalted sense, who, in addition to other bonds of union, possess the holy image of the living God, they call those, also, in a more general sense, brethren, who, from their local situation, ought to consider themselves connected together for mutual benefit, and ought to aim for the promotion of the common good. 1 Of the last description are the members of a neighbourhood—a town—a state—and, indeed, of every civil community however extensive.

Of brethren of every description, and probably there are brethren of all the above descriptions present, it may truly be said, that it is “good and pleasant for them to dwell together in unity.” The favour of your candid attention is therefore requested, while an attempt is made to point out, with special reference to a civil community,

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

II. Means for promoting this union.

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

The union, now contemplated, is very different from a selfish combination of partisans. Such a combination contains the seeds of dissolution within itself. Drawn together at first by self interest and self gratification men may unite for a season. But such cannot, they will not long “dwell together in unity.” The basis of their union is essentially defective. The more they know of each other, the more their mutual jealousy will increase. The same unjustifiable motives that drew them together at first will invariably produce discords and contentions: and wretched is that society which must sustain the conflict.

Nor will this discourse contemplate that union, if anyone choose to call by this name, a mere quiet, enforced by the arm of a despot, who is subject to no law—controlled by no principle of virtue.

What is now advocated is the union of a free people in unfeigned regard for the public good—in benevolent, virtuous affection for each other—and in harmony of sentiment relative to the leading measures which are to direct their public concerns. Where the two first properties of a salutary union prevail, the last will be attained without great difficulty. Erroneous information will not be designedly given. Confidence may be placed in the opinions of the ablest members; and the disinterested, candid and diligent enquirer will be able to ascertain, to a sufficient degree, the men whose superior merit entitles them to promotion.

The advantages to be derived from such an union among brethren are numerous. The first that will be mentioned is peace—peace in society, resulting from the prevalence of pure principles, and from an universal attachment to them. This is among the richest blessings of divine providence. The benevolent Creator, in the promise of good things to be enjoyed in the present life, includes peace, as being one of his greatest favours. Yea, it is one of the blessings which constitute the perfect state of enjoyment in the heavenly world.

Another advantage of this union is strength. The union of a people, in real regard for the common good, powerfully braces and strengthens the public arm. Society can now avail herself of the united talents of her most able and respectable members. Her union presents also a firm and stable bulwark against violence from abroad—a far better defence than artificial mounds and ramparts erected without her walls, while the community within is confused with discord, and distracted with party divisions, frequently more opposed to each other than even to a common enemy. Infinite wisdom has declared “every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation, and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand.” The declaration of the destructive tendency of discord applies with peculiar force to a people enjoying a republican government. How many miserable examples of the truth of this declaration have even our own times produced! They fell—they were brought to desolation, and their enemies divided the spoil; because they were disunited, and of course destitute of strength. Behold, and consider them well: look upon them, and receive instruction.

Again—while “brethren by dwelling together in unity” are thus rendered powerful, another advantage is gained in a consciousness of security, both public and private. This consciousness of security attaches a value of great importance to all their possessions and to all their enjoyments. They tremble not with apprehensions of falling a prey to foreign enemies. Neighbours also, dwell securely by the side of each other.

How much does it abate, and oftentimes, how entirely does it destroy the enjoyment of blessings, to consider that they are entirely insecure from the violence of man? The enjoyment in such a case, is like that of the person mentioned in history, attempting to regale himself at a rich entertainment; but beholding at the same time a sword suspended over his head by a single hair. Need much be said to a considerate people upon this subject?

Who, in surveying and forming an estimate of the blessings with which he is surrounded, would not find his pleasure unspeakably abated did he know that his enjoyment of them was suspended upon the uncertain events of changes and revolutions,–upon the mercy of some foreign tyrant,–or upon the capricious humours and frenzy of irritated partisans. To-day he is surrounded with the dearest friends, and favoured with a tranquil enjoyment of his possessions. To-morrow he is doomed, perhaps, to behold those friends bleeding around him, and those possessions falling a prey to lawless invaders.

Happy is that people, who, “in union, dwell together,” and in security enjoy their liberties and their privileges. Happier still, when favoured by heaven with wisdom to prize, and resolution to preserve them.

Again—in a union thus constituted the pleasures of friendly intercourse are enjoyed in the highest degree. Each one is made happy by beholding the happiness of his neighbour and of the public. Where friendship is cordial and benevolence sincere, the prosperity of a neighbour can be beheld, not only without envy, but with delight. The eye of the beholder will not be evil because divine providence has been good.—nor because the favours of God have been distributed, in that proportion which seemed best to infinite wisdom.

Where even two or three are thus cordially united, in benevolent affection, the pleasure is great. The happiness is increased in proportion as the subjects of this union become numerous. Extend, then, this union, to neighbourhoods, to towns, to a whole community. Contemplate them,–all in harmony—all seeking the public good—all observing the duties of their respective stations—all engaged in offices of mutual kindness, wishing well to each other, counseling, warning, assisting and instructing each other in love. Notice their mutual civilities, their unsuspecting confidence, their numerous charities;–each person taking pleasure in the happiness of others, and endeavouring to his utmost to promote it.

If the mind be truly benevolent, the sight must be highly grateful: and while the heart of the observer expands with sensations of the sincerest joy, he adopts, as his own, the excellent sentiments of this psalm; “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity. It is like the precious ointment,”—(made in those days of the most rich and costly materials)—“like the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon the beard, even Aaron’s beard; that went down to the skirts of his garments;” not only refreshing and delighting with its fragrance, the whole assembly that were present; but perfuming the names of the twelve tribes, written upon the garment of Aaron; and representing thereby the advantages that might be derived to the whole nation, from that “unity” which true virtue produces. It is “as the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion.” How different is the origin of this from the origin of discord. This, like the dew, descendeth from heaven. Discord cometh up from beneath, accompanied with hatred, envy, and bitter revenge,–unhallowed, malignant passions, that mingle a portion of gall with the most valuable ingredients of our happiness.

The benefits attached to society are lost, and its enjoyments destroyed, in proportion to the prevalence of the malignant passions. “A fire devoureth before them, and behind them a flame burneth: the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.”

The peaceful and cordial friend of his fellow creatures, deprived now, of the sweet enjoyments which before had rendered society so desirable, and pained to behold the sufferings and wretchedness of those around him, will feelingly adopt the words of the Psalmist, on an occasion very opposite to that which produced the text: “I mourn in my complaint, because of the voice of the enemy, because of the oppression of the wicked. My heart is sore pained within me. Fearfulness and trembling are come upon me, and horror hath overwhelmed me. And I said, O that I had wings like a dove! For then would I flee away and be at rest; I would hasten my escape from the windy storm and tempest.”

The virtuous and upright union of brethren cometh down from heaven. Like the dew that distilled on Hermon and on the mountains of Zion, it is gentle, sweet, and mild in its influence. And, as the dew is most refreshing and fruitful in its effects, causing the earth to “yield her increase, and the bud of the tender herb to spring forth;” so, the seeds of public happiness shall abundantly spring up,–flourish—and issue in a joyful harvest; where “brethren dwell together in unity.” Instead of the thorn, shall come up the fir tree, and instead of the brier, shall come up the myrtle tree; and the happy inhabitants “shall go out with joy and be led forth with peace.”

To cultivate such an union by all proper means, must, surely, be an object worthy the attention of every wise people, and especially of that people who are favoured with a free government. Let the attention, therefore, of the good citizen, be directed,

II. To means for promoting this union.

And here two means present themselves, as being of primary importance, information and virtue.

1. Correct and liberal information is highly to be prized. Great pains ought to be taken to diffuse this, as far as is practicable, among the body of the people; for it deservedly claims a high regard in the public patronage. At the same time it ought not to be forgotten, that, without the prevalence of virtuous principle, the union of a free people cannot be preserved by mere information, however extensive. It is indeed a very valuable price put into the hand of man; but it may and will be abused by a corrupt heart. Extensive knowledge and great abilities, without virtue,–without principle—are dangerous in the extreme. The truth is suggested as necessary to be kept in view in all arrangements made for education; not as an objection against promoting and diffusing knowledge as far as is practicable. The only valid objection is against the abuse. Information is dangerous in the hands of the vicious only. Place it in the hands of a free and virtuous people, and it becomes of immense advantage to them. Hereby they are assisted to understand their privileges—to set a just value upon them—judiciously to defend them—to distinguish between what will contribute to preserve, and what will tend to destroy them—and to have a correct discernment of characters qualified to be their rulers.

Let information, then, be extended to every class of the community, by all proper means, and especially by the institution of schools and seminaries of learning, and let them receive the liberal patronage of government.

And further, as it is of indispensable importance that information be connected with virtue, and as youth are almost the only persons who are members of these institutions, it becomes peculiarly necessary that the instructors who are to superintend them be cautiously chosen. Our children are our hope and our joy. Whoever is engaged in corrupting their minds is doing them and us an injury which he can never repair. A person of vicious conduct, and who is zealously engaged in disseminating principles which tend to vice, is clearly disqualified to be a teacher of youth, whatever may be his learning.

Many are the unhappy dupes of vicious artifice, even among those who are arrived at manhood. Much more are youth liable to imposition. It is not difficult for an artful man to take advantage of their inexperienced years—to avail himself of the prevalence of passion in that early period of life—and, instead of giving them just ideas of what is practicable, and consistent with the being of well ordered society, to bloat them with pride, and excite in them an extravagant ambition. It is not difficult, by fostering their irregular propensities, to fill them with an impatience of control, to persuade them to despise the restrictions of moral virtue, and to engage them in a warfare against every wholesome and necessary restraint.

But, to do thus, is to train up a generation for slavery here, and perdition hereafter. Should our youth become thoroughly and generally abandoned,–should the gratification of vicious propensities become their supreme object—what can be expected from them in manhood? Will they hesitate to sell themselves and the liberties of their country for their favourite indulgences? No. The spirit of a people abandoned to vice is the spirit of slaves. While, as individuals, they are tyrannical to those who are under them, they can easily cringe and fawn around a despot without any material change of feeling.

Is a government attempting to promote the public union and happiness by means of schools and colleges? Let them not destroy with one hand what they attempt to build up with the other.

To improve the minds of your children by correct and useful information, is to do them an immense favour; but to confirm them in principles of virtue, is to do them a favour unspeakably greater: unite them both, and you bequeath to them the richest inheritance. When you are about to depart from the state of action, and to be gathered to your fathers, you may bid them adieu, with the pleasing prospect that they will be free and happy.

2. In every advance that is made in illustrating the subject under consideration, the essential importance of virtue becomes more and more evident.

The past and present experience of mankind authorizes the declaration, that virtue, including that morality which is the fruit of it, is the only sure and permanent bond of public union. Banish this from a people, and the blessings of union and freedom depart with it. It is impossible that the tranquility of a vicious people should be preserved long, except by means which will destroy their liberty.

Are any disposed to call this in question? They are requested, candidly to compare the nature and effects, both of virtue and vice, with the valuable objects of a free government. Are they still unsatisfied, and, at the same time, free from a criminal bias upon their minds? Let them next repair to history, sacred and profane, and they must be effectually convinced, that vice is the reproach and ruin of a people—that it alienates their affections from the public good—and tends to discord with all its train of miseries.

Virtue—living, operative virtue, which always includes pure morals, has such a decided influence in promoting “unity among brethren,” that it merits a further and more particular consideration.

A view will now be taken,–first, of the influence of morals,–secondly, of the nature of that virtue which will produce and preserve them.

(1.) Of the influence of morals. A practical view is now designed, which will be contrasted with a view of the tendency of their opposite vices.

Upon every good citizen, a conviction of the importance of morals to the welfare of his country, as well as motives of a higher consideration, will have a practical influence. In all his intercourse with society, he will maintain truth and integrity. He will take heed that he offend not against truth or justice with his tongue. This member, under the influence of an envious and malicious heart, frequently becomes “a fire, a world of iniquity. It setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell. It is an unruly evil, full of deadly poison. Behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth.” By malicious falsehoods, the nearest friends are often set at variance, and the most peaceable neighbourhoods are distracted with contentions. Envy and strife are excited: and “where envy and strife are, there is confusion and every evil work.” The fairest character cannot escape, and the most undeviating rectitude cannot shield the citizen, when envy and ambition aim their darts at him secretly.

In all the dealings of men with each other—in the transaction of every kind of business, let the same regard to truth and integrity be maintained. Thus, neighbours may “dwell together in unity.” Peaceful and secure, they will put confidence in the declarations and engagements of each other.

As in private intercourse, so, especially, in public communications, a sacred regard ought ever to be had to integrity. That man who has the public good at heart, will see, that all his communications are founded on truth. The means will be consistent with the motive. To practice deceit, by design, in information professedly given to the public, is to embarrass the public mind; and, so far, to deprive a people of the means of their security. Such conduct may proceed from a variety of motives; but it can never be dictated by a regard to the common welfare. It is an insult offered to the public, which deserves to be reprobated by every upright man.

Further—The true patriot, who wishes to preserve purity of morals, and, by means of them, to share in the union and happiness of a free people, ought carefully to guard against party spirit. Party spirit and discord are plainly the same; and whoever imbibes and indulges this spirit subjects himself to many dangerous temptations. This spirit never fails to injure the morals of a people. Passions of the most dangerous kind obtain the ascendency over reason, and the moral sense is gradually weakened;–the moral sense—which ought ever to be feelingly alive to the essential difference between virtue and vice. Destroy this, and you reduce the public body to a wretched mass of corruption. No longer will such a people experience, under a free government, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.” They cannot dwell together at all, without some government; and for forlorn expedient must now be a despotism. There are but two ways in which order is preserved among mankind, when they “dwell together.” The one is principle—the other is force. In proportion as the former prevails, the latter becomes unnecessary. Extinguish the former, and the latter must be applied in the fullest degree.

FURTHER—A temperate, yet faithful execution of the laws enacted for the suppression of vice and the preservation of order, is of great importance as a guard to the morals of a people. The best regulated society is liable to be disturbed by individuals who have not moral principle to restrain them from crimes injurious to themselves, destructive to moral and civil order, and, of course, subversive of the public union, peace and security. Law and government therefore become indispensably necessary. They are ordained by that Being who is perfectly acquainted with the state and dangers of our race. He has pointed out the objects of them,–and also, those qualifications which he requires civil officers to possess. Such officers, if they are faithful to God and man, will see that the laws are executed for the suppression of vice. The “oath of God is upon them;” they will endeavour to be “ministers of God for good” to society.

WHAT, then, shall be thought of the fidelity of civil officers, in places where Sabbath-breaking and riotous collections are publicly known, and yet meet with no legal censure? What of their fidelity, who by improper forbearance, give countenance to places employed as retreats for intemperance and various species of disorder? To pass by such places and not censure them is to sanction them.

You will suffer yourselves, in this place to be detained for a moment, by some remarks on the excessive use of spirituous liquors—an alarming, and, in some places, it is to be feared a growing evil; and that which needs the correction of executive authority. A great part of what is consumed is, in particular instances, worse than thrown away. Through the frantic influence of these spirits, rational beings are transformed into furies,–the peace of society is broken, and many crimes are wantonly committed. To procure this liquid poison, families of the poor are deprived of their necessary food and clothing; and not a season passes, in which many victims of intemperance are not registered in the bills of mortality. The excessive use is indeed confined to comparatively few, and therefore it is less impracticable to prevent it. There is no necessity of suffering individuals to consume, annually, from 50 to 70, and perhaps an hundred gallons of ardent spirits. Let the civil officer appointed to take cognizance of this, as well as of other crimes,–when he attends one and another of these wretched victims to their graves, lay his hand upon his heart, and be able to declare, as in the solemn presence of God, “I have done my duty,–I am free from the blood of this man.” Let retailers of spirits, and keepers of public houses be able, also, to make the same declaration.

FURTHER—among the things favourable to morals may be reckoned industry.

PERSONS engaged in some reputable, industrious calling, endeavouring to “provide things honest in the sight of all men,” are found, more usually than the idle, to be friends of morality and order. They have property to be protected. They wish for that security which is attached to union in society where all are engaged in seeking the public good.

A STATE of idleness, on the contrary, exposes to many temptations. It tends to extravagant expense—to poverty—to discontent—to envying others, and coveting their possessions—and, in many instances, to that turbulent conduct which endangers the public welfare.

The view, which has now been taken of the opposite tendencies of morality and vice, is thought sufficient to furnish decisive evidence of the importance of the former, as a means of union in society.

The inference is obvious. A wise republic will guard the morals of her citizens with the most assiduous care. No labour or expense, requisite to guard these, will be deemed too great, no watchfulness too strict; fully convinced, that to neglect or abandon them is to give up the public happiness, and to render insecure every valuable blessing of social life. She will take heed, also, that the same sentiment does feelingly and practically evade every branch of her government.

Apprized of the almost unbounded influence of the examples and sentiments of men in public stations, she will watch over her elections with a jealous eye, and guard against bribery, corruption and intrigue with persevering zeal. Knowing that the progress of degeneracy among a people, once virtuous, is commonly gradual, proceeding from small beginnings at first; she will “look diligently, lest any root of bitterness, springing up,” spread its malignant influence, till “many be defiled” With her, it will be a first principle, sealed with her seal, a principle which no man, on any pretence, may reverse; that all those who are elevated to public and important stations must be men of sound, approved virtue.

It becomes important to ascertain, as was proposed,

(2.) The nature of that virtue which will effectually produce and preserve morals.

It is here desirable to obtain a true description comprising the whole of virtue, in principle as well as practice. To neglect this, in the consideration of the present subject, would occasion a material defect. It is also desirable and necessary to find, if possible, a system of religion, which not only speaks of morals; but effectually influences mankind to practice them. Where then is this to be found? Shall we go to the heathen moralists? They have, indeed, written many valuable truths relating to virtue and morals; but they have failed in essential things: they cannot furnish what is now sought. Shall we repair to the modern infidel philosophy? The world has already tried enough of the bitter fruits of this philosophy to ascertain the nature of the tree. The wretched situation of those nations, who have “experimented” on the principles of this philosophy, forbids us to adopt it. Turn your eyes to these nations. The principles of Voltaire preceded the destruction and misery in which they are now involved. “Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this world?” Do they experience, in the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom and happiness, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity?” Far from it. “Destruction and death can only say, we have heard the same thereof with our ears.” That Being who alone possesses infinite benevolence and unerring wisdom has put into our hands “a sure word,” comprising a complete and perfect system of moral virtue,–including everything that is now sought—and accompanied with “promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.”

As it has been much disputed by some whether it is of advantage to civil government to patronize the Christian religion; the subject under consideration authorizes me to state some of the first principles of this religion, that it may be seen how far they comport with the justifiable objects of a civil community.

The existence and perfections of God are at the foundation of all true virtue. Begin, then, with the character of the Deity. This religion reveals to us a Deity rendered glorious and perfect by such attributes as commend themselves to every enlightened conscience. Infinitely just, holy, wise, powerful, merciful and faithful, he is necessarily the unchangeable friend of virtue, and the determinate enemy of vice.

It is, surely desirable to know the original cause of the vices and distresses of the nations. The sacred scriptures point it out. It is the apostacy of our race from God.

In the same scriptures, a law of moral virtue is stated to us, which, in its strictness and purity, resembles God. Holy, just, and good, it leaves not to every man to say what is virtue and what is vice, but both, as will presently appear, are truly and accurately defined.

No vicious propensities are fostered by this law or palliated. The pride of no person whatever, high or low, is flattered with any prospect, that it will or can be abated, in the least, on his behalf. But, a way is revealed in which God can be just and yet justify the penitent and reformed sinner, thro’ faith in Jesus Christ the son of the Highest who, by becoming a sin offering, has magnified the law and made it honourable. Thus, the divine law is supported, and moral virtue secured.

Not only does this religion shew to man the origin and nature of his moral disorder, but, different from all other religions, it makes effectual provisions for his cure, in a radical and total change of heart. In this change, “a new creature” is formed, by the power of the Holy Ghost, and a thorough, permanent principle of moral virtue is given. Men are “created unto good works,”—formed to act with fidelity in every situation of life.

This religion having thus formed men for moral virtue, proceeds to furnish them with instructions relative to duty in every condition of life. The law of God is continually placed before them, for their study and practice. A summary of it is given in these words, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength:–and—Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self.” This is true virtue. A transgression of this law is sin,–is vice.

This summary, so far as is necessary, is traced out into its several branches. The disciple of Christ is taught to “deny ungodliness and worldly lusts; and to live soberly, righteously, and godly:” soberly, as it respects personal duty, exercising temperance, modesty and humility;–righteously, in his intercourse with his neighbour, “doing to others as he would that they should do to him;”—and godly in his treatment of the Deity, honoring him in all his institutions, and having a supreme regard to his glory in every transaction of life.

The religion of the Bible commands the public worship of the Deity. It enjoins the observation of the Sabbath, and, on this holy day, it forms a public school of moral virtue. While men stand in the holy presence of their Creator, a sense of his attributes is awakened,–they are reminded that they must be like him,–that they must “love one another, and live in peace.”

Men are taught, by this religion, their duty, in all their relative stations. The ruler finds his duty pointed out,–the subject finds his. The ruler is taught that he is to be a “minister of God,”—sent by him to be a “terror to evil doers and a praise of them who do well.” The subject is taught “to obey magistrates, and to submit to every ordinance of their appointment for the Lord’s sake.” If the citizen be favoured with the privilege of electing his rulers, the characters to be chosen are plainly pointed out to him. They are to be “just men, men of truth, haters of covetousness, fearers of God.” In the important transaction of choosing a ruler, the person cannot disregard the “oath of God” and be guiltless; for, even in the common concerns of life, he is not to abandon religious principle, but “whatever he does, is all to be done to the glory of God.”

Masters and servants—husbands and wives—parents and children—all find appropriate directions, relative to the duties of their respective stations. Every vice is condemned. Every social virtue is enjoined.

The religion communicated in the sacred scriptures having taught men that in this life they form their characters, and fix their destination for eternity, places before them the eternal retributions. Nothing can be so dreadful as the punishments that will assuredly be inflicted upon the vicious,–nothing so glorious as the rewards that will be bestowed upon the virtuous. They both infinitely exceed all that human laws can pretend to. The laws of Christ extend to every motive of action. They take cognizance of crimes which neither the law nor the eye of man can reach. They enjoin many acts of kindness and humanity which are not to be known till “the resurrection of the just.” They follow the workers of iniquity into every place of darkness where they may attempt to screen themselves from human view; assuring them that they are “naked and opened” to the penetrating eye of an almighty avenger, always present, always noticing their conduct for the purpose of a future judgment,–thus “placing by the side” of every crime an adequate and certain punishment.

To the consciences, and not to the passions of my audience is the appeal now made. Cannot this religion be of service to civil government?—In the consequence of every intelligent hearer, the answer is ready,–and it is the same.

Let it be added, that the period is advancing when there shall be the fullest display of the salutary influence of this holy religion upon civil government. “The kingdoms of this world shall become the kingdoms of the Lord and of his Christ: for the mouth of the Lord of hosts hath spoken it.”

Previous to this period, there are to be dreadful desolations in the earth; men having, by their great wickedness, become ripe for the execution of divine vengeance. These desolations are signified to us in scripture by the representation of “an angel standing in the sun, crying with a loud voice, and saying to all the fowls that fly in the midst of heaven, Come and gather yourselves together unto the supper of the great God; that ye may eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of captains, and the flesh of mighty men, and the flesh of horses, and of them that sit on them, and the flesh of all men both free and bond, both small and great.”

If the time referred to in this representation be now commenced, the next important event will be the binding of Satan, and the ushering in of the millennial day.

“Behold, I come as a thief,” saith the glorious judge. A careless, unbelieving world will not know his judgments, nor consider the operation of his hand, in the passing events.

Blessed are those servants, of all descriptions, who watch, and are found, of their Lord, faithfully performing the duties of their respective stations.

Civil Rulers, exalted in the providence of God to decree and administer justice, will feel themselves addressed by the subject. While they bestow due praise upon those who do well, they will be a terror to evil works.

Duly impressed, also, with a sense of their obligations to the most High, they will adorn their honourable stations by “adorning the doctrine of God their Saviour.”

The Lord commanded the ruler of his people to pay great attention to the divine law. “It shall be with him,” saith the command, “and he shall read therein all the days of his life; that he may learn to fear the Lord his God; that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren; and that he turn not aside from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left.”

The same general reasons for cultivating an intimate acquaintance with the word of God must ever exist. The commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening the eyes.”

“God is not a respecter of persons,” but of moral character. May the honoured and respected rulers of this state, ever be influenced by the most High, to honour him, and become blessings to his people, by maintaining a religious, firm, upright deportment. “Them that honour me I will honour,” saith the Lord.

Ministers of the gospel are reminded, by the subject under consideration, of the duties, which they, in their proper spheres, are required to perform to God, to their country, and to the souls of men.

When we engaged in the sacred office, my brethren, though we did not give up our rights as citizens, yet the chief employment assigned to us was to promote virtue, and bear testimony against sin. We are to beseech men, in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God. We are also to bear testimony against sin. When the voice of every friend of God, and of mankind ought to be lifted up against the vices that destroy the peace of society and the souls of men, let us not keep undue silence.

It is our acknowledged duty also, continually to intercede with the Most High for our common country, and for the churches of the Saviour, that he would “spare his people and not give his heritage to reproach.”

If we may be the happy instruments of promoting that love to God and man, and that pure morality which the gospel of our Lord and Saviour enjoins, we shall do an essential service, not only to the souls of men, but also to our country.

The chief design of the gospel is to fit men for the eternal enjoyment of God in heaven. And, in doing this, it necessarily enforces those principles and that conduct in the present life, which cannot fail to produce the most benign effect on civil society. The great duty of love or charity which the gospel enjoins is the strongest bond of union in society of any that can be named. Short is the period of duty in the present world. The recent and numerous deaths 2 of our brethren in the ministry remind us that “the time is short.” Let us “give all diligence in making full proof of our ministry. There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave.”

The Freemen of the State have also a real and important interest in considering and understanding the subject suggested by the text. God has entrusted with you, fellow-citizens, the protection of your rights and privileges. Be thankful to him for the favour. Let no flattery entice, nor the gratification of any sordid passion allure you to part with the sacred deposite. Rising superior to every partial and degrading motive, and looking steadily at the common good, labour to strengthen the bonds of that “unity,” which causes it to be “good and pleasant for brethren to dwell together.” Virtuous principle is the basis of your government and must be the pledge of your security.

God, through the influence of his religion, has blessed your native state with a very high degree of prosperity, for more than a century and a half. Is not this a sufficient proof of the excellency of the plan on which the settlement was formed? “Consider the years of many generations: ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee.”

It is not a vain thing to preserve your institutions,–“it is your life.”

“I beseech you in Christ’s stead, Be ye reconciled to God.” Bring up your children for him. Let their minds be enriched with knowledge, and their hearts with the love of their Creator. Labour to secure, for yourselves and for them, the protection of the Almighty; and you need not fear. Your enemies, however numerous, shall not overwhelm you; if the Lord do not deliver you over into their hands.

From the very beginning of the settlement of this state, to the present day, Jehovah has been acknowledged by the people, and by the government, as their “strength, their refuge, their deliverer, and the horn of their salvation.” Still do both appear openly on the side of Christ, and publicly patronize his cause.

This anniversary reminds us all of our obligations to praise and bless the God of our fathers, who “sheweth mercy unto the thousandth generation, of them that fear him and keep his commandments.”

Appearing, this day, as his messenger, in the revered and beloved assembly of the Governors, the Counselors, the Representatives and the Judges of this free and happy republic; and uniting in my wishes with my brethren the ministers of the Saviour; I close, in conformity to the tenor of this discourse, by “putting the name” of Jehovah, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, upon this assembly, as including the sum of all blessings.

“The LORD bless thee and keep thee: The LORD make his face to shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee: The LORD lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace.”

AMEN.

 


Endnotes


Amos Bassett (1764-1828) graduated from Yale in 1784. He was pastor of a church in Hebron, CT (1794-1824) and in Monroe, CT (1824-1828). This election sermon was preached by Rev. Bassett in Hartford, CT on May 14, 1807.


ADVANTAGES AND MEANS OF UNION
IN SOCIETY.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

IN

HARTFORD,

May 14th, 1807.

BY AMOS BASSETT, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Hebron.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1807.

ORDERED, That the Honorable Henry Champion and Mr. Asaph Trumbull, present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend AMOS BASSETT, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the 14th day of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM CXXXIII. 1.

Behold how good and how pleasant it is, for
brethren to dwell together in unity!

THIS Psalm, it is thought, was composed and sung on occasion of the reunion of the twelve tribes of Israel after a distressing civil war of eight years. However this may be, it is probable that the inspired author of the pleasing and excellent sentiments contained in it, had on some occasions witnessed the numerous blessings arising from union in society. He had also, without doubt, had frequent opportunities invites them to “behold how good and how pleasant it is, for brethren to dwell together in unity.”

Though the term brethren, in its primary import, is applied to descendants of the same parents; yet, it is also used in the sacred scriptures, and in the general language of mankind, with some variety of signification. While the scriptures treat those as brethren, in the most exalted sense, who, in addition to other bonds of union, possess the holy image of the living God, they call those, also, in a more general sense, brethren, who, from their local situation, ought to consider themselves connected together for mutual benefit, and ought to aim for the promotion of the common good. 1 Of the last description are the members of a neighbourhood—a town—a state—and, indeed, of every civil community however extensive.

Of brethren of every description, and probably there are brethren of all the above descriptions present, it may truly be said, that it is “good and pleasant for them to dwell together in unity.” The favour of your candid attention is therefore requested, while an attempt is made to point out, with special reference to a civil community,

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

II. Means for promoting this union.

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

The union, now contemplated, is very different from a selfish combination of partisans. Such a combination contains the seeds of dissolution within itself. Drawn together at first by self interest and self gratification men may unite for a season. But such cannot, they will not long “dwell together in unity.” The basis of their union is essentially defective. The more they know of each other, the more their mutual jealousy will increase. The same unjustifiable motives that drew them together at first will invariably produce discords and contentions: and wretched is that society which must sustain the conflict.

Nor will this discourse contemplate that union, if anyone choose to call by this name, a mere quiet, enforced by the arm of a despot, who is subject to no law—controlled by no principle of virtue.

What is now advocated is the union of a free people in unfeigned regard for the public good—in benevolent, virtuous affection for each other—and in harmony of sentiment relative to the leading measures which are to direct their public concerns. Where the two first properties of a salutary union prevail, the last will be attained without great difficulty. Erroneous information will not be designedly given. Confidence may be placed in the opinions of the ablest members; and the disinterested, candid and diligent enquirer will be able to ascertain, to a sufficient degree, the men whose superior merit entitles them to promotion.

The advantages to be derived from such an union among brethren are numerous. The first that will be mentioned is peace—peace in society, resulting from the prevalence of pure principles, and from an universal attachment to them. This is among the richest blessings of divine providence. The benevolent Creator, in the promise of good things to be enjoyed in the present life, includes peace, as being one of his greatest favours. Yea, it is one of the blessings which constitute the perfect state of enjoyment in the heavenly world.

Another advantage of this union is strength. The union of a people, in real regard for the common good, powerfully braces and strengthens the public arm. Society can now avail herself of the united talents of her most able and respectable members. Her union presents also a firm and stable bulwark against violence from abroad—a far better defence than artificial mounds and ramparts erected without her walls, while the community within is confused with discord, and distracted with party divisions, frequently more opposed to each other than even to a common enemy. Infinite wisdom has declared “every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation, and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand.” The declaration of the destructive tendency of discord applies with peculiar force to a people enjoying a republican government. How many miserable examples of the truth of this declaration have even our own times produced! They fell—they were brought to desolation, and their enemies divided the spoil; because they were disunited, and of course destitute of strength. Behold, and consider them well: look upon them, and receive instruction.

Again—while “brethren by dwelling together in unity” are thus rendered powerful, another advantage is gained in a consciousness of security, both public and private. This consciousness of security attaches a value of great importance to all their possessions and to all their enjoyments. They tremble not with apprehensions of falling a prey to foreign enemies. Neighbours also, dwell securely by the side of each other.

How much does it abate, and oftentimes, how entirely does it destroy the enjoyment of blessings, to consider that they are entirely insecure from the violence of man? The enjoyment in such a case, is like that of the person mentioned in history, attempting to regale himself at a rich entertainment; but beholding at the same time a sword suspended over his head by a single hair. Need much be said to a considerate people upon this subject?

Who, in surveying and forming an estimate of the blessings with which he is surrounded, would not find his pleasure unspeakably abated did he know that his enjoyment of them was suspended upon the uncertain events of changes and revolutions,–upon the mercy of some foreign tyrant,–or upon the capricious humours and frenzy of irritated partisans. To-day he is surrounded with the dearest friends, and favoured with a tranquil enjoyment of his possessions. To-morrow he is doomed, perhaps, to behold those friends bleeding around him, and those possessions falling a prey to lawless invaders.

Happy is that people, who, “in union, dwell together,” and in security enjoy their liberties and their privileges. Happier still, when favoured by heaven with wisdom to prize, and resolution to preserve them.

Again—in a union thus constituted the pleasures of friendly intercourse are enjoyed in the highest degree. Each one is made happy by beholding the happiness of his neighbour and of the public. Where friendship is cordial and benevolence sincere, the prosperity of a neighbour can be beheld, not only without envy, but with delight. The eye of the beholder will not be evil because divine providence has been good.—nor because the favours of God have been distributed, in that proportion which seemed best to infinite wisdom.

Where even two or three are thus cordially united, in benevolent affection, the pleasure is great. The happiness is increased in proportion as the subjects of this union become numerous. Extend, then, this union, to neighbourhoods, to towns, to a whole community. Contemplate them,–all in harmony—all seeking the public good—all observing the duties of their respective stations—all engaged in offices of mutual kindness, wishing well to each other, counseling, warning, assisting and instructing each other in love. Notice their mutual civilities, their unsuspecting confidence, their numerous charities;–each person taking pleasure in the happiness of others, and endeavouring to his utmost to promote it.

If the mind be truly benevolent, the sight must be highly grateful: and while the heart of the observer expands with sensations of the sincerest joy, he adopts, as his own, the excellent sentiments of this psalm; “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity. It is like the precious ointment,”—(made in those days of the most rich and costly materials)—“like the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon the beard, even Aaron’s beard; that went down to the skirts of his garments;” not only refreshing and delighting with its fragrance, the whole assembly that were present; but perfuming the names of the twelve tribes, written upon the garment of Aaron; and representing thereby the advantages that might be derived to the whole nation, from that “unity” which true virtue produces. It is “as the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion.” How different is the origin of this from the origin of discord. This, like the dew, descendeth from heaven. Discord cometh up from beneath, accompanied with hatred, envy, and bitter revenge,–unhallowed, malignant passions, that mingle a portion of gall with the most valuable ingredients of our happiness.

The benefits attached to society are lost, and its enjoyments destroyed, in proportion to the prevalence of the malignant passions. “A fire devoureth before them, and behind them a flame burneth: the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.”

The peaceful and cordial friend of his fellow creatures, deprived now, of the sweet enjoyments which before had rendered society so desirable, and pained to behold the sufferings and wretchedness of those around him, will feelingly adopt the words of the Psalmist, on an occasion very opposite to that which produced the text: “I mourn in my complaint, because of the voice of the enemy, because of the oppression of the wicked. My heart is sore pained within me. Fearfulness and trembling are come upon me, and horror hath overwhelmed me. And I said, O that I had wings like a dove! For then would I flee away and be at rest; I would hasten my escape from the windy storm and tempest.”

The virtuous and upright union of brethren cometh down from heaven. Like the dew that distilled on Hermon and on the mountains of Zion, it is gentle, sweet, and mild in its influence. And, as the dew is most refreshing and fruitful in its effects, causing the earth to “yield her increase, and the bud of the tender herb to spring forth;” so, the seeds of public happiness shall abundantly spring up,–flourish—and issue in a joyful harvest; where “brethren dwell together in unity.” Instead of the thorn, shall come up the fir tree, and instead of the brier, shall come up the myrtle tree; and the happy inhabitants “shall go out with joy and be led forth with peace.”

To cultivate such an union by all proper means, must, surely, be an object worthy the attention of every wise people, and especially of that people who are favoured with a free government. Let the attention, therefore, of the good citizen, be directed,

II. To means for promoting this union.

And here two means present themselves, as being of primary importance, information and virtue.

1. Correct and liberal information is highly to be prized. Great pains ought to be taken to diffuse this, as far as is practicable, among the body of the people; for it deservedly claims a high regard in the public patronage. At the same time it ought not to be forgotten, that, without the prevalence of virtuous principle, the union of a free people cannot be preserved by mere information, however extensive. It is indeed a very valuable price put into the hand of man; but it may and will be abused by a corrupt heart. Extensive knowledge and great abilities, without virtue,–without principle—are dangerous in the extreme. The truth is suggested as necessary to be kept in view in all arrangements made for education; not as an objection against promoting and diffusing knowledge as far as is practicable. The only valid objection is against the abuse. Information is dangerous in the hands of the vicious only. Place it in the hands of a free and virtuous people, and it becomes of immense advantage to them. Hereby they are assisted to understand their privileges—to set a just value upon them—judiciously to defend them—to distinguish between what will contribute to preserve, and what will tend to destroy them—and to have a correct discernment of characters qualified to be their rulers.

Let information, then, be extended to every class of the community, by all proper means, and especially by the institution of schools and seminaries of learning, and let them receive the liberal patronage of government.

And further, as it is of indispensable importance that information be connected with virtue, and as youth are almost the only persons who are members of these institutions, it becomes peculiarly necessary that the instructors who are to superintend them be cautiously chosen. Our children are our hope and our joy. Whoever is engaged in corrupting their minds is doing them and us an injury which he can never repair. A person of vicious conduct, and who is zealously engaged in disseminating principles which tend to vice, is clearly disqualified to be a teacher of youth, whatever may be his learning.

Many are the unhappy dupes of vicious artifice, even among those who are arrived at manhood. Much more are youth liable to imposition. It is not difficult for an artful man to take advantage of their inexperienced years—to avail himself of the prevalence of passion in that early period of life—and, instead of giving them just ideas of what is practicable, and consistent with the being of well ordered society, to bloat them with pride, and excite in them an extravagant ambition. It is not difficult, by fostering their irregular propensities, to fill them with an impatience of control, to persuade them to despise the restrictions of moral virtue, and to engage them in a warfare against every wholesome and necessary restraint.

But, to do thus, is to train up a generation for slavery here, and perdition hereafter. Should our youth become thoroughly and generally abandoned,–should the gratification of vicious propensities become their supreme object—what can be expected from them in manhood? Will they hesitate to sell themselves and the liberties of their country for their favourite indulgences? No. The spirit of a people abandoned to vice is the spirit of slaves. While, as individuals, they are tyrannical to those who are under them, they can easily cringe and fawn around a despot without any material change of feeling.

Is a government attempting to promote the public union and happiness by means of schools and colleges? Let them not destroy with one hand what they attempt to build up with the other.

To improve the minds of your children by correct and useful information, is to do them an immense favour; but to confirm them in principles of virtue, is to do them a favour unspeakably greater: unite them both, and you bequeath to them the richest inheritance. When you are about to depart from the state of action, and to be gathered to your fathers, you may bid them adieu, with the pleasing prospect that they will be free and happy.

2. In every advance that is made in illustrating the subject under consideration, the essential importance of virtue becomes more and more evident.

The past and present experience of mankind authorizes the declaration, that virtue, including that morality which is the fruit of it, is the only sure and permanent bond of public union. Banish this from a people, and the blessings of union and freedom depart with it. It is impossible that the tranquility of a vicious people should be preserved long, except by means which will destroy their liberty.

Are any disposed to call this in question? They are requested, candidly to compare the nature and effects, both of virtue and vice, with the valuable objects of a free government. Are they still unsatisfied, and, at the same time, free from a criminal bias upon their minds? Let them next repair to history, sacred and profane, and they must be effectually convinced, that vice is the reproach and ruin of a people—that it alienates their affections from the public good—and tends to discord with all its train of miseries.

Virtue—living, operative virtue, which always includes pure morals, has such a decided influence in promoting “unity among brethren,” that it merits a further and more particular consideration.

A view will now be taken,–first, of the influence of morals,–secondly, of the nature of that virtue which will produce and preserve them.

(1.) Of the influence of morals. A practical view is now designed, which will be contrasted with a view of the tendency of their opposite vices.

Upon every good citizen, a conviction of the importance of morals to the welfare of his country, as well as motives of a higher consideration, will have a practical influence. In all his intercourse with society, he will maintain truth and integrity. He will take heed that he offend not against truth or justice with his tongue. This member, under the influence of an envious and malicious heart, frequently becomes “a fire, a world of iniquity. It setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell. It is an unruly evil, full of deadly poison. Behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth.” By malicious falsehoods, the nearest friends are often set at variance, and the most peaceable neighbourhoods are distracted with contentions. Envy and strife are excited: and “where envy and strife are, there is confusion and every evil work.” The fairest character cannot escape, and the most undeviating rectitude cannot shield the citizen, when envy and ambition aim their darts at him secretly.

In all the dealings of men with each other—in the transaction of every kind of business, let the same regard to truth and integrity be maintained. Thus, neighbours may “dwell together in unity.” Peaceful and secure, they will put confidence in the declarations and engagements of each other.

As in private intercourse, so, especially, in public communications, a sacred regard ought ever to be had to integrity. That man who has the public good at heart, will see, that all his communications are founded on truth. The means will be consistent with the motive. To practice deceit, by design, in information professedly given to the public, is to embarrass the public mind; and, so far, to deprive a people of the means of their security. Such conduct may proceed from a variety of motives; but it can never be dictated by a regard to the common welfare. It is an insult offered to the public, which deserves to be reprobated by every upright man.

Further—The true patriot, who wishes to preserve purity of morals, and, by means of them, to share in the union and happiness of a free people, ought carefully to guard against party spirit. Party spirit and discord are plainly the same; and whoever imbibes and indulges this spirit subjects himself to many dangerous temptations. This spirit never fails to injure the morals of a people. Passions of the most dangerous kind obtain the ascendency over reason, and the moral sense is gradually weakened;–the moral sense—which ought ever to be feelingly alive to the essential difference between virtue and vice. Destroy this, and you reduce the public body to a wretched mass of corruption. No longer will such a people experience, under a free government, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.” They cannot dwell together at all, without some government; and for forlorn expedient must now be a despotism. There are but two ways in which order is preserved among mankind, when they “dwell together.” The one is principle—the other is force. In proportion as the former prevails, the latter becomes unnecessary. Extinguish the former, and the latter must be applied in the fullest degree.

FURTHER—A temperate, yet faithful execution of the laws enacted for the suppression of vice and the preservation of order, is of great importance as a guard to the morals of a people. The best regulated society is liable to be disturbed by individuals who have not moral principle to restrain them from crimes injurious to themselves, destructive to moral and civil order, and, of course, subversive of the public union, peace and security. Law and government therefore become indispensably necessary. They are ordained by that Being who is perfectly acquainted with the state and dangers of our race. He has pointed out the objects of them,–and also, those qualifications which he requires civil officers to possess. Such officers, if they are faithful to God and man, will see that the laws are executed for the suppression of vice. The “oath of God is upon them;” they will endeavour to be “ministers of God for good” to society.

WHAT, then, shall be thought of the fidelity of civil officers, in places where Sabbath-breaking and riotous collections are publicly known, and yet meet with no legal censure? What of their fidelity, who by improper forbearance, give countenance to places employed as retreats for intemperance and various species of disorder? To pass by such places and not censure them is to sanction them.

You will suffer yourselves, in this place to be detained for a moment, by some remarks on the excessive use of spirituous liquors—an alarming, and, in some places, it is to be feared a growing evil; and that which needs the correction of executive authority. A great part of what is consumed is, in particular instances, worse than thrown away. Through the frantic influence of these spirits, rational beings are transformed into furies,–the peace of society is broken, and many crimes are wantonly committed. To procure this liquid poison, families of the poor are deprived of their necessary food and clothing; and not a season passes, in which many victims of intemperance are not registered in the bills of mortality. The excessive use is indeed confined to comparatively few, and therefore it is less impracticable to prevent it. There is no necessity of suffering individuals to consume, annually, from 50 to 70, and perhaps an hundred gallons of ardent spirits. Let the civil officer appointed to take cognizance of this, as well as of other crimes,–when he attends one and another of these wretched victims to their graves, lay his hand upon his heart, and be able to declare, as in the solemn presence of God, “I have done my duty,–I am free from the blood of this man.” Let retailers of spirits, and keepers of public houses be able, also, to make the same declaration.

FURTHER—among the things favourable to morals may be reckoned industry.

PERSONS engaged in some reputable, industrious calling, endeavouring to “provide things honest in the sight of all men,” are found, more usually than the idle, to be friends of morality and order. They have property to be protected. They wish for that security which is attached to union in society where all are engaged in seeking the public good.

A STATE of idleness, on the contrary, exposes to many temptations. It tends to extravagant expense—to poverty—to discontent—to envying others, and coveting their possessions—and, in many instances, to that turbulent conduct which endangers the public welfare.

The view, which has now been taken of the opposite tendencies of morality and vice, is thought sufficient to furnish decisive evidence of the importance of the former, as a means of union in society.

The inference is obvious. A wise republic will guard the morals of her citizens with the most assiduous care. No labour or expense, requisite to guard these, will be deemed too great, no watchfulness too strict; fully convinced, that to neglect or abandon them is to give up the public happiness, and to render insecure every valuable blessing of social life. She will take heed, also, that the same sentiment does feelingly and practically evade every branch of her government.

Apprized of the almost unbounded influence of the examples and sentiments of men in public stations, she will watch over her elections with a jealous eye, and guard against bribery, corruption and intrigue with persevering zeal. Knowing that the progress of degeneracy among a people, once virtuous, is commonly gradual, proceeding from small beginnings at first; she will “look diligently, lest any root of bitterness, springing up,” spread its malignant influence, till “many be defiled” With her, it will be a first principle, sealed with her seal, a principle which no man, on any pretence, may reverse; that all those who are elevated to public and important stations must be men of sound, approved virtue.

It becomes important to ascertain, as was proposed,

(2.) The nature of that virtue which will effectually produce and preserve morals.

It is here desirable to obtain a true description comprising the whole of virtue, in principle as well as practice. To neglect this, in the consideration of the present subject, would occasion a material defect. It is also desirable and necessary to find, if possible, a system of religion, which not only speaks of morals; but effectually influences mankind to practice them. Where then is this to be found? Shall we go to the heathen moralists? They have, indeed, written many valuable truths relating to virtue and morals; but they have failed in essential things: they cannot furnish what is now sought. Shall we repair to the modern infidel philosophy? The world has already tried enough of the bitter fruits of this philosophy to ascertain the nature of the tree. The wretched situation of those nations, who have “experimented” on the principles of this philosophy, forbids us to adopt it. Turn your eyes to these nations. The principles of Voltaire preceded the destruction and misery in which they are now involved. “Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this world?” Do they experience, in the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom and happiness, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity?” Far from it. “Destruction and death can only say, we have heard the same thereof with our ears.” That Being who alone possesses infinite benevolence and unerring wisdom has put into our hands “a sure word,” comprising a complete and perfect system of moral virtue,–including everything that is now sought—and accompanied with “promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.”

As it has been much disputed by some whether it is of advantage to civil government to patronize the Christian religion; the subject under consideration authorizes me to state some of the first principles of this religion, that it may be seen how far they comport with the justifiable objects of a civil community.

The existence and perfections of God are at the foundation of all true virtue. Begin, then, with the character of the Deity. This religion reveals to us a Deity rendered glorious and perfect by such attributes as commend themselves to every enlightened conscience. Infinitely just, holy, wise, powerful, merciful and faithful, he is necessarily the unchangeable friend of virtue, and the determinate enemy of vice.

It is, surely desirable to know the original cause of the vices and distresses of the nations. The sacred scriptures point it out. It is the apostacy of our race from God.

In the same scriptures, a law of moral virtue is stated to us, which, in its strictness and purity, resembles God. Holy, just, and good, it leaves not to every man to say what is virtue and what is vice, but both, as will presently appear, are truly and accurately defined.

No vicious propensities are fostered by this law or palliated. The pride of no person whatever, high or low, is flattered with any prospect, that it will or can be abated, in the least, on his behalf. But, a way is revealed in which God can be just and yet justify the penitent and reformed sinner, thro’ faith in Jesus Christ the son of the Highest who, by becoming a sin offering, has magnified the law and made it honourable. Thus, the divine law is supported, and moral virtue secured.

Not only does this religion shew to man the origin and nature of his moral disorder, but, different from all other religions, it makes effectual provisions for his cure, in a radical and total change of heart. In this change, “a new creature” is formed, by the power of the Holy Ghost, and a thorough, permanent principle of moral virtue is given. Men are “created unto good works,”—formed to act with fidelity in every situation of life.

This religion having thus formed men for moral virtue, proceeds to furnish them with instructions relative to duty in every condition of life. The law of God is continually placed before them, for their study and practice. A summary of it is given in these words, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength:–and—Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self.” This is true virtue. A transgression of this law is sin,–is vice.

This summary, so far as is necessary, is traced out into its several branches. The disciple of Christ is taught to “deny ungodliness and worldly lusts; and to live soberly, righteously, and godly:” soberly, as it respects personal duty, exercising temperance, modesty and humility;–righteously, in his intercourse with his neighbour, “doing to others as he would that they should do to him;”—and godly in his treatment of the Deity, honoring him in all his institutions, and having a supreme regard to his glory in every transaction of life.

The religion of the Bible commands the public worship of the Deity. It enjoins the observation of the Sabbath, and, on this holy day, it forms a public school of moral virtue. While men stand in the holy presence of their Creator, a sense of his attributes is awakened,–they are reminded that they must be like him,–that they must “love one another, and live in peace.”

Men are taught, by this religion, their duty, in all their relative stations. The ruler finds his duty pointed out,–the subject finds his. The ruler is taught that he is to be a “minister of God,”—sent by him to be a “terror to evil doers and a praise of them who do well.” The subject is taught “to obey magistrates, and to submit to every ordinance of their appointment for the Lord’s sake.” If the citizen be favoured with the privilege of electing his rulers, the characters to be chosen are plainly pointed out to him. They are to be “just men, men of truth, haters of covetousness, fearers of God.” In the important transaction of choosing a ruler, the person cannot disregard the “oath of God” and be guiltless; for, even in the common concerns of life, he is not to abandon religious principle, but “whatever he does, is all to be done to the glory of God.”

Masters and servants—husbands and wives—parents and children—all find appropriate directions, relative to the duties of their respective stations. Every vice is condemned. Every social virtue is enjoined.

The religion communicated in the sacred scriptures having taught men that in this life they form their characters, and fix their destination for eternity, places before them the eternal retributions. Nothing can be so dreadful as the punishments that will assuredly be inflicted upon the vicious,–nothing so glorious as the rewards that will be bestowed upon the virtuous. They both infinitely exceed all that human laws can pretend to. The laws of Christ extend to every motive of action. They take cognizance of crimes which neither the law nor the eye of man can reach. They enjoin many acts of kindness and humanity which are not to be known till “the resurrection of the just.” They follow the workers of iniquity into every place of darkness where they may attempt to screen themselves from human view; assuring them that they are “naked and opened” to the penetrating eye of an almighty avenger, always present, always noticing their conduct for the purpose of a future judgment,–thus “placing by the side” of every crime an adequate and certain punishment.

To the consciences, and not to the passions of my audience is the appeal now made. Cannot this religion be of service to civil government?—In the consequence of every intelligent hearer, the answer is ready,–and it is the same.

Let it be added, that the period is advancing when there shall be the fullest display of the salutary influence of this holy religion upon civil government. “The kingdoms of this world shall become the kingdoms of the Lord and of his Christ: for the mouth of the Lord of hosts hath spoken it.”

Previous to this period, there are to be dreadful desolations in the earth; men having, by their great wickedness, become ripe for the execution of divine vengeance. These desolations are signified to us in scripture by the representation of “an angel standing in the sun, crying with a loud voice, and saying to all the fowls that fly in the midst of heaven, Come and gather yourselves together unto the supper of the great God; that ye may eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of captains, and the flesh of mighty men, and the flesh of horses, and of them that sit on them, and the flesh of all men both free and bond, both small and great.”

If the time referred to in this representation be now commenced, the next important event will be the binding of Satan, and the ushering in of the millennial day.

“Behold, I come as a thief,” saith the glorious judge. A careless, unbelieving world will not know his judgments, nor consider the operation of his hand, in the passing events.

Blessed are those servants, of all descriptions, who watch, and are found, of their Lord, faithfully performing the duties of their respective stations.

Civil Rulers, exalted in the providence of God to decree and administer justice, will feel themselves addressed by the subject. While they bestow due praise upon those who do well, they will be a terror to evil works.

Duly impressed, also, with a sense of their obligations to the most High, they will adorn their honourable stations by “adorning the doctrine of God their Saviour.”

The Lord commanded the ruler of his people to pay great attention to the divine law. “It shall be with him,” saith the command, “and he shall read therein all the days of his life; that he may learn to fear the Lord his God; that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren; and that he turn not aside from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left.”

The same general reasons for cultivating an intimate acquaintance with the word of God must ever exist. The commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening the eyes.”

“God is not a respecter of persons,” but of moral character. May the honoured and respected rulers of this state, ever be influenced by the most High, to honour him, and become blessings to his people, by maintaining a religious, firm, upright deportment. “Them that honour me I will honour,” saith the Lord.

Ministers of the gospel are reminded, by the subject under consideration, of the duties, which they, in their proper spheres, are required to perform to God, to their country, and to the souls of men.

When we engaged in the sacred office, my brethren, though we did not give up our rights as citizens, yet the chief employment assigned to us was to promote virtue, and bear testimony against sin. We are to beseech men, in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God. We are also to bear testimony against sin. When the voice of every friend of God, and of mankind ought to be lifted up against the vices that destroy the peace of society and the souls of men, let us not keep undue silence.

It is our acknowledged duty also, continually to intercede with the Most High for our common country, and for the churches of the Saviour, that he would “spare his people and not give his heritage to reproach.”

If we may be the happy instruments of promoting that love to God and man, and that pure morality which the gospel of our Lord and Saviour enjoins, we shall do an essential service, not only to the souls of men, but also to our country.

The chief design of the gospel is to fit men for the eternal enjoyment of God in heaven. And, in doing this, it necessarily enforces those principles and that conduct in the present life, which cannot fail to produce the most benign effect on civil society. The great duty of love or charity which the gospel enjoins is the strongest bond of union in society of any that can be named. Short is the period of duty in the present world. The recent and numerous deaths 2 of our brethren in the ministry remind us that “the time is short.” Let us “give all diligence in making full proof of our ministry. There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave.”

The Freemen of the State have also a real and important interest in considering and understanding the subject suggested by the text. God has entrusted with you, fellow-citizens, the protection of your rights and privileges. Be thankful to him for the favour. Let no flattery entice, nor the gratification of any sordid passion allure you to part with the sacred deposite. Rising superior to every partial and degrading motive, and looking steadily at the common good, labour to strengthen the bonds of that “unity,” which causes it to be “good and pleasant for brethren to dwell together.” Virtuous principle is the basis of your government and must be the pledge of your security.

God, through the influence of his religion, has blessed your native state with a very high degree of prosperity, for more than a century and a half. Is not this a sufficient proof of the excellency of the plan on which the settlement was formed? “Consider the years of many generations: ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee.”

It is not a vain thing to preserve your institutions,–“it is your life.”

“I beseech you in Christ’s stead, Be ye reconciled to God.” Bring up your children for him. Let their minds be enriched with knowledge, and their hearts with the love of their Creator. Labour to secure, for yourselves and for them, the protection of the Almighty; and you need not fear. Your enemies, however numerous, shall not overwhelm you; if the Lord do not deliver you over into their hands.

From the very beginning of the settlement of this state, to the present day, Jehovah has been acknowledged by the people, and by the government, as their “strength, their refuge, their deliverer, and the horn of their salvation.” Still do both appear openly on the side of Christ, and publicly patronize his cause.

This anniversary reminds us all of our obligations to praise and bless the God of our fathers, who “sheweth mercy unto the thousandth generation, of them that fear him and keep his commandments.”

Appearing, this day, as his messenger, in the revered and beloved assembly of the Governors, the Counselors, the Representatives and the Judges of this free and happy republic; and uniting in my wishes with my brethren the ministers of the Saviour; I close, in conformity to the tenor of this discourse, by “putting the name” of Jehovah, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, upon this assembly, as including the sum of all blessings.

“The LORD bless thee and keep thee: The LORD make his face to shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee: The LORD lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace.”

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. I Sam. xxx. 28.

2. Rev. Messrs. Matthias Burnet, D.D. Norwalk—Sherman John, Milford—Nicholas Street, E. Haven—David Brownson, Oxford—Jeremiah Day, Washington—Cotton M. Smith, Sharon—James Cogswell, D. C. and Cornelius Adams, windham—John Willard, D.D. Stafford—and Moses Mather, D. D. Stamford.

Sermon – Election – 1806, Massachusetts


Samuel Shepard preached this election sermon in Boston on May 28, 1806.


sermon-election-1806-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED IN THE AUDIENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, ESQ.

GOVERNOR;

His Honor EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE THE COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 28, 1806.

BY SAMUEL SHEPARD, A. M.

Congregational Minister of Lenox.

BOSTON:

YOUNG & MINNS, PRINTERS TO THE STATE

1806.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, May 28, 1806.
ORDERED, That Mr. Wheeler of Lanesborough, Mr. Parkman of Boston, and Mr. Smith of West-Springfield, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Samuel Shepard, and thank him for his Discourse this day delivered before His Excellency the Governor, the Honourable the Council, and the two branches of the Legislature, and to request of him a copy for the press.

Extract from the Journal,
Attest. C. P. SUMNER, Clerk.
ELECTION SERMON.

I. CHRONICLES, XXIX. 12.

BOTH RICHES AND HONOUR COME OF THEE, AND THOU REIGNEST OVER ALL; AND IN THINE HAND IS POWER AND MIGHT; AND IN THINE HAND IT IS TO MAKE GREAT, AND TO GIVE STRENGTH UNTO ALL.

 

TO the pious mind the most substantial consolation is afforded by the consideration that there is a God. In his works, his providence, and his word there is abundant testimony of his being and attributes. It is no less pleasing to the good man, surrounded with dangers and in the midst of foes temporal and spiritual, to reflect that God extends his providential care to things of this world, and that the Most High ruleth in the kingdoms of men. David ascribes every event to the interposing hand of Divine Providence. Although from a humble station he was raised to a throne, and commanded in an eminent degree the affections and obedience of a nation truly great and respectable; yet he did not forget his dependence on God, nor deny his universal and particular providence. From the chapter, which contains the text, you will listen to his devout acknowledgment. “Thine, O Lord, is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and the majesty: for all that is in heaven and in the earth is thine; thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all. Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou reignest over all; and in thine hand is power and might; and in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all.”

God is to be seen in the production of all things animate and inanimate. He is to be seen in everything above and below us, within and around us, heard in the voice of every creature, felt in every motion, and read, in short, on every page in the great volume of the universe.

No less evident is it, that he, who created, superintends all the works on his hand. He, who “spake and nature took its birth,” does by the agency of his almighty arm continually uphold all things in existence. Should that power, which first caused them to exist, be withdrawn one moment, they would sink into nothing. It is impossible in the nature of things that a creature should be so made as to exist, one moment, in any respect independently of the Creator. If it might thus exist now, it might have so existed at first. If it might cause itself to exist now, it might have so existed at first. If it might cause itself to exist from one moment to another, it might have caused itself to exist from the beginning; and so a Creator would have been unnecessary. Everything, therefore, must be as really and as much dependent on the Deity for continuance in existence as for its first existence.

All things which exist, from the greatest to the least, are not only constantly upholden by the same power, which first gave them existence, but, in all their motions, actions, and changes, are under the care and direction of Divine Providence. He who first created all things for the best of purposes, so directs and disposes of everything, as, in the best manner, to answer those purposes.

It is true, all things in the course of God’s providence take place according to the laws of nature. The sun warms, and the showers refresh the earth; consequently, vegetation springs forth, and food is furnished for man and beast. This, it is said, takes place according to the course of nature. The hand of God, however, is in all this; for this course or law of nature is only the way, in which God constantly and regularly exerts his power and manifests his goodness. Notwithstanding the vital heat of the sun and the refreshing showers of heaven, the earth would produce nothing without the divine agency. These elements have no strength, in themselves, to cause even a spire of grass to grow. The laws of nature, therefore, by which things take place in a regular, stated manner, are only the way or course which God pursues in exerting his power and manifesting his goodness: so that what are called second causes have no power or efficacy in themselves aside from the immediate exertion of divine power, which is the proper efficacious cause of all things.

In the exercise of divine providence some events take place by the more immediate energy and agency of God; and others, by the instrumentality and agency of creatures, and by various mediums and what are called second causes. But in all events of the latter kind, the divine power and agency are as really and as much exerted, and are as much to be acknowledged, as if no instrument, agent, or second cause had been used: because, the creature or instrument has no power to act or effect anything which is not given by God himself.

This is the light, in which divine revelation everywhere represents the providence or government of God. It extends to all creatures, events, and circumstances throughout the immensity of the divine works.

In this view of the passage before us we may remark, that God’s providential government respects all things in the natural world. The heavenly bodies, in all their movements, revolutions, and changes, are under his direction. The “ordinances of heaven” are established by his hand, and the “dominion thereof” set in the earth. “The all-perfect hand that pois’d, impels and rules the steady whole.” This causes the sun to pour on us his vital heat, the moon to cheer the solitary night, and moves the comets, which blaze through the vast profound, and fill the astonished world with awe! To God we owe the grateful succession of the seasons, and under his providence we enjoy the fruits of the earth. He giveth us “the former and the latter rain,” and causeth the earth to yield her increase in plentiful measure. He maketh his paths to drop marrow and fatness on the pastures of the wilderness, and the little hills to rejoice on every side. He clotheth the hills with flocks and the vallies with corn. He taketh care of our lives and health. Protected by his hand, they that go down to the sea in ships and do business on the great waters survive the dangers, which surround, and threaten to swallow them up. They experience the goodness of God and behold the wonders of his hand, which, at any time, bringeth prosperity to our commerce and fishery, and causeth the heart as of the mariners to rejoice; for, he holdeth the winds in his fists and the storm and tempest obey his voice. “He shutteth up the sea with doors, and saith, hitherto shalt thou come, but no further; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed.” God’s providence extends to the brutal world. He provideth not only for the higher orders of his creatures, but he openeth his bountiful hand, and supplieth the wants of every living thing. “The young lions roar after their prey, and seek their meat from God.” He provideth for the ravens their food, and giveth to their young ones when they cry. The cattle on a thousand hills are fed by his hand. How numerous and various the tribes of living creatures, which inhabit every part of the material world! Every leaf, every particle of water, every breath of air teems with life: yet, not a particle of the ocean, not a leaf of the forest, not a ray of the sun moves without his direction. Not a sparrow falls to the ground without the agency of God, and the very hairs of our head are all numbered. In short, we may contemplate the divine hand in the movement of a world and in the movement of an atom.

God reigns in the moral world. His providence assigns to the unnumbered hosts, which surround his throne, their several stations. Their employments are all marked out by the same providential hand, and strength and assistance are afforded them according to their respective labours. The hearts of all flesh are in his hand. He causeth the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder of wrath he restraineth.

God ruleth in the political world. His providence regardeth all the nations of the earth. One nation falleth and another riseth, because the Lord commandeth it. His word decideth the fate of empires, and he giveth them to whomsoever he will. His hand directeth the storm of war and decideth the victory. In the tumults of Europe, at the present day, his providence is to be regarded. Combined armies go forth in vain, unless the Lord be with them. He can render their counsels vain, and, by sending among them discord, or famine, or disease, can either divide, or destroy their strength. Whatever be his designs in the convulsions, which are taking place among the civil kingdoms of this world, surely he will, in his holy providence, accomplish them all.

To the considerate mind it affords the sublimest pleasure, that a God of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, taketh the disposal of all things into his own hands, and superintendeth throughout his vast dominions. Should he cease to do this, universal disorder and confusion would ensue.

The harmony of heaven would soon give place to discord and dire confusion. Even angels themselves would lose all subordination. Order would press on order, and rank on rank, and the throne of God would shake amid the wild tumult.

Those orbs which now roll harmonious through the expanse of heaven, undirected by the hand of God, would rush upon each other, or wander from their courses into the fields of infinite space.

And, here on earth, what would be the rage and tumult, were the superintending hand of Divine Providence once withdrawn! Who would make the seasons regularly revolve? Who would give us seed time and harvest? Who would restrain the wrath and fury of man, and dispose the nations to peace? Alas! destitute of the restraints of the Supreme Ruler, nation would rise up against nation, man against man, brother against brother, and more horrid scenes of barbarity and outrage would be experienced, than language can describe, or imagination conceive.

Such would be the dreadful effects, should God cease to exercise his providence over his works. In his providential government, therefore, ought not every heart joyfully to acquiesce?

No one seemed more ready to acknowledge the fitness and propriety, yea, the absolute necessity of God’s superintending his works, than David. In all things he contemplated God, and saw him in every event. He knew that, to God’s sovereign disposal, he was indebted for all his greatness, his riches, and his honours, and, in all his ways, he devoutly acknowledged God as the Supreme Ruler of the universe. This appears not only from the text and its connection, but also from other passages of scripture. “No king,” saith he, “is saved by the multitude of an host: a mighty man is not delivered by much strength. An horse is a vain thing for safety: neither shall he deliver any by his great strength. Behold, the eye of the Lord is upon them that fear him.”

Contemplating the subject in this light, we may, with propriety, notice some things in divine providence respecting the Israelites; things, to which David probably referred when he said, “in thine hand is power and might; and in thine hand it is to make great.”

God gave to the people of Israel a good land. It abounded in the necessaries and comforts of life. It was the land of promise, which God gave to Abraham and to his seed. They were blessed not only with a soil which was fertile, a climate which was temperate, and air which was salubrious; but with a country, the natural situation of which was favourable to national peace and safety. A beautiful description of it is given us in Deuteronomy. “The Lord thy God bringeth thee into a good land; a land of brooks of water, of fountains, and depths that spring out of vallies and hills; a land of wheat, and barley, and vines, and fig trees, and pomegranates; a land of oil olive and honey; a land wherein thou shalt eat bread without scarceness, thou shalt not lack anything in it; a land whose stones are iron, and out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass.” In another description of it, the Israelites were told that it was a land which the Lord their God cared for; and, that the eyes of the Lord their God were always upon it from the beginning of the year even unto the end of the year. The Israelites, therefore, were peculiarly favoured in the enjoyment of those means, which are afforded to any nation, by a good and fruitful country, of becoming rich and prosperous, great and happy.

They were also blessed with an excellent constitution of government. It is sometimes called a Theocracy; but excepting some particular acts of royalty, which God reserved immediately to himself, it was, in its visible form, and as originally committed to the administration of man, republican. Opposed to every system of tyranny and oppression, it was well adapted to secure and perpetuate the rights and privileges of every member of the community. If the Israelites were not a free and independent people, the fault was in themselves. To the distinction, freedom, and independence of each tribe, their agrarian law was peculiarly favourable. In each province, all the freeholders must be not only Israelites, but descendants of the same patriarch. The preservation of their lineage was also necessary to the tenure of their lands. The several tribes, while they were united as one commonwealth, still retained their distinction and privileges, and were independent of each other. Each tribe was in a sense, a distinct state, having its own prince, elders, and judges, and at the same time was one of the united states of Israel. They had, also, a national council. This, which might with propriety be called a general congress, was composed of the princes, the elders, and heads of families from all the tribes. It was the business of this assembly to attend to all matters, which related to the common interest; such as levying war, negotiating peace, providing for, and apportioning the necessary expenses of the nation, and deciding in matters of dispute between particular tribes. No one tribe had a right of dictating to, or exercising superiority over another. In this grand national assembly, resided the highest delegated authority, and it was to be regarded by all the tribes with the greatest reverence. A violation of the constitution, in this respect, subjected the offenders to the most severe penalty. This grand council of the nation had its president, who was constituted such upon republican principles.

Happy had it been for the Israelites, if they had not eventually changed their form of government, and desired a king. By their folly and wickedness, in so doing, they lost many of their ancient privileges, and were brought at last under the iron yoke of despotism.

The Israelites were favoured with just and righteous laws. Their government, therefore, when duly administered, was a terror to evil doers, and a praise to all who did well. It was founded in righteousness, and the laws were executed with fidelity, every member of the commonwealth was secure in his rights and privileges.

The people of Israel were also distinguished above other nations, kingdoms, and states, by their system of religion. Its outward service was indeed attended with some burdensome rites and ceremonies; but these were wisely instituted in condescension to their weakness, or with a view to guard them against idolatry, or to lead them ultimately to the great sacrifice for sin, without which there could be no forgiveness. The being and attributes of God, the worship which would be acceptable to him; in short, all the duties incumbent on them, as subjects of moral government, towards God, their fellow creatures, and themselves, were forcibly inculcated in their religion, and it tended to make them wise, virtuous, and happy.

Equal reason have we to notice particularly some events in divine providence towards us as a nation. We inherit a pleasant and fertile country. Planted in a land equally distant from the frozen regions of the north and the burning sands of the south, we are furnished from our own soil, with all the necessaries and some of the delicacies of life. The air which we breathe is mild, temperate, and salubrious. The soil which we cultivate easily yields to the labour of the husbandman, and richly rewards his toils. We are not doomed to cultivate the rocky mountains of Switzerland and Norway, nor to glean a scanty subsistence on the barren plains of Arabia. Our natural situation, separated as we are from other nations by intervening oceans, is favourable to peace. Variegated with hills and vallies, and intersected with rivers and seas, our country is possessed of the greatest possible advantages for agriculture and commerce. There is no people in the known world so amply supplied with the necessaries of life from their own native soil as we are, and, at the same time, under such advantages to furnish themselves with all the luxuries of other climes.

We are favoured with a good constitution of civil government. When our land had been drenched, for seven long years, with the blood of our brethren, and fire and sword had made desolate some of our largest towns, God commanded, and the thunder of war ceased to roar, the blood of our brethren ceased to flow, and peace returned to bless an exhausted country. Joy was now on every countenance, and in every mouth thanksgiving and the voice of melody. But soon began we to feel the miseries of a weak and feeble government. Our commerce was shackled, our flag insulted, and our agriculture discouraged. Then the Most High appeared for us, and enabled us to devise, and united our hearts to accept, a form of government, which to this day, diffuses blessings over the union. Soon did we feel the good effects, which resulted from our excellent civil constitution. Our commerce was extended, our agriculture was encouraged, our publick credit was raised out of the dust and placed on a firm basis, our name became respectable among the nations, and wealth flowed in upon us as an overflowing stream.

Thus, as a nation, have we, in a season of prosperity, been rising in greatness and affluence. While the nations of Europe have been involved in the horrors of a most bloody and distressing war, it has been our lot to enjoy the blessings of peace and a good civil constitution, and, in a sense, to rise on their ruins.

We are governed by laws made by ourselves; laws, which, while they operate for the good of the whole, tend also to the security of each individual. Under an arbitrary government, there may be some security to the subject in rights and privileges. He may not be defamed, nor assaulted by his fellow subjects, without some protection from the laws. His security, however, may not, in these respects, be such as the publick good requires. Tyrants may suspend the execution of laws at their pleasure; laws, most essential to the security of the life of the subject. More dreadful still is a state of anarchy, in which anyone may, unrestrained, insult and abuse, torture or take away the life of another. Happy for us that we have laws well calculated to restrain the unreasonable and licentious, and magistrates of our own choice for the punishment of transgressors.

In a state of nature, our rights and possessions would be very precarious. To secure these, is one great end of civil government. The sanction of law is necessary to their security. In this respect, we have been by Divine Providence peculiarly favoured, and we are under the strongest obligations to transmit to future generations those just and equal laws, which so eminently secure us in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property; laws, that tend to promote the practice of those virtues which are conducive to the happiness of the community, and to suppress those vices, which insure its destruction.

Our religious privileges are singularly great. In this land the principles of religious toleration are generally understood and embraced, and the rights of conscience and inquiry are held peculiarly sacred. Here the light of the glorious gospel shines with meridian lustre; and, without this,

“What were unenlighten’d man?
A savage roaming through the woods and wilds
Rough clad, devoid of ev’ry finer art
And elegance of life. Nor happiness
Domestick, mix’d of tenderness and care,
Nor moral excellence, nor social bliss,
Nor guardian law, were his;
Nothing save rapine, indolence and guile,
And woes on woes, a still-revolving train!
Whose horrid circle had made human life
Than non-existence worse: but taught by this,
Ours are the plans of policy and peace,
To live like brothers, and conjunctive all,
Embellish life.”
The excellency of the Christian religion, considered only as it respects the happiness of man in his civil and social state, has a claim upon our attention. At this time, however, I will only suggest for your consideration that peculiar characteristic of the gospel, the requirement of universal benevolence. The greater part of the moral instructions delivered by ancient philosophers respected man either as an individual, or as a citizen of a particular country. In either case, they must have been narrow and contracted. But the Christian religion, more extensive in its views, regards the whole family of man. It throws down that contrariety of interest, which divides men as they belong to different families, parties, or governments, and considers them as members of one great family, and requires them, as such, to exercise mutual love and friendship. This the most approved reason sanctions. Recommending the duty of benevolence, the gospel makes no difference between the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Samaria. The whole human race share in the benevolence of the Deity, and ought, also, to share in the benevolence of each other. God extends his benevolent regard equally to the inhabitant of Ethiopia and America. Why, then, should not the American manifest his benevolence towards the Ethiopian, as well as towards his whiter brother of Europe? Compared with this extensive benevolence, which our holy religion enjoins, the best instructions of Socrates, or Plato, or Epictetus, or Confucius, or Zoroaster, dwindle, in point of importance, into nothing. Were this benevolence to be exercised, as inculcated in the gospel, all the hostile divisions of nation against nation would entirely disappear. The family of man would walk together as a band of brothers; for what inducement would nation then have to rise up against nation, and to inflict on each other the miseries and devastations of war? Could men behold the blood of thousands of their fellow creatures poured out on the field of battle? No. Scenes of blood and carnage would then no more delight them. The very description of such scenes would fill them with horror. Their weapons of war, those instruments of human destruction, would be cast away with detestation.

Think on the vast destruction of property in the recent war between France and the combined powers. Think on the almost incredible labour and fatigue endured. Think on the quantity of blood which has been spilt, and the number of lies which have been lost. Think on the agonies of the vast numbers who have lingered out their lies in consequence of wounds, or, what is still more dreadful, have perished by famine. Cast up the vast account of human wretchedness and misery caused by this one unhappy war, and how great is the amount! But what is this one war! What, in comparison with all the wars which have afflicted mankind from the earliest ages down to Bonaparte! Wars, infinite in number, and, in cruelty and barbarity, almost incredible! But the exercise of benevolence among nations and individuals would have prevented all these, together with all that astonishing and unknown amount of human wretchedness and misery accompanying them. The excellency of this principle of the gospel, which we have been contemplating, is, therefore, invaluable. Were it to prevail universally, Eden again would blossom, and Paradise return to bless the earth.

For the peaceable enjoyment of this religion and its institutions, our fathers bade farewell to their native land, and came to these western climes. The providence of God was remarkable in their preservation and settlement. Although, in some instances, chargeable with error and misguided zeal, yet they were an enterprising and virtuous people. They served God much better than we do. From their native land they brought with them the love of civil and religious liberty. In what they did, they sought the welfare of the community as one family. They sought the good of posterity. Forests were subdued by their hands, and towns were incorporated. The object of their social intercourse was mutual benefit. They instructed their children, and remembered the Sabbath day to keep it holy. They duly respected those who were appointed to rule over them. The ultimate design of their every movement was to promote that righteousness, which “exalteth a nation.” By their wisdom and piety, we, under God, enjoy many invaluable privileges. In these, we are to acknowledge a superintending Providence; for, who maketh us to differ? To differ from the poor and distressed; from those who wear the chains of slavery; from those whose ears are stunned with the din of arms; from those whose eyes are constantly pained with the sight of blood? The answer is at hand. Hear it, admire, and adore! “Thine is the kingdom, O Lord. Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou reignest over all; and in thine hand is power and might; and in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all.”

The Most High ruleth in the kingdoms of men. He exalteth, and he bringeth low. In the rise and fall of states and empires, in ages past, his providence has been concerned. By his care, our fathers were planted in this land. When they were brought to the brink of destruction, he made bare his arm for their salvation, and was as a wall round about them. Gradually he drive out the heathen before them, enlarged their settlements, and increased their numbers. He hedged them in on every side. And, in later times, when attacked by the whole power of the British monarchy, and this while in an unarmed and defenceless state, how signal were the interpositions of his providence for our protection! He inspired us with unanimity and fortitude. He sent us military stores from the very ports of our enemies. He blessed and succeeded our enterprises. He enabled us to detect and to baffle the counsels of our enemies, and raised up and qualified men to lead us on to conquest and glory. Therefore it is, that we made effectual resistance: therefore it is, that we obtained our independence and humbled our foes. Without his care and support we had been overwhelmed, when men rose up against us. Without signal and almost miraculous interpositions of his providence, we had now been groaning under the tyranny of a foreign master. But instead of this, he hath made us honourable among the nations. What, but his providential care, kept us, on our liberation from British government, from falling into that anarchy7 and confusion, which are more to be dreaded, than the rod of tyranny, or a state of barbarism? Who, but the God of peace, hath united the hearts of so many millions of our citizens in the adoption of a form of government which is emphatically the envy of most other nations? Great reason, also, have we, as a people, to acknowledge and adore a superintending providence in placing at the head of the national government a succession of wise and able statesmen, under whose administration, marked with firmness and yet with moderation, we have enjoyed “great quietness.” Why is it that we have not been involved in the feuds and quarrels of Europe? Why have the sighs and groans of our citizens, who fell into captivity in a foreign land, “where ferocity growls and poverty starves,” ever been wafted across the deep and made to reach the ears of our rulers? Why is it, that the bones of our brave countrymen, who went, in obedience to the voice of our government, to effect the release of the unhappy prisoners, are not now mouldering in the “Lybian desert?” Why has such success attended the measures of our national government, that peace and prosperity have been diffused over the extended country of the United States? Let the voice of inspiration decide. “The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice; let the multitude of isles be glad thereof.”

But we are to remember, that the continuance of our prosperity must depend on the improvement which we make of our privileges. Means of happiness are sometimes possessed, where happiness is never enjoyed, or is of short continuance.

In the natural world, it seems to be, in some measure, necessary, that the Deity should operate in a steady, uniform manner, according to certain rules, steady, uniform manner, according to certain rules, causing the same effects constantly to follow from the same causes, that men may gain a proper knowledge of things around them, lay their plans with wisdom, and govern their conduct with discretion. Were there no settled order, no fixed connection in things and events, there would be no foundation for foresight, no ground for exertion, no reason to expect that we should obtain our desires by the use of means. We should be involved in total darkness and absurdity. God, therefore, in thus causing things to take place, in his providence, in an established order, and in conformity to certain rules, not only manifests his power, but his wisdom also, and his goodness, faithfulness, and constancy.

With great propriety may we apply this maxim to the conduct of nations. “Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any people.” This is the declaration of heaven. We can never form any just expectation, therefore, that the blessings of heaven will long be conferred on us, as a people, if we do not suitably regard the statutes of the Lord. The glory of Nineveh, Babylon, Jerusalem, Carthage, Athens, and Rome had not departed, if they had known and pursued the things which belonged to their peace!

It may be suitable then to turn our attention for a few moments to some things, which are naturally conducive to the happiness of the community.

To this end a civil constitution, which secures, and laws, which guards our rights, are undoubtedly necessary. Something more, however, is requisite in order to ensure the continuance of publick happiness. The best constitution is useless, as to the ends of government, if energy be not given to it in administration; and in vain are the most salutary laws enacted, if they be not faithfully executed and strictly adhered to as the measure of administering justice.

To a suitable provision for national defence we are also urged both by duty and interest. A people who wish for peace, must be prepared for war. For security at home and defence against foreign invaders, a republican government must depend on the natural strength of the country. One of its first objects, therefore, should be to provide for a well organized and well disciplined militia.

Industry must also be encouraged. The industrious man, while he serves himself, likewise serves the publick. The number of inhabitants alone will not ensure national felicity; they must be usefully employed. The slothful man is a curse to society. It feels the loss of what it might have gained by his industry. A mere drone in the hive, he adds nothing to the common stock. Living on the toils of others and disregarding divine precepts, he deserves to starve for his idleness. Were ever member of the Commonwealth to follow his example, all would go to ruin.

Temperance, sobriety, and frugality are subservient to the publick welfare. Extravagance, if it impoverish individuals and families, must necessarily injure the community. Intemperance and luxury debauch the mind, enfeeble the body, and degrade man to a level with the brute. They tend, of course, to the destruction of social happiness.

Suitable care relative to the instruction and education of youth is of great importance in civil society. By the history of all ages and nations we are assured that ignorance and misery accompany each other. To neglect the proper instruction of youth, therefore, is to entail publick misery on succeeding generations.

Sound morality is the stability of a government. When national virtue is gone, the foundation of publick prosperity is destroyed. As then we would hope for the favour of heaven; for a divine blessing on the means used to secure and perpetuate our publick tranquility, let the practice of humanity, kindness, benevolence, hospitality, and the like, become generally prevalent; yea, let a personal and general reformation in morals be our first, our highest concern.

With peculiar gratitude should we advert to the dispensations of divine providence towards the people of this Commonwealth. Singularly favourable have been the means of knowledge, virtue, and happiness, which they have enjoyed. Long have they been blessed with a succession of wise and virtuous rulers. The united exertions of our citizens have, from time to time, been called forth, in support of a government, which secures each individual in his person, name, liberty, and property; a government, the direct tendency of which, when duly administered, is to punish the vicious and protect the innocent. Our lands have been cultivated with success. Rich harvests have rewarded the toils of the husbandman. The hills have been covered with flocks, and the vallies with corn. The artificer hath not labored in vain; and, to use the language of another, our “commerce is an astonishing spectacle. It is coextensive with the circumference of the globe. Most of the inhabited countries of the earth are visited by our navigators, and the striped flag of the Union flutters in the remotest harbours. Cargoes have been derived from the depths of the ocean, and markets before unknown to commercial men have been found by our seamen.” Schools for the instruction of youth have been encouraged, and publick seminaries of learning have been founded. Beautiful temples are erected for the worship of Almighty God, and the rights of conscience are understood and vindicated.

Waving a consideration of the advantages, which we enjoy for improvement in arts, in sciences, in manufactures, we may thankfully notice the prevalence of health in our populous towns, in which we have been highly distinguished above some other portions of the Union. What, but the good providence of God, has saved us from the contagious disease, which has prevailed, for several years in succession, in some parts of the United States? God hath visited them with the pestilence which walketh in darkness, and with the destruction which wasteth at noon day. Death, with a sudden and awful hand, hath swept many to the grave. Multitudes, who beheld the scene, were filled with consternation. They fled from the hand of the destroying angel. We, who but heard of these things, were struck with terror. The contagion, if commissioned, might have pervaded every city, every town, every village, and brought death and destruction on its wings. Many of our citizens, might, ere this, have been numbered with the dead. But our heavenly Father hath watched over us for good.

Ours, also, is the blessing of peace. The year past has been a year of blood. The nations of Europe have waded in human gore. But how different, on this anniversary occasion, is our condition! Assembled with the heads of our tribes in this city of our solemnities, we tremble not, in view of civil dissensions; we fear no foreign invader. We behold no desolation of our coasts by war, nor the flames of burning towns. We record not the wounds and death of our friends in battle, nor the lamentations of helpless children, nor the tears of the disconsolate widow, nor the blasted hopes of parents. “Now, therefore, our God, we thank thee, and praise thy glorious name.”

Happy have we been in seeing the first office in the Commonwealth filled by one, whose reputation for talents, integrity, and patriotism is not the mushroom growth of a night. He lived and acted in times, “which tried men’s souls,” and was found faithful. But it is not the business of the speaker to eulogize. We trust, however, that His Excellency derives consolation not merely from a view of the many and important offices, which he has holden with dignity under the state and federal governments, but principally from a consciousness of having acted with upright views, and having, under God, contributed to the happiness of his country.

Reelected to the chief magistracy, may he ever discharge the duties of his important station with honour to himself and usefulness to the State. In the expectation of this we are warranted from the ability and apparent faithfulness, by which his publick services have already been distinguished. We believe that the welfare of the people will be kept in view by him, in the measures of his administration, and that he will adopt those methods, which are consistent with his rank and the duties of his station, to conciliate their affections. “To heal private animosities, and to prevent them from growing into publick divisions, is one of the principal duties of a magistrate. It too frequently happens, that the most dangerous publick factions are, at first, kindled by private misunderstandings. As publick conflagrations do not always begin in publick edifices, but are caused more frequently by some lamp, neglected in a private house; so, in the administration of states, it does not always happen that the flame of sedition arises from political differences, but from private dissensions, which, running through a long chain of connections, at length affect the whole body of the people.” Long may we be blessed with a chief magistrate, who, rightly understanding the true interests of the people, will be disposed to devote all his powers and influence in subserviency to their highest good.

His Honour the Lieutenant Governor, the Honourable the Council, Senators, and Representatives of the Commonwealth will permit us to remind them of the just claims, which we have upon their zeal and fidelity in discharging the duties of their respective stations. Raised to publick office by the suffrages of a free people, may they, in all their deliberations and decisions, be actuated by a suitable regard to publick utility. Highly important it is, that they who “rule over men should be just, ruling in the fear of God.” The oath of God upon them should lie with weight on their minds. Never should they be unmindful of a superintending Providence, nor of the final retributions, which await them as subjects of moral government. The day cometh, when “God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.” Acting under the influence of this solemn truth, civil rulers cannot fail of being instrumental in promoting the prosperity of their country. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked bear rule, the people mourn.” “It is to be expected,” says a writer of the present day, “that rulers should form the character of the people, and not that the people should form the character of rulers. It was never known that the house of Israel reformed one of their loose, irreligious kings; but it was often known that one pious, exemplary king reformed the whole nation.” Rulers, who live under an abiding sense of their obligations to God, and who suitably regard his word and institutions, will not fail to command the esteem of their fellow men.

Many things call for the attention of those, who, while acting in their legislative capacity, would keep in view the good of their constituents. One is, suitable provision for the instruction of youth.

By instituting schools, and establishing publick seminaries of learning, our fathers were, under God, peculiarly instrumental in transmitting knowledge, religion, and virtue to their posterity. To this day, we reap the benefit of their exertions. Had they been negligent of their duty, in these respects, we might long before this time, have lost our liberties and religion, and sunk into barbarous ignorance and superstition. Our university, colleges, and schools of useful learning, therefore, and all measures which may with propriety be adopted for the moral instruction of children and youth, will, we trust, readily receive the patronage of our civil rulers.

Equally mindful should they be of their obligations to promote a due observance of the Lord’s day. Aside from its subserviency to the purposes of piety, the Sabbath is of great efficacy in the preservation of civil and social order. The blessings of family subordination, of well regulated civil government, a general diffusion of knowledge, and, in short, all the blessings of life, are, in a sense, secured by a proper regard to this divine institution.

All trifling with sacred oaths should be discountenanced by legislators. By an oath, men are bound to truth and fidelity. In proportion to the contempt, which is felt towards the religion of an oath, is the insecurity as to property, reputation, and life. The want of a proper sense of the solemnity and obligation of an oath is, at this day perhaps, a growing evil. Its destructive influence relative to private and publick felicity cannot now be fully unfolded. But whatever remedy may be in the power of rulers to provided against this evil, certainly demands their attention.

No measures, we trust, will be neglected by the government of the Commonwealth, which may have a tendency to support and strengthen the union of the States. On this subject, our beloved Washington, “though dead, yet speaketh.” How forcible, how convincing his instructions! How important that we listen to his warning voice! It is for our political salvation! “Every kingdom divided against itself, is brought to desolation.” “Divide et Imperas,” is not a modern maxim of European cabinets. Powerful motives at the present day are set before us in divine providence to guard against dissension. A cloud hath risen in the east, extending along to the south; the heavens gather blackness; thunders begin to rumble! This, however, may be dangerous ground: I forbear. But, who can contemplate the late aggressions within the limits of our newly acquired territory; who can behold our commerce unjustly embarrassed; our flag insulted in our own harbours; the property of our citizens torn from them by the hands of pirates; some of our seamen instantly murdered; some detained in unwelcome service, and others carried into unhealthy climes, where they are snatched away from their friends and country by untimely death, and not feel the necessity of our united exertions in support of a common interest? To seek for publick happiness in a division of the States is madness, equal to that of a passenger on board a ship, who would set fire to the magazine, that, by destroying all on board, he might have a better opportunity to plunder.

With pleasure we behold so many ministers of the sanctuary present on this occasion. Moses and Aaron may walk together with united exertions for the publick good, if they do not infringe on the rights of each other. If the labours of the statesman, when rightly directed, tend to secure and perpetuate our civil and religious privileges, he who serves at the altar contributes to the same important ends, by putting the people “in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.” We may be free from the chains of earthly tyrants, and yet know not the “liberty of the sons of God.” To proclaim liberty to those, who are in bondage to sin and Satan, is the part of the gospel minister. Here, then, my fathers and brethren, a wide field opens before us. To this service, all our powers may well be devoted. As ambassadors for God to a revolted world, we may contemplate its moral state and drop a tear. See how the “world lieth in wickedness.” See how stupidity, sensuality, and worldly mindedness prevail. See ice and irreligion triumphing in the hearts and disgracing the lives of many. See multitudes traveling, apparently, in the road to destruction. Such are the painful scenes which strike our eyes, when we look abroad upon our country. Thousands regard not even the forms of religion. Look into Europe, “where blood and carnage clothe the ground in crimson, sounding with death groans.” See the grossest vice, the most shameful debauchery, the most enervating luxury, and the most unjustifiable extortion and oppression widely prevailing. In those countries, where reformation hath not yet opened the eyes of the inhabitants to the follies and enormities of popery, the thickest darkness and the most inconceivable ignorance reign. Look we, then, into Asia. There, where lived the prophets, the apostles, and primitive Christians; where lived and died the Saviour of the world; and where once stood the golden candlesticks, the churches of Jesus Christ, now live the deluded followers of the grand impostor Mohammed, and the ignorant worshippers of the sun, moon, and stars. Among them, but here and there, a solitary Christian is to be found. In Africa, the prospect still darkens. In what heathenism and delusion are the inhabitants, who are scattered over its vast regions, involved!

If such be the face of the moral world, with what zeal and fidelity should we discharge the duties appertaining to “the ministry of reconciliation!” How fervent should be our prayers and our endeavours that the gospel, in its power and purity, may be proclaimed by suitable missionaries in all the new settlements of our country; among the savages of the wilderness; and in Asia, Africa, and the Islands of the sea! As we are to beseech men “in Christ’s stead,” to “be reconciled to God,” surely no worldly consideration should ever divert our attention from the interesting employment. Christ’s “kingdom is not of this world;” and, when his ministers are solicited by the rulers of this world, or are tempted by any subordinate considerations, to neglect the proper duties of their station, he would have them reply, as in the words of Nehemiah: “I am doing great work, so that I cannot come down; why should the work cease, whilst I leave it, and come down to you?”

Fellow citizens of this numerous assembly: “To learn obedience and deference to the civil magistrate is one of the first and best principles of discipline: nor must these, by any means, be dispensed with,” would we enjoy the blessings of a free government. “Private dignity ought always to give place to publick authority.” A great part of mankind, it is to be feared, would never be satisfied with a righteous liberty. The liberty, which is sought by multitudes, is not a power of doing right, unmolested; but of being as idle, extravagant, intemperate, and injurious as they please without restraint. By the history of all nations, however, we learn, that when a people reject that liberty, which is regulated by just and righteous laws, they necessarily fall into slavery. No privileges with which a people can be indulged will secure their happiness, if they be not disposed to make a right use of them. We may be blessed with a fertile soil and a healthy climate, and our advantages for commerce may be great, and yet, by luxury, idleness and debauchery, avarice, dishonesty, and injustice, we may sink into poverty and contempt.

Melancholy indeed is the reflection, that, even in this infant empire, so many of those who are adorned with the richest gifts of nature, and who are capable of contributing so greatly to the happiness and glory of their country, should become abandoned to vice and ignominious sloth. Enchanted by the siren voice of pleasure, they sink upon the couch of indolence, or yield to beastly intemperance. Inglorious ease or detestable enormities obscure the splendor of their talents, and extinguish the sparks of divinity. Upon the graves of such, philanthropy will drop a tear, and lament, that genius, the fairest gift of heaven, should thus be rendered injurious to man.

We may enjoy the most excellent laws and religion, and still by vice be made miserable. We may have the best constituted government on earth, and yet by strife and contention, by “biting and devouring one another” be brought to ruin. Would to God, there were none among us characterized by the apostle when he saith, “They despise government; are not afraid to speak evil of dignities, and things they understand not.” In our land, political slander, if we may so term it, has risen to an alarming height. Over the whole face of our country it spreads a gloomy aspect. It is contrary to all good policy. It is contrary to the command of heaven. It destroys the peace and comfort of the citizens. Slander is, in scripture, represented as a devouring flame. That it is so, we know by its effects. “The tongue is a fire, a world of iniquity: it is an unruly evil, full of deadly poison. It setteth on fire the course of nature, and is itself set on fire of hell.”

It is truly an eventful period, in which we live. It is in many respects, an evil day. God’s judgments are abroad in the earth. “Behold,” as saith the prophet, “the Lord cometh out of his place, to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity: the earth also shall disclose her blood, and shall no more cover her slain.” Europe is the theatre of a “strange work;” and the most approved commentators on the scripture prophecies give us reason to tremble in view of the approaching “distress of nations, with perplexity.” The “sea and the waves” are now roaring, and “men’s hearts are now failing them for fear, and for looking after those things which are coming on the earth.” Thankful should we be for the privileges by which we are distinguished above the nations of the earth; and, happy for us, if we wisely improve them. Virtuous nations will ever be the peculiar care of heaven. Divine Providence, we have reason to believe, will bestow the blessing of civil liberty on every people prepared for it, and will undoubtedly take it away from all who pervert it to the worst of purposes. In this land, therefore, may that righteousness abound, which exalteth a nation, and may we ever have wisdom to commit our publick concerns to men of ability, integrity, and genuine patriotism. If a people live under a government of their own forming, and choose their own rulers, they enjoy the opportunity of having the wisest and best of their citizens to rule over them. If, therefore, the administration of their government be corrupt, the fault is chargeable on the people themselves. In all free governments, the complexion of a people may be seen in their rulers.

The blessings of civil liberty may long be enjoyed, and then lost forever; but, “if the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed.” Worldly kingdoms and states have their commencement, their summit, and sink again into oblivion. But he who died on Calvary, hath, in opposition to the kingdom of darkness, established a kingdom, which shall endure when lower worlds dissolve and die. It shall not be moved. Its beauty, order, and harmony will be perpetual. To raise up and establish this kingdom of holiness and righteousness hath been the purpose of God in all the dispensations of his providence respecting the natural, moral, and political world. To this very end have all the operations of his hand been uniformly directed. On the wings of faith and heavenly contemplation, the truly pious mind soars aloft, and feasts on angels’ food, which a beneficent Creator hath strowed through all his works of providence and grace. It sees the great Supreme enthroned on high, holding the reins of universal government, rolling on the stupendous wheels of his providence, and directing every event in such a manner, as finally to issue in the highest good of his holy and eternal kingdom. They only are “called to liberty,” in the most important sense, whose names are enrolled among the subjects of this kingdom. By the most powerful motives are we all urged, to secure an interest in its unspeakable privileges. In this, our duty, our interest, and our happiness unite. Delay may be death. Time rolls on. Our days speed their flight with accelerated swiftness. Constantly are our fellow mortals going down to the dust of death. Placed here in a world of sorrows, we tarry but for a night, and then go into another state of existence. Never shall we all meet together again, till we assemble to receive, from our final Judge, everlasting retributions. Interesting to each one of us, and truly solemn is this thought! To God, then, be given the throne of the universe and the throne of our hearts, that we may be entitled to the blessings of a kingdom, which is not gained by the alarms of war nor garments rolled in blood; a kingdom which shall abide, when the angel shall lift his hand on high, and swear by him that liveth forever and ever, “that time shall be no longer,” and when all national revolutions shall be superseded by the scenes of eternity.

* * *

When the foregoing discourse was written and delivered, it was understood that Gov. Strong was re-elected. Under this impression the second paragraph in page 23, was prepared.

Sermon – Election – 1806, Connecticut


This election sermon was preached by Rev. William Lyman in Hartford, CT on May 8, 1806.


sermon-election-1806-connecticut

THE HAPPY NATION.

A

SERMON

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

IN

HARTFORD

MAY 8TH, 1806.

BY WILLIAM LYMAN, A.M.
Pastor of a Church in East-Haddam.

At a GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the State of CONNECTICUT, holden at Hartford, on the secont Thursday of May, A.D. 1806 —

Ordered, that the Honorable Stephen Titus Hosmer and the Epaphroditus Champion, Esquires, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend WILLIAM LYMAN, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the eighth day of May instant, and request a copy there of, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by

Samuel Wyllys, Secretary.

ELECTION SERMON.

JEREMIAH XXXI. 23.

The Lord bless thee, O habitation of justice, and mountain of holiness.

Happiness, the great end of institutions and pursuits among men, though long and eagerly sought, hath never been fully attained in this world. The honor, security and welfare of nations have been favorite themes of discussion and panegyric, through many succeeding generations. The credulous part of mankind hath been charmed with descriptions of a terrestrial paradise; and the most enchanting images of union, peace and joy have glowed in the breasts of visionary patriots and moralists. The reign of sin and misery, anarchy and confusion, despotism and slavery, hath, in imagination, been extirpated, and this earth converted into the abode of beatified mortals, tasting all the pleasures of freedom, independence and social enjoyment. This ideal happiness, however, which hath been the subject of frequent and confident prediction, hath been expected from no higher source than intellectual improvements and civil refinements. An increase of knowledge, improvement of manners, and acquaintance with the arts of self government have been represented as an effectual antidote to the poison of discord, and a sovereign preventative of the various disorders which disturb the peace and mar the happiness of society. Such addresses to the pride, the vanity and credulity of human nature have never been verified in experience. The phantom they have exhibited to view, hath dissipated in the fumes of practical error; and the toilsome pursuers, after the research of ages, are as remote from the professed object as when these illusive dreams and idle speculations first began. The advocates, however, thought long and often disappointed, have gathered new courage from every new revolution in the state of human affairs, and, with a confidence becoming only the plainest and best of causes, have published again and again their exploded systems. The virtue, the integrity and the piety of a people, which alone can open the portals of such a paradise, and secure the blessings of this golden age, they have retreated with too much neglect. In consequence of this, their building, when reared and adorned with the most beautiful colorings of the imagination, is only “the baseless fabric of a vision.”

The prophet, who recorded the words of my text, guided by the spirit of unerring wisdom and truth, hath advanced a more correct and pract6ical theory – a theory built on the surest basis, and which asks only the privilege of experiment to prove its superiority to all others.

This system is founded in righteousness and moral purity; the two great pillars which support the throne and government of Jehovah.

On this momentous and auspicious occasion, I shall briefly canvass the doctrine of the prophet, with an appropriate reference to that privileged community, at the head of which we, this day, see the reverent rulers of our native and beloved State.

I look around on the magistrates and representatives of one of the freest and most enlightened States under heaven, and, with emotions of heartfelt desire and hope, say to the whole body politic, of which they are the head, “The Lord bless thee, O habitation of justice, and mountain of holiness.”

Since there is no happiness without the blessing of God and no peculiar blessing of God on a people who do not fall under the description here given, I shall advance this, as the doctrinal sentiment of the text, viz.

JUSTICE and HOLINESS are the foundation of national and individual happiness and glory.

This proposition will open the way for a discussion, interesting to us both as individuals as members of community. Happy would it be if this might be conducted in a manner edifying and convincing to all.

Two things will come into view as descriptive of a happy people. They must be righteous: and they must be holy. — The first of these I shall consider in relation to the civil, and the second in relation to the religious state of a people. According to this construction and arrangement, it will be natural,

I. To take a view of them under the notion of an “habitation of justice.” – This denotes their uniform and inviolable regard to equity, in all their concerns. In certain respects, and to a certain degree, they may be righteous and yet not deserve to be designated as the people with whom is the stated abode or habitation of justice. To arrive at the honor of this ennobling distinction, several things are requisite.

I. The acknowledged principles of government must have equal respect to the rights of all.

Whether the instrument which professes to recognize this sentiment be termed a covenant, a bill of rights, or a constitution is immaterial. It will be understood to import that consent which is given, by the several members of society, to the rules and maxims by which they have chosen to be regulated in their public concerns. If this agreement be grounded on the idea of unnatural distinctions and hereditary privileges, it is, in the form and structure of it opposed to the original rights of men; and presents, at the outset, a formidable barrier to the admission of justice. The constitution must admit no doctrine of separate and exclusive rights, in consistent with the rights of a free community, formed on the sure and broad basis of impartial equity. Far be it from me to decide what particular form of government may be adopted. The people, surely, have a right to choose and act for themselves. All legitimate power originates from this source; and that government which owes its existence to any other principle, is nothing less than usurpation and oppression. – The people must form their system of government and determine its mode of operation.

In a representative and popular government, the danger principally consists in having the elective franchise corrupted, and people either deluded or too remiss in exercising and maintaining their rights as freemen. Where the source of power is uncontaminated with bribery or corruption, and people act faithfully as guardians of their privileges, there is little reason to fear any dangerous encroachments from the unprincipled and ambitious. So far as power, by mutual agreement, is delegated to particular men, and they are called to act as the organs of the public will, it ought ever to be considered that the people, and not the rulers simply, are acting. For men to oppose themselves. And to attempt the alteration or obstruction of it, except in a legal and constitutional mode, is to commit acts of needless violence on their own doings, and fight against their own peace and happiness. The representatives and rulers of a free people are the people by their agents; and the rule by which they are to proceed is to consult and promote the public weal, having a constant regard to the rights of the several individuals. This is conductive to the support of justice and tends to serve her residence among a people. It is a principle which must not be abandoned in a free government, that the people are active in constitution their rulers. This principle, I conceive, is recognized in the word of God. See the account of Jephthah’s elevation recorded in the book of Judges xi. 11. “Then Jephthah went with the elders of Gilead, and the people made him head and captain over them.” This agency of the people, in so important a case, shows a divine regard for the rights of man, and furnishes an example of which justice requires a scrupulous imitations. Without enumerating or defining these rights, I shall proceed to observe,

2. That a government once established and on such a bias, should be well administered.

In vain is a theory of the wisest and best system of civil policy, without a corresponding operation of its principles; tending to promote the end of its institution. Here several ideas will come into view particularly, that the laws enacted should be founded in justice, and in the spirit of the constitution. They should have also a steady, faithful and uniform execution: to effect which it is necessary that those entrusted with the management of public concerns should be upright and faithful men. Under such circumstances, there is reason to hope that the claims of justice will be satisfied, and her abode among a people rendered stable and permanent. If either bad laws are framed, or they be badly executed, or, the management of them be committed to corrupt, unprincipled and wicked men, the commonwealth is in danger, and must suffer material injury. A sense of justice should be admitted into all councils and legislative assemblies: it should preside in all courts, and guide the hand which wields the executive sword. Good and wholesome laws, which shall not infringe upon the rights of any; and which shall secure equally to all the enjoyment of life, liberty and the means of happiness, should constitute the code adopted. The vast variety of circumstances, however, which is continually rising to view, and which may contribute, unequally to affect the local interests of men, calls for amendments, alterations and additions. This accommodation, so far as is practicable, justice requires. That imperfection, which attends all human affairs, forbids the expectation, either that all will be satisfied, or that all can have equal and perfect justice done them, at all times; yet this should be the design and tendency of every law.

But, admitting that the laws are good, there is another thing equally essential, and which must not be overlooked; I mean, a faithful and impartial execution of them. As the laws are designed for all, so the executive direction of them should be pointed alike to all. No partialities – no oppression – no violence should be practiced or known. The rude and vile disturbers of order, virtue and peace should be arraigned at the tribunals of public justice, and there be made to tremble before the insulted majesty of the laws. Flagrant offenders must have an exemplary punishment. On the other hand, the rights of the inoffensive, who commit no acts of hostility against the government or the subjects of itk and who maintain a regular course of life, should be secured; and the hand of extortion, rapine and cruelty should be palsied by 6the energetic interposition of the laws. In this way the magistrate and the executive officer become subservient to this double purpose of being a terror in the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well. – Such a state of things in society almost necessarily implies, that the rulers themselves are men of integrity and fidelity.

It is hardly to be expected that a good government, with good laws and well executed, will continue such and be of lasting utility in the hands of men whose principles and practice are constantly and powerfully at war with their professions; and whose minds, in the moral structure of them, are not congenial with such a state of society. That a government be respected and obeyed it is highly needful, among a free people, that it be honored by those who administer it. It is not sufficient that they prescribe to others the line of conduct they are to pursue, and constrain obedience in those they govern. There must be in them an exemplary deportment, corresponding with the rules they establish. Hence good rulers are ever characterized in the word of God as men distinguished for sobriety, integrity and uniformity of life, no less than for wisdom and knowledge. David, with peculiar energy and precision, expresseth the mind of God on this subject, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. “The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” — it will be noticed that in the expression here used there is conveyed an idea of obligation; and this obligation as extending not only to the conduct, but to the real character and motives of the ruler — He must be just, as well as do justice; and he must be actuated by a virtuous principle, “ruling in the fear of God.”

David himself is described as such a ruler. God expressly says “I have found David, a man after mine own heart.” The history of his official conduct is in these honorable terms (Psalm lxxviii. 72.) “So he fed them according to the integrity of his heart: and guided them by skillfulness of his hands.” ( 2 Sam. viii. 15.) “And David reigned over all Israel, and David executed justice and judgment unto all his people.” Such is the character and conduct of a good ruler: and, on this ground, those who have aspired at civil office and power have not failed, in prosecuting their design, to engage that they would act such a part.

The ambitious, enterprising and seditious Absalom professed to seek for authority on no other footing. “Oh, says he, that I were made judge in the land! That every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me and I would do him justice!” He felt the necessity of assuming such a character, and adopting such a course. And those must be corrupt times indeed, when no such qualification is required in an officer of government and his political sentiment are regarded, rather than his veneration for the principles of equity.

Rules, to be qualified for their station are represented as men who “fear God and hate covetousness.” — When such men bear sway, and guide the wheels of government, we may hope for an administration which will effectually secure the blessings guaranteed by the principles on which the government is founded. In these happy times “judgment shall run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.”

Thus we see that by enacting good and wholesome laws, – executing them in a diligent and faithful manner, – and entrusting the management of public concerns with men, who both fear God and regard man, there is afforded to a people the best security for a wise and righteous administration of government : and thus may they place themselves under that fortress of national dignity and happiness, “the habitation of justice.” — But

3. To complete the parts of this picture, I add that the people, in their respective stations and various transactions, must be actuated by the same principles, and perform their duty with uprightness and fidelity.

Useless, in a great measure, would be government and laws, however excellent, without a submission and acquiescence on the part of the people. The gospel enjoins upon men submission to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake, while they lead peaceable and quiet lives in all godliness and honesty. They must submit to the laws and obey magistrates; otherwise confusion and uproar, anarchy and wretchedness will ensure – the wheels of government will be clogged – needful subordination will cease, and the horrors of the most dismal picture of human woe will be presented, when every man does that which is right in his own eyes. — Not only should the seats of justice be free from the stains of corruption and bribery — not only should the professional advocates of justice be uncontaminated with the evil of loving and grasping “the wages of unrighteousness” — not only should those in public life be just and upright men, but the body of the people should merit the same description.

Calumnty, injustice and oppression, of every kind and in every degree, should be avoided, and the people of every grade, by fulfilling their contracts and yelling, implicitly, to the claims of justice would demean themselves as those worthy and wholesome members of society, who industriously seek the things which make for peace. — When such is the tenor of the people’s conduct, and they are faithful to “render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor,” and make it their endeavor to owe no man anything but to love on another, then may we have a vision of those peculiarly happy times described by the prophet Isiah, when he says (Isa. lx. 21) “Thy people shall be all righteous.” — Enough, perhaps, has now been said to show what is comprehended under the notion of the “habitation of justice;” and what is needful to entitle a people to his honorable appellation. This is the nation or community where justice has her fixed abode. When driven out as an exile from all the courts of usurpation and tyranny under heaven – when prohibited the seats of nobles and the palaces of monarchs, here she finds a friendly asylum – here is her chosen, delightful and permanent “habitation.”

II. I am now to consider, under the second general branch of discourse, that still higher article of description, given in these words “mountain of holiness”

We have hitherto contemplated the character and state of a people in their civil capacity, as cherishing and maintaining the cause of justice; we are now to enliven and elevate the scene by giving a view of their religious state.

The “mountain of holiness” denotes an high state of religious experience, — an enlarged portion of spiritual attainments, and bespeaks a people who are formed in an eminent degree to shew forth the divine praise.

I. It will be worthy of primary attention to consider, that they are not atheistical in their sentiments; but believe in the existence, and acknowledge the supremacy of the one only living and true God. — This involves an idea also of belief in the word of God. For whatever credit deists may arrogate to themselves, for admitting a God into their system, yet it is an idle pretence that they believe in such a God as the scriptures describe. For to admit the existence of such a God, and ascribe to him greatness, dominion and power, is to come within the precincts of the Christian system : and it is, in substance, to own a truth long embraced by the saints, and in support of which we earnestly plead, that the scriptures are “given by inspiration of God.”

That the idea of a God may be admitted and yet the authority of the scriptures rejected, will not be controverted; but the God acknowledged in this case is one widely different from him who brightness into view in the sacred oracles. That belief in this being, which clothes him with the ensigns of independent sovereignty, and recognizes the perfections of his nature; which begets a reverence for his word and submission to his will, is supposed in the characteristic traits of a holy people.

2. Such a people support and honor divine institutions, their belief is not idle and inactive speculation; but an inwrought and operative principle. — Those who believe in the existence of such a God as the scriptures reveal, and are reconciled to the methods of his grace, are disposed to worship him, according to the directions of his word. — Hence they approve of his ordinances, and prize the privileges of his gospel. With them his day, hi word and his worship are in high estimation not aspiring to be wise above what is written, nor undervaluing the constitution of heaven, they venerate the Christian ministry and the appointed means of grace for this reason they willingly take part in supporting an evangelical ministration of the word, and honor this institution by a public and uniform attendance upon it.

Neither sloth, indolence nor disgust keeps them from the stated abodes of divine mercy. In a joyful concourse they meet within the gates of Zion, and pour forth their souls in devotional exercises, while they harmoniously join to give thanks to God at the remembrance of his holiness. Scarcely an individual is to be found who cannot adopt this language of the Psalmist, “I had gone with the multitude, I went with them to the house of God; with the voice of joy and praise, with a multitude that kept holy day.” — In this business, rulers and subjects are happily agreed; and, among them, there is conspicuous a governing sense of divine things.

They have communion with their Lord in sacraments, — they look to him habitually in the ordinance of prayer, and they unite to put honor upon him who came to redeem their precious souls, and purify them unto himself as a peculiar people, zealous of good works. This leads me to observe,

3. That they cultivate an acquaintance with the experimental parts of religion. — Among them there exists no doubt respecting the inward and saving work of the spirit. Their hopes are in unison with that experience of saints which inclines them to say “Not by works of righteousness, which we have done but according to his mercy he saved us, by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the holy Ghost.” — They ascribe all their hopes and all their comforts to the sovereign and effectual grace of God, not relying upon their own doings, but upon the merits of him who died to atone for their transgressions, and whose blood cleanseth from all sin. Being wrought into his spirit, and conformed to his image, they derive vital energy and support from him, by the continual actings of a vigorous faith; so that because he lives, they live also. This renders them, in a peculiar sense, the heritage of the Lord; and like a holy or consecrated thing, they belong to him of whom its is characteristic that he “saves his people from their sins.”

There is a further idea which may be gathered from the expression used in the text. Therefore,

4. Those we are describing are a people who have risen to high attainments in the art of holy living, and distinguished themselves for their zeal and firmness in the Christian cause.

They are not ashamed of the doctrine nor of the cross of Christ. They openly and boldly espouse the interests of his truth and kingdom. For him they plead, and to his service they are devoted. With fortitude, resolution and unabating fervency, they persevere in the ways of well-doing, and become eminent for their piety. Their light shines before men, and others see their good works. This conduces to the glory of their heavenly father, and to their own abundant comfort. Such marks of humility, devotion and piety are discovered in them, that others take knowledge of them that they have been with Jesus. Degrees of holiness are habitually increasing within, and the uniform tenor of their lives proves that they are going on to perfection. They ascend in their views and desires. — The glories of heaven more and more attract their souls, and they aspire after that maturity of spiritual stature to which they shall arrive in heaven. Already they feel the elevating power of hope, and the invigorating influence of a living faith. Their graces grow strong, and their attainments rise high. This comports with the idea of a mountain, denoting something which is elevated, conspicuous and stable.

The expression conveys also an idea of exuberance and richness. Mount Libanus, or the mountain of Lebanon, has been celebrated for its fertility — a part of which was uncommonly productive. In allusion to this, the mountain of holiness may denote an extraordinary growth of the plants of piety. This elevation brings to view also the notion of zeal, excited by the warm and vivifying rays of divine love, which penetrate the very bowels of this mountain, darting life and energy through every part. From the expression there further arises an idea of firmness, strength and security. A mountain which overlooks and commands at the adjacent country is a place of advantageous resort when assailed by an enemy. And it may fitly represent the protection and safety afforded to those who are in the favor and under the care of heaven. Christians, in this state, are on the pinnacle of faith, and in the fortress of almighty love. This conveys us, in our meditations, to the highest and most advantageous point on the mountain of holiness. The idea is that the church is in peculiar estimation; so that by its formidable greatness and exalted attitude it commands the veneration of all around. Faith, hope, love and zeal are carried to great perfection; the growth of Christians surpasses the ordinary measure. In them we see verified the assurance given by the prophet Daniel, “but the people that do know their God shall be strong and do exploits.”

Having thus, very briefly, delineated the character of those presented to our view, in the language of the text, and shown I two distinct points of view, how a people in their civil and religious capacity, may answer to the metaphorical description of the prophet, I shall, without entering into a detail of particular duties, pass to consider,

III. How these things unite in conducting a people to that summit of national honor and felicity, comprised in having for their portion the blessing of the Lord.

When righteousness and holiness combine their influence, in the manner above represented; and when the civil and religious state of a people is thus refined and ennobled, this is, of itself the choicest blessing : nor, is it difficult to see how this blessing will unfold itself, in the augmentation of national security and happiness. The benefits resulting from this quarter may be traced in a few things.

In the first place, it is obvious there will be security against the mischiefs of anarchy. A government is established, which is a righteous government – the execution of them impartial, and the rulers are of a character which excites confidence and respect. Moreover, the people are free from dishonesty, fraud and every species of iniquity : that godliness which is profitable unto all things, is found predominant among rulers and subjects and the great cement of union, order and harmony, which flows from the “mountain of holiness” diffuses itself over the various branches of society, enhancing the worth, raising the dignity, and multiplying the joys of such a community. Where then is the room for discord, uproar and confusion, with their numerous train of complicated evils? The door is effectually shut against them, nor can anarchy, with her subtle engines of collision and strife, enter and perform her operations. – Besides, through the indulgence of heaven, there is afforded to each his full and equitable proportion of enjoyments. Under such a government every right, civil and sacred, is secured. Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness fall in the train of protected privileges. No man wrests from his brother his property, his good name, or his inalienable rights of conscience. Each one lives in peace with all men, and cultivates that holiness of heart and life which is a bond of the sweetest union. All sit quietly under their own vines and fig trees, having none to molest them in their pursuits, or make them afraid in their possessions. They worship God agreeably to the dictates of their own consciences, and are at liberty to be as happy as their capacity and means will admit. – On them, no arm of the oppressor and no scourge of the despot is laid. The character of the government, of the rulers and of the people, guards against the encroachments of usurpation and tyrannical power. That justice which takes up her abode among such a people is vigilant to detect, and powerful to check, the ambitious projects of unprincipled demagogues. More than all this, that “mountain of holiness,” which rears its majestic head towards heaven, forms an insuperable barrier against all the insidious movements of the aspiring and restless hunters after power.

We further trace the beneficial effects of this blessing in the removal or prevention of those numerous causes of litigation and civil contest, which so much disturb the peace of society, and introduce a train of vexatious and expensive troubles. Justice and holiness drive from their boarders that group of evils which is the product of litigious and revengeful measures. Near the habitation of the one, and the mountain of the other, these have no cultivation or fostering support.

It may also be remarked that the characteristic properties of which we have spoken have influence to ennoble the sentiments, harmonize the views, refine the tempers and purify the morals of men. They add a dignity to their whole deportment, and all the movements of their souls are upon a more sublime, enlarged and elevated scale. Instead of being “wise to do evil” they “learn to do well,” and, in their respective stations, act worthily their part.

Hence the joys of anticipation become their portion, and they not only are admitted to all the pleasures of reciprocal intercourse with heaven, and draw down, on themselves, the refreshing tokens of divine favor, but they look forward with hope and an assured confidence to the regions of consummate and endless felicity.

Such are the fruits and effects of that blessing from on high, which accompanies and beatifies a moral and religious people.

Thus does the Lord smile with complacency on those whom justice and holiness unite to render the objects of his peculiar favor; and to such a pitch of glory and felicity do these illustrious properties conduct nations and individuals. – We look forward to the millennium, to realize this alluring and transporting scene, in full assurance that when the prince of peace shall sway his scepter, and become king of nations as he is king of all saints, this splendid display of an earthly paradise will open to view.

Taking into consideration these several ideas, and contemplating their connection, we learn with what property it is affirmed, that justice and holiness are the foundation of national and individual happiness and glory.

APPLICATION.
The subject we have been considering presents for our instruction and benefit several useful reflections. We learn,

I. That in the business of reforming the world and ameliorating the condition of men, religion and politics have real and important connection. They combine their influence in this noble work. No politics deserve the credit of the least approbation which are not framed in “the habitation of justice:” and no such politics are at variance with religion. – Civil government and the church have a mutual and intimate concern in refining and perfecting the state of society. Civil rule must be built on the basis of morality; nor should any measures be adopted in political arrangements which justice does not approve. But to give the finishing stroke, and raise to the highest pitch the honors of national character, there must be an assemblage of those virtues which rank under the title of holiness. Religion must be cultivated, or in vain do you look for the “blessing of the Lord which maketh rich,” in the enjoyment of peace and safety. Bold indeed must be that adventurer in political renovation, who expects the exaltation and happiness of a people independently of the blessing of heaven. If you drive religion from among a people, you banish the very essence of intellectual and moral refinement: you tear down the towering hopes of a soul “longing after immortality:” you strip society of its brightest ornament; and you present to the view of degraded man the groveling scene of a lustful paradise. Let justice guide the decisions of civil judicatories, and let holiness sanction all the measures for enlightening and reforming mankind, you have then the key to unlock the treasures of national independence, elevation and glory. “Then God’s people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, and in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting places.” And thus will it appear to be emphatically true that “righteousness exalteth a nation.”

But when I speak of the combined influence of civil and religious means, let no one imagine that I mean to blend the duties, or intermix the concerns of political and ecclesiastical functionaries. They have their distinct offices and distinct employments harmonizing in the end, but differing in the modes and forms of operation. The glory of God and the happiness of men are the leading and principal objects to the promoted by persons of every class. The civil magistrate and the minister of Christ should keep to their respective assignments of service, without interfering or encroaching; but should mutually aid each other in their benevolent and important work. Justice and holiness should preside and govern in the proceedings of both. We infer,

2. That rulers have a work which requires vigilance and sobriety, skill and fortitude.

They are to look over the affairs of state, and take care that the commonwealth suffer no detriment, from their neglect or mismanagements. As the ministers of God for good to the people, they are to defend the rights of office, and dispense justice to all the subordinate members of society. It is, therefore, requisite they should be always at their post, and discharge faithfully the duties of their exalted station. The interests of the people are to be the subject of their consultations, and the object of their diligent pursuit. They must be vigilant to descry and faithful to perform their duty. They need, like Daniel, be frequently on their knees before God; and, like Solomon, pray for a wise and understanding heart. Feeling the weight of their public employment, and anxious that they people may not mistake their true interests, they will be ready to say, with a celebrated judge in Israel, “Moreover God forbid that I should sin against the Lord by ceasing to pray for you : But I will teach you the good and the right way.” Opposition may be expected and sometimes experienced in faithfully discharging their official duties.

Restless spirits will foment difficulties. They may rise up in open rebellion, and hostility, saying, as did once daring company to Moses and Aaron, “Ye take too much upon you.” In repressing such outrage, in frowning on vice, and in punishing offenders, not only skill but prudence and resolution are requisite. The work is great, and demands peculiar activity. Accordingly it is suggested by the apostle, as a rule applicable in this case, “He that ruleth, with diligence.” While the rulers are exemplary in all moral and religious duties, it not only affords security but comfort to the whole community; so that in experience is verified that political maxim of the wise man, “when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice.” We gather,

3. That ministers of the gospel hold a conspicuous station in promoting the good of their fellow men, and should be laborious and unwearied in their efforts. They are to stand on the mountain of holiness, and invite all to the summit of evangelical purity. While their political fathers, in the habitation of justice, are conspiring with their counsels and endeavors to promote the temporal prosperity of men; they, on this high and salubrious mountain, are to concentrate all their exertions to subserve a still more noble purpose, in accomplishing their spiritual and eternal good. – To their care, in a special manner, is committed the ark of God and the holy service of the sanctuary. Encouraged by the fostering hand of the civil power, and much more, enflamed by the love of Jesus and the worth of souls, they are to labor for the salvation and happiness of all. The nature, tendency and issue of sin they are to describe; and warn people of t the evils attendant on injustice and wickedness, both in this world and another. They must teach them to obey magistrates and be ready for every good work.

To the ministers of justice they must leave the concerns of civil law, while they charm and activate with the beauties of holiness. Moving in their proper sphere they must endeavor to shine as lights in the world. In a word, they are to act a distinguished part in calling down the blessings of heaven on a people, and in contributing to promote their temporal and eternal welfare. While the rulers like good Hezekiah, speak comfortably to all the Levites that teach the good knowledge of the Lord, the people will be at peace, and reap the benefit of their united and assiduous exertions.

My fathers and brethren in the ministry, awakened by the solemn and affecting calls, which have been repeated the last year, in the removal of fellow-laborers by death, 1 will be excited to redoubled diligence in the service of their divine Lord and master. Knowing that shortly they must put off this tabernacle, they will lose no time in testifying the gospel of the grace of God, and watching for souls, as they who must give an account. We learn

4. That special attention is due to the pious education of our youth. I mean not only by their being supplied with the public means of grace, and the advantages of such a ministry as I have described, but by doing their being provided with suitable instructors in the various seminaries of learning. If they are not taught, in that early part of life, the rules or righteousness, sobriety and godliness, no rational expectation can be formed that they will walk in the paths of virtue and religion. So soon as they begin to deviate from the maxims of justice and holiness, they become wanderers from the only infallible road to dignity and felicity. It is an approved maxim, which an inspired writer hath advanced and which experience confirms, “Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it.” – In Vain do you look for good, wise and faithful rulers, or regular and wholesome members of society, from the schools of infidelity or the retreats of impurity. To subserve in the best manner, the interests of society, and be respectable or useful in life, persons must early be habituated to the fear of the Lord and the restraints of piety.

To secure such a blessing, a virtuous education is indispensably requisite. Not only able, but faithful conscientious and virtuous instructors should be provided. Liberal provision almost beyond a parallel, hath been made by our Legislature for the encouragement of learning. But if piety be not respect to an equal or superior degree, in these various fountains of science, the privilege we enjoy may become a snare. If inexperienced, unprincipled and immoral men are admitted as teachers into our nurseries of science, and superintend the earliest part of education, it will tend to poison the fountains of virtue and happiness. They should be men not only skilled in the rudiments of learning, but of unimpeachable character; whose principles and practice coincide with their instructions in favor of mortality and religion. Thus by imbuing the minds of our youth with virtuous principles, and habituating them to virtuous practices, our nation may grow into a habitation of peace, and rise into a mountain of dignity and joy. Let me entreat then that the public guardians of our rights would have a constant eye to these sources of our hopes and comforts. We learn,

5. How to prize the privileges we enjoy under a good and wholesome form of civil government, and how to appreciate those predictions of scripture which speak of an extensive and glorious spread of the gospel.

We live in an age of light, and in a land of liberty. – Our excellent constitution and the wise good and faithful administration of government extort praise even from the lips of enemies. Balaam, though called to curse, must lift up his voice and say “How godly are thy tents, O Jacob, and they tabernacles, O Israel.”

We have not to mourn in the plaintive language of the prophet, that “Judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, for truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter;” but we glory in the blessings which result from an unobstructed course of justice. Our eyes behold the rulers of this happy land, proceeding from among ourselves; not dazzling in the splendors of royalty, but charming in the more humble garb of republicans. Our state regulations have not undergone any material change. Our judges remain as at the first, and our counsellors as at the beginning. While others are verging on the horrors of civil contest, or wreathing beneath the tortures of despotism, we are, to a good degree, free from the turmoils of faction.

It cannot, however, be denied that difference of opinion prevails, producing violent struggles for the support of opposing measures. Nor is it less apparent that degeneracy of manners marks the age in which we live. Licentiousness of sentiment and practice hath affected most classes, and an awful neglect of God and divine things abounds. Numerous and glaring are the symptoms of declension : dark and lowering are the aspects of providence. We may, however have confidence in him who “hath his way in the whirlwind in the storm.”

When we look abroad and contemplate the rage of party, the illegal contest of political opponents, and the bloody issue of disappointed ambition, in the systematized barbarities of dueling, we are constrained to weep over our degraded and incrimsoned land, saying, in the desponding language of the prophet, “How is the faithful city become an harlot! It was full of judgment, righteousness lodged in it, but now murderers.” From this painful spectacle let us turn and once more view that favored part of the country in which we dwell. Notwithstanding our impieties, a good degree of order and regularity prevails. A general regard is paid to virtue and morality, among the various classes of your citizens, and we still gather comfort from the application of this prophecy, “Thou shalt be called the city of righteousness, the faithful city.”

Against the wisest measures and the most salutary laws, the enemies of order and government may, however, unite an clamor. Such combinations of infuriated man must have their seasons and their course. Though success attend their exertions, they will not long enjoy the triumph.

Let them alone, and ere long, under the influence of that spirit by which they are actuated, they will run violently down the steep place of discord, and be choked in the tempestuous sea of anarchy.

But, if we desert not the “habitation of justice,” nor abandon the “mountain of holiness,” we need fear no such evil. The Lord will bless us as he hath done our forefathers; and no weapon formed against our union, peace and government, shall be able to prosper. – Those civil and religious privileges which we enjoy to an unexampled degree, let us evermore cherish; let us guard the sanctuary of our rights from the inroads of insidious foes. Our only danger lies in forsaking the God of our fathers. Let us never have occasion to deplore, in the language of the repenting Israelites, “for we have added to all our sins, this evil to ask us a king.” To avoid so fatal an evil, let us, my countrymen, be evermore on the watch-tower of independence and freedom. Sell not the birthright of your liberties for the poisonous and deadly pottage of imperial delusion and tyranny. – For comfort in the darkest times, look to the animating descriptions and prophecies with which the word of God abounds. Read attentively and learn the progress, the energy and the triumph of truth. The day is coming, in prophetic vision it is already present, when righteousness and piety, justice and holiness shall prevail. “And it shall come to pass,” saith the evangelical Isaiah, “that the mountain of the Lord’s house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and exalted above the hills, and all nations shall flow unto it.” – Jerusalem shall become a praise in the earth, and there shall be perpetuated in the reign of him who “shall turn away ungodliness from Jacob.” The “habitation of justice” shall eventually stand on the ”mountain of holiness;” and “in mount Zion shall be deliverance as the Lord hath said.”

We need not fear the attacks of infidels. The blasphemies of no ancient or modern Rabshakeh should shake our faith, or appall our hopes.

Their attempts to demolish the immoveable basis of the Christian’s hope are like the efforts of an ant to dig down a mountain of solid rock; the smallest fragment of which is sufficient to crush the puny adventurers. By the mode of conducting their attack, some have contributed, though contrary to design, to establish the authenticity of divine revelation, by proving this one scriptural truth, “Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging, and whosoever is deceived thereby, is not wise.” The mad design of such apostates from reason and decency hath not been effected.

The mountain of the Lord standeth firm; against which the storms of malice beat and rage in vain. The oracles of truth remain unconsumed, and will outlive the envenomed spite of all their opposers. – Inconsistencies and absurdities will obtain both in the political and moral world. – As on the prisons and dungeons of the terrible Republic were inscribed “Liberty and equality;” so, in the very outskirts and suburbs of moral insanity, you find erected this imposing signal “The age of reason.” But let not an age of impiety drive you from the safe retreat of revealed truth. Fear not to take shelter under the banner of a despised savior. Weep for the depravity which marshals man against his maker, but doubt not the validity of what God hath spoken. Legions of opposers cannot defeat his designs. – Let infidels of enormous size and combined strength employ their efforts; let them come, like the armies of Gog and Magog, from the four quarters of the earth, or like the croaking plagues of Egypt cover the land; let them summon to their aid the force of wit and ridicule; allow them the strength of every civil arm, nerved with tenfold fury; let them speak terror with the roaring instruments of death, and brandish the sword of persecuting rage; let them arrange, in order, the whole artillery of infernal malice, and point to the burning stake, the gloomy dungeon, the torturing gibbet, and the fatal ax; let them, in short, be aided by all the powers of darkness, and, with one voice, cry concerning mount Zion “Rase it, rase it, even to the foundation thereof,” yet ineffectual will be all their endeavors. The church must live; the church will flourish. The coalition of earth and hell cannot succeed to demolish this “mountain of holiness.” It is worse than madness then to oppose and fight against the methods of God’s grace. Our only safety lies in submitting to the force of truth, and bowing to the scepter of Jesus. This king God hath set on his holy hill of Zion, and the nations, who resist him, will he rule with a rod of iron.

In the great events which have passed, and are passing on the theatre of Europe, and arresting the attention of an astonished world, prophecy is receiving its exact accomplishment, and confirming the faith of those who look for the prosperity of Zion he truth, the justice, the holiness and the vengeance of God are remarkably exhibited to view. These overturnings among the children of men are preparatives for ushering in a more glorious day. Already the work is begun; the heralds of salvation have gone forth; the bible is making its way into the dark abodes of mahometanism and pagan idolatry; Ethiopia has stretched out her hands unto God, and the Isles are waiting for his law.

He whose right it is will take himself his great power and reign from sea to sea, and from land to land. – Borne on the wings of faith we hail the auspicious day, when “they shall not hurt nor destroy in all God’s holy mountain,” and when “the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the sea.” – In this view we are wrapt in ecstasy, while contemplating the display of that grace which shall effect the accomplishment of prophecy, and which shall not cease to operate, till “The stone cut out of the mountain without hands shall become a great mountain and fill the whole earth.”

It will be natural before we conclude this subject to transfer out thoughts from earth to heaven; from things visible to things invisible; and from the temporary affairs of men, in this world, to those more interesting and eternal concerns which await them at the bar of Jehovah. – There justice and holiness will appear in all their radiant beauty, perfection and glory. The trifling and short lived distinctions of men will be all done away, and impartial equity will be administered. The Ancient of Days will sit, and the books will be opened. Rulers and subjects, ministers and people of every description shall meet on a level, and be judged out of those things which are written in the books. Before this august tribunal, the court I now behold, with every other court under heaven, will dwindle into a point, and be lost in the mighty concourse of assembled worlds.

Unbelievers, whether in the higher or lower walks of life will be abashed and confounded those who have scoffed at divine truth and wantoned in the ways of impiety; who have loved the praise of men more than the praise of God and been lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God, shall no longer boast of their superior reason, wisdom and enjoyment. A court, from which there is no appeal, will examine and decide the case of every man. Nor will a reversal of judgment ever comfort the hearts or mitigate the sorrows of condemned malefactors. Have ye ruled in the fear of God and maintained the cause of righteousness ? will be addressed to those who have been in authority among men. Have ye been blind leaders of the blind ? will sound in the ears and awaken the attention of ministers. Have ye obeyed magistrates? Have ye prized religious ordinances ? have ye hearkened to the voice of my servants the prophets? And have ye led peaceable and quiet lives in all godliness and honesty? Will be demanded of all who have enjoyed these privileges. All the words, actions, and motives of men will be examined and form the basis of a judgment. Then shall the sentence of approving justice confusing joy through enraptured hosts, proceed from the mouth of the final Judge, “Come, ye blessed of my father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world:” and the awful denunciation, thrilling horror thro’ unnumbered millions be pronounced, “Depart, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels.”

Thus when the scene of nature’s conflict with sin shall be issued, when the meditorial work is accomplished, and Christ hath delivered up the kingdom to the father, the joys and the sorrows of eternity will commence.

On this stupendous scene, my hearers, we must all attend. Shortly the trump of the great arch angel will sound, the dead will awake, and we must stand before the judgment seat of Christ. May we then hear the plaudit of our judge; and join that angelic host, “the number of whom is ten thousand times ten thousand, and thousand of thousands, saying with a loud voice, Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and honor, and glory, and blessing.”

AMEN
 


Endnotes

1. Rev. Messrs. Andrew Elliot of Fairfield, Joseph Washburn of Farming ton, and Justus Mitchel of New-Canaan.

Sermon – Saul Consulting Witch of Endor – 1806

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

Lathrop preached this sermon in 1806. He used 1 Samuel 38:6-7 as the basis for it.


sermon-saul-consulting-witch-of-endor-1806

Illustrations and Reflections

On

The Story Of

Saul’s Consulting the Witch of Endor.

A

DISCOURSE

DELIVERED

AT WEST SPRINGFIELD

By Joseph Lathrop, D.D.
Pastor of the first church in said Town.

1 SAMUEL XXXVIII, 6,7.

And when Saul enquired of the Lord, the Lord answered him not, neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets. Then said Saul unto his servants, Seek me a woman, that hath a familiar spirit, that I may go to her and enquire of her. And his servants said to him, behold there is a woman that hath a familiar spirit at Endor.

The great and fundamental principles of religion, the existence and unity of the godhead, were taught, as soon as man was placed on the earth. Nor does it appear that, in any part of the antediluvian age, corrupt as mankind then were, these principles were rejected, or polytheism and idolatry admitted.

The first idolatry of which we have an account, was in the days of Abraham. He was commanded by God to depart from his country and from his kindred and from his father’s house, and to go into the land of Canaan, where, God promised, that he would bless him, give him an inheritance and make of him a great nation. The reason of this command is assigned by Joshua. He says to the tribes of Israel, “Thus saith the Lord, your fathers dwelt on the other side of the flood,” the Euphrates, “in old time even Terah the father of Abraham and the father of Nachor, and they served other gods; and I took your father Abraham from the other side of the flood, and led him through all the land of Canaan.”

Abraham was called from his native land into Canaan, that he might escape the superstitions of his countrymen, might know and worship the one true God, might train up his children in pure and pious sentiments and manners, and might thus lay a foundation in his own family for the continuance and spread of true religion in the world.

Those nations, which renouncing the one supreme God, served gods many and lords many, generally admitted the delusive arts of divination, magic and sorcery, which were pretensions to immediate intercourse with invisible beings, or to a profound and occult knowledge of nature, by which they boasted to have learned important secrets, undiscoverable by the ordinary wisdom and sagacity of man.

These arts were conducted with subtle artifice and crafty contrivance, with pompous rites and ostentatious ceremonies, with the collusion of two or more confederates, and with a certain legerdemain or slight of hand, to amuse and deceive the ignorant and credulous. The responses made by the pretended oracles were uttered in such ambiguous terms as to admit the application of contrary events.

These delusive arts, we find, were much practiced and highly esteemed in Egypt, during the time that the Jews sojourned in that country.

The Jews tho’ instructed in the character and government of one supreme God, yet by long residence in Egypt, had fallen into a belief of the reality, and a fondness for the exercise of such arts. There were some so impious as to profess the knowledge of them, and many s credulous as to consult these wicked pretenders. Against this dangerous propensity, God, in the constitution of their religion and government, took early care to guard them. He gave them a written law prescribing the great rules of their duty to himself and to one another. The law was communicated in such a manner as tended to impress them with a belief of the existence, and a reverence for the majesty of one all-perfect Deity. It was introduced with great solemnity. “Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord.” And the first precept is, “Thou shalt have no other gods before me.”

This law expressly forbids all kinds of divination and sorcery, and all application to those who practice such arts. “There shall not be found among you anyone that useth divination, or an observer of times, or an enchanter, or a witch, or a charmer, or a consulter with familiar spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer. For all that do these things are an abomination to the Lord; and because of these abominations the Lord driveth out the nations which were before you. They hearkened unto diviners and observers of times; but as for thee the Lord thy God hath not suffered thee to do so.”

God also gave them prophets, who, being endued with his own spirit, could occasionally instruct them in all things necessary to be known, which were not communicated in the written revelation. And these prophets were enabled to give clear and undeniable proofs of their divine commission.

Besides these, there was the oracle of Urim and Thummim, from which the high priest gave divine answers to those, who religiously consulted him on great and national concerns. And these answers wee given in a public manner, in open day and with an audible voice,s o that there could be no suspicion of fraud and imposture.

Notwithstanding all these precautions those arts still existed. And in the reign of Saul, they had become more common, than in their former times. And Saul, probably by the advice of Samuel, who had considerable influence upon the king, “had put away those who had familiar spirits and the wizards out of the land.”

After the death of Samuel, the Philistines, encouraged probably by the removal of that great and good man, made war upon Israel, and collected a numerous army to invade the country. Saul gathered an army to oppose them. The two armies encamped in sight of each other. Saul, viewing the host of the Philistines, “was greatly afraid, and his heart trembled.” In his terror and perplexity, “he enquired of the Lord.” In the book of Chronicles it is said “He enquired not of the Lord.” He made me a pretense of enquiring of the Lord; but did not enquire in that humble, penitent and persevering manner, which God required, and which would have entitled him to an answer.

In this embarrassment, Saul said to his servants, “Seek me a woman that hath a familiar spirit, that I may go to her and enquire of her,” concerning the event of the impending battle. Strange inconsistency! He had put a way those who had familiar spirits; and now he would consult a creature of this description himself. Since God would not answer him, he determined that contrary to the command of God, he would try if he could not get an answer from a witch. But God had departed from him : And what absurdity can be too great for a man, that is forsaken of God?

The servants inform him of a woman to his mind, who lived in Endor, a place not far distant from Gilboa, where he now was. That he might not be discovered by the Philistines, nor suspected by the woman, “he disguised himself, and put on other raiment;” and in this disguise he went in the night with two servants to Endor to consult the enchantress.

Having arrived at her residence, he soon opened his business. “I pray thee,” says he, “divine unto me by the familiar spirit, and bring me up him, whom I shall name unto thee.” See here another instance of inconsistency in the man. He had no idea, that the woman, by her familiar spirit, could foretell what he wanted to know, the event of the battle, or could instruct him now to insure success; yet he imagined that by her incantations she could raise the dead, which, if there is a difference, is a greater instance of power.

The woman did not yet suspect her querist to be the king; for he was in disguise; it was night; if she had ever seen him, yet she would not now be apt to think of him; she would not imagine that a king could be so weak and credulous as to consult an ignorant sorceress, or so inconsistent as to apply to a person of her character after his severe orders to exterminate such creatures. She therefore, by way of excuse from undertaking the business refers him to what Saul had done, and expressed to him a suspicion, that he was designing man, who came to lay a snare for her life.

When Saul had given her the assurance of an oath, that no punishment should happen to her, she expressed a readiness to comply with his request. In that day an oath was deemed ample security for the fidelity of him that made it.

Saul ha proposed, that she should bring up to him such a person as he would name to her she now asks, “Whom shall I bring up to the?” He answered, “Bring me up Samuel.” The hag certainly had no expectation that she could bring up Samuel, or anybody else. She could not be so vain as to imagine, that she possessed a power to raise the dead, and to raise whom she pleased, and when she pleased. But probably she intended to amuse and satisfy her consulter, by the assistance of a familiar, or accomplice who from some secret cell, should give responses, as coming from the mouth of Samuel.

When she began her spells, a figure appeared which resembled Samuel. And she was horribly affrighted “She cried with a loud voice.” The appearance was wholly unexpected to her. She had no idea, that her incantations would produce and effect like this. The sight of Samuel, who had long been a counselor to Saul, brought the king to her mind. She said, “Why hast thou deceived me? For thou art Saul.” The king endeavors to calm her spirits. He says “Be not afraid. What sawest thou?” She had a sight of the object before Saul had. He, perceiving that she was terrified at something, enquired, what she saw. She answered, “I saw gods ascending out of the earth.” The word rendered Gods though plural in form is often singular in sense. It is in scripture applied not only to the supreme Deity, but to a magistrate, a judge, or a man of eminence, such as Samuel was. Saul understands the woman as speaking of a single person, asks, “What form is he of?” She says, “An old man cometh up, and he is covered with a mantle.” By this time, Saul had a sight of the apparition. “And when he perceived, that it was Samuel, he stooped with his face to the ground, and bowed himself.”

It hence appears that Saul saw the object; for he would not have bowed himself to a mere idea, or imagination in his own mind.

A question will naturally arise here, whether this apparition was really Samuel, or a mere phantom, and illusion on the senses? The sacred historian, says it was Samuel, and gives no intimation of its being a spectre.

The souls of men exist in a separate state. They may be sent into this world in bodies and habits resembling those, in which they appeared before their death. Angels, in ancient times, came to men in human forms and conversed with them in human language. Human spirits may have been sent in the same manner on particular occasions. There is no more difficulty in supposing, that Samuel was raised and exhibited in his former habit, than that Moses and Elijah appeared on the mount of transfiguration. The apparition’s discourse to Saul is such as we might expect from the prophet; but in no respect such as the sorceress would have put into the mouth of a spectre, which she had conjured up. The apparition predicts certain events, which were to be fulfilled in a day or two. The events actually came to pass. And they were events which neither the woman, nor an evil spirit could foreknow; such as the death of Saul and of his three sons, and the defeat of his army. Isaiah thus challenges all false gods; “Let them bring forth and shew us what shall happen. Let them declare the things, which shall be hereafter, that we may know that they are gods.” Here is a plain declaration that none but the true God can foretell those events, which depend on the volitions and actions of men. If we should suppose, that, to amuse saulm the woman ventured on some bold conjectures, we must suppose, that like other impostors, she would predict good, and not evil. Had she promised success, she had nothing to fear. If success followed, she might hope Saul would reward her. If he should be defeated and slain in battle, he could not hurt her. But a prediction of disaster and death might be considered as an evidence of disaffection and malice; and, had it failed, it would have exposed her to the king’s resentment.

But if Samuel really appeared, was he raised by this witch’s incantations?

This cannot be supposed; for, as we have already observed, she had no such power, nor had her charms any such tendency, nor had she any such expectation. But Samuel was sent by the power of God, that Saul, in his own way, and by the very person whom he wished to see, might be reproved for his past wickedness, and warned of the destruction which awaited him. His impious application to this vile creature to bring him up Samuel, was the crime which principally provoked against him the awful sentence, which Samuel denounced. The request of Saul, God answered in his anger, as he did the request of Israel, when he gave Saul to be their king. “Saul died for his transgression, which he committed against the Lord, even against the word of the Lord, which he kept not, and also for asking counsel of one that had a familiar spirit to enquire of it, and enquired not of the Lord : therefore he slew him, and turned the kingdom to David.” And the story is recorded to teach men, how criminal and how dangerous it is to depart from God, and to seek the knowledge of future events, or of any secret things by consulting diviners, or by any means which reason and Scripture do not warrant.

The conversation, which ensued between Samuel and the king is solemn and interesting, and confirms the observations which we have made.

Samuel said to Saul, “Why hast thou disquieted me to bring me up?” The saint feels no real disquietude in executing any behest, on which God sends him. But Samuel speaks after the manner of mortals, who are disquieted, when their repose is interrupted. Death is compared to sleep, and the resurrection to awaking out of sleep. As to be prematurely awaked from profound sleep is a painful disquietude, so Samuel speaks as if he had been disquieted by an unseasonable revocation into this world.

Saul answered, “I am sore distressed; for the Philistines make war upon me, and God is departed from me.” A distressing case indeed. Affliction is in itself distressing; and in it the only relief and consolation is the presence of God, the support of his grace, the light of his countenance, access to his throne and a consciousness of his approbation. If when trouble is near, God is afar off, trouble will press with all its weight and the soul will sink under it. “God is departed from me, and answereth me not; therefore I called thee, that thou mayst make known to me, what I shall do.” Samuel said, “Wherefore then dost thou ask of me, seeing God is departed from thee, and is become thine enemy?” What are creatures without God? “If he withdraw not his anger, the proud helpers stoop under him.” Neither men nor angels can do more for us, than God allows and enables them to do. To forsake God, and provoke departure from us, and then in our distress to seek relief from man, or from any other creature, and especially from a witch is adding madness to impiety. Samuel proceeds; “The Lord hath done to him,” i.e. to David, who is mentioned at the end of the verse “the Lord hath done to him, as he spake by me; for he hath rent the kingdom from thine hand, and given it to David. Because thou obeyedst not the voice of the Lord, therefore he hath done this thing to thee this day. Moreover the Lord will deliver Israel with thee into the hand of the Philistines, and tomorrow,” i.e. in a short time, “thou and thy sons shall be with me;” shall be in the state of the dead. Such pious and solemn reproof and warning and such minute and particular predictions to be immediately verified, cannot be supposed to come from wicked spirits, or from a vile woman under their influence. They must have proceeded from God, who alone knew what should be on the morrow. And if they proceeded from God, it is more pious, and more rational to suppose, that he communicated them by the mouth of Samuel sent from Heaven, than by the voice or agency of an evil spirit issuing from the infernal regions.

The story, which we have been illustrating, will suggest to us some useful instructions.

1. It teaches us the separate existence of the soul after death, and affords a proof of the resurrection of the body.

If Samuel, after his death, was really sent to the king of Israel, clothed in a body similar to that in which he lived on earth, then the souls survives the death of the body, and may again be united to it. This appearance of Samuel, the translation of Enoch and Elijah, and the visit of Elijah and Moses to Christ and his disciples on the mount, were sensible verifications of the doctrine was taught by Moses and the prophets, and is more clearly brought to light by the gospel. Hence also we may,

2ndly. Infer, that the spirits of pious men were formerly, and may be still on some occasions, employed as ministers of god providence in this world.

The angels, we are told, are ministering spirits. Many instances of their ministry are related in scripture. And tho’ their ministry has chiefly been employed for the heirs of salvation, yet it has sometimes been vouchsafed to men of an opposite character, when they acted in a public capacity. An angel was sent to withstand Balaam in his way, reprove his perverseness and instruct him in the will of God. And if the spirits of just men are, as our savior teaches us, made equal to the angels it is reasonable to conclude, that they are honored with the same employments. The appearance of Samuel to Saul, and of Moses and Elijah to Christ and his disciples, confirm this conclusion.

3. The story warns us of the guilt and danger, which we incur, when we take indirect measures to learn the secrets of providence, and the events of futurity.

Saul, by applying to a sorceress, that he might know the issue of an approaching battle, brought on himself a sentence of death from the mouth of a divine messenger.

If we believe, that there is a being of perfect wisdom, power and goodness, who made and governs the world, and directs and overrules all events, we need be solicitous only to know and do his will; and in well doing we may commit our souls and all our interests to him, as to a faithful creator and kind preserver. Our duty we may know from the revelation, which he has given us. The few events, which it concerns us to foreknow, we may learn from experience, and from the steady course of providence. But events, which depend on the voluntary actions of other men, or on the unknown operations of providence, we have no means, and should have no curiosity to learn; but should humbly leave them to him, who works all things according to the counsel of his will, and without whose inspection a sparrow falls not to the ground.

There were, in former ages, and there have been in modern times, some who pretended, by a parent or divination, or by skill in occult sciences, to foretell men’s fortune in life, and the good or ill success of their enterprises, to discover lost or stolen goods wherever deposited, and to point our by description the authors of theft, arson, murder, and other mischiefs, however secretly committed.

It may be possibly a question with some, whether it can be lawful or reasonable to consult such persons for information in matters of this kind.

(1.) In the first place, it is certain that men cannot acquire this knowledge by any regular art, or by natural sagacity. Such secrets are not subject to human calculation. There are no giving principles in nature, on which a calculation can be grounded. The greatest philosophers, astronomers and mathematicians have pretended to no such occult science, but have disclaimed it as false. The pretenders to it have generally been people of indifferent education, and often of worse morals.

If then any possess this kind of knowledge, it must be imparted to them by an invisible being. But who is this being? Not the Deity, or a good spirit instructed and sent by him; for then the communications would be infallible; whereas now we know, that miracles, prophecy, inspiration and supernatural knowledge have long since ceased, as the apostle has foretold they would do, being no longer necessary, after the written revelation is completed. And while they existed, they were given to be applied, not to trivial purposes to little personal concerns, to the gratification of vain curiosity, but to the grand interest of religion, and to objects of public and national consequence.

Hence then it follows, that these revealers of secrets, if they in any case, possess the knowledge to which they pretend, must derive it from an evil source.

Infernal spirits, who are roaming about in the world, may doubtless have a knowledge of some things, which are not generally known to mortals. And tho’ they have not a foreknowledge of the unrevealed purposes of providence, yet, from their natural subtilty and long experience, it is reasonable to suppose, that, in some cases, they can make more shrewd conjectures concerning future occurrences, that men can ordinarily make. And it is not doubted, but that, in some way or other, they can suggest to the human mind many thoughts, which would not have arisen spontaneously. Now when men addict themselves to divination as a trade and profession, as well as when they pursue any other wicked course, they lay themselves open in the influence of evil spirits, become in a peculiar manner susceptible of suggestions from them, and are, perhaps without any consciousness or suspicion of their own, led captive by them at their will. And tho’ these diabolical suggestions frequently prove fallacious, yet if in a few instances they should be verified in fact, these few would be sufficient to keep up the credit of the diviner and his pretended art; be sure among weak and credulous people; for the failures are seldom mentioned and soon forgotten; but the verifications are often related and long remembered.

That diviners, in ancient times, were assisted by an evil spirit, is manifest from scripture. The sorcerer in Paphos is called, for mischief and subtilty, “a child of the devil.” The damsel at Philippi, who brought to her masters much gain by soothsaying, was actuated by “a spirit of divination;’ and Paul in the name of the Lord Jesus commanded spirit to come out of her.” St. John speaks of certain “unclean spirits, the spirits of devils, which go forth and work miracles;” or enable deceivers to do and tell strange things, which among credulous people pass for miracles. Moses says to the Jews, “If there arise among you a prophet or a dreamer and give thee a sign or wonder, and the sign or wonder come to pass, saying, Let us go and serve other gods, thou shalt not hearken to him.” It is here supposed, that a false prophet may shew a sign, and the sign may happen to come to pass. He may by chance or by the suggestion of the devil, now and then foretell an event, which will follow. The father of lies will tell the truth, as far as he knows it, when truth is necessary to establish the credit of his agent, and increase his influence in deceiving and corrupting men. But such a prophet, tho’ his sign should come to pass, is to be rejected as a vile impostor, because he is enticing men away from the service of God. No sign or wonder can justify men in hearkening to such an enticer.

If the professed revealers of secrets, so far as they have a knowledge of the secrets which they pretend to reveal, must derive it from infernal suggestion, then plainly we ought never to consult them in this character, for this is indirectly to consult the devil; and it is directly to encourage a profession, which every friend to religion and society ought to detest and reprobate.

(2.) The use of such pretend arts, and intercourse with those who use them are, as expressly, as any other crime forbidden in scripture. Moses, enumerating, under various names, the pretenders to occult science, tells the Jews, that God di not allow any such persons to be found among them nor suffer any to hearken to such persons, if they were found. This prohibition respects us under the gospel, as well as the Jews. For Moses immediately adds, “A prophet shall the lord your God raise up unto you of your brethren, like unto me: To him shall ye hearken.” “This prophet,” the writers of the New Testament tell us is Christ. And hearkening unto this prophet is opposed to hearkening unto diviners and observers of times.

In the writings of the prophets and apostles all kinds of sorcery, magic and witchcraft are interdicted and condemned, as contrary to true religion; and consequently all application to the professors of these arts is utterly disallowed. When Paul preached the gospel in Ephesus, “Many, who had used curious arts,” being converted to the faith, “came and confessed their evil deeds, and bro’t their books together and burned them before all men.

(3.) God only can look into futurity and unfold the secret events of his providence. If we acknowledge any creature, visible or invisible, as having an independent power to open the volume of furturity, and disclose its secret contents, to that creature we ascribe a distinguishing prerogative of Deity.

By giving credit to diviners and conjurers we dishonor and set at nought the revelation of God; for we introduce other revelations, as teaching things, which this has not taught; and by receiving and obeying them, we pay the same deference and respect to them, as to this. What, if the diviner should tell you, to serve other gods – to renounce the bible – to reject some of its doctrines and precepts? Will you hearken to him still? Where will you stop? Stop where you are. Reject all commerce with him in his wicked profession. This is what your Bible requires.

It was by magical incantations and artificial tricks that some deceivers in the apostles’ times endeavored to obstruct the progress of the gospel. And if such men can obtain credit and countenance, why will they not do the same at any time? Paul speaking of evil men and seducers says, “They resist the truth, as the magicians withstood Moses.” The conjurer in Paphos, full of all guile and subtilty, “sought by his sorcery to turn away believers from the faith.” Such was the danger from this sort of men, that the apostle gives a particular caution to the believers in Ephesus, “that they be not carried about by the sleight of men, and cunning craftiness, wherewith the lie in wait to deceive.” Simon, a sorcerer in Samaria, “giving out that he was some great man, and possessed a mighty power from God bewitched the people with his sorceries. Some of the Jewish priests, pretending to skill in magic, made use of their wicked arts to detach believers from the purity of the gospel. Alluding to such impostots, Paul says to the Christians in Galatia, “O foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you, that ye should not obey the truth.”

(4.) Hearkening to diviners tends, not only to destroy religion, but to dissolve our mutual confidence and subvert our social security.

Let us suppose that people generally give credit to such persons; and then see what will be the consequence. A casualty happens, or some mischief is done in our neighborhood; a barn is burned, or a man is missing, possibly dead, or property is lost. We know not how; but we suspect it is done by some designing villain. We dispatch a messenger to the conjurer. What is the moral character of this conjurer, we know not, nor do we much care. It is not the man, but the conjurer with whom we are now concerned. If we cannot trust him in any other capacity, yet we can trust him in this. The messenger goes and opens his business; an answer is given importing, that the mischief was perpetrated by a certain man of such a description. We think of somebody, to whom the description, with a little help of imagination, will suit tolerably well. Or perhaps the messenger has an enemy whom he suspects, and prejudice will easily modify the picture so as to represent him. A hint is given – it is thrown into circulation – it gains credit; and an honest man is ruined. Thus divination, when it is held in general repute, puts it in every man’s power to destroy every man, whom he will.

Why do you wish to know the author of a mischief which has been done? You will say, You wish the villain may be punished, the injury repaired, and evil prevented. Very well …..Then take the proper steps to detect and arrest the offender. If a conjurer points out such, or such a person, as the criminal, he may indeed gratify your curiosity, and perhaps your malice; but he does no good to society. His suggestion is not evidence, on which the supposed perpetrator can be convicted. If it was, no mortal would be safe. You perhaps believe the insinuation, and you make others believe it. But when the general suspicion falls on an innocent man, investigation stops; this innocent man suffers the reproach, and the really guilty lies unsuspected, and escapes unpunished. And when a new mischief happens, the same scene may be acted over again.

On social, therefore, as well as on religious principles these diviners ought to be prosecuted rather than encouraged – to be punished rather than patronized. Judge Blackstone says, that “pretending to tell fortunes, and to discover stolen goods by skill in the occult sciences, is a misdemeanor, deservedly punished by law.” The reason why it deserves punishment is because it not only tends to subvert religion but also to disturb the peace of society, and destroy the reputation and security of every virtuous member.

There is one use more which we will make of this story.

4. Some of the reasons against consulting diviners will apply to superstitious interpretations of unusual sights and noises, remarkable dreams and extraordinary impressions. By them nothing is revealed and from them nothing can be learned. They are neither injunctions of duty, nor prognostics of events. An undue regard to them exposes us to groundless terrors and dangerous delusions, and weakens our faith in God.

The prophet cautions the captive Jews, that they “learn not the way of the heathen, nor be dismayed at the signs of heaven as the heathen were,” who, from comets, meteors, and the aspects of the planets, predicted calamitous events, and thus excited consternation in themselves and others.

The strange sounds and appearances by which people are sometimes affrighted, doubtless proceed from some natural cause, which might in most instances, be discovered by calm enquiry. But whether the cause be investigated or not so much is certain, they point out to us no new duty, and inform us of no particular event. If they suggest to us the thought of death, or bring this thought more closely to our minds, very well. Let us entertain the thoughts and be excited by it to stand daily prepared for all events, which may await us in this changing world. But let us not yield to a dismay, which would unfit us for the duties and incapacitate us for the enjoyments of life.

“Dreams come thro’ the multitude of business.” They are the casual and incoherent associations of thoughts and images, which had occurred in our waking hours. Or if we suppose, that they may sometimes be suggestions from invisible spirits, still what shall we make of them? We have no rule in reason or scripture by which to interpret them, and therefore they teach nothing, and forebode nothing but if a good thought arises in sleep, whether by casualty or suggestion, let us make a good use of it, when we are awake, It is never the worse for coming in a dream. I f it be of a moral tendency, we may improve it to a moral purpose. But we are never to turn a dream into a precept or prophecy; for thus we substitute it in the place of scripture, and expose ourselves to dangerous seductions and endless delusions. Among the deceivers who had crept into the Christian church, St. Jude mentions “Dreamers, who defiled the flesh, despised dominion and spake evil of dignities.” By pretending to revelations and reams, and by persuading others to confide in these pretended communications, the subverted the doctrines of the gospel, broke the bands of society, and opened a door to licentiousness.

An impression on the imagination when we are awake, has no more authority, than a suggestion when we are asleep. The impression, however strong, is not to be obeyed implicitly as a certain dictate of heaven, but to be examined seriously, whether it accords to scripture, and extends to virtue. If a sacred truth, or religion obligation be deeply impressed on the mind, let us take the benefit of such an impression by obeying the truth and fulfilling the obligation. But never let us conclude that an action is right, merely because we feel an unusual inclination to do it, or that an event will befall us or our friends merely because we feel an unaccountable apprehension of it. This would be to expose ourselves to continual terrors and temptations, to give imagination the dominion over reason, an to substitute our own impressions in the place of divine revelation.

Finally. We have great cause to be thankful, that God has favored us with a revelation, which contains all that we need to learn in relation to our most important interests. With this let us converse, and this let us follow, and we shall be safe and happy. “Secret things belong to God; things which are revealed belong to us that we may do all the words of God’s law,” Let us be content to know what may be known, and to be ignorant of these things, which cannot be known. Why would we foresee the events, which are before us? Would we diminish our blessings, and augment our calamities by anticipation? All events God will order well; and the events which now await us, he will make known to us in the fittest time; and that is usually the time when they come.

There is one event, concerning which we need no diviner to inform us. That is our own death. The event is certain; the time of it is uncertain; it is happy for us, that it is so. Did we know it to be distant, we should probably become more dilatory and negligent in our duty. Did we know it to be on the morrow, we might be as much overwhelmed as was Saul. Terror might render us incapable of repentance. Or if a repentance took place in such a situation, it might seem to be rather a matter of necessity than of choice; and the sweet comforts of hope would be wanting. Our times are in God’s hands: and in his hands let us calmly leave them. “What our hands find to do, let us do it with our might, for there is no work, wisdom nor device in the grave to which we are going.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1825 Massachusetts


The following sermon was preached by David Oliphant on Massachusetts’ annual Thanksgiving in Salem on November 24, 1825.


sermon-thanksgiving-1825-massachusetts

The Happy Nation

A

Sermon

Preached at Beverly, Nov. 24, 1825,

Being the Day Appointed

By the Executive Authority of the Commonwealth,

For the

Annual Thanksgiving.

By David Oliphant
Pastor of the Third Congregational Church.

 

Sermon.
PSALM cxliv. 11–15

Rid me, and deliver me from the hand of strange children, whose mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood; that our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as cornerstones polished after the similitude of a palace; that our garners may be full, affording all manner of store; that our sheep may bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our streets; that our oxen may be strong to labor; that there be no breaking in nor going out; that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

This Psalm appears to have been composed after David’s accession to the throne of Israel. The Lord has been good to this people and to their monarch, in subduing their enemies. He renders him, for the favor thus shown, his tribute of thanksgiving. But still they had other enemies to overcome; and in the former part of the text, he offers his petitions for the continuance of the Divine favor, in order that the complete redemption and prosperity of Israel might be accomplished. Rid me, and deliver me from the hand of strange children, whose mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood. The object of this prayer is expressed in the latter part of the text; viz. That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth &c.

The Psalmist prayed for victory over his and his people’s enemies, that they might have peace. “Peace,” says a pious commentator, “is the mother of all earthly blessings to communities, and to the families that compose them; whose happiness consisteth in a numerous and hopeful progeny of sons and daughters, the former healthy and well nurtured, growing up like young plants in a kindly soil, until they attain to their full strength and stature; the latter fair and virtuous, like so many tall, well proportioned, highly polished, and richly ornamented columns, gracing the house to which they belong. When to these we have added plenty of corn, and all other provisions in the granaries and store-houses; flocks and herds ever thriving and increasing; freedom from hostile invasions, and domestic complaints, so that there be no breaking in nor going out—no irruption of aliens into the commonwealth, nor emigration of inhabitants to foreign countries, by captivity or otherwise; we shall find ourselves possessed of most of the ingredients which enter into the composition of temporal felicity. Such felicity God promised to his people Israel, and bestowed on them, while they kept his statutes and observed his laws.” Well might it have been said of this people, while in the enjoyment of a state of peace, and of all the blessings which flow from such a state; and well may it be said of any people in such circumstances of prosperity; Happy is that people that in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

Called again by our civil fathers, in accordance with a long continued custom, in this section of our country, to render to Almighty God our thanks and praise for his goodness to us another year, it may not be improper to take a brief survey of the present state of our happy land; to advert to some of the principal causes of our prosperity; and to the means of perpetuating it.

In contemplating our present state, we may call to mind, in the first place, what the Psalmist prayed for in the text as the chief source, under God, of temporal prosperity; viz. peace. We are at peace among ourselves, and with foreign nations. We have no intestine divisions—no civil broils, leading to anarchy, bloodshed and misery. We are on terms of amity, and enjoy the blessings of free intercourse with all the nations of the earth. We have no breakings in upon us by hostile nations. We are not called to witness ravages and desolations of war, nor to experience in any form, this dreadful scourge of the Almighty—one of the greatest with which a country can be visited—one of the severest with which the Sovereign Ruler of the earth chastises a wicked people. We have no goings out from among us— no emigration to foreign lands, by which our country is depopulated. We are not exposed to be carried away into captivity, as the nations, or parts of them, often have been. Such are the privileges and blessings here enjoyed, that there is no disposition to go out to other countries in expectation of greater, for they can nowhere be found. There is no nation so highly gifted in these respects as our own. Hence it is, that while other nations are diminishing in population, or making but slow advances, the population of our own country is increasing with unexampled rapidity. It is rolling its tide to the south and to the west, through the immense tracts, which till recently were a wilderness, or roamed only be savages. And the time is not far distant when it will reach its utmost limits, and turn its course backward to the regions whence it began. Nay, should the smiles of Divine Providence continue to be afforded, it cannot be long before our population must exceed in numbers any other nation upon the earth. The means of supporting a numerous population are nowhere else so ample as in this land of freedom—a land preeminently blessed both by natural and civil advantages.

In surveying our condition as a people, we may notice the variety and salubrity [favorable to/ promoting health] of our climate. We have almost all the varieties, and in point of salubrity, take our country at large, no country, at least no one of equal extent, is more highly favored. Earthquakes, pestilences, and desolating storms, are comparatively of rare occurrence.

Our agricultural interests are prosperous. We have not only a various and salubrious climate, but also a fertile soil generally, and one adapted to nearly, if not quite all the productions of the earth. It yields for the most part, under proper cultivation, a great abundance, so that there is not only enough for the supply of man and beast, but a surplus for transportation. Our green pastures are covered with flocks and herds, so that it is literally true that our garners are full, affording all manner of store; our oxen are strong to labor, and our sheep bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our fields. While our fields thus wave with the rich and luxuriant harvest, and our cattle are seen upon a thousand hills, our waters are well supplied with fish; our manufactures are rapidly increasing and improving, and our commerce is extending itself, by the enterprise of the people, to every part of the Globe.

Our condition in regard to literature and science is also highly favorable, and rising into competition with older nations. If we are yet behind some of them, in respect to the number of literary and scientific men, and in respect to the means of improvement in these things, we are behind no nation, particularly we, who have our lot cast in happy New England, in respect to the extension of the benefits of education to all classes of the people. We can say in this respect what no other nation can say—what, it were to be wished, our fellow-citizens out of New England might say, that there is not an individual, who may not enjoy, if he has the disposition, to some extent, and usually in a good degree, the advantages of mental culture. No one is compelled, as is too often the case elsewhere, to be ignorant, through want of proper legal provision for the education of the people. The blessings of education with us are proffered to all.

The last, though not the least of the ingredients which mingle in the cup of our temporal felicity, that I shall notice is, the blessing of civil liberty. This is the crown of all the rest. The rest may be enjoyed, at least to a very considerable extent, where this is wanting. Liberty, in respect to temporal blessings, is the glory of this land, and of other lands where it is enjoyed. By comparatively few nations, however, is it enjoyed; and in none is it so well understood, and do so many blessings as yet flow from it, as in these United States.

While we thus glory in our liberty, however, there is one page of our civil charter which is stained with a dark foul blot—a blot which has too long injured our fair name, and exposed us to severe but just censures. It is the blot of slavery. It is destined erelong, we hope, to be removed. It must be removed, or it will provoke, not long hence, the curse of heaven upon us; at least upon that part of our country where the evil is tolerated and defended.

But in contemplating the condition of our highly favored land, I have hitherto spoken only of what constitutes our temporal felicity. In the enjoyment of this we are happy; and when the means of promoting this shall be multiplied, as they undoubtedly will be, this temporal felicity will be greatly increased.

We are made happy however—we are distinguished more by our moral and religious advantages, than in any other way. God hath not dealt so with any nation. Upon how many has the light of Revelation never shone! How many are yet enveloped in all the darkness of idolatry, superstition and infidelity, and dwell in places full of habitations of cruelty, without the Scriptures, without the institutions of religion, without the blessings of the Christian Sabbath and of the Christian Ministry; without any of the means of grace! But on the whole of this land, the light of heaven, through the medium of the Scriptures, shines. On some portions indeed, this light falls with diminished rays, but for the most part, it pours upon us its full beams. The gospel is here preached, if not stately to all the people, yet occasionally to all, or nearly all, and with a greater degree of purity, simplicity, and fidelity, probably, than to any other people on the face of the earth. In short, our moral and religious state, far below, as it falls, what is should be, is still elevated above that of any other people; and I venture to say, it affords a broader and stronger foundation for our national prosperity and happiness, than anything else, or so far as we have anything to do in promoting these, than all things else. Take away our moral and religious institutions, and with them our moral and religious feelings and habits, and though our salubrious climate and fertile soil might remain, liberty and peace would soon be torn away from us—the tide of our population would no longer rise and swell—the fountains of legislation and justice would be corrupted—education would no more be a common blessing—literature, science, and the arts, would cease to be cultivated—the efforts of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce would all be paralyzed, and we should sink in the scale of national prosperity and happiness, as fast as we have for many years been rising. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. It was to a religious influence mainly that the Psalmist referred, when he said in the text, that our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth, and our daughters as corner stones, polished after the similitude of a palace. It is moral and religious culture alone that can give to the former their full strength and stature, that is, make them the best and most useful citizens; and to the latter real comeliness and beauty, so that they shall be to the state, what the tall, well proportioned, highly polished, and richly ornamented columns are in gracing the house to which they belong. Mental culture, and a suitable preparation in other respects for the business of life, may do much towards rearing up good citizens—useful inhabitants for the commonwealth, but moral and religious culture will do more. Find a virtuous community—a moral and religious community, and you find a people necessarily prosperous and happy; for God is their friend—he blesses them with his smiles.

I would now advert to some of the principal causes of our national prosperity.

It is to be feared that too many ascribe it to wrong causes, or to those real causes which are only secondary in importance; and probably there are not a few, who think but little, and who care but little about the causes, provided they can share largely in this prosperity—if they can gather riches, and enjoy all that heart can wish. Put the question to some, even our most enlightened citizens, Why is it that this country has experienced such unexampled prosperity?—rising within the course of a few years comparatively, from infancy to manhood—from indigence to opulence—from being a handful of people to a great magnitude in the political constellation, and they will tell you, It is owing to our numerous local advantages—to our climate and soil; to the facilities of intercourse between us and other nations, and between different parts of our own country; to the enterprise and intelligence of our citizens; to the freedom of our institutions—the excellence of our laws, and the wisdom and impartiality with which they are executed. And when they have said thus much, in the way of accounting for our national prosperity, they stop, and either never think of ascribing it to any other causes, or are unwilling to acknowledge any others.

Now, without any doubt, all these causes, to which our national prosperity is referred, are real causes. They have had, and still have their influence in promoting it. But the great original Source of this prosperity is left out of view, and with very many he principal secondary cause. My hearers, we have been prospered as a nation, because the Lord has been our God. We are happy, because He is for us, and not against us; and because the influence of that holy religion, which He has revealed for the benefit of mankind, has been, and is still so extensively felt throughout the community. God was never more evidently the Protector and Friend of the nation of Israel, than has been of our own; though in some special relations, he stood nearer to them than he does to us, and did more for them than he has done for us, or for any other people.

We dwell in a goodly land. But who gave it to us? Who inspired our puritan fathers with the determination to quit the land of their nativity—a land then of religious intolerance and cruel despotism, to seek an asylum in these western wilds, where they might enjoy religious and civil freedom? Who protected them amidst the dangers of the ocean? Who planted their feet safely on these shores? Who drove out the heathen before them, and gave them their possessions—a land blessed with so many natural advantages for a flourishing empire? Who inspired our fathers with the spirit of liberty? Who gave them wisdom to lay so broad and firm a foundation for the beautiful temple of liberty which they have reared? Who sustained and inspirited them amidst all their early discouragements? Who preserved them from the invasions of a savage foe? Who multiplied their numbers, gave success to their enterprises, and when the hand of despotism would have crushed them again, enabled them to make successful resistance, and to establish their independence on an immoveable basis? Was not the hand of the Lord in all this? If he had not protected and prospered, what would ever have been accomplished, compared with what has now been accomplished through his blessing?

It is true that all means which have been employed from the first settlement of this country to the present time, to bring about the events that have taken place, were necessary; but the blessing of God was equally necessary. Means have been the secondary causes of our prosperity—they are so still; but if we stop at the means, we refuse to give God the glory due unto His name. I love to trace His hand in all the leading events of our history, and at every period of it, to take a stand on the eminence which it affords, and survey the scene around me, and exclaim with pious admiration and gratitude, What hath God wrought! He hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.

And among the secondary causes of our prosperity, I love to mark and distinguish the influence which religion has had in forming our national character, and in raising us to the present elevated and conspicuous stand which we are enabled to take among the nations of the earth. I venerate the names of our distinguished men in the senate and in the field. I would bestow the meed [a deserved share or reward] of applause for their wisdom, and heroic deeds. I am willing to allow all that can justly be claimed in behalf of the intelligence, efforts, and enterprise of the inhabitants of this land; but after all, I maintain that among secondary causes, the piety of our fathers, and of their descendants, has contributed more to the prosperity and glory of this nation, than any other, or than all others combined. Our fathers came here more on account of their religion than anything else. It was their spirit of religious freedom that enkindled in their bosoms the kindred spirit of civil liberty, and led them on ultimately to the establishment of their independence. And the influence of puritanical piety, with whatever contempt it may be regarded by some of the sons of the pilgrims, has been felt from their day down to the present; and although it has been in no small degree lost, it is most devoutly to be hoped that this piety is to revive, and its influence to be even more powerfully and extensively felt, than it ever has been, giving vigor to the life blood which flows through all the veins of the body politic. Let this influence but be felt, by those who make and execute the laws—by our public men, from those who sit in the chair of state, down through every subordinate grade of office—let it be felt by the ministers of religion, in our literary institutions, in our common schools, and among the several classes of the community, and there can be no question but that all the prosperity and happiness that we now possess, will go down to posterity, and be enjoyed, only in a greatly enhanced degree, by our children’s children, even to a thousand generations, if time shall permit so many to live on earth. Let this influence be properly felt, and it will do more towards promoting the real prosperity and happiness of this nation, and making it truly distinguished, than all the wisdom of our statesmen, the victories of our fleets and armies, the ingenuity and enterprise of our citizens, and all other means combined. Let us be a virtuous and pious people, keeping the statutes, and obeying the precepts of the Lord, and we have the assurance of His protecting care, who is King of Kings, and Lord of Lords—the Ruler among the nations, who setteth up one, and putteth down another, and can dash them to pieces like a potter’s vessel.

This care has been signally manifested in the case of every pious and moral community on earth. And where is the nation to be found, either in ancient or modern times, that has forsaken the Lord—that has virtually cast off His authority, by violating His precepts, and disregarding His sacred institutions, that has not been visited with His judgments? How many have sunk down from a state of great prosperity and influence, into a state of insignificance! Not a few, for their wickedness, have been blotted from the list of nations. The Jewish Commonwealth especially, will forever stand as a solemn memento of the influence of piety in elevating, and of the influence of sin in depressing the condition of people.

I come now, in the last place, to consider some of the means of perpetuating our national prosperity.

And here, after the remarks which I have already made, I need not say, or at least dwell upon the point, that we should most earnestly seek the Lord to be our God, by unceasing endeavors to secure His favor and friendship. With His blessing, and in the enjoyment of His smiles, and under His providential care and guidance, great as our prosperity may be at present, it will increase, and as far beyond our present expectations, as the condition of our country at this time, exceeds that of our fathers, struggling for existence in these originally inhospitable and uncultivated wilds.

But how should we secure this blessing? It must be important, or such a man as David, the best king that ever say upon an earthly throne, would never have said, Happy is that people whose God is the Lord. It is not difficult to answer this question. It is vastly more difficult to do, taking men as they are, what this answer implies. To secure God’s blessing on our country, we must keep his statutes, and obey his commands. As a people we must become virtuous. Piety must be cultivated. Its influence must extend through all classes of the community. We are now enjoying benefits which the piety. There is a sad degeneracy in many respects among us their sons. The influence of this are to come after us will feel it, and feel it severely too, unless a reformation in many of the opinions and habits of the present generation shall take place. A moral current has commenced its course in this nation, which if now seasonably checked by an opposing current of virtue and piety, will erelong spread desolation through this goodly heritage, and carry down with it into common and tremendous ruin, whatever is valuable in our civil or religious institutions. It must eventually, if not checked, undermine and completely destroy this fair fabric—our national republic, which has been reared at such a vast expense of labor, blood, and treasure.

Many will say, let us improve our many natural advantages—let us employ to the best purpose our physical strength—let us improve our agriculture, increase our manufacturing establishments, extend our commerce, multiply our facilities of internal intercourse, enlarge the foundations of our literary and scientific institutions, increase the means of education among the people, select brave men for the field, and wise men for the cabinet and senate. As to piety and morals, they are subjects with which we need have but little concern. If this is not the language of words with many, it is the language of their practice. Now I would say, take care of piety and morals, in the first place. Guard these as an object of the first importance, and let the means which have been alluded to be regarded as secondary. Attend suitably to the former, and the latter will not be neglected, but rendered more effectual. Piety will nerve the arm of the body politic with vigor; and will give success to every enterprise calculated to bring glory and honor to our name. But let piety lose its influence among the body of the people, and this arm is unnerved; and the time is not far distant, when it will be written in broad and legible characters, on our civil and religious institutions; The glory is departed.

In order to promote this piety, and extend its influence as widely as possible—this piety, which is the best bulwark of defense that we can have, because that which God specially approves and follows with his blessing, his word must be circulated and studied—its truths must be believed, and its precepts obeyed. The young must early be instructed in the ways of religion, and brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. A nation’s nursery is in the bosom of her families, and if the discipline here is not salutary, her citizens must be corrupt. Divine institutions must be regarded—especially the Sabbath. A nation of Sabbath breakers cannot long be a prosperous or happy nation. Vice must be frowned upon, in all its forms. There is a monster among the vices of this land, that prowls through it from one extremity to the other—that has gone out through all its length and breadth, and is making dreadful havoc on the morals, and peace and lives of our inhabitants. It is the monster Intemperance. He finds access to every class of the community, from highest to the lowest. Even the female sex have not escaped his fangs, but have fallen victims to the enticements, which, hideous as he is, he has thrown around him. Not even the professor of the holy religion of the Gospel has always been careful to avoid his snares.

The crime of holding in bondage a million and a half of our fellow-men is another that cries loudly to heaven against us. Slavery is a sore evil. It threatens most seriously the prosperity and happiness of our country, and especially the interests of those parts of it where the evil is tolerated, and not only tolerated, but defended and coveted. The abettors of it have taken a viper into their bosoms. They stand upon the trembling surface of a bursting volcano, and if the evil is not removed or mitigated, it must erelong involve them in a tremendous ruin, and perhaps the whole land, for God will not forever cease to avenge the wrongs of that injured race. Every friend to his country—every will wisher to its prosperity, must heartily desire to see this evil removed, and must be willing to lend a helping hand to remove it. In fine, to promote the prosperity of this nation in the highest degree, everything destructive of a rigid virtue should be discountenanced, and everything promotive of pure and undefiled religion should be encouraged.

But you inquire, What can we do towards promoting this prosperity? We are only a few individuals. Every individual can do something—is bound to do something. A heavy responsibility rests upon each. Let every individual do his duty in promoting piety and morality, and the work of reformation is accomplished. Let all do their duty in these respects, and our national prosperity is placed on an immoveable basis.

It becomes us seriously to inquire what we are individually doing for the prosperity, the honor, and the glory of our country. Let the parent inquire what he is doing—the master, the professional man, the legislator, the minister of religion, and the minister of justice, severally what they are doing. All have an influence. Let all resolve to exert it in favor of their country. Let them cherish the spirit of piety. Let them exert the influence of a good example. Is there a dishonest man, let him become a man of integrity. Let the profane put away their oaths. Let the Sabbath breaker reverence and observe God’s institutions. Let the drunkard become sober; and whatever other vice may prevail, let it be abandoned. Every immoral man is an enemy to his country, however loudly he may proclaim his patriotism. Every truly pious man is his country’s friend, however obscure his situation. He does more to secure the blessing of God—more to promote his country’s real prosperity and glory, than the immoral and the impious, with the most shining talents, and in the most elevated stations. Piety I make, among secondary means, the grand bulwark of a nation’s defense. If this will not defend us, we must inevitably fall. Let all resolve then to cultivate it, that they may contribute their share towards this defense, by securing the blessing of heaven; and that thus, our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as cornerstones polished after the similitude of a palace; that our garners may be full, affording all manner of store; that our sheep may bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our streets; that our oxen may be strong to labor; that there be no breaking in nor going out; and no complaining in our streets. Then will it be said of us, by those who shall behold our prosperity; Happy is the people that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

Sermon – Bridge Opening – 1805

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

This sermon was preached on the opening of a bridge over the Connecticut River in Massachusetts.


sermon-bridge-opening-1805

A

DISCOURSE

DELIVERED AT SPRINGFIELD,

OCTOBER 30, 1805.

On occasion of the Completion and Opening

OF

THE GREAT BRIDGE

OVER CONNECTICUT RIVER,

Between the towns of Springfield and West-Springfield.

BY JOSEPH LATHROP, D.D.
Pastor of the First Church in West-Springfield.

At a Legal Meeting of the Proprietors
OF THE
SPRINGFIELD BRIDGE—
October 30, 1805—

Voted—That the thanks of the corporation be presented to the Reverend Doctor Lathrop, for his excellent discourse this day delivered, on the completion of the Bridge; and that Thomas Dwight, Justin Ely, and John Hooker, Esquires, be a Committee to present the same and to request a copy for the press.

Attest

GEORGE BLISS, Proprietor’s Clerk.

 

ISAIAH XLV. 18.
God himself that formed the earth and made it….he created it not in vain….he formed it to be inhabited.

Every rational being directs his operations to some end. To labor without an object, and act without an intention, is a degree of folly too great to be imputed to men. We must then conclude, that the Being, who created the world, had a purpose in view adequate to the grandeur of the work. What this purpose is the prophet clearly expresses in our text and a preceding verse. “He made the earth—he created man upon it—he formed it to be inhabited;” to be inhabited by men; by such beings as we are.

Let us survey the earth, and we shall find it perfectly adapted to this design.

Moses, in his history of the creation, informs us, that man was the last of God’s works. The earth was enlightened and warmed with the sun, covered with fruits and herbs, and stocked with every species of animals, before man was placed upon it. It was not a naked and dreary, but a beautiful and richly furnished world, on which he first opened his eyes. He was not sent to subdue a rugged and intractable wilderness, but to occupy a kind and delightful garden, where, with moderate labor, his wants might be supplied.

When Adam first awoke into existence, contemplated his own wonderful frame, surveyed the ground on which he trod, beheld the groves which waved around him, tasted the fruits which hung before him, and traced the streams which meandered by his side, at once he knew, that there must be an invisible Being, who formed this pleasant place for his habitation.

The same evidence have we, that the earth was made for the children of Adam.

The sun, that vast body of fire in the heavens, is so stationed, as to cheer and fructify the globe, and render it a fit mansion for human beings. By the regular changes of the seasons, those parts of the earth become habitable, which otherwise would be burnt with intolerable heat, or sealed up with eternal frost.

Around this globe is spread a body of air, so pure as to transmit the rays of light, and yet so strong as to sustain the flight of birds. This serves for the breach of life, the vehicle of sound, the suspension of waters, the conveyance of clouds, the promotion of vegetation, and various other uses necessary to the subsistence, or conducive to the comfort of the human kind.

The earth is replenished with innumerable tribes of animals, of which some assist man in his labors, some yield him food, and some furnish him with ornaments and clothing. “To man God has given dominion over the work of his hands: Under man’s power he has put all things; all sheep and oxen, the beasts of the field, the fowl of the air, the fish of the sea, and whatsoever passeth thro’ the paths of the deep.”

The productions of the earth are various beyond conception. Some spontaneous—some the effects of human culture—some designed for the support of the animal tribes, and some more immediately adapted to the use of man.

On the surface of the earth we meet with springs and streams at convenient distances to satisfy the thirsty beast, as well as to serve the purposes of the rational inhabitant. And beneath the surface there are, every where, continual currents of water, spreading, like the veins in a human body, in various ramifications, from which, with little labor, daily supplies may be drawn.

The great bodies of water, with which the land is intersected, furnish food for man, facilitate the commerce of nations, and refresh and fertilize the earth.

By the heat of the sun, and other co-operating causes, waters from the seas, rivers and fountains are raised into the cooler regions of the atmosphere, there condensed into clouds, wafted around by winds, and sifted down in kind and gentle showers. Thus, are our fields watered without our labor or skill.

The earth supplies us with timber, stone, cement, metals, and all necessary materials, from which we may fabricate implements for labor, coverts from cold and storms, Bridges for passing the streams, and vessels for navigating the seas.

The natural world is governed by uniform and steady laws. Hence we may judge, within our sphere, what means are necessary to certain ends, and what success may ordinarily attend the works of our hands.

Now to what end was all this order and beauty of nature—this fertility and furniture of the earth, if there were none to contemplate and enjoy them? Without such an inhabitant as man to behold the works, and receive the bounties of God, this earth would be made in vain; it might as well have been a sandy desert, or an impenetrable rock.

But still the earth, richly furnished as it is, would lose more than half of its beauty and utility, if man the possessor were not endued with a faculty of invention and action. “This also cometh forth from the Lord of hosts, who is wonderful in counsel and excellent in working—for his God doth instruct him to discretion, and doth teach him.” God has done much for man; but has left something for man to do for himself. The materials are furnished to his hand; he must sit and apply them to actual use.

In the first stages of the world, when its inhabitants were few, its spontaneous productions in a great measure supplied human wants. But as men increased in numbers, they found it necessary to form society, institute government and introduce arts for a more easy, and less precarious subsistence, and for more effectual defense and security. History carries us back to the time when arts first began—when iron and brass were first wrought into utensils by the hand of the artificer—when tents and houses were constructed for human accommodation—when musical instruments were invented to amuse the mind, or to assist devotion. The history which we have of the beginning and progress of arts—the state in which we now see them, and the improvements made in them within the time of our own recollection, all tend to confirm the Mosaic account of the origin of the world.

The improvement in arts, tho’ in general but slow, has nearly kept pace with human exigencies. For some time past, their progress has been remarkable. Their present state of advancement would have been thought incredible a century ago. A century hence there may be such additional discoveries and improvements as would seem incredible now.

Not only in Europe, but also in our own country, especially since our late revolution, great progress has been made in astronomical discoveries, by which navigation is assisted;—in medical science by which diseases are prevented or cured—in agriculture by which our lands have much increased in their produce and value—in instruments and machines to expedite and diminish human labor—in the mechanical construction of mills and other water-works to effect the same and superior ends by a lighter impulse of water—in the formation and erection of Bridges to break the power of ices, and withstand the impetuosity of floods—in opening artificial canals by which the falls and rapids of streams are surmounted or avoided, and in “cutting our rivers among the rocks, and binding the floods,” so that an inland navigation is accomplished.

Who among us, twenty years ago, expected to see the two banks of Connecticut river united at Springfield by a Bridge, which should promise durability? Yet such a structure we see, this day, completed and opened for passage—a structure which displays the wealth and enterprise of the Proprietors, and the skill and fidelity of the artificers, and which will yield great convenience and advantage to the contiguous and neighboring towns and to the public at large.

“Except the Lord build the edifice, they labor in vain that build it; and except the Lord keep it, the watchmen wake in vain.” In a work of this kind, there is the same reason to acknowledge the favoring and preserving hand of God, as in all other enterprises and undertakings; and more in proportion to its complexity, difficulty and magnitude. The seasons have kindly smiled on the operations; and the work was nearly completed without any unhappy accident or evil occurrent.

We lament the casualty, by which a number of the workmen were endangered, some were wounded, and one lost his life, A NAME=”R1″>1 a life important to his family and valuable to society. And yet, considering the nature of the work, the length of time spent, and the number of people employed in it, we must gratefully ascribe it to the watchful care of providence, that no other casualty has occurred. And when we consider the suddenness and unforeseen cause of that event, by which so great a number were imminently exposed, we see great cause of thankfulness, that it was not more disastrous. They who escaped without injury, or with but temporary wounds, ought often to look back to the time, when there was but a step between them and death.

This work, tho’ the unhappy occasion of one death, may probably be the means of preserving many lives. If we were to calculate on the same number of men, employed for the same number of days, in constructing and erecting our ordinary buildings, we should certainly expect casualties more numerous and disastrous, than what have happened in this great, unusual, and apparently more dangerous undertaking.

The structure which we this day behold, naturally suggests to us a most convincing evidence of the existence and government of a Diety.

Let a stranger come and look on yonder Bridge; and he will at once know that some workmen have been there. Let him walk over it, and find that it reaches from shore to shore; and he will know that it was built with design, and will not feel a moment’s doubt what that design is. Let him then descend and examine the workmanship; and he will be sure, that much skill and the nicest art have been employed in it. And now let this same man cast his eyes around on the world, observe its numerous parts, the harmonious adaptation of one part to another, and of all to the use and benefit of man; and he will have equal evidence, that there is a God, who made, sustains and rules this stupendous fabric of nature, which he beholds every day, and which surrounds him wherever he goes.

Such a structure as yonder Bridge convinces us of the importance of Civil Society, and of a Firm and Stead Government.

It is only in a state of society and under the influence of government, that grand works of public utility can be effected. There must be the concurrence of many—there must be union and subordination—there must be transferable property—there must be a knowledge of arts—there must be some power of coercion; none of which can take place in a savage state. An agreement purely voluntary among a number of individuals, without any bond of union, but each one’s mutable will, would no more have been competent to the completion of this Bridge at Springfield, than it was anciently to the finishing of the tower on the plains of Shinar. It was necessary here, that there should be a corporation vested with a power of compulsion over each of its members, and with a right to receive gradual remuneration, for the expense of the work, from those who should enjoy the benefit of it. And such a corporation must derive its power and right, as well as existence, from superior authority.

The man of reason will pity the weakness, or rather despise the folly of those visionary and whimsical philosophers, who decry the social union, and the controlling power of government, and plead for the savage, as preferable to the civilized state of mankind, pretending that human nature, left to its own inclinations and energies, “tends to perfectability.”

If society were dissolved and government abolished, what would be the consequence? All the useful arts would be laid aside, lost and forgotten; no works of public utility could be accomplished, or would be attempted; no commercial intercourse could be maintained; no property could be secured, and little would be acquired; none of the conveniences and refinements of life could be obtained; none of the cordialities of friendship and relation would be felt; more than nine tenths of the human race must perish to make room for the few who should have the good fortune, or rather the misfortune, to survive.

Compare now the savage and the civilized state, and say; Is it better, when you are on a journey, to climb ragged mountains, and descend frightful precipices, than to travel in a plain and level road? Is it better to pass a dangerous stream by swimming with your arms, or by floating on a log, than to walk securely on a commodious bridge? Is it better to till your ground with your naked hands, or with a sharp stone, than with the labor of the patient ox, and with instruments fabricated by the carpenter and the smith? Is it better to cover your bodies with hairy skins torn from the bones of wild beasts, than with the smooth and soft labors of the loom? Is it better to starve thro’ a dreary winter in a miserable hut, than to enjoy a full table in a warm and convenient mansion? Is it better to live in continual dread of the ruthless and vengeful assassin, than to dwell in safety under the protection of the law and government?

When men plead for the preference of the savage to the social state, they either must talk without thought; or must wish to abolish a free government, that it may be succeeded by another more absolute, in the management of which they expect a pre-eminent share.

The work, which we this day see accomplished, suggests some useful thoughts, in relation to the nature of civil society.

The undertakers of this work have steadily kept their great object in view, have pursued it with unanimity and zeal, have employed artificers skillful in their profession, and workmen faithful to their engagements, and they have spared no necessary cost. Thus, they have seen the work completed to their satisfaction and to universal approbation.

Here is an example for a larger society. Let every member act with a regard to the common interest, and study the things which make for peace. In his single capacity, let him be quiet and do his own business; but when he acts in his social relation, let the general interest predominate. Let him detest that false and miserable economy, which, under pretext of saving, enhances expense, and ultimately ruins the contemplated object. Let him never consent to withhold from faithful servants their merited compensation. In the selection of men to manage the public concerns, let him always prefer the wise to the ignorant, the experienced to the rude, the virtuous and faithful to the selfish and unprincipled, the men of activity in business, to the sauntering sons of idleness and pleasure; and in such men let him place just confidence, and to their measures yield cheerful support. Thus he may hope to see the works of society conducted as prudently, and terminated as successfully, as the work which we this day admire.

In the work itself we see an emblem of good society. The parts fitly framed and closely compacted together, afford mutual support, and contribute, each in its place, to the common strength; and the whole structure rests firm and steady on a solid foundation. In society there must be a power of cohesion, resulting from benevolence and mutual confidence; and there must be a ground work sufficient to support it, and this must be Religion.

It is obvious, that no society can subsist long in a state of freedom, without justice, peaceableness, sobriety, industry and order among the members; or without fidelity, impartiality and public spirit in the rulers. It is equally obvious, that the basis of these virtues can be nothing less than religion. Take away the belief of a divine moral government, and the apprehension of a future state of retribution; and what principle of social or private virtue will you find?

It is too much the humor of the present day to consider religion as having no connection with civil government. This sentiment, first advanced by infidels, has been too implicitly adopted by some of better hearts….But it is a sentiment contrary to common experience, and common sense, and pregnant of fatal evils. As well may you build a castle in the air, without a foundation on the earth, as maintain a free government without virtue, or support virtue without the principles of religion. Will you make the experiment? Go, first, and tear away the pillars from yonder Bridge. See if the well-turned arches will sustain themselves aloft by their own proportion and symmetry. This you may as well expect, as that our happy state of society, and our free constitution of government will stand secure, when religion is struck away from under them.

If a breach should happen in those pillars, immediate reparation will doubtless be made. Let the same attention be paid to the state of religion and morals. Let every species of vice and every licentious sentiment be discountenanced—be treated with abhorrence—Let virtue and piety be encouraged and cherished—Let the means of religion be honored and supported. Thus only can our social happiness be maintained; thus only can we hope, it will descend to our posterity.

The progress of arts naturally reminds us of the importance of revelation.

The acquisition of these is left to human experience and invention. Hence they are more perfect in the present, than they were in preceding ages. But to instruct us in moral duties and in our relations to the invisible world, God has given us a Revelation, and this he has communicated to us by men inspired with his own spirit, and by his son send down from Heaven. Some arts, known in one age, have been lost in succeeding ages. If we attentively read the book of Job, we shall find, that in his day, the arts, among the Arabians, had risen to a degree of perfection, of which some following ages could not boast. But the revelation, which God has given us, he has taken effectual care to preserve, so far that no part of it is lost to the world.

Now say, Why has God given a revelation to instruct us in the truths and duties of religion, and none to instruct us in the husbandry, astronomy, mathematics and mechanics? May we not hence conclude, that religion is a matter which demands our principal attention?

If a number of men should combine to exterminate the arts, who would not deem them enemies to mankind? Who would no rise to oppose so nefarious a design?—But these would be harmless men compared with the malignant enemies of revelation. Yet the latter may talk and write; and hundreds may attend to, and smile at their talk, and may read and circulate their writings; and few seem concerned for the consequences. Yea, some will scoffingly say, “If religion is from God, let him take care to preserve it;” as if they thought, none were bound to practice it, and none but God had any interest in it.

While we contemplate the progress of arts, we are led to believe a future state existence.

If this world was made for man, certainly man was not made merely for this world, but for a more exalted sphere. We have capacities which nothing earthly can fill—desires which nothing temporary can satisfy. This rational mind can contemplate the earth and the heavens—can look back to its earliest existence and forward to distant ages—can invent new arts—can improve on the inventions of others, and on its own experience—can devise and accomplish works, which would have been incredible to preceding ages—can make progress in science far beyond what the present short term of existence will allow. Its wishes hopes and prospects are boundless and eternal. There is certainly another state, in which it may expand to its full dimensions, rise to its just perfection, and reach the summit of its hopes and prospects…o, my soul, what is wealth or honor, a mass of earth or a gilded title to such a being as thou art, who canst contemplate the glorious Creator, partake of his divine nature and rejoice forever in his favor? The inhabitants of the earth, like travelers on the bridge, appear, pass away and are gone from our sight. They enter on the stage, make a few turns, speak a few words, step off, and are heard and seen no more! Their places are filled by others, as transient as they. How vast is the number of mortals, who in one age only, make their appearance and disappearance on this globe? Can we imagine, that these millions of moral and rational beings, who, from age to age, tread the earth, and then are called away, crop into eternal oblivion? As well may we suppose, that the successive travelers on that Bridge terminate their existence there. This surely is a probationary state. Here we are to prepare for a glorious immortality. For such a design the world is well adapted. Here God makes known his character and will, dispenses a thousand blessings, mingles some necessary afflictions with them, calls us to various services, puts our love and obedience to some trials, gives opportunity for the exercise of humility, gratitude, benevolence, meekness and contentment, and proves us for a time, that in the end he may do us good.

This world has every appearance of a probationary state—that it really is such, revelation fully assures us. Happy is our privilege in the enjoyment of a revelation, which instructs us, what beings we are, for what end e were created, what is our duty here, and what is the state before us.

God manifests himself to us in the frame of our bodies, in the faculties of our minds, in the wonders of his creation, in the wisdom of his providence, in the supply of our wants, and the success of our labors; but more fully in the communications of his word. Into our world he has sent his own Son, who, having assumed our nature, dwelt among mortals, taught them, by his doctrines and example, how they ought to walk and to please God, opened to them the plan of divine mercy, purchased for them a glorious immortality, and prepared a new and living way into mansions of eternal bliss.

Let us gratefully acknowledge and assiduously improve our moral and religious advantages; regard this life, as it is, a short term of trial for endless felicity and fullness of joy; and while we remain pilgrims here on earth, walk as expectants of the heavenly world.

Let us be fellow helpers to the kingdom of God. That is a kingdom of perfect benevolence. To prepare for that state, we must begin the exercise of benevolence in this. God is the great pattern of goodness. Our glory is to be like him. We then shew ourselves to be like him, to be his children and heirs of an inheritance in his kingdom, when we love our enemies, relieve the miserable, encourage virtue and righteousness, and promote the common happiness within the humble sphere of our activity and influence.

How active and enterprising are many in the present day, to facilitate an intercourse between different parts of the country by preparing smooth roads in rough places, by stretching Bridges over dangerous streams, and by opening canals around rapid falls, and through inland towns?—Their motives, we trust, are honorable; but whatever be their motives, they are advancing the interest and prosperity of their country. May all these works be a prelude to works more pious and more extensively beneficent. May the time soon come, when an equal zeal shall appear to remove all impediments, which lie in the way of a general spread of the gospel and a general conversion of mankind to the Christian faith. May the public spirit, which operates so successfully in the former cause, rise and expand until it ardently embraces the latter. May we soon hear a voice, crying in the wilderness, “Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make strait in the desert a high way for our God. Cast ye up, cast ye up, prepare the way, take up the stumbling blocks out of the way of his people.” And may we see thousands and thousands promptly obeying the call. “Then shall every valley be filled, and every mountain and hill shall be brought low; the crooked shall be made strait, and the rough ways shall be made smooth. And all flesh shall see the salvation of God.”

 


Endnotes

1. Captain Amos Snow, of Ashford, Connecticut.

Sermon – Fasting – 1809, Massachusetts


Samuel Spring (1746-1819) graduated from Princeton in 1771. He served as a chaplain during the Revolutionary War (1775-1776) and carried a wounded Aaron Burr from the field during the Battle of Quebec. Spring was the pastor of a congregation in Newburyport, MA (1777-1819). This sermon was preached on the annual fast day of Massachusetts on April 6, 1809.


sermon-fasting-1809-massachusetts

TWO

SERMONS

ADDRESSED

TO THE

SECOND

CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY

IN

NEWBURYPORT,

Fast Day, April 6, 1809.

By Samuel Spring, D. D.

SERMONS.

Ezekiel XXVII. 26.

Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters: The east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas.

THE Prophet was not the subject of passive obedience and non-resistance. For God gave him his commission in these words; “Now, thou Son of man, take up a lamentation for Tyrus”; and he faithfully executed it, by openly blaming and condemning her rulers for their wrong and destructive measures. “Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters; the east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas.”

The sentiments of the text are expressed in language highly metaphorical. The great waters, into which Tyre was carried by her pilots or rowers, were great public difficulties and perplexities, in which she was involved by the folly and baseness of her rulers. The term rowers and the phrase great waters were accommodated to the navigation of early times, when the vessels, which were managed by oars, resembled our shallow craft, and not modern ships of war, which whiten the sea with their canvas and glide over great and deep waters with majesty and safety. As Tyre was an Island, which commanded the most extensive and profitable commerce, she is compared in her sad state with a rich vessel, wrecked by the eastern gales, which in those seas proved the most destructive to navigation.

Having now before us the contents of the Prophet’s message, stripped of metaphorical dress, I shall enquire whether our rulers have not too much resembled the rulers of Tyre. For, though we are not yet destroyed as a nation, it will, we presume, appear upon careful review and enquiry, that we have been brought near the margin of destruction; and notwithstanding any national measures, which have been adopted, yet stand trembling upon it. The event is future and we hope it will not be distressing.

A simple, solemn state of facts, will, we think, best answer the reasonable demand of the occasion before a mixed assembly. For the field has been amply explored, and the curtain of the national cabinet has been partly drawn, and some of the hidden motives of administration developed, and exposed by our able statesmen, who have merited the thanks of the nation. They have on the left hand been hated and bitterly cursed by their political opposers, because they have told the truth, and of course exposed a system of deep intrigue and black deceit.

There are so many wheels within the modern wheel of the nation; so many ultimate and subordinate motives attached to the chief motive of administration, that it is not easy to give a clear, decided view of their system. But it is manifest, that ever since the late President returned from the French court with his head and heart full of the philosophy of “The enlightened nation,” that he has been devoted to France and hostile to England. To account for this, we cannot but remark that he is destitute of martial skill and prowess, that he expected France would soon rule the world, and that it would be more safe and compatible with the feelings of southern men, who must rule with the eastern states, and retain their slaves, and cannot easily endure much religious connection, to take seasonable shelter under the spreading wing of the French Eagle. And to effect all this, France must have money, must rise and extend her influence far and wide; England must fall or bow, and the commerce of the eastern states, and the consequent strength of New-England must be greatly reduced. For so long as Old England and New-England mutually support the interest of religion and commerce, France and her American adherents cannot prevail. There was a time, not far distant, when the duped influence of the eastern states was on the point of going blindly into this awful vortex. Blessed be God, our eyes are partly opened. We begin to see men as trees walking – we must now take care that our vision be not obscured, and that our hands be not palsied, nor our minds discouraged, by the loss of our commerce. For our energy and national influence will go with our morals, commerce and opulence. “Money is a defense;” but “the destruction of the poor is their poverty.”

Leaving the motives of administration to be unfolded by time, we will now notice some of the adverse consequences of their late measures. The reduced state of our flourishing commerce may take the lead of the shrouded procession. For it is a productive cause of much public affliction and adversity. The partial repeal of the oppressive Embargo, in connection with its substitute, is considered by wise men, who ponder the place of their steps, as a mere snare to commerce. For, though that empty chest of the nation may derive some needful supply by the measure, it is to be feared that young adventurous merchants will unhappily lost their property, and the nation be more reduced than ever. If our merchants, by the legal deception, lose more than the public chest gains, they will have reason to complain of being overreached and gulled by administration; and what upright man must not blush in such a case for our Legislators? To plead that merchants need not expose their interest in the waters of Holland and other waters equally dubious and dangerous, will not excuse those who make danger by law; and tempt men by the vain hope of interest to run full sail into it. Till we have ample evidence that our rulers have quitted the servile project of aiding France by oppressing our commerce, we cannot consider any of their measures friendly to it, and consequently entertain more fear than hope relative to the partial repeal of the Embargo. If they have not suppressed commerce to aid France, and if they now desire the prosperity of eastern commerce upon friendly, patriotic principles, they would openly encourage it, and not embarrass it by any legal snare.

Making then no abatement of our calamity by the partial repeal of the Embargo, since we are embarrassed with its substitute, let me say, when we attend to the vast extent of our sea-coast in connection with the depth of the adjacent country, which God manifestly made to employ a commercial, active people; when we also review the dismantled, decaying state of our shipping; the wasting produce of our fertile lands lying in the barns of farmers and stores of merchants, without any prospect of market, we cannot but feel deeply affected with the depressed state of our commerce. For if our rulers had not been wedded to France and hostile to England, without reason, we might have been constantly employed in exporting and importing the riches of the world to great advantage. The original design of the British orders of Council, as well as other public documents sufficiently authorize this position. Our commerce received a mortal wound, because the great Emperor does not wish it to live. He approves the Embargo acts, because he or his handy agent dictated them, and expects national advantage. The present wretched state of New-England’s interest is the very object at which our rulers aimed. They have thus far hit the mark. We were dormant long enough; and suffered them to advance very far in the devious course.

Another, though a mere consequence of the former evil, is national poverty, which begins to stare us in the face, and enter many of our habitations. What, alas! Is the present state of our national Treasure – what are its prospects compared with what they were at the close of the federal administration? We have been told in a flattering specious manner, by a great man, that there was a surplus of money in the treasury, which might be expended in repairing roads and educating youth – not we presume in religion. But the fact is this, that without a dry tax, which the people will not endure, the government cannot long be supported with national dignity. We are still much in debt as a nation, and as things are now managed, must plunge deeper and deeper into debt to discharge debt. Surely our rowers have bought us into deep waters indeed, where we must soon founder without the aid of able pilots. The French Legions have not yet crossed the ocean: though I believe the late President expected to realize their assistance before the expiration of his eight years residence in the capital. We have one of their Generals only with us: but no Prefect, as yet, in official form.

Passing the impoverished state of the nation, what is the condition of thousands of families and millions of individuals, who but lately were in comfortable circumstances! The hand of poverty has, I am informed, struck off one hundred men from this town’s list who were legal voters last year. How afflictive to them and their dear depressed families! This is but the beginning of the new and gloomy series. Many who owe money cannot pay it at any rate: and others are so pressed, that they discharge their debts under every disadvantage to their scanty property. Amid the multitude of creditors but few can get their property and many are obliged to lose it wholly. This however is but a mere specimen of our declining state. The total amount of our loss in incalculable. There is another class of man, who in prosperous times, by their labor, were able to obtain a comfortable support, but are now the real objects of charity. I need not mention the number of this description in our sea-port and other sea-ports in the vicinity, nor the various beneficent measures, truly affecting, which have been devised in different places to repel hunger and afford daily relief and support. It is more blessed to give than to receive. Let their benefactors then continue to reap the superior advantage of their needful and wisely appropriated liberality. For affluence is of no value except in use. The rust of riches will not answer at death and the great day, except as irresistible evidence against unfaithful stewards of God’s property. While God supplies us, let us supply his poor, who have the memorial from his mercy. Added to the public expense, which has been necessary to prevent the pressing distress of thousands and thousands of the reduced inhabitants; who among us can estimate the real loss which we sustain, by the numerous legal meetings and conventions of the people, which have proved absolutely requisite to put a check, at least to the daring strides of administration in coincidence with the dominant views of France? For, though our Federal Representatives on the floor of Congress have done all that men could do by argument and address, we know, that if the people were not active and resolute, with great loss of time and interest, that we should now be awed, broken down and crushed by those troops of administration which were designed to enforce the embargo acts to the extent. It was the seasonable exertion of the people, which presented the raising and organization of those armies, which were intended to still us by the sword and the loss of blood. Blessed be God, we do not see them and were they now organized they could not be quartered in New England. We have no room for their tents. The land will not hold them. I review the debility of administration to execute that enslaving merciless purpose by the dread of arms, with thanks to God for rousing the spirit of the people, by the necessary though expensive measures, which were accepted by the people. If we had slept much longer France and administration would now smile and triumph over us in a haughty style. For we must believe that they intended to take away our strength by depriving us of our interest and depressing our spirits. But they are sadly disappointed for the present; because there is not, in consequence of the spirit of the people, who begin to open their eyes, sufficient national influence to execute those numerous, unfeeling, arbitrary acts. These petty armed vessels must go into the dignified retirement of the dry dock: for they never were calculated for national defense, and we fear were originally designed to embarrass our commerce and compel our submission, among other measures, to the will of France.

Further, the naked defenseless state of the nation is considered by wise men another instance of adversity which calls for lamentation. Those little shallow vessels, though built at great expense, we do not need any more than the distressing embargo; for they cannot even defend our rivers and harbours against a foreign enemy. But we need ships of war, and able, manly frigates. If we do not respect and arm ourselves like a nation of honor, how can we expect to be respected by potent nations? If we strip ourselves of influence, what nation will stop to clothe us? We have a small land army; but under the command of a General that the people will not trust a moment. We have a militia of great strength, but if this President, though I will yet hope better things, embrace the motives of his predecessor in the appointment of officers, the patriotic soldiers of New-England and the other states, will not follow them, and cannot be compelled. They love their wives and children and parents. Public confidence in administration is on the wing; and what can be harmoniously effected without it against our enemies?

We have no naval force which does honor to the nation. Upon the water we are defenseless. But if a small portion of the interest we have lost, by the saving embargo, could be appropriated to the construction of a navy, we should be safe in our own waters, strong at sea, and respected by the nations. But now, for aught any provisions made for us by administration, we must, instead of that dignified retirement so much celebrated and anticipated, be compelled to remain, we cannot tell how long, in a state of national indignity, sheer disgrace and intolerable contempt. Britain pities us, because she is too elevated and condescending to blame us. For she knows while we deprive ourselves of rich commerce, to gratify Napolean, by rejecting her offers, that a few battle ships might easily batter down and demolish our sea-ports and oblige us to fly to the mountains and back woods for safety. But she will not do it: It is not for her interest; nor is it for our interest to provoke her much more, unless it be best to destroy ourselves by becoming tributary to France, like the nations of Europe, who must drag out their days in slavery and sorrow and oppression. How lamentable, how pitiful and disgraceful our national prostration! If the departed spirit of Washington be permitted to visit us, he laments the hard calamity of Federalists, and returns hoping that in the revolving state of sublunary things, we shall see better times. He knew Virginia, and gave us needful counsel, in what manner to escape approaching danger and national ruin. Our adverse condition, in being destitute of naval force, seeing we are designed by providence for z commercial people, is attended with peculiar aggravations. For previously to the embargo – I choose rather to say, previously to the impoverishing effects of the measures of administration, we were able to furnish and man a navy with facility. But public measures in the course of eight years, have deprived us of a vast portion of our interest, probably, if good judges who have impartially attended to the subject, are correct, to the amount of two hundred millions of dollars. 1 We have also lost many able seamen, who to prevent begging and starving, have shipped themselves on board foreign vessels and left the country. This is a heavy loss, whether they were naturalized, or Americans by birth. I am sensible that this instance of our adversity, like all others occasioned by the embargo, affects the hearts of mad Democrats like the adversity of the Spanish patriots. For the embargo was designed to prove a distressing rather than a saving, salutary measure. Those who put it on meant to keep it on, and without pity in their hearts or a tear in their eyes, did all they could to make the yoke more and more heavy and grievous by additional weights, till they were absolutely forced to desist; and even then devised a different mode of operation to effect their original purpose, as we have much reason to fear. For the wisdom of the British Cabinet does not invest every master of a ship. Some commanders are rash men, who will offend. The temptation put in the way of indiscreet captains to kindle the flame of war between us and England, is greater than many people apprehend, if not too subtle to be administered by our administration. To avoid it, I hope our active men will not venture very far in the dark.

Though the national and political evils produced by the late measures of administration are great and oppressive, yet there is another evil more to be dreaded and deprecated than all the rest we have mentioned, or can be mentioned by men whose minds are better informed. It is infinitely more dangerous. I mean that demoralizing, deranging influence, which so much prevails, and like quick poison, pervades and seizes he vitals of the community. We need not be at great pains to support this position. The evidence presses upon us like the light of mid day. We know, that there is no rational motive to sin, and that no reason can be assigned for it in any circumstances whatever; yet one person is capable of leading another into that scene of temptation, which will prove fatal to his morals and his soul. Napolean, no more than Balak in the instance of Israel, was able to subdue America by his first measures, though the promised reward was flattering; yet by a method not very diverse from what was practiced by Balaam, the servile instrument of the king of Moab, the Emperor has been strangely successful. We notice it on this day of humiliation, for a lamentation, that the morals of the people have been corrupted by public measures. The embargo laws have neither met the correct, enlightened dictates of conscience nor the constitution of the land. They interfere and shamefully clash with the general bond of union and with the guaranteed rights of individual states, and been in some sacred instances with common law. To adduce evidence of this, after the able address, remonstrance and memorial of our Legislature, is needless. Lamentable and obvious facts are these, that the termination of commerce with foreign nations, so unjust in its nature, so impolitic and distressing in its effects and operation, considering our circumstances and the embarrassed condition of necessary trade between one state and another, disaffected and enraged the merchants, put a period to industry in our sea-ports, and reduced former labourers to a state of inevitable inactivity. Idleness was the consequence. Vices of various complexions succeeded of course to the great disadvantage of individuals, families and the community. For idleness is the fruitful mother of wicked customs and habits, which are so destructive to the best interest of men. Satan always takes his stand in the midst of the circle of human displeasure and idleness, and manages it to the injury of souls. It is his field of action.

There is another humiliating attitude of much iniquity occasioned by the system under review. We mean that deceit and dishonesty which are induced and indulged under unconstitutional acts and arbitrary laws, relating to toll, customs and revenue. For by the habit of evading arbitrary laws to save excise money, it becomes easy for many persons to qualify their consciences to evade righteous laws, who before such poisonous habits, would have trembled at the thought of defrauding the public chest. Arbitrary, unconstitutional acts we mark with emphasis, because they are direct temptations to iniquity. Men are naturally prone to sin, when there is no direct motive of advantage before them: but when they can blindly believe, as Adam did before he eat the apple, that there is interest to be secured without pains or by the least pains, they will attend. Righteous laws are in danger of being violated by the side of unrighteous ones, which men will disregard. To multiply even just rules beyond necessity is not wise, lest some of them be neglected, and a habit be formed to neglect others. Wise parents and wise rulers are, therefore, careful not to make even too many good rules. Surely, then, it must be unsafe indeed for rulers to multiply unjust laws, lest they induce their subjects to violate laws which ought to be obeyed, in consequence of being in the habit of disregarding those that ought not to be obeyed. It is dangerous even to pass the Rubicon of injustice established by law: for by doing this men learn to pass the Rubicon of justice. The way to ruin is broad and easy and full of the temptations of the moment. We should leave temptation at first sight, before we touch it, and it will never injure us any more than it did Joseph, Daniel and his three brethren at Babylon. In a word, while our rulers evidently mean to deprive Federalists, who are certainly the most valuable members of society, on many accounts, of any leading influence in national government, while they mean to deprive the eastern states of energy by destroying their commerce, without which they cannot subsist, with a common share of comfort; while they make laws which are hostile to the Federal constitution and the constitution of individual states, to gender idleness, dishonesty, slander and falsehood without limits; while they do not expel duelists from the floor of Congress; while they approve horse-racing and other dissipated practices injurious to the cause of religion; and while they pay little or no proper respect to the Sabbath, or the divine inspiration of the scriptures, have we not much reason to make a deep lamentation for the moral state of the land? Alas! Alas! America, what is thy moral state compared with what it was before the revolution? What compared with the religious state introduced and supported by our forefathers? How art thou fallen!

To make subjects moral, honest and upright, rulers must impress their consciences by righteous laws and exemplary conduct. For as is the fountain so will be the streams. As is the tree, so will be the branches and the fruit. In vain do we look for union and harmony, either of a civil or moral nature, while our rulers are fired with ambition and swayed by base partiality. The moral father of his subjects is the ruler approved by God, and admired by all good men. Their love is his authority. Their delight in his excellent qualities is his scepter. They obey because they cannot endure the thought of offending him. “O Telemachus,” said Mentor the sage, who was teaching him to be a good ruler, “Fear God; this fear is the greatest treasure of the human heart; it comes attended by wisdom, justice, peace, joy, unmixed pleasures, real liberty, delightful abundance3 and spotless glory.”

Lord, if national sins and abominations do not exceed the limits of thy gracious determination respecting the United States, let our administration be ever under the guidance of such a spirit. “He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.” Rulers of this description “are not a terror to good works but to the evil; not a curse but a rich blessing to the people. Their memory will be embalmed by immortality.

THE DIVISION OF SERVICE.
IN the morning discourse, we attended to the gloomy state of our country, both in a political and moral view, produced directly by the partial, incorrect measures of administration. But since our rulers and their political associates are not the only offending members of the community, we must impartially view both Federalists and Democrats, in one collected mass, and ascertain in what attitude we stand as a nation before God the author of our past prosperity and present adversity. “For thus saith the Lord, I form the light and create darkness, I make peace and create evil. I the Lord do all these things. Shall a trumpet be blown in the city and the people not be afraid? Shall there be evil in the city and the Lord hath not done it?” The nation is manifestly in circumstances of adversity, and we are sure that the Lord is the author of it because we have sinned against him as a nation. For God is as just in afflicting public bodies as individuals. But he is as merciful as he is just. And “therefore now also saith the Lord, turn ye even to me with all your heart, and with fasting and with weeping and with mourning, and rend your heart and not your garments, and rend your heart and not your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God: for he is gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great kindness, and repenteth him of the evil. Who knoweth if he will return and leave a blessing behind him–? Gather the people, sanctify the congregation—Let the priests the ministers of the Lord, meet between the porch and the altar; and let them say, spare thy people, O Lord, and give not thy heritage to reproach that the heathen should rule over them? Wherefore should they say among the people where is their God? But from this general review of the duties of the day we must attend to several particulars. And

1. Is it not manifest from our present condition as a nation, what we were while under a Federal administration, a most prosperous nation as to our agricultural and commercial interest? We ought not to infer this unless we have evidence to support it. But we ask, when did we as a nation obtain the opulence, the vast share of opulence, which we now possess, and the millions we have lost by our ruling attachment to France and hostility to England? The answer is this, the currents of wealth, which have flowed so plentifully in our favor, begun while the government was administered by Washington and Adams, notwithstanding they labored under many embarrassments to open them and keep them open. For no sooner were we crowned with independence, than the potent, envious nations, knowing our advantages to rise, attempted to take away the luster of our crown and to leave it naked and bare. But by the unremitting exertions of those political Fathers of our Country, while supported by able statesmen, in opposition to a growing faction, the numerous avenues of commerce were kept open and our opulence increased in a surprising manner, till the late administration took the advantage and disposal of it into their own hands. When the late President came into office, the revenue was ample and the avenues opened by his predecessors were calculated to continue and increase it. Washington and Adams were the planters and sowers: but President Jefferson was the reaper. Administration have gathered the rich harvest. And where is it? Millions have gone one way and millions have gone another way and thousands another and hundreds another, if the sum be not too inconsiderable to be distinctly named, till we are like a naked tree stripped of her leaves and fruit by the frost; and are left destitute of national defense and now lie at the mercy of the potent nations. What they will do with us we cannot tell. For while we ought to be rich and powerful on the land and water, we are defenseless. And added to this complicated evil, we are like a contentious house divided against itself, which cannot stand. But why all this national evil? Has the Jeffersonian faction alone done all this? Have France and her American adherents effected this great evil, exclusively of the conduct of the other part of the nation? By no means: For God is just. And though this is not a state of strict and final retribution, yet it is according to the analogy of his dispensations to afflict and punish nations for national sins. The sacred history contains numerous instances of the nature. The Jews, to mention no other nation, who have long smarted for admonition to others, under the divine displeasure, are now in their present dispersion over the face of the earth, God’s living witnesses. Hence

2. We remark that the Americans for years past have manifestly been a nation of sinners with but few exceptions. For if our peerless prosperity had been noticed by national gratitude and humility, instead of having elated us in an extravagant manner, and been prostituted to the destructive purpose of dissipation, we could not in so short a time have been plunged, by a few factious, partial men, into the gulf of danger. Individuals in the midst of a nation, can affect no revolution, unless they avail themselves of the influence of the public by some concurrent means put into their hands. Great national changes cannot be effected without great national influence. And if this nation had not been devoted to riches, and intoxicated with prosperity, if we had not fostered the spirit of shew and parade, the sad monuments of which are now seen all over the country; if we had not been asleep as to the rectitude and abilities of men deputed to act as national legislators; if we had not, both directly and indirectly, concurred as towns and districts with the southern spirit, what could that faction have effected which has taken the lead of the nation? The rowers, who have brought us into these great waters of national adversity, are the very men we as a nation have chosen to be our pilots. It requires no stretch of thought and reflection to see by what means or by what neglect of means we are now in this reduced state as a nation. We have sinned against God by misimproving our invaluable advantages of a civil nature. A great price has been put into our hands, but we have had no heart to improve it. We have lost our advantages by neglect. If we had seasonably taken care of our political ground and sowed it with proper seed, with wheat instead of tares and thistles, we might now be blessed with the prospect of a rich harvest. We are then now called to reflect on our wicked course of conduct as a nation, which has been the productive source of our adversity. For if we had been correct in a civil, political view only, if we had externally used and not abused our precious, inestimable favors, the rectitude of providence must have prevented these evils, which we now bitterly experience. For means and ends are connected. Providence is correct; God is just and righteous. It is the diligent hand that maketh rich, while idleness will originate want and distress. We ourselves have been the effective instruments of our trouble. For who is he that will harm us if we be followers of that which is good? But alas! We have not only been political sinners, without whom the federal government could not be pulled down, but we have been great sinners against God, the author of all our mercies. We have disregarded his precepts, we have violated his laws, we have slighted his Sabbath and ordinances, we have as a nation forsaken God who made us, and lightly esteemed the rock of our salvation. Self-gratification has been the object, and the degradation of the nation. I am no advocate, you know, for the late oppressive and destructive measures of administration; and surely we can none of us advocate the conduct of the nation which has formed and so long supported such an administration. While we impeach those political offenders at the head of the nation, let us not pass silently by the body of the nation, which supports the head, nor pass by any of the members. For in vain do we suppose that the rulers of the people have brought these intolerable evils upon us without the concurring influence of their constituents. And in vain do we try to forget that God, the righteous governor of the universe, is not so ordering things in his providence, that the nation shall drink of the bitter national cup, which she has mingled. We are now reaping the real fruits of our national folly and wickedness. God, who holds the balance of universal rectitude, in his hand, is now looking down upon us with displeasure and giving us in judgment a specimen of his wrath for our national sins. I will not say that some men do not deserve more than others; they undoubtedly do; and they, without seasonable repentance, will have their dreadful portion. But we none of us suffer so much as we deserve: nay, if the individuals, who compose the nation, were now to be treated according to desert, each one of us must be instantly separated from all natural, civil and moral advantages, and plunged into the pit of endless destruction. Our being so ripe for national ruin, as must be confessed according to the stubborn facts of the day, is full evidence that our national abominations have been very great indeed. But a few months since, administration expected, that by this time the people must be in a state of entire submission to their oppressive laws. –And it is wonderful, seeing their measures had been so long dominant and successful, that they have not finally succeeded. How sinful then must have been the people, for God to suffer the nation to stand tottering on the verge of destruction! And how merciful to give us a little respite? How inexpressibly gracious to spare us longer and give us a space for repentance! What would be our condition, were we now at war with Britain and subjected to France! O children and posterity! We cannot but weep when we remember that we had almost left you slaves and ruined you by our sins. Think of it a moment, what would be the state of the church, if the nation were now actually under the direction of that butchering Emperor, who is ready to soak the earth with the blood of half the human race, rather than not subdue and rule the rest. His ambition has no limits under the sun. Men are of no value in his view, while thirsting for empire, but to be ruled by his arm, or to be cut off by millions and millions to give him the palm of universal victory. Do you believe it, my hearers, that our administration have pledged their love, their confidence and exertions to such a bloody monster? Do you believe, whatever be the case now, that the nation was lately on the point of going directly into his hands, whose tender mercies are cruel? Do you also believe that God has been so angry with the nation, that he was about to make that emissary of darkness the dreadful instrument in his hand to punish the rulers and the people for their sins committed against his sacred majesty? You need not disbelieve. An affirmative answer we presume must be correct, however humiliating. Hence

3. Nothing less than our deep humiliation genuine sorrow and repentance of sin, will correspond with the obligation of the day. The spiritual and temporal benefits and mercies, which God has conferred upon us, are innumerable like the sands, and they are great beyond our estimation. They are precious, because nothing less precious than the blood of Jesus which speaketh better things than the blood of Abel, procured them. Considering our national blessings, we especially ought to be that people whose God is the Lord. For no nation under heaven, since the revolution, has been so peculiarly favoured as this nation. But we are guilty, very guilty for the misimprovement of God’s mercies. No one has leave to say, I am not the guilty person. Not one is excepted. The sin of the nation in this connection is not divisible: it cannot be divided. The whole, collective weight of guilt lies, as it were, upon each individual. It is enough to sink us down to the lowest pit. But the mercy of God continues. We have still liberty to make our peace with him.—What shall be done? We must be humble. We must feel our own littleness as creatures; and entertain just, though they will be inadequate, views of God’s greatness and goodness. We must like worms of the earth lie prostrate before him and love to see him upon the throne of universal dominion. For angels and men, heaven and earth, and the whole universe, are safe in his hand. No place better becomes man than the dust. There he may shine and there he does shine, if humble, like a jewel of peculiar brightness. Let me repeat it; there he must lie this day.

We must also mourn our sins, we must feel that sorrow on account of our transgressions, which is answerable to their destructive nature and consequences. But how shall we obtain just views of the malignity of our sins except by seeing the evil state of the nation and the dreadful destruction, which awaits us here and beyond the grave, if God were to punish us as we deserve? The sorrow we ought to feel in the view of the sins we have committed is enough to make hearts of stone melt and bleed. Except the blood of Christ no atonement can remove such deeply dyed guilt. Let us mourn and lament and beg; for this is all we can do. Let us feel as well as see that we deserve the curse which Christ bore on the tree. If Christ died to honor the law we have violated, surely we ought to feel, that it would be right for God to leave us to die for ourselves without the advantage of a substitute. Real, godly sorrow for sin, actually holds communion with a suffering Saviour on the cross. And he, who rejects this, loves Christ only on selfish, mercenary principles to be saved from deserved punishment. But if we love Christ merely to render us happy, what do we more than thousands of other, who have no religion? What do we more than any other sinners, who love those that love them? All sinners desire private happiness and they strive to escape pain. But all godly mourners desire to be delivered from selfish hearts. They are the subjects of self-denial; and without this they are destitute of the spirit of Christ and are none of his. Thousands like Judas have been sorry indeed that their sins have made them painful, and have with violent hands put an end to their lives to get rid of pain, for the moment. But all sorrow of this nature is but the sorrow of the world which worketh death. But godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of. Therefore the Apostle says to those whom, by his reproof, he had made truly sorrowful for their sin: “Behold this self same thing, that ye sorrowed after a godly sort; what carefulness it wrought in you, yea what clearing of yourselves, yea what indignation, yea what fear, what vehement desire, yea what zeal, yea what revenge!” The sorrow, which effects such exercises as these, is always attended with true repentance. That is, it produces reformation. It causes the subjects of it to hate sin, to avoid sin, to abhor themselves on account of their sins and to keep at the greatest remove from temptation. This is the nature of real repentance, which is the genuine fruit of godly sorrow. And as there is no true repentance, which does not flow from real, godly sorrow; so there is no godly sorrow, which does not produce this repentance. They are inseparably connected. He, who is really sorry that he has sinned against God, will be careful to sin no more, and will be on his guard against every temptation. He will fly from it.

This we think applies to the object of the day. We have carefully, as our scanty limits would allow, considering the extent of the field, attended to the sins of the nation which have reduced us to the present state of adversity; we have also considered our political, national sins as committed against God. Now, let us remember ht reformation, if we act wisely, will be the result of the whole. Without this, instead of deriving any advantage from the Fast, we shall but add to the weight of our aggravated iniquity and expose ourselves to the increased indignation of God, whose spirit will not long strive with sinners. The word of God to us this day, in our present state, is peculiarly significant and worthy of notice: “At what instant, saith the Lord, I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to pull down and to destroy it; if that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant I speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom to build and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.”

This, to-day, is the declaration of God to this people, to this nation. And if I had the voice of God’s messenger, which could be distinctly heard by all the inhabitants of the United States, I would repeat this message: “Thus saith the Lord, Behold as the clay is in the hand of the potter so are ye in my hand, O house of America. Behold I frame evil against you and devise a deice against you; return ye now every one from his evil way and make your ways and your doings good. Return unto me and I will return unto you, saith the Lord. For I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked. But if ye will not return, I will pluck you up and leave you desolate. And because I will do this unto thee, prepare to meet thy God, O land. Finally,

Your sins and your danger, the mercy of God if you repent, and the vengeance of God if you will not repent, are now before you. Take which you please, God will be glorified. For his justice is as dear to him as his mercy.

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. Those who are alarmed at the sum, are desired to take a candid review of facts, and calculate for their own satisfaction, and excuse us if we have either exceeded or not reached the correct mark of loss without gain.

Sermon – Election – 1805, Massachusetts


John Allyn preached this election in Boston on May 29, 1805.


sermon-election-1805-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED IN THE AUDIENCE OF HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq.

GOVERNOR,

The other MEMBERS of the EXECUTIVE,

AND

The Honorable LEGISLATURE

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 29, 1805.

BY JOHN ALLYN,

CONGREGATIONAL MINISTER OF DUXBOROUGH.

BOSTON:

PRINTED FOR YOUNG & MINNS, PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

1805.

 

IN SENATE, MAY 29, 1805.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Thomas Hale, William Brown, and John Phillips, (Essex) Esqrs. Be a Committee to wait on the Rev. John Allyn, and in the name of the Senate to thank him for the Sermon he this day delivered before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council and the Two Branches of the Legislature, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true Copy from the Journals,
WENDELL DAVIS, Clerk of Sen.
 

AN

ELECTION SERMON.

ROM. X. 1. & IX 1, 2, 3.

BRETHREN, MY HEART’S DESIRE AND PRAYER TO GOD FOR ISRAEL IS, THAT THEY MIGHT BE SAVED. I SAY THE TRUTH IN CHRIST, I LIE NOT, MY CONSCIENCE ALSO BEARING ME WITNESS IN THE HOLY GHOST, THAT I HAVE GREAT HEAVINESS AND CONTINUAL SORROW IN MY HEART. FOR I COULD WISH THAT MYSELF WERE ACCURSED FROM CHRIST, FOR MY BRETHREN, MY KINSMEN ACCORDING TO THE FLESH.

 

The most eminent personages of sacred history have expressed a peculiar attachment to the welfare of their own nation. That first divinely enlightened lawgiver, Moses, though nursed at the court of Pharaoh, and having a prospect of being advanced to the head of Egypt, yet, preferred affliction with his own people, the people of God, to the crown and treasures of Egypt. He chose to wander with his countrymen in a desert, where sustenance could not be had without a miracle, rather than to feast with a foreign monarch. The first impulse of resentment which agitated his breast was toward an Egyptian, who did wrong to one of his brethren, oppressing him with a burthen. When his people had “sinned a great sin,” in making the golden calf, whereby their title to the promised blessings of Canaan was forfeited, Moses intercedes, 1 “if thou wilt not forgive their sin, blot me I pray out of thy book which thou hast written.” He chose death rather than to see the miseries of his people, or would willingly submit to it, if their pardon could be purchased by this sacrifice. This natural affection to his own race, invigorated by religious faith, afterward unfolded itself in the most patient and laborious services of patriotism.

The great Author and Finisher of the Christian faith, in this respect, was like unto Moses. While he exercised the most self-denying and disinterested benevolence, productive of the most substantial blessings to mankind, his personal ministry was restricted to the Jews. Jesus the true light came to his own; 2 he did this from affection as well as by divine appointment. Being partaker of flesh and blood, he took not on him angels but men, and the seed of Abraham in particular. 3 Anticipating the unexampled tribulation, which awaited the unbelief and sins of his countrymen, he uttered that pathetic apostrophe, “O Jerusalem, Jerusalem—how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!” 4 Jesus Christ, the image of the invisible God, 5 and an exemplar spotless and undeviating, manifested the whole series of limited affections. He cherished the ordinary sensibilities of domestic life, 6 the more generous emotions of private friendship, and to these, added the display of the most fervent love to his country, with tokens of unparalleled grace and compassion towards mankind.

After the evidence of such a witness, it is not necessary to vindicate any sentiment by the subordinate authority of prophets and apostles. Indulge me, however, in two instances relating to the present subject.

The prophet Jeremiah, when Israel was carried away captive, and Jerusalem became desolate, sat weeping, and bewailed with this lamentation: “How doth the city sit solitary that was full of people! How is she become as a widow! She that was great among the nations and princess among the provinces, how is she become tributary! 7 O that mind head were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for the slain of the daughter of my people!” 8 The pathos of the prophet’s lamentation, on account of judgments already executed, is equaled only by the ardent language of the apostle in the text, in which he deprecates impending calamities. “My heart’s desire and prayer to God for Israel is, that they might be saved. I say the truth in Christ, I lie not, my conscience bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost, that I have great heaviness and continual sorrow in my heart. For I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ, 9 FOR MY BRETHREN, MY KINSMEN ACCORDING TO THE FLESH” Oppressed with the presentiment of that unparalleled tribulation, which awaited his countrymen, his bowels yearned with compassion, and his most affectionate prayers ascended to God in behalf of his kinsmen and brethren according to the flesh.

But why such a limitation of benevolence? Why such deep regret on account of the destruction which impended the Jews, when the spirit of prophecy might have taught the apostle that like miseries awaited the crimes of other nations? Why not from the prime minister of the gospel of peace on earth expressions of more extended sympathy? Why not an imitation of the Father’s love, who is no respecter of persons, and whose blessings flow, at times appointed, on Jews and Gentiles?

It is replied, that as “man was made for his species by the Christian duties of universal charity, so he was made for his country by the obligations of the social compact.” 10 Patriotism is no more incompatible with general benevolence, than the more partial affections of domestic life are with patriotism. General benevolence implies particular; it includes the limited affections; it is a seminal principle in the heart, producing, in just measure and at proper seasons, the fruits of beneficence to our family, friends, fellow-citizens and fellow-men. While it propels to every useful exertion as opportunity is presented, conscious of imbecility and obedient to the emotions of nature, its beneficent hand is most frequently opened to comfort and supply the household. Indeed, as the domestic affections may be cherished and expressed, without any infraction of the maxims of justice and mercy to our neighbours, or encroachment upon the rights of the commonwealth, so these rights may be respected and the duties of patriotism be performed, without any infringement on the obligations of humanity.—It is then no proof that the apostle Paul was destitute of general benevolence, that he had an ardent love to Israel, his brethren and kindred according to the flesh.

While the patriotism of St. Paul operated according to the dictates of nature and the necessities of man in a state of society, it received an accession of strength from his reflections on the invaluable privileges which had been long participated by the chosen people of God. He seems to assign a reason for his love to Israel in the words subjoined to the text: “I could wish myself accursed from Christ for my brethren—to whom pertaineth the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants and the giving of the law, the service of God and the promises; whose are the fathers, and of whom concerning the flesh Christ came.” Why this particular enumeration of national honours and privileges, unless because a grateful participation in them was intimately associated with deep solicitude for the future welfare of his fellow participants? He is himself an illustration of his own description of charity, when he says, “if one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it; and if one suffer, the rest suffer also.”

Were it necessary, in explaining and vindicating the patriotic character of St. Paul, it might be further urged that his love to his brethren was exercised in due subordination to the will of God, and the highest demands of philanthropy. Obedient to the voice from heaven he resisted his tender desires after his brethren, and pursued his mission to the Gentiles. He preferred compliance with the invitations of general benevolence and the will of God to the gratification of his limited affections. Though willing to be accursed from Christ for his brethren, without hesitancy, he acquiesces in the designation, “I will send thee far hence to the Gentiles.” 11

When we consider the order and progress of our social feelings, and weigh the authority of so great an exemplar as the apostle Paul, can there be any room doubtingly to inquire whether patriotism be compatible with the spirit of Christianity? And why does a celebrated modern writer 12 consider patriotism as excluded from the Christian system of moral duties? If indeed this term, when strictly defined, import a “disposition to oppress all other countries to advance the imaginary prosperity of our own; and to copy the mean partiality of a parish officer, who thinks injustice and cruelty are meritorious, when they promote the interest of his own inconsiderable village; if patriotism has ever been the favourite virtue with mankind, because it conceals self-love under the mask of public spirit,” Christianity, indeed, condemns it. Such patriotism does not approach, in degree or extent, the benevolence of the religion of Christ. But why degrade the term by such an exposition? Have there been no examples of a generous and laudable love of country? Will not fact justify the assertion, that those who are affectionate in limited circles, are seldom deficient in philanthropy? The kindest husband is probably the most helpful neighbour; this neighbour the most peaceable citizen; this citizen the most effective soldier; and such a soldier, educated in the different grades of social life, will the most readily weep over the ruins of war, cordially bewail the calamities of mankind, and conscientiously respect the obligations of humanity. It is, therefore, no proof that St. Paul was, or that any other person is destitute of general benevolence, that they manifest a kind affection towards brethren and kindred, according to the flesh.

But since the name patriot has been often usurped by wicked men, and historians have sometimes sanctioned the usurpation, and the nations aggrandized have acquiesced in the bestowment of unmerited honours upon unprincipled generals and statesmen; it is proper to discriminate more minutely on this subject, and thus to remove from the idea of patriotism, any disgrace into which it may have fallen by its alliance either with the weaknesses or vices of the human character.

No pretences of patriotism extenuate, much less justify the least violation of the maxims of justice and humanity. That greatness, which is invariably attached to vital benevolence, spurns at that policy which is merciless and dishonest. This benevolence, whether exercised towards family, fellow-citizens, or mankind, renounces every advantage, which cannot be secured without encroaching on the rights, or disturbing the happiness of individuals. It is indeed the greatest absurdity to attempt to build up any limited interest, by means which, if universally adopted, would prove subversive of all society.

It is scarcely necessary to add, that all illiberal partialities towards our own country, and unfounded antipathies toward other countries, are excluded from the idea of Christian patriotism. Neither is there anything commendable in the puerile attachment of some to their native soil and climate; though innocent, it ranks no higher than a fondness for one’s nurse. We may, however, view these natural feelings with a favourable eye, when they appear to be associated with moral feelings, and to limit and to strengthen them.

But severe censure is the just demerit of those hypocritical pretences to patriotism, which are designed for the concealment of personal ambition. Every age and country produces political sycophants, who flatter, that they may rule or plunder their fellow-creatures. The numerous instances of this deception should make us slow in giving credit to the appearances of patriotism. The popular opinion is frequently ungrounded. To-day we hear, Hosanna to the Son of David; tomorrow, Crucify, crucify him. Many excellent men sleep in the grave of obscurity, and others have a name to life, who deserve oblivion. Discrimination dictates an eulogy upon the poor man, whose wisdom saved the city, but who was never after remembered, 13 and assigns him a much more conspicuous niche in the temple of fame, than more celebrated characters, who have the credit of loving the nation and building a synagogue. It is but just to distinguish the unalloyed gold of patriotism from deceitful imitations, and the meteors of a moment from the stars of the first, second and third magnitude, which shine through successive generations.

Excluding then from the idea of patriotism whatever is unjust, frivolous, selfish or hypocritical, it is then only commended, when defined to express an honest solicitude for the welfare of the community to which we belong, and a glowing joy at the just gains and improvement of our kindred according to the flesh; a deep and anxious anticipation of our country’s dangers, and affectionate prayers for its prosperity:–Or in fewer words, patriotism is to be commended when the profession is sincere, the means just, and the objects important.

The favourable hearing of this intelligent audience is solicited, while the speaker dispatches the practical part of his subject, and applies it to the occasion in our view; to the characters here assembled, and the times in which we live.

The most arduous duty of patriotism is to die in its cause, when required. Many names in Greek and Roman history, as also in the history of other nations, have been transmitted with veneration, for this reason, that they counted not their own lives dear to them, if they might but work some great deliverance to their country. Indeed, a greater oblation than that of life cannot be made for the common safety. But the call to embrace certain death is made but seldom, and but to few individuals of any nation. And if called, many worthy citizens might shrink from so expensive an offering for the public good. The spirit might be willing, but the flesh might be weak. With more frequency, we are called to hazard our lives; and when the justice of our country’s cause is clearly established in the mind, and the obtrusions upon our personal safety and possessions are violent and continued, whoever can ardently pray for his brethren and kindred according to the flesh will seek no dispensation from the ordinary casualties of war; but cheerfully obey a summons to the field. The state of peace, in which we live at present, renders any persuasive on this head unreasonable. By favour of Divine Providence, we are not required at present to decide on such trying demands of patriotism. More pleasant themes invite attention. The ordinary course of things in our times and country affords many opportunities of rendering patriotic services, and everyone may daily find some work of love to his brethren. Beside what may be exacted in the defence of our country against a foreign enemy, there are a multitude of other expressions of patriotism important in their nature, practicable by all, and especially by such, as occupy stations of influence and authority.

It is consoling to reflect that every individual, in whatever station, may reap the honour of patriotism and enjoy the complacency which springs from useful actions, by cherishing in himself and others benevolent opinions and feelings, by setting an example of ready obedience to the laws, by giving support to institutions of public utility, by aiding in the establishment of such new regulations as the common good requires, by occasional acts of charity, and above all, by exhibiting an undefiled pattern of Christian virtue and godliness.

But perhaps these objects seem distant and general, and the effects produced by individual exertion almost imperceptible. We may, however, find a new spring of animation and diligence in considering how much good may be done to our country by only pursuing with zeal and fidelity the business of our respective vocations. It falls but to few to die for the nation, and an opportunity may seldom be afforded of contributing to the erection of some great edifice; yet everyone, in all times, by well discharging the duties of his sphere and station, may build up the interests and increase the happiness of his country.

The social body is composed of various members, mutually connected and dependent. Though some be deemed less honourable, they may not be less necessary than others. As the eye, the ear, the hand, the foot of the human body, cannot say one to the other, I have no need of you, but all in their respective places have indispensable uses; so, in the commonwealth, each citizen has dome gift or function, by which he may become a contributor to the support and pleasure of the whole body. In every society there is much mutual dependence. “The king himself is served by the field.” 14 All the various classes of men derive subsistence from each others’ power or favour. The most essential labours are those of the field. The different fabrications of the artist are either useful or convenient. The rich would be less happy without the poor to administer to their leisure and ease; and the poor, in turn, are profited by the stewardship of the rich, whose enterprise, providence and economy enable them to reward their labour, and relieve that indigence, which springs from indolence, wastefulness, and vice, or from sickness and misfortune. The young sustain an important relation to the aged, whose infirmities and sorrows it is their province to bear and mitigate, as well as perform the manual service, and endure the hardships of life; and the young may reap a full reward from the counsel of ancient men, matured by experience and rendered impressive by grey hairs. We need not therefore every despond with the idea that we are unable to serve the community; for keeping in the line, that nature and providence have marked out for us, we may effect a multitude of purposes useful to society. By assiduity in our professional labours, without any uncommon exertions and sacrifices, we may reap the praise of serving our country and generation.

But the subject of patriotic duties more properly embraces the consideration of certain weighty interests of society, in the advancement of which it is necessary we should all unite, be our particular vocations what they may. There are some burdens, which may be lifted by individual strength; others require the united force of the whole community to raise and support them. The opinions of all parties must be embraced, when it is said, that patriotism requires the watchful preservation of our constitution and liberties—the cultivation of agriculture arts—the diffusion of knowledge—and, above all, the promotion of a religious spirit, fruitful of good works.

I. The first duty of patriotism (especially in our country) is to PRESERVE OUR CONSTITUTION AND LIBERTIES. Mankind have entertained different ideas on the subject of civil constitutions, and have adopted different forms, “according to the different habits, genius and circumstances of the people.” With us there ought to be but one opinion; and, as the result of this opinion, the most decided support given to our republican institutions, as best adapted to promote the happiness of all ranks in society. Some parts of the superstructure may with propriety admit of occasional alterations; but the elective base, and those constitutional pillars of freedom, upon which we are compacted together, require vigilant protection. There is danger of innovation without improvement, of annihilating one point after another, to facilitate the designs of party, and serve the purposes of personal ambition.

Our fathers, in the most serious exercise of their understandings, and influenced by the most disinterested motives, adopted and established those civil constitutions, by which we have been protected, and to which we still look for protection. We have reason of full confidence both in their judgment and patriotism, from the experience of safety and prosperity. The lover of his country will watch against every encroachment on established rights and liberties, and especially such as have for their object the perpetuation of civil power in the hands of a few. But what are the means to this end? To what expedients must we have recourse in securing tour present privileges? No mean, no expedient is of more certain operation than the appointment of wise and good men to manage our common interests. Let all classes of citizens unite in this point, viz. To place honest and able men in their public councils. Can we be so infatuated as to think our constitutions and liberties ever safe, when we entrust civil power to men whom we discredit in private transactions? The governing part of a nation ought to be men of unimpeachable justice, prudence, temperance, and exemplary goodness. For if men have lost the moral government of themselves, how shall they direct the affairs of the public with reason and equity, and how can we suppose they will respect the rights of the whole people, who do not respect individual claims.

It may be added, that the corrupt example of men in station is peculiarly contagious and destructive. The pagans imitated the supposed practices of their gods. Gods on earth equally propagate their vices. And as it was formerly in vain for the philosophers to arraign the vices of heathen deities, so now it is equally fruitless for the preacher and moralist to inveigh against vices made reputable by official eminence. There is special reason to fear that our rights and liberties will be impaired and lost, and our national manners corrupted by unprincipled and immoral rulers.

So much evil is to be apprehended from this source, that it may be established as a prime duty of patriotism in every citizen to exercise his elective power with caution, and entrust the administration of public affairs only to men of sound minds and virtuous habits. Without this preventive, that treasure of independence and freedom, which our country so long and so nobly bled to acquire, will be dissipated and irrecoverably lost. We often look to political expedients for the preservation of political blessings; but they will all prove deficient, if the general course of our public affairs be not directed by wisdom and uprightness. To this point then, let all collect, and commit the custody of our political tables to men of unostentatious wisdom and experienced fidelity. Thus shall we preserve and perpetuate our constitutions and liberties.

II. But the attainment of this object is intimately connected with another branch of patriotic duty, the GENERAL DIFFUSION OF KNOWLEDGE. We have a text on this subject, the writer of which, and the chapter containing it must be recollected by every individual in this audience. “In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion be enlightened.” 15 Whoever loves liberty and the government of laws will cultivate seminaries of learning. He will manure and weed every plot where seeds of instructions have been sown, and hedge in new enclosures, that “children’s children may go in and find pasture” to satisfy the hunger of their minds. It may be a fact, that ignorant subjects are most peaceable and submissive, and that learning, beyond the sphere of one’s own occupation, has sometimes a tendency to beget uneasy and aspiring sensations. Under despotic governments, sound policy may forbid the dissemination of knowledge; but we profess to value liberty, as conducive to the safety, peace and improvement of man. Let us then provide against both its abuses and its loss. The preservation of it can be insured by no means of more infallible operation than that of enlightening the public mind. The wise sometimes, the ignorant always are led by their passions. By mental cultivation these passions are subdued in part, and the remainder restrained. The uninformed are easily excited to rebellion by coarse and noisy eloquence; and there are no establishments or measures, however wise and salutary, but must yield to the vandal rage of an ignorant populace. The light of knowledge also tends to harmonize the feelings of men, to prevent the unhappiness arising from a collision of manners, and dispose them to endure that heterogeneous quality of each other’s habits, which, to a certain degree, is incurable. Beside these considerations, showing the importance of diffused information, how unqualified are the ignorant to designate wise and honest agents from the general mass for the purpose of government. Blind electors will not probably choose seeing guides. The issue is still less problematical, when the blind are leaders of the blind. The grossly ignorant and immoral cannot subsist under a free government. Among such, civil power must be concentrated in the hands of one or a few, and profound submission to its most arbitrary exercise be the only means of preserving any order and justice.

Impressed with these convictions, the patriot will render every support and encouragement to teaching and learning, and the diffusion of useful information through all ranks in society. Though smatterings of knowledge may often produce pedantry, and though the poet has said, “A little learning is a dangerous thing,” yet boorish ignorance is both more unpleasant and dangerous.

But in devising methods for effecting this object, it must be recollected, that knowledge is not to be gained, after arriving to adult age. Some improvement may made on the stock acquired, but few additions to it can be expected. The nurture of the mind must be commenced early. It is then flexible, active, and partakes of a higher degree of susceptibility, than belongs to riper years. It is a most ingenious and instructive figure, which someone has adopted, to illustrate the necessity of early instruction in morals, who says, speaking of the young, “they must be died in the wool.” This idea applies as well to the principles of knowledge, as to those of morality. . The colours communicated after the cloth is made will soon fade, if not entirely wear out. It is hence easy to perceive that the diffusion of knowledge imports something more than circulating party pamphlets, newspapers, and sectarian theological tracts, 16 which, like some of our political schoolmasters, are not always the better for being of imported origin. The Christian patriot, in his efforts to spread knowledge, will first light the taper at home: he will teach his children and dependants, morning and night, in the house and by the way. And since few have both the ability and leisure to do this, it is necessary to patronize young men of respectable character and suitable talents, and give them ample encouragement to enter upon the laborious duties of common schools, that the profession of teaching may be pleasant and reputable, if not lucrative, to the teacher. In producing these teachers, and thus advancing the interests of early education, there must be primary schools for their instruction. The institution of colleges, where the higher branches of knowledge are taught and learnt, is indispensable for this as well as other purposes. Though they may be complained of as aristocratic, since the advantages of education they furnish are necessarily limited to a few, yet great is their influence upon political freedom and public improvement. Beside affording the community qualified teachers of youth, their effect is discovered in the debates of our public assemblies, in the weekly services of religious teachers, and the general style of reasoning throughout the whole community. Admit that they discharge their streams with partiality, watering here and there a favoured spot, yet providence has opened numberless channels, by which their salutary waters are diffused over the whole face of the commonwealth. We have not much to fear from literary aristocracy. Though knowledge be power, and superior intelligence as well as property extends the influence of the possessor; yet science, truly so called, has no corrupting effect on the heart. The pursuit of it tranquilizes the mind and reforms the manners. We may be assured, that if the larger windows of light be shut, the whole mansion will be soon involved in barbarian darkness, with which despotism is inseparably connected.

The Christian patriot will therefore cherish in his own and in the minds of others a veneration for the larger seminaries of instruction, and their founders, and daily pray that “healing salt may be cast into these fountains of knowledge.”

III. Although the defence of liberty and the spreading of knowledge are objects of high concernment in the view of patriotic minds; yet the article on which we are about to enter must be magnified in its importance. “Of all dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, RELIGION and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and cherish them.” Thus spake one, “by whom many worthy deeds were done to our nation,” at a time too when no personal motive could possibly bias his counsel.

The opinion of some that RELIGION is not to be associated in any degree with political affairs, that society may flourish without its aid and influence, it may not be needful to confute in this assembly; if it were, we would demand an instance of a people, altogether profane, regardless of an oath, destitute of religious fear, who have subsisted in peace and order, and found growing prosperity and happiness.

What part of nature is supported without God? Do the planets keep in their spheres? Does the earth revolve? Does the soil shoot forth the blade of grass? Does health nerve the limbs and cheerfulness expand the soul, without the all pervading spirit of the Most High? Nay. How then shall the social virtues bud and grow independently of the same cause? How shall order, strength and manhood accrue to the social body without any portion of divine influence? And through what channels can this influence flow, but through the mind and heart?

Religion may be considered as to its theory, its spirit, and

practice. Its theory involves the consideration of things infinite, eternal, and transcendently excellent, viz. God, immortality, and the immutable discriminations of holiness and sin. Its spirit implies such emotions towards God as are associated with everything mild, joyful and sublime. The practice of religion, or the sensible forms of it, conduce to the two first mentioned ends, viz. the knowledge of its theory and the exercise of its spirit. Religion doubtless subsists in different persons and communities, and at different periods of time, in various degrees of purity. But without some respect for a Supreme Lawgiver, there is no basis of obedience to the laws of morality. Even a weak sense of religion, clouded by ignorance and intermingled with the vanities and weaknesses of human nature, secures the practice of many duties, which can never be successfully enforced by civil laws.

It is necessary, however, to distinguish the religion, which is useful in the preservation of social order and happiness, from certain corrupt and unlawful establishments which have been made in many countries. Correct ideas of religion are not obtained by reading the debates of the council of Nice, the minutes of a Romish conclave or Protestant synod. Most, if not all ecclesiastic, academic, as well as legislative disquisitions on this subject have shed darkness rather than light, and unfolded the character of the man of sin, rather than that of the prince of peace.

Useful religion is also to be discriminated from the wild enthusiasm, excited by field oratory, and the anti-social gloom of the cloister. Religion has often been defiled and rendered unprofitable and unamiable; and is always tinctured, by the education, constitution, and moral habits of men; yet even in its most imperfect forms, it is accompanied with some meliorating effects. In this recommendation of religion as useful in a state, we are not so much concerned to make any casuistical statement of its metes and bounds, as to illustrate its general influence on the conduct and happiness of mankind. A scantier portion of religious knowledge and sentiment may answer useful purposes in society, than will be necessary to our obtaining a part in the future inheritance of saints.

In these remarks on the effect of religion, the epithet Christian, though omitted, is understood. For to us there can be no middle way between embracing the doctrines of the gospel, and resorting to skepticism and irreligion. We can have no motives and feel no impulse to adopt pagan idolatry or Mahometan imposture. And it is a thesis, from the defence of which no believer need shrink, that every person who experiences the smallest excitements of a religious nature, will eagerly read and hear the report of Jesus Christ. Is anyone alarmed by anticipations of the punishment of his sins? Is anyone conscious of inability to keep the law? In the gospel are promises of pardon and aid. Does anyone hunger for the bread of life? From this source it may be procured. The neglect or rejection of Christianity, when fairly proposed, in most cases indicates religious unsusceptibility, and we may add, an equal deficiency of moral feelings.

We are sensible there are many sects among Christians, some of which claim an exclusive patent right to the keys, which unlock the door of divine truth and the gate of heaven. Some incorporate the logic of the school with their Christian divinity; their liturgy does seldom comprise the Lord’s prayer, and their confession of faith is such as might be framed by men, who forget that the Sermon on the Mount was ever preached.

Others are disposed to monastic life, and think they never serve God, but when in the act of praying. There are, too, lordly Christians, who would bring over again the mischievous farces of national and ecumenical councils. Some, of unfeigned piety, but illiberal minds, deem nothing religion unless it be measured by their line, and its fervor be excited to a given point, which is also to be ascertained by their thermometer. In this collision of sentiment, the Christian patriot may hesitate what course to pursue, what tenets to defend, and to what establishment to adhere. Shall he embrace the church, whose articles of faith are multiplied and circumstantially defined? Possibly he may neither get any good himself or do any to the commonwealth. Shall he make the matter of rites and ceremonies a turning point? He will be fed, neither with “milk nor meat.” Let every man examine his faith, his feelings, and his practice by the word of God, permitting no inferior authority to warp his decisions. In promoting the interests of religion among his fellow-men, let him propagate those truths which are plain and important; nor feel obliged to satisfy the inquisitiveness of bigots by avowing the party of Paul, Apollos, or Cephas; contented if it do but appear that he hath been with Christ. So far at least as the welfare of society is concerned, there is but one essential point, viz. to convince those who believe in God that they ought carefully to maintain such good works as are profitable to men. Whilst these are indispensable to the character of the disciple, they form the sum of the religion of the patriot. As to those, who act a contrary part, and endeavour by their sophistry or their ridicule to extirpate that little respect for Christianity, which at present subsists, the most favourable remark which we can make was made by our Saviour on those, who were active in his crucifixion, “they know not what they do.” 17 The Christian patriot will cherish the vital sentiment, the inward operation of religion, and judge in all cases of its strength and purity by the fruits. “How shall I do this great wickedness, and sin against God,” is an exclamation, which, when dictated by the heart, and verified by the conduct, ascertains with sufficient clearness the power of religion in any man’s breast to entitle him to our confidence, respect and love.

Beside the influence of religion upon morality in general, it merits consideration, that whatever be the means or objects of patriotism, its spirit is purified and its zeal quickened by this principle. No virtuous emotion can long subsist, much less be excited to a high degree, in an unsanctified heart. Love to man, whether more or less limited as to its objects, must be frequently invigorated by the stimulations of piety. It will wax cold, and the number of its labours be diminished, unless its fire be renewed by a spark from the altar. 18

Beside the cardinal interests of LIBERTY, KNOWLEDGE and RELIGION, there are other objects of subordinate value soliciting the attention of him who loves his country.

Agricultural improvements, rural and domestic economy, the introduction of useful plants, roots and grains, rank high among SECONDARY TOPICS. He, who should discover one grain of wheat so much earlier than the common kind, as to be exempt from blast; and who should propagate it with effect, will in the result have done more good to his country, than he, who, by conquest or purchase, should add the mines of Mexico to our national domain. We ought to know who first introduced and encouraged the cultivation of that vegetable, which is next in value to bread. If the plough, in its present improved state, had been the invention of one man, a colossal statue, larger than that of Rhodes, would be too little to perpetuate the remembrance of the inventor. As the ancients contended about the place which gave birth to Homer, we, as philanthropists, have much more reason to respect the character of Rumford, 19 and honor ourselves by some indelible register of his name. The happiness of the human kind is an aggregate made up of particulars, some of which escape the observation of little and great minds. The vision of the former does not extend far enough, and that of the latter extends too far, to make discovery of the truth. Whoever surveys the map of our country, and considers the variety of its soil and climate, will see how much our interest and comfort are involved in the improvements of husbandry, compared with which, the mechanic arts and commerce are of secondary importance. The number of people, who subsist by these, must ever be comparatively small. Commerce indeed is a handmaid of agriculture, by opening a market for the surplus produce of the earth. But of what other value are the returns? In a moral view, the commodities of the East and West Indies are of little service. Ought it not to diminish our relish for some of them, that they are the produce of slavery? Such was the sensibility of David, that he would not, though thirsty, drink of water brought from the well of Bethlehem by three brave men at the hazard of their lives. He called it the blood of those who went in jeopardy of their lives. And yet we, Christians, advocates for liberty and the rights of men, stimulate our appetites and feast our palates, daily, and without remorse, upon luxuries produced—but I stop, lest something unwelcome should obtrude itself in regard to the social condition of some of our sister states. To revert to our subject. Many imported commodities encourage idleness, and engender corruption and effeminacy. By establishing two great interests, commercial and agricultural, unhappy alienations among citizens are excited, while the merchandize exposed on the ocean allures the cupidity of foreign pirates.

Provision for the subsistence and morals of the poor is a duty of patriotism. In every country this class is numerous; more especially where population increases and the means of subsistence are unequally divided. In our country, poverty arises from idleness, want of economy, and moral debasement. The patriot will deem it no trifling object to infuse into the poor a “spirit of decency, a love of economy, a desire of knowledge, and a regard to character.” In ordinary times, few services can be rendered to our country of greater magnitude than the promotion of the above objects. Abjectness and vice in the character of the poor are disgraceful to the laws and manners of every country. In some countries this subject is truly awful, and invites the most active services of benevolence. The prevention of this evil invites the most serious consideration of active patriotism in our own.

When we reflect the SPIRIT OF THE TIMES in which we live, it will appear evidently to be the duty of every patriot to set an example of sobriety and temperance, to promote peace and mutual confidence, to dissipate, by honest and prudent means, those pestilential vapours which hover in our political atmosphere, and to breathe out, in conversation and behavior, the spirit of meekness and urbanity. What we experience at this day is not new in the world. In navigating the sea of popular liberty, it has always been found tempestuous. The rich and the poor, the north and the south, form into parties to injure and destroy each other; and under the specious cover of preserving liberty, liberty is at length annihilated. To this danger we stand exposed. A part of the time we contend about principles and measures, but the whole time about men. Our restlessness and folly render imminent that demolition of freedom, which other free states have experienced. All lovers of their country, not putting far away the evil day, will labour to avert its calamitous issues.

With a view to this end, we naturally ask, are there not some untried expedients of peace, harmony and mutual confidence? Instead of debating any longer on the points of difference, let it be inquired coolly in how many things men are agreed. Instead of using harsh and scornful language, and wantonly shooting arrows dipt in poison, let men consider that a steady hand, a tender heart and gentle tongue are qualities most useful to the patriotic surgeon, who would heal the festering wounds of division. The “tongue of the righteous is health, his mouth is a well of life; his lips disperse knowledge; his communications are good to the use of edifying, and minister grace to the hearer.” Let also every man shew more solicitude that his fellow-creatures be well informed and governed, than that his particular opinions be adopted, or he himself allowed to share in the administration of public affairs. And above all, as a fundamental recipe in healing divisions, let every man govern himself, not serving his own interest at the expence of justice, or seeking revenge at the expence of charity. Self-government is striking the ax at the root of the tree; it is like drying up the sharp humours and cooling the feverish fluids of a diseased body. “Could men but be persuaded to prefer the public peace and welfare to their own private advantage; to seek fame, honour, authority or wealth in subordination to things of greater moment; in claiming their own rights to allow others theirs; to smooth the rugged waves of each other’s passions with the oil of kindness; soon would the tumults and strifes, which now exist, be hushed, and a happy calm spread itself over the face of the earth.” Should we continue to suffer our judgments to be perverted in the plainest cases; to invade the peace of individual breasts; to dissolve the tender charities of blood and kindred on the pretext of difference in political opinions, more baleful ills must be expected than we now experience; public order will be interrupted, the foundations of society endangered, and the effusion of blood and the establishment of despotism close the tragic drama.

The offices and objects of patriotism, which have been particularized, interest exclusively no one class of men. The powers and opportunities of individuals are indeed dissimilar; but everyone, the peasant, the prince, the villager, the citizen, the husbandman, mechanic and scholar, may all, in their respective places, do good to their country. And even the most inferior labours of beneficence, when stimulated by honesty and benevolence, are to be praised, and the Supreme Rewarder above will not forget them. Remember the widow’s mite: though small, compared with the gifts of rich men, yet the piety and penury of the donor made it a respectable offering. Let it console the obscurest individual, that though he is able to throw but a mite into the mass of common improvement and happiness, yet he shall in no wise lose his reward. Be it so, that his circumstances are straitened and his capacities small, yet there is some one good thing which he may do. Let him plant a tree; meliorate one acre of soil; diffuse love in his family and neighbourhood; give impression to one moral truth upon the tender and the real effect of his patriotism shall outweigh that of many statesmen, philosophers, and conquerors, who have had the name of serving their country. We are apt to be weary of well-doing, more especially if the benefaction seem like a drop in the ocean; but how are we sure this figure is just? With respect to moral influences, it certainly is not just. If “one sinner destroyeth much good,” 20 one righteous man may be the instrument in Divine Providence of repairing the ruin. Good men are the salt of the earth. Let them awake and come to their work of love and labours of patriotism, not disheartened by the fewness of either their powers or means. The feeblest man may remove a small stone from the traveler’s path, and perhaps save his life. The most obscure and indigent man in society may apply a healing medicine to one moral disease, stop the progress of one infectious particle, close the avenue of one crime, and the effect of such exertion shall extend to future generations. It is in the aggregate of such labours, that the commonwealth shall experience growing prosperity and happiness.

But THIS OCCASION and THE RESPECTABLE AUDIENCE here convened remind us of that extensive field of usefulness, which is occupied by men in PUBLIC STATIONS. Legislators, Magistrates and Ministers of the Gospel possess many ways and means of contributing to the public welfare. To them especially we look for an example of patriotism. A tendency must exist in their vocation to sequester their thoughts from private and local interests, and to expand their social feelings. Though they live by others, yet in a peculiar sense they live for others. Strictly speaking, there is no honour in station. “It is more glorious to be a good subject than a bad ruler; to be a good disciple than a bad teacher.” 21 There is neither any debasement or exaltation, absolutely such, but that which adheres to the moral character. Yet there are certain posts of eminence, those placed in which are highly responsible for the result of their example and administrations. These posts are occupied by the Civil Ruler and the Christian Minister.

Consider yourselves, O YE RULERS IN THE EARTH, as vested with eminent powers of doing good. It is yours, to facilitate the acquisition of right; to protect the hedge which separates individual property; to patronize improvement, and thus to meliorate man’s condition. Great are these objects of your appointment and authority. Think not merely of engrossing the honours and emoluments of station; but scrutinize with eagerness the means of rendering mankind more happy. Ye are the agents of God to punish evil doers, and to bestow praise on those who do well. The lives, the estates, the reputations of men are, in a qualified sense, committed to your keeping. Offices of such trust as yours will never be sought after, except by the vain and ambitious. The solicitude of a patriot, excited by a lively sense of responsibility, more than outweighs all the honours and profits of his station. An awful account must be rendered at the final day of retribution, if, through avarice and ambition, absorbing every feeling of justice and humanity, ye have desolated other countries or divided and plundered your own.

And consider also, ye MINISTERS OF THE SANCTUARY, the extensive influence of your functions and example. “Ye are an epistle, read of all men.” Evince your piety and patriotism by abounding “in faith, utterance, knowledge, diligence and love.” Instead of triumphing at the spread of those particular tenets, which ignorance, education or bigotry may have infixed on your minds, rejoice rather when you see the truths and comforts of the gospel exciting to resignation and benevolence, and the practice of those virtues, which dignified and adorned the character of your divine master. While with serious simplicity, ye illustrate the truth and maxims of Christianity, let your most concealed actions be as disinterested and upright as your public professions imply. Preach as often on purity of heart as on purity of faith. Be not eager to thrust yourselves into the chair of Moses. He who is the best servant to the church is the greatest. To shine in life and manners is a more suitable object of Christian ambition, than to shine in word and influence. Be not among the number of those who commend themselves; who encroach on other men’s labours. Feed the hunger, watch the wanderings of your own flock, nor seek to establish any intermediate guide between yourselves individually and the great shepherd of the sheep.

May God by his Holy Spirit assist and quicken all his ministering servants in Church and State, who now act on the theatre of public life; and may he sanctify others from the womb, to succeed in their stations, and even to display marks of superior excellence. May America produce a Fenelon to instruct the princes of our tribes how to exercise their power in the most beneficial manner; another Newton to unfold some hidden laws of nature, and fill the astonished mind with new transports at the sight of God’s power and majesty; another Locke to anatomize in some new and instructive manner the complicated operations of the human understanding; another Butler to destroy the fabric of infidelity, and raze it to the very foundation. May God, in the number of his heavenly gifts, supply all our churches with Doddridges and Wattses, who shall nourish and defend, with a well balanced zeal, the interests of orthodoxy, devotion, and charity. May he always provide and designate for the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness, to rule and to judge in every public department with equity and wisdom.

Let an affectionate regard for posterity stimulate us to the present discharge of patriotic duties. Whether high or low, private or public be our station, let this sentiment invigorate our exertions, that the improvement, virtue and happiness of the succeeding generation are inseparably linked with the diligence and fidelity of the present. Here parental and patriotic affections unite to encourage the same efforts. We are zealous to exhibit marks of elegance in our public buildings, and we devote the superfluity of our wealth to the purposes of many important improvements in the whole face of our country. But is there not infinitely more elegance and improvement in a body of youth, trained up in the holy nurture and admonition of the Lord? The Roman and Greek orders in architecture have infinitely less grace that the spiritual pillars of the Christian virtues. These virtues grace indeed the social building. To erect them on a stable foundation, and add some finishing strokes of moral beauty equally becomes the character of the Christian and the patriot. We rejoice in growing prosperity and wealth; but what wealth can a people boast, equal to the treasure of sons and daughters, walking in the truth, growing in stature, and by wisdom and virtue increasing in favour with God and man?

To dignify the acts of Government and give importance to this occasion, we have joined in a solemn procession to the house of God. How interesting is that procession of one generation after another, which the Author of Nature has ordained, and how desirable that we may have reason to believe, that in following our steps, our ancestors will not err. Sparta gloried in the military talents and achievements of her youth. But patriots and Christians will glory more in the knowledge and virtue of their children, in whom they had rather see an air of respect to the aged, than the stern visage of the warrior—the healthful complexion of charity, than the rough features produced by early toil and hardship. The military displays of a Spartan band excite not half so much interest in the peaceful and patriotic, as the youthful trains of our schools and academies, displaying at once the harmlessness of their purpose and the fervor of bloodless emulation.

While we leave to posterity improved roads, ceiled houses, literary institutions, salutary laws; let the higher ambition pervade our hearts of transmitting to them unsophisticated principles of religion and government, with the purest maxims of Christian morality. God forbid that we should encumber the opening minds of youth with our errors and follies—that they should inherit our factious dispositions, and have a pretence impiously to complain hereafter, “The Fathers have eaten sour grapes and our teeth are set on edge.” 22 May they rather have cause to eulogize us, as we have to eulogize our predecessors.

It may serve to inspire all with an affectionate regard for the common welfare to consider the examples of a patriotic spirit, which are exhibited in the annals of our country. At the glorious era of the American revolution, men of the purest and most active patriotism came forward into the public service; many of them sleep in the dust of the earth, and the few, who survive, have either retired or must soon retire from the field of public usefulness. We shall reap more instruction and be fired with warmer solicitude for the good of our country, by weighing the spirits and pondering the paths of some deceased patriots and others, now in the decline of life, than can be derived from all the empty harangues and fruitless diligence of the whole tribe of mushroom declaimers about the public good.

Those, who in the prime and vigour of life, at the epocha of our revolution, conducted the arduous struggle for independence—who planned and matured those constitutions of government, under which we live; who wrought in the vineyard from the earliest period of difficulty and danger, deserve gratitude and confidence, prior to those, who, stepping in at the eleventh hour of public labours, presumptuously claim the honour and recompence of doing the whole work. From these early patriots we may select many models deserving imitation. There is one model of preeminent beauty and proportion, which we trust may be mentioned without exciting any jealousy even in the hearts of the most envious and proud.—The name of Washington should be pronounced on this anniversary throughout all generations. Let all remember with what dissidence he received power, with what anxious solicitude for the public welfare he exercised it; and how willingly he resigned it when its destination was accomplished. His benevolence was not a transient sensibility, producing a flood of tears, not a spasmodic convulsion, now opening, then shutting the heart more close than ever; but it was a strong vibration, propelling to one uniform series of patriotic deeds from the morning to the evening of his precious life. The leaves of his patriotic professions were few; but the fruits, those signs by which a good tree is known, were large and sound. May not that Goth, who shall ever presume to deface that monument of admiration and gratitude, which his patriotic virtues have raised in the American breast, share the fate of Miriam when she spake evil of Moses, and become “leprous, white as snow.”

In surveying this respectable assembly, our thoughts have been for some time directed to a CHARACTER, in addressing to whom the respectful congratulations of the Commonwealth, private inclination concurs with a sense of propriety. Both prompt us to express a satisfaction in seeing the chair of supreme executive authority occupied by one, whose life illustrates the subject of patriotism. May that divine promise be fulfilled upon him: “When a man’s ways please the Lord, he shall make even his enemies to be at peace with him.” 23 May the Governor of this Commonwealth ever be a man, on whom the viperous tongue of malice and envy cannot fix for a moment the imputation of injustice, ambition, hypocrisy, or impiety. And may the citizens of the State never banish from their public councils an Aristides, because vexed with continually hearing him called the Just. 24

We tender our political homage to the Second Magistrate in the administration of Government, to the Council, to the Two Branches of the Legislature, who, we expect, will teach their constituents by all their deliberations to look more at principles than persons,–at measures than men. The state of things among us is not to be disguised. Such disguise indicates a contemptible timidity, unbecoming the free spirit of patriotism and religion. We beseech you all, by the manes of departed patriots and the hoary locks of the living, no longer to sever us in two, but by example, excite us to rise up and build the wall of common safety and defence. Deny yourselves the pleasure of petty conquests, and command our respect by seeking the things which make for peace and the edification of the whole body. You have received the suffrages of your constituents. It will be far more honourable for you, if by wise and patriotic services you gain and keep the confidence of the worthy. Then the ear which hears you shall bless you, and the eye which sees you shall witness favourably.

Every vice receives a currency from your example. With the image and superscription of a ruler, it passes, if not with the deserving and good, yet with the mass of mankind, who do not examine with care any coin, if it only satisfy the lust of present gratification. In men in your station and of your character, we expect to see an exemption from both the follies of childhood and the faults of old age. In you we expect a happy union of wisdom and patriotism, and hope to find you never departing from beneficent purposes—never unsettled by casual praise or dispraise, but founding a reputation with the people only by the sanction of self-approbation.

While as citizens of the commonwealth and members of the American union, we mutually embrace and provoke one another to love, let our practice be honourable and our feelings kind towards all men. The cultivation of a public spirit and the enforcement of patriotic duties have no necessary tendency to foster a contracted and exclusive spirit. The liberal genius of Christianity is to break down every partition wall created by the vanity, prejudices, or selfishness of mankind. And he who is our peace suffered on the cross, that he might reconcile us to God and to one another. The gospel is announced to those afar off, as well as to those who are nigh. While we express “our hearts’ desire and prayer to God for our brethren and kinsmen according to the flesh,” let no supplication be concluded without fervent intercession “for the stranger who is not of this people; 25 for such as groan under oppression, “who sow and reap not, who tread the olive but are not anointed with the oil.” 26 For such as are wasted by war, by pestilence, by famine; and especially for them, who sit in darkness and in the region of the shadow of death. Such expressions of benevolence become our highly favoured condition, and such devout sacrifices are acceptable with God.

It is not to be doubted but that united America has yet to exhibit an interesting character, and act an important part on the theatre of the world. The womb of futurity conceals the secret, whether she shall imitate the vices and experience the catastrophe of other nations, or whether her manhood and old age shall be as singular and unique, as her birth and youth. We may be ready to wish that Providence would permit us to become a great nation; but the spirit of Christian patriotism rather dictates another petition, that we may be a good nation, and that happy people whose God is the Lord. May not united America ever vie in magnificence and splendor ancient Rome, and after stretching the arms of her power from one end of the world to the other, pillaging mankind and becoming rich with spoil, suffer the distress and ruin, which she shall have inflicted, bow to the hardy courage of some barbarous Alaric, and sink under the dissolving influences of effeminacy and corruption. But may we be that virtuous people against which there is “no enchantment,” against which the heathen may rage and the kings of the earth set themselves in vain.

“Blessed is the nation which walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly, whose delight is in the law of the Lord. It shall be like a tree planted by the rivers of waters, its leaf shall not wither, and whatsoever it doth shall prosper.”

FINIS.
 

Note. A few paragraphs of the preceding discourse were omitted in the delivery, through want of time.


1.Exod. xxxii. 32.

2.St. John’s Gospel i. 11.

3. Heb. ii. 14, 16.

4.Mat. Xxiii. 37.

5.Col. i. 15.

6.John xix. 26.

7.Lam. Jer. i. 1.

8.Jer. ix. 1.

9.I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ.—This passage has been variously interpreted. By some the most literal construction is preferred, and the writer is understood to say, that he was willing even to postpone his own salvation, if it could be the means of saving his countrymen, by atoning for their sins. By others, he is supposed to describe his own former character, (I did wish myself accursed) the recollection of which made him more solicitous for the conversion and safety of his kinsmen, as it created a more lively feeling of their error and danger.—Another interpretation may be grounded on the ambiguity of the original term, rendered accursed, which may properly be used to express an honourable oblation. The meaning then is, that the apostle wished to have been deputed from Christ an apostle to the Jews, rather than to the Gentiles. From patriotic feelings, he would prefer to exercise the functions of his apostleship with his kinsmen and brethren. Whichever construction be adopted, the idea of love to country in the doubtful sentence under consideration concurs with the whole passage vigorously to express the sentiment of patriotism.

10.Mr. J. Q. Adams’ Ann. Ora. Plymouth.

11.Acts xxii. 21.

12.Soame Jenyns.

13.Eccl. ix. 15.

14.Ecclesiastes v. 9.

15.President Washington’s Address on retiring from public life.

16.Nothing is intended by this remark unfavourable or disrespectful to those individuals or associations, whose object is the dissemination of useful tracts. It is believed their designs are pure, and that their liberal exertions in this way have produced many good effects. It is however to be wished, that the books circulated should not contain dogmatic decisions on points of doctrine of a doubtful nature. The prefaces or appendixes subjoined should not be designed to make the common reader lay a stress upon particular controverted ideas and phrases, which many serious and judicious ministers decline introducing into their course of weekly instructions. We may also ask, is it not time that our country should produce authors upon common subjects, who can treat them with more conformity to the feelings and language of the place and time?

17.Luke, xxiii, 34.

18.The following general observations in Neeker’s work on the Influence of Religious Opinions, with many others in the same volume, deserve to be universally known and considered. “I cannot, I avow, without disgust, and even horror, conceive the absurd notion of a political society, destitute of that governing motive afforded by religion, and restrained only by a pretended connexion of their private interest with the general.” “It is at the tribunal of his own conscience, that a man can be interrogated about a number of actions and intentions, which escape the inspection of government. Let us beware of overturning the authority of a judge so active and enlightened. Let us beware of weakening it voluntarily; and let us not be so imprudent as to repose only on social discipline. I will even venture to say, that the power of conscience is perhaps still more necessary in the age we live in, than in any of the preceding. Though society no longer presents us with a view of those vices and crimes, which shock us by their deformity; yet licentiousness of morals and refinement of manners have almost imperceptibly blended good and evil, vice and decency, falsehood and truth, selfishness and magnanimity. It is more important than ever to oppose to this secret depravity an interior authority, which pries into the mysterious windings of disguise, and whose action may be as penetrating, as our dissimulation seems artful and well contrived.”

19. In this respectful mention of Benjamin Thompson, we have particularly in view his meritorious services to the poor of Munich.

20.Ecclesiastes ix. 18.

21.Saurin.

22.Exek. xviii. 2.

23.Prov. xvi. 7.

24. “It is said of Aristides, that he would never consent to any injustice to oblige his friends. He declared that a good citizen should place his whole strength and security in advising and doing what is just and right. In the changes and fluctuations of the government his firmness was wonderful. Neither elated with honours, nor discomposed with ill success, he went on in a moderate and steady manner, not looking so much to the reward either of honour or profit, as persuaded that his country had a claim to his services. When the following verses were repeated on the stage, “To be and not to seem in this man’s maxim; His mind reposes on its proper wisdom, And wants no other praise—the eyes of the people were fixed on Aristides as the man to whom this encomium was most applicable.”

25.I Kings viii. 40.

26.Micah vi. 15.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1808


James Gray (1770-1824) was born in Ireland and graduated from the University of Glasgow in 1793, but immigrated to the United States in 1797. He served as a pastor in Washington, NY (1797-1803), and preached at the Associate Reformed Church in Philadelphia beginning in 1803. Gray helped establish the theological seminary for the Reformed Church in New York City and the Philadelphia Bible Society. This sermon was preached in Philadelphia on December 31, 1808.


sermon-thanksgiving-1808

PRESENT DUTY.

A DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED ON THE 31ST OF DECEMBER, 1808;

WHICH WAS OBSERVED, BY CONCERT,

AS A DAY OF

PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER,

IN SEVERAL OF THE CHURCHES

IN THE

CITY OF PHILADELPHIA.

By JAMES GRAY, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE ASOCIATE REFORMED CHURCH.

THANKSGIVING.

Philadelphia, November 1st, 1808.

At a meeting of the Clergy of the following religious denominations, viz. The Presbyterian, Baptist, Methodist Episcopal, German Lutheran, Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. John, Moravian, and Associate Reformed Churches: with a pledge of co-operation by the German Reformed, and Reformed Presbyterian Churches; whose ministers were prevented by circumstances from attending the meeting: the last day of the present year, was appointed to be observed in their respective places of public worship, as a day of solemn thanksgiving to Almighty God, for the blessings conferred on this city in particular, and the nation at large, during the current year; and of prayer, for the continuance and enlargement of the divine favor to ourselves and others.

By order of the meeting, the following address to the people of their respective charges, is respectfully submitted.

GRATITUDE for the unmerited blessings of a munificent Providence is at all times a reasonable exercise and an incumbent duty, and the expression of it constitutes an important part of that public worship, which all Christian societies, are regularly in the habit of offering unto God in their weekly assemblies—But when cities or nations receive peculiar favours; or when they are exempted from calamities to which they have been before subject, or under which other nations are suffering, there appears to be a special call in providence for setting apart, days of thanksgiving and praise, to Almighty God for his distinguished mercies.

Upon a review of the occurrences of the year which is now drawing to a close, and from a consideration of the dispensations of divine providence towards this city in particular, we are of opinion, that our circumstances plainly indicate, the propriety of engaging, unitedly and publicly, in rendering thanks to a gracious God, for the favours which he hath bestowed upon us. For, although we have suffered some privations, and have been threatened with considerable dangers, yet our city and our country generally, have been exempted from the calamities of war, pestilence and famine; the three principal scourges, which the governor of the universe makes use of, for the punishment of guilty nations. The blessing of peace can scarcely be appreciated by those who have never witnessed the horrors of war. The long train of evils attendant on a state of warfare, whether successful or unsuccessful, cannot be fully described. But that which greatly enhances the value of this blessing in our case, is, that to us it is almost a peculiar favour. The whole civilized world beside, has been, for many years, in an awful state of agitation. The period in which we live is marked by events of a very uncommon and astonishing kind.—Thrones, dominions, and empires, have not only been shaken to the centre, but overturned to the foundation. Ancient dynasties, the most powerful in Europe, have been entirely annihilated, and new ones suddenly created. Human blood has been profusely shed, and millions of our fellow creatures have been hurried out of the world by a violent death.—And still the work of destruction goes on—still the sword of war is bathed in blood.—Permitted to be little more than spectators of this awful scene, it is no doubt our duty, to sympathize in the sufferings of afflicted humanity; but, at the same time, we may rejoice that the “Lord reigneth,” and will overrule all these commotions to accomplish his own wise purposes. And we should be unfeignedly thankful, that hitherto to our country has been preserved from being involved in the tremendous storm which now overwhelms Europe: and also, that the spirit of internal discord has been so far repressed, as not to burst forth into open acts of violence. Whilst other cities have been convulsed and torn asunder with dissentions and insurrections, ours has enjoyed undisturbed peace, and settled tranquility. “Oh that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men.”

But, our gratitude is not only due to God for the blessing of peace, but also for that of health. You stand in no need of arguments to convince you, that pestilence is a terrible judgment.—Your own experience is sufficient to prove, that the prevalence of a malignant epidemic disease, is a fearful calamity. At the conclusion of some former years, the retrospect of events was calculated to produce very different sensations from those which you feel at the present time. Then, the most poignant grief was revived by every recollection of the past. But these distressing scenes are too recent, and have left too deep an impression on your minds, to be easily forgotten; and the mention of them is here introduced, merely to excite your gratitude to a merciful God, for preserving you during the last season, from a visitation so calamitous. The common lot of mortality, it is true, has fallen upon many;–and the insatiable grave has devoured its usual number of victims, both old and young: but “the pestilence which walketh in darkness, and destruction which wasteth at noon day,” have not come near you. General health, with its concomitant blessings, has been granted. Free from alarm, and free from danger, you have been permitted to remain in your dwellings, and without interruption from disease, to pursue your respective occupations, and to enjoy the inestimable privilege of assembling from Sabbath to Sabbath in the house of God. “Oh give thanks unto the Lord for he is good, and his mercy endureth forever.”

But whilst we are recollecting the blessings of a beneficent providence, which claim your gratitude, we must not omit to mention the plenty, which has rewarded the labours of the husbandman. It is God who giveth us “rain from heaven, and fruitful seasons, filling our hearts with food and gladness.” It is he who causeth the earth “to bring forth and bud, that it may give seed to the sower, and bread to the eater.” He has “crowned the year with his goodness,” and his “paths drop fatness,” so that “the pastures are clothed with flocks’ the valleys also are covered over with corn. Lift up your hands in the sanctuary, and bless the Lord.” “Sing praises unto his name, for it is pleasant, and praise is comely.”

But it must be confessed, that the picture has a dark as well as a bright side. For, although in the retrospect of the past, there is reason to rejoice; yet, in the prospect of the future, there is also much cause to fear. Let us therefore “rejoice4 with trembling;” and, while we offer our thanksgiving for favours received, let us earnestly beseech the Father of mercies to continue our blessings, and to deliver us from those evils which we either feel or fear.

Our national affairs, it is acknowledged by all, are in a very difficult and perilous condition, and seem to be rapidly approaching to some important crisis. No human wisdom is adequate to foresee, and provide against, the evils to which we may be exposed. We should, therefore, with importunate supplications, entreat Almighty God to interpose in our behalf, and to continue to protect our country from all the dangers by which it is surrounded; to preside over our President; to counsel our counselors; and so to overrule all the deliberations of our legislators, that they may be led, at this critical and interesting period, to adopt such measures, as will preserve the peace and promote the prosperity of the nation. And as the hearts of kings are in the hands of the Lord, so that he turneth them whithersoever he will, let us earnestly pray that he would dispose the contending powers of Europe, to treat us with justice, and permit us to remain in peace;–that he would smile on our country, and cause our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures to flourish:–that he would preserve the health of our citizens, and banish plague and pestilence from all our borders.—And, above all, let us beseech the “God of all grace,” that he would grant the rich effusions of his Holy Spirit to all our churches, that truth and piety, may flourish in our day; that the institutions of religion may be reverenced; that justice, benevolence, and humanity, may prevail; that the rising generation may be early and deeply tinctured with the genuine spirit of the gospel; that vice and error may be suppressed; that luxury and dissipation may be retarded in their alarming progress; that political dissentions and the baleful spirit of party may be extinguished; and, in short, that a pure and general reformation may take place among all denominations of Christians, and through all classes of society. And, finally, let us pray, that God would extend the benign influence of the gospel to the most dark and distant regions; that the whole earth may be full of the knowledge of God; that his name may be great among the heathen; and that the remnant of Israel may be gathered in; that “the Lord may be King over all the earth,” so that there may be “One Lord and his name One.”

Dear brethren, we earnestly recommend that the day appointed be religiously observed for the aforesaid purposes; and that attention to secular affairs be, as far as practicable, intermitted. And we hope that a gracious God will enable you in sincerity to offer “the sacrifice of thanksgiving” and the “prayer of faith;” and that his ear will be open to receive your supplications, and his arm stretched out for your protection and salvation.

 

PRESENT DUTY.

A DISCOURSE, &c.

PSALM, XXX. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12.

“IN my prosperity I said, I shall never be moved. Lord, by thy favour thou hast made my mountain to stand strong. Thou didst hide thy face, and I was troubled. I cried to thee, O Lord, and unto the Lord I made supplication. What profit is there in my blood when I go down to the pit? Shall the dust praise thee? Shall it declare thy truth? Hear, O Lord, and have mercy upon me: Lord, be thou mine helper. Thou has turned for me my mourning into dancing: thou hast put off my sackcloth, and girded me with gladness; to the end that my glory may sing praise to thee, and not be silent. O Lord my God, I will give thanks to thee forever.”

WE have assembled for the purpose of contributing our share to carry into effect the concluding recommendation in the address which was read to you in the morning. Thanksgiving for public mercies received, and prayer for future mercies, were the two objects submitted by that address to our serious and conscientious consideration. The recommendation to consecrate the day to these objects comes from a number of clergymen of various religious denominations; who, after considering the aspect of holy providence, judged it their duty to make the proposal, and to take that part in its execution, which their station in the church of God renders proper. Accordingly, our former discourse went to illustrate the subjects of thanksgiving; the present is devoted to illustrate those of prayer.

The passage of Holy Writ which has been read, records events, which bear no obscure analogy to the circumstances of this nation. It presents, in the life of David, one of those rapid transitions from prosperity to adversity, which occur not unfrequently in human affairs. And, what is more interesting still, it exhibits that good man, in every change of fortune, tendering due adoration to the Supreme Disposer: praising the divine favour in his elevation, and from the depths of distress looking up, and imploring the divine interposition. It is thus that the visitations of the spirit of grace qualify for all contingencies. Give us but an abundant unction of that grace, and let Sovereignty order events as he pleases; for, whether in sorrow, or in joy, we shall abound in faith, and “in those fruits of righteousness which are by Jesus Christ to the glory and praise of God.” This nation, like David, has been elevated to a high pitch of prosperity; like him, it is “troubled:” may our views and conduct correspond with his: and may God of his infinite mercy grant, that a similarity of issue may fill up the measure of coincidence; till the two cases accord as type and antitype.

“In my prosperity, I said, I shall never be moved. Lord by thy favour thou hast made my mountain to stand strong.” Such was David’s declaration; and it is not long since this nation might have pledged him in the cup of blessing. It was but lately that its mountain swelled towards heaven, and seemed to promise some stability of base. Within its territorial circuit were displayed a rapidly increasing population,–fed, clothed, and industrious; while a generous soil poured out, with exuberant bounty, a superabundance of the gifts of life. Agriculture pushed on its conquests over the forests. Cities sprung up out of villages; villages arose in the deserts. In addition to these essential articles of national prosperity, its commerce covered the ocean: ships from every clime crowded its harbours: the fabrics and productions of the trafficking world filled its warehouses. We were clothed in silk, and fared sumptuously every day. The self-created distractions of other nations seemed to be permitted, and ordered by Providence to swell the spring-tide of our national prosperity. Our coffers ran over; and we exhibited the political phenomenon of a nation paying its debts. Our mountain stood strong. It is to be hoped there was national piety enough to recognize the fact, that it stood strong, by the favour of God. Perhaps some calculated on the perpetuity of our prosperous condition; on its longer continuance many certainly did calculate. Self-love, so inventive of reasons to justify and flatter its hopes, could produce a thousand imposing arguments to demonstrate, that it was as much the interest of other nations, as of this, that commerce should continue to flow in the channels, into which the necessities of the times had forced it.

But sanguine hopes are seldom realized; and ours, if such hopes were ours, have met a disastrous rebuke. The Lord hath hid his face and we are troubled. All the internal springs of prosperity continue; but commerce is gone. Reflecting men had long beheld, with anxiety and with terror, the embittered and obstinate spirit of hostility displayed by the two conflicting potentates of Europe. The fate of two great nations, populous, rich, and highly civilized, was itself an object sufficiently interesting to humanity. But that interest was, it appears, mingled with too justly founded a fear, that the effect of their hostilities might reach beyond themselves; that it might affect the essential interests of many nations; and that the principles of public law and of civilization might get involved in the issue. These were not the alarms of the passions, but the apprehensions of sober wisdom, calmly calculating the effects of exorbitant ambition and relentless wrath, united with great power. The event has justified them all. Even this nation, “entirely divided from the whole world,” has got involved at last. Nature had removed her far from the theatre of war: a commerce, which nursed and nurtured both the belligerents, has brought us into the midst of it: a commerce, which nursed and nurtured both the belligerents, has brought us into the midst of it: a commerce, the value of which we well knew, and they have sufficiently proclaimed; while each cuts off the channel which conveyed it to the other, as they would cut through the aqueduct of a fortress which they wished to reduce. The thing is done. Our commerce has disappeared from the ocean. Our ships rot along the banks of our rivers. Our seamen, where are they? At this moment the nation stands astounded. And no wonder. A great portion of the arrangements of the social body are to be changed at once, in opposition to feelings the most tender, and habits the most inveterate. Wealth must explore new and untried channels; industry find new objects; the poor seek new resources; even luxury—but luxury is the last that suffers in public distress.

Such are the circumstances in which we meet to supplicate the interposition of divine providence in behalf of the nation. The interest at stake is the happiness of a whole people. And we shall ill display our faith in God, or love to man, if such circumstances do not inspire our prayers with ardour and importunity. The subjects of prayer I shall state and illustrate in order of the address.

FIRST SUBJECT OF PRAYER.

It is our duty “To entreat Almighty God to interpose in our behalf, and to continue to protect our country from all the dangers by which it is surrounded; to preside over our President; to counsel our counselors; so to overrule all the deliberations of our legislators, that they may be directed, at this critical and interesting period, to adopt such measures as may preserve the peace and promote the prosperity of the nation.”

In sum and essence; that God would inspire our magistrates with wisdom and virtue for their high official functions; and crown their labours with, what is the end of all civil government, the happiness of the nation. Among all the social duties there is scarce any, of the duties which the people owe to their governors, there is certainly not one, which comes home to the understanding with stronger recommendatory arguments, and at the same time impress conscience with less force, than the duty of prayer for civil magistrates. Every thing else we will do for them; honour them, praise them, pay them, fight for them; every thing but pray for them; every thing but bear them on our hearts to the throne of grace. This fact is a demonstration that there is a prevalent practical atheism in human nature; and that, even under the gospel and with all the boasted illumination of the age, the simple principle that “Jehovah reigns” is by far too sublime for the gross and vulgar conceptions of men, who feel sufficiently impressed with every other species of government. The unceasing agency of Deity in the production of things, his operation on the mind of man, his supreme but all-wise disposal of us and our concerns; or in other words, what we call his Providence, is a principle of faith more difficult of admission than his creating energy; and vastly more important. It is this that lays the basis of religious trust. In introduces us to a rational communion with all the perfections of Deity. Deny this, and that communion is gone. All appeals to his justice or mercy, all confidence in his wisdom or power are absurd, if he presides not over us and all that interests us. But do they manifest their belief in the providential government of God, who never recommend the common weal to his care and keeping? It will be well if even that part of the community, who are accustomed to wrestle with God, by prayer, shall be found to have respected, as they ought, the apostolic exhortation: “I exhort, therefore, that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks, be made for all men; for kings, and for all that are in authority; that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty: for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour.” 1 It were devoutly to be wished, that there did prevail that sublime faith which recognizes Jehovah’s agency in all thing, from the most minute to the most grand, and which recommends to his safe keeping, parents, ministers, magistrates, church, and state; that he would so enlighten them by his spirit, that they may discharge their various trusts with fidelity. It is this that would sanctify man in all his relations. It is this that would sanctify, even that too frequently unsanctified thing, patriotism.

There are two objects to be kept in view when we address the throne of grace in behalf of our civil magistrates. The first is, that God would inspire them with wise and righteous counsels. Even a heathen could dedicate a temple to the Inspirer of good counsels. We will have exchanged heathenism for Christianity, to little purpose, if we do not honour the true God in our way, as much as pagans honoured idols in theirs. A conversion from superstition to atheism is a poor step in the progress of intellect. Let us take a view of the privilege granted to prayer when a nation’s welfare is at stake; of the use which piety makes of that privilege; of the approbation which God gives to that use; and of the consequences to national felicity. Let us survey the whole in the instance of Solomon. After his advancement to the throne of Israel, he attended a grand national festival, at which he offered up a thousand burnt offerings. The subsequent history runs thus: “In that night did God appear unto Solomon, and said unto him, Ask what I shall give thee. And Solomon said unto God, Thou hast showed me great mercy unto David my father, and hast made me to reign in his stead. Now, O Lord God, let thy promise unto David my father be established: for thou hast made me king over a people like the dust of the earth in multitude. Give me now wisdom and knowledge, that I may go out and come in before this people: for who can judge this thy people that is so great?—And God said to Solomon, Because this was in thine heart, and thou hast not asked riches, wealth, or honour, nor the life of thine enemies, neither yet hast asked long life; but hast asked wisdom and knowledge for thyself, that thou mayest judge my people, over whom I have made thee king; wisdom and knowledge is granted thee; and I will give thee riches, and wealth, and honour, such as none of the kings have had that have been before thee, neither shall there any after thee have the like.” 2 Such was the prayer of Solomon; such the answer of God. We read the result in the history of a long reign, peaceful and glorious; which civilized and enriched the Israelitish nation, and diffused its fame, linked and entwined with the most solid advantages, to the surrounding countries. When God withholds the blessing of wisdom from a government, the consequences are dreadful. There is not a more awful mark of heaven’s displeasure against a people, than to see their rulers abandoned to infatuated counsels. Yet in the changes of men and measures in the political management of nations, there has appeared I know not what malignity, worse than human; which has seemed to triumph in the pernicious counsels and ruinous administration of civil governors: as if the errors of a statesman and calamities of a nation, were grounds of rejoicing: or as if any virtuous man could wish a change, the means to produce which must be the previous prostration of justice and public happiness. Let us pray God to inspire our rulers in all their various ranks and functions, with wise counsels; and particularly with that, without which no counsel is wise, nor can be ultimately beneficial—the righteousness which exalteth a nation.

But we should pray for more than wisdom and righteousness in our civil governors. Injustice and folly eventually and inevitably destroy nations: but wisdom and virtue will not always save a state. It is the blessing of heaven which gives them that success. Mankind admit, unless when malignity to multiply its censures multiplies crimes, they admit that no man is responsible for the success of his measures, but only for their wisdom and rectitude; herein recognizing an important principle of religion—the providential government of God. There are nice junctures in human things. The moral machinery of states is vastly complicated: it interlocks, moreover, with the machinery of nature; with the situations and productions of countries; with winds and waves, and a thousand things else. To give success, therefore, to the wisest plans, belong to him whose kingdom ruleth over all. Did a government combine in itself, the wisdom of Solomon, the meekness of Moses, and the heroism of David, it could neither insure success to its measures, nor stability to its duration. Nations should look beyond their chiefs, those idols whom they worship to-day, and dash in pieces to-morrow, to the supreme Jehovah, as the author of political prosperity or trouble. It must be strange, if, while the “hairs of our head are numbered,” and even “a sparrow falleth not on the ground without our heavenly father;” states and empires, the most important of things, should rise and fall without his agency. Strange indeed! That he who has kindly relieved us from the burthen of our cares, commanding us to be careful for nothing, but in every thing to let our requests be known to him by prayer and supplication, should be considered as having excepted the weightiest of all human cares, those of nations, from his benevolent grant, and left them to bow us down to the ground, without opening any avenue by which we may bring them to his throne, and obtain his support under their pressure. Let it never be said that those who pray to God for daily bread, for the preservation of an absent friend, for the recovery of a sick relative; should by some unaccountable weakness of faith, or sluggishness in duty, neglect to pray for their country; which includes in it the life, comfort, virtue, and honour, of themselves, their friends, of millions of human beings, and of unborn ages.

It is a happy circumstance that this duty stands detached from the opinions afloat concerning men and measures. Our duty is plain; we see our magistrates elevated by the providence of God, and the voice of men, to the seat of authority: a nation’s interests are in their hands: their administration must prove the happiness or misery of those whom they represent: this we see; and it is our duty to pray that God may enable them to discharge their duty.

THE SECOND SUBJECT OF PRAYER IS THUS EXPRESSED—

“And as the hearts of kings, are in the hand of the Lord, so that he turneth them whithersoever he will; let us pray that he would dispose the contending powers of Europe to treat us with justice, and permit us to remain in peace.”

This article includes three ideas.—Prayer for our enemies.—That they may treat us with justice.—That we may remain in peace.

Prayer for our enemies. Whether both, or either of the potentates of Europe, whose proceedings affect this country, be actuated by a spirit of animosity to its prosperity, the searcher of hearts must determine. We can see in them, only the organs of public measures. And, beyond peradventure, their measures will never be produced as a proof of their friendship for us. We place our duty on high ground when we insist, that, enemies though they be, we may not omit to pray for them. It is the command of our Lord: “But I say unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you; that ye may be the children of your father which is in heaven.” Doth God prescribe laws for individuals, and not for societies? It is absurd to imagine that every man is bound to pray for the enemy who inflicts a trifling personal injury; and yet that nations are under no obligation to pray for those more powerful enemies, whose injuries afflict millions. Let the law of God have its full scope. When we see the spirit of human nature interposing with its arguments, menaces, and physical force, to avert national calamity; let the spirit of Christianity interpose with its prayers and supplications—that cheap defence of nations.

But what prayers? That our enemies may triumph in their iniquity! God forbid. Christianity knows nothing of the wickedness of praying, that injustice may prosper: nothing of the absurdity of praying that our enemies may be successful in invading our rights; and ourselves successful in defending them. It is impossible for God to command, or for man to perform such a thing. The prayer which we are directed to address to the throne of grace, is, that the Lord, in whose hands are the hearts of kings, “would dispose the contending powers of Europe, to treat us with justice.” We ask no more, we dare ask no more, than that God would dispose them to “reign in righteousness.” He can easily inspire them with sentiments of justice and moderation. He can teach them to feel the truth so fully taught in the scriptures; so echoed by every man that writes, and every man that speaks; so confirmed by every page of history; and yet so ineffectual in the hour of temptation:–that no solid permanent advantage ever accrued to man or country, from the violation of justice and mercy. Whatever thoughtless men may have surmised, or malignant men urged against the duty of praying for our enemies, the truth is, our prayers for our enemies, and for our friends, and for ourselves, contemplate the very same blessing: that God would subject us all to the authority of his own most holy, wise, and good law, and prosper us in the discharge of our duty. But every prayer for the success of unrighteousness, even our own unrighteousness, is an abomination. The reason why prayer for enemies is so specifically and forcibly noted by our Lord is obvious. Injury excites no feeling but resentment; and resentment prompts to nothing but revenge. These are far from comprehending the whole duty of man, in any case. Do we not see in every act of injury to man, a dishonor done to God, a brother exposed to wrath? The former can be repaired, the latter averted, only by his repentance and reformation. Our prayers, if fruitless to the offender, at least exempt our own souls from guilt, while still we are in possession of all the rights and means of self-defense. If answered, God is honoured, a brother restored to virtue, and our own peace and happiness secured, by a bloodless victory. The duty of prayer for our enemies will, when duly examined, be found, like the other sublimities of that glorious system of which it is a part, as full of wisdom and sound discretion as it is of benevolence.

There are times that try men’s souls. The present times try the souls of Christians. Perhaps even they have not been wise spectators of the out-pouring of the viols of divine wrath on the nations of Europe. Glowing with unsanctified rage towards this nation, and as unsanctified an attachment towards another, they may have indulged themselves in an exultation in defeats and in victories, far from Christian. Are we sure that we have felt for man as we ought? Have we interceded with our heavenly father, to abridge the days of violence and blood? I take it for granted that it was always our duty to pray that those men who direct the energies of desolation, over so large and fair a portion of Christendom, should be disposed to use the vast power which heaven has committed to them, for the peace and happiness of mankind. They were at no time objects of indifference. Noting human, is foreign to man. Our duty is now brought home to us. They are our enemies: and in this new relation, inauspicious and painful as it is, our duty has become more definite and pressing; we must pray for them. Nor let a narrow and selfish regard confine our views to those points only in which our own interests are concerned. Let us lift up our eyes, and cast them over that wide field of horror which Europe presents. Millions of men, as dear to their creator as we can be; and many of them as faithful servants of their Redeemer as any of us, exposed to hunger and nakedness, to oppression and the wasting sword, claim our prayers on their own account.

For ourselves, we are to pray that we may be permitted to “remain in peace.” Of the value of peace I need say nothing. The subject is too plain for argument; too trite for declamation. That men, as individuals, are fond of peace I believe; the occurrences in domestic and social life justify the inference. But that nations, in their corporate capacity, are fond of peace, is utterly incredible. With all their perpetual declamations in favour of peace, are they not perpetually at war? Fifty years in the century scarcely suffice for shedding human blood. Their conduct is the language we must believe. By some frown of God upon the human race, almost all the systems of government hitherto adopted, have been constructed, as if on purpose, to render peace insecure; and to make it, as easy to commence war, and as difficult to terminate it, as possible. It is not very long since, in that part of the world which we have been habituated to call civilized, every gentleman walked the streets with a sword by his side; no doubt under pretence of preserving the peace. Did they preserve it? It was but a word, it was but a look, and blood flowed. What individuals were then, nations are to this hour. The slightest insult, the slightest injury, even the suspicion of injury or insult, is sufficient to commit two great nations, on the field of mutual wrath and destruction. And once committed, they rarely cease, while they can find soldiers to be slaughtered, and money to pay them for exposing their lives. Open the pages of history, and tell me how many governments have been constructed on the principle of rendering peace secure, and the commencement of war difficult. If one cannot propose a remedy for such a clamant evil, he may at least be permitted to lament it. While the divine deduces from perpetual wars a proof of the corruption of human nature, the politician may demonstrate from the same source, the ignorance of mankind in constructing governments. The proof is complete in both instances.

I will not affect to conceal the satisfaction I feel, that, by the singular favour of heaven, this nation has obtained a government marked with imbecility, or an inaptitude for war. Yes, that imbecility, so scoffed and so scorned: that imbecility, so regretted and bewailed: that very imbecility, is the brightest star in our political constellation. It is the grand security of our peace; and a much better security, than will ever be found in the justice or moderation of any one man whatever. To what other human cause can be ascribed the tranquility, under which we have so long and happily flourished? It is not the political calculations of a man or knot of men at the head of affairs, it is not their gutsy passions; it is not even their legitimate resentment of injuries and insults, that can commit the nation to the certain calamities, and uncertain issues of war. The injury must oppress, the insult must irritate, the whole mass of inhabitants, from one end to the other of a great empire. The cause of war must be a great one, because it has a nation to move. A government in a perpetual state of revolution, by the frequency of elections, can scarcely begin, and never continue a war contrary to the will of those who must ever be the actors and sufferers—the people. But whether an armed nation inflamed with one common spirit of resentment, will prove an imbecile enemy, when its territory and domiciles are violated, is another question. We must defer the answer, till we see with what wisdom its energies are directed.

To those indeed who account human blood as so much water; who calculate nothing on thousands of fellow men writhing in the agonies of despair and death, on fields of battle; nothing on millions of human souls sent to the eternal world; who never reflect on the armies of widows and orphans, thrown into the jaws of hunger, and into the jaws of vice, still more devouring: to such sanguinary spirits war may appear a trifling inconveniency, to be incurred on every pique of national pride, or for every paltry motive of commercial advantage. But the man who estimates these as very great evils, and who fills up the group of horrors, with burned cities, with desolated countries, with national debts contracted, which will wring from the hands of labour, its hard earning for ages to come; such a man will ask, what is gained by all this waste of human life, and human happiness? Is it that a hero may triumph! Is it that a victory may be announced by the ringing of bells, and splendid illuminations! Is it that a hospital may be built for those miserable fragments of men who have left their legs and arms on the field of battle! Is it the pitiful dole of charity, so ostentatiously bestowed on widows and orphans, the poor solace for the loss of husbands and of fathers! Is it that most detestable of all boasts, the superior desolation, inflicted on the enemy! Or is it the status quo ante bellum! If this be the whole, and in most cases it is the whole of the advantage accruing from a glorious and successful war, he will despise the wisdom and detest the morality of the men, who did not evade it, as long as evasion was possible. When national liberty and independence are the question, there is no choice. They deserve them not, who hesitate a moment about defending them. This is a cause worthy of blood. But to create facilities of going to war on every occasion, is the extreme of folly and depravity. Is war such a blessing, that we should be afraid of missing any opportunity of getting into it! David preferred the pestilence.

But whatever protection the national institutions furnish to peace, they can never insure it. There is a supreme and righteous ruler, who will take vengeance on transgressing nations. And there is some ground of apprehension that he is preparing an awful chastisement for us. If the measure of our guilt should be that of our alarm, security is at present no proof of wisdom. But I shrink from attempting the portrait of national iniquity. Whether we have transgressed beyond the bounds which divine forbearance permits to frail man, before the infliction of national judgments, God only knoweth. It were well, however, if a signal national repentance and reformation, rendered the question less dubious. If the supreme ruler please he can soon raise up against us some “bitter and hasty nation,” to be the rod of his wrath. With the most profound humility and contrition, let us prostrate ourselves before him, and urge our last plea—his mercy. Let us pray that our peace may be permanent. He is not worthy the name of Christian, who is terrified merely by “the two tails of those smoking fire brands,” terrific and mighty as they are, and flushed with the conflagration of half the globe. He is still less worthy that name, whose hope of deliverance is not in the arm of Almighty God.

THE THIRD SUBJECT OF PRAYER TO GOD IS—

“That he would smile on our country, and cause our agriculture, commerce and manufactures to flourish.”

The objects brought under our eye in this article, are the most important and obvious causes of national prosperity.—The organization of a great empire, is never completed, till every useful art and profession, has engaged in its service its due portion of the national wealth and population. Then; as hands, feet, eyes, ears, minister, each in its station and office to the being and well-being of man, each section of society, in its appropriate station and functions, contributes to the being, support, ornament and felicity, of the nation: and thus, while there is a separation into parts, there are ligaments which connect those parts into a whole; and there is no schism in the body politic.

Agriculture is the first and noblest employment of man: the most conducive to health and longevity; the most favourable to the enjoyment of the pure and unsophisticated pleasures of humanity; the best calculated to expand and invigorate the mind, to preserve virtue uncontaminated, and to nurture a pure and ardent piety. Cities have their importance, as marts of commerce, and seats of science, and as the centers where national force and counsel are collected, and whence they operate on the nation, and on all things connected with the nation. But the mass of political power, of sound practical intellect, of virtue, of piety, of happiness, of patriotism, should ever be sought among the cultivators of the soil. If it be not found there, we may assure ourselves that the nation is a hot-house, where plants are forced by artificial means beyond the power of soil and climate. It was a paradise watered by the dews of heaven, and producing its fruits and flowers by the immediate breath and agency of God, that was the first residence of innocent humanity; and that furnished the means for perfecting its piety, and its virtue. We rejoice therefore to see the wilderness retreating westward. We exult, while we survey the teeming vallies and green hills, where man has asserted the original dominion which God gave him over nature. There peace and plenty reign throughout the year. Happy husbandmen! Ye are the philosophers in soils and in crops; in flocks and in herds: ye are the astronomers who know, not the eclipses of planets and satellites, but under what heavenly sign to sow; when occur the droughts, and the dews of heaven; and when to expect the appointed weeks of harvest. Ye are the elder sons and stewards of the universal parent, who receive from his own hand the bounty intended for all, and distribute it around his family. It is you that feed us all. And may that God who has given to you, “every herb bearing seed which is upon the face of all the earth, and every tree in which is the fruit of a tree,” bless your labours with abundant increase.

But the husbandman is only the first link in the chain of social connections. The “cunning artificer” holds an important place. Clothes for decency and health, and some species of shelter from the elements, are as necessary to man as bread. Arts are coeval with society. And in the progress of tribes from barbarism to civilization, from civilization to refinement, from refinement to luxury, the increase and extension of the arts keep pace with the march of general improvement. The prosperity of that class of men, who devote themselves to arts and manufactures is greatly interesting, both for their own sake, and for the sake of the public, so essentially served by them. Self interest and social benevolence, may be set at variance by sordid wretches, quibbling metaphysicians, and intriguing politicians; but the sound moralist and wise man know that benefits ought to be mutual; and will no more wish to destroy this principle, than that other principle of nature, that action and reaction are equal, and in opposite directions. Manufactures promote agriculture, as agriculture feeds manufactures. They are the two pillars of national independence, I mean real practical independence, where the sense does not belie the sound; that independence which can be seen, felt, and enjoyed. A people depending on foreign countries for the bread that feeds them, are in the most miserable state of dependence that can be can be conceived. Rome, with five millions of inhabitants, domineering over the globe of the earth, and calling herself the mistress of the world, saw herself desolated by famine and insurrection, whenever a storm or other casualty interrupted the arrival of the victualling fleets of Egypt and Africa. Even the circumstance of being clothed by foreign countries, creates a dependence; certainly not so dangerous as the former, but yet a real dependence. But whenever a nation has secured within itself those essential articles, “food and raiment,” in the possession of which God has said “be content,” she may boast of a substantial, practical independence. Should this country secure that advantage, at the price of all its present difficulties, the purchase will not be too dear. The young eagle is now sufficiently fledged to be thrown from the nest, to provide for himself. Providence has done this. And while some are indulging a zealous eloquence in reproaching those whose injustice has troubled us, and in magnifying the injury beyond all its dimensions, in order to render the reproach more pungent; it is highly gratifying to see how many are bending their genius and force to those projects of internal improvement, which must in the end convert a transient calamity, into a permanent national blessing. We pray for their success most sincerely. “Who can find a virtuous woman? For her price is far aboe rubies, she seeketh wool and flax, and worketh willingly with her hands.—She perceiveth that her merchandise is good; her candle goeth not out by night. She layeth her hands on the spindle; and her hands hold the distaff. She is not afraid of the snow for her household; for all her household are clothed in scarlet. She maketh herself coverings of tapestry; her clothing is silk and purple. Her husband is known in the streets, when he sitteth among the elders of the land. She maketh fine linen and selleth it; and delivereth girdles unto the merchant. Her children rise up and call her blessed; her husband also, and he praiseth her. Many daughters have done virtuously, but thou excellest them all.”

Commerce is the next article, which claims our notice as a subject of prayer. This is the link which connects nation to nation; and converts the various tribes of men into one society. This is the channel in which the divine bounty flows, till it finds its level; equalizing the riches and enjoyments of mankind, notwithstanding the variety of their soils and climates. It is the vehicle in which arts, science, and improvement, make the tour of the globe. We will appreciate its importance when we consider that it is to it we owe the grain in our fields, the fruits in our orchards, the cattle in our plains, and the flocks on our hills; to say nothing of those medicines by which we are enabled to ward off the calamities of life, and protract our existence to a reasonable period. Among its moral effects we recognize the security of property. It has taught justice to rapacious despotism. No arbitrary demands, no governmental extortions, nor any thing to impair that mutual trust which is the soul of traffic, can exist in the same atmosphere with commerce. The moment property becomes insecure, she spreads her sails, and is gone to another port. In fine, could nothing else be said in favour of commerce, than that it has wasted the gospel of salvation, over a great part of the habitable world, it would be a high eulogium.

But alas! The moral condition of mankind forbids us to realize the golden dream of nations, linked together in friendly intercourse, mutually interchanging superfluities, for the relief of mutual wants. The human family was once a single society; and God thought it necessary to interpose, and sever them into dissociated tribes. Their union, it would seem, was the source of corruption; their separation is to be the security of virtue. The period of their re-union (if ever that should take place) has not yet arrived: it lies hid amidst the shades of long futurity. Commerce is now the only bond of union among nations. And if mankind were virtuous, and national concerns conducted on principles of justice, this bond seems sufficient for all the purposes of charity, and mutual benefit. Virtue, however, is scarce indeed. Individuals are but partially under the influence of moral principle; and, if I mistake not, nations not at all. This is the principal cause of the inconveniencies resulting from commercial relations: inconveniencies so numerous and weighty, as in many cases to render the general benefit, or general detriment, of such relations, extremely problematical. Should we give the reins to fancy, and imagine the nations of the earth to be so many moral persons (the personification is usual) we would shudder to contemplate the personages whom our curiosity had conjured up. What are they? Robbers. Do you expect candour, truth, fidelity, justice, mercy, from one of them? Nothing less. Do you expect they will make a fair bargain with you? Not if it be in their power to deceive you. Will they adhere to a bargain? Not if they find an interest in breaking it. If you are weak will they assist you, will they even permit you to grow strong, by the blessing of Providence? They seize the moment of your weakness to subject you to their power, or to turn the little rivulet which supplied you, into the full stream of their own overflowing prosperity. Do they care for your blood? They do not. If this be not the truth, history lies, and the testimony of all our senses deceives us. And while nations are actuated by such principles, commerce, which brings them together, will be the grand cause of controversy, and bloodshed. Hence the fact, that while nothing is so favourable to commerce as peace, nothing so injurious as war, yet almost all the wars of modern times, originate in commercial claims and interests. It has long been matter of fact, and of feeling to this country, that commerce creates frequent collisions of interest among nations, and ever exposes the weak to the cupidity and injustice of the powerful. It is generally believed that America is not able to support her commercial rights by the sword. But I do not know that it is so generally admitted, that even were she able to enforce all her claims, the object is scarce worth the cost. What! Can we not eat our own bread? Can we not wear our own wool? Can no healthy, can no invigorating beverage be produced in a country, reaching almost from the pole to the equator? Can we not live out our three score years and ten, on the blessings which God has bestowed on one hemisphere of the globe? While foreign commerce is so cautiously guarded, and so much panegerysed, why is domestic commerce, which would link the east to the west, the north to the south, of this great empire; which would create new ties and dependencies, new benefits and charities among the children of the same household, so little thought of; or why has it so few advocates?

I ask not in what situation, as to piety and virtue, and the prospects of eternity, that large portion of the community are placed, who are immediately employed in the transportation of commodities from country to country. I will not enquire into the effects of commerce on patriotism: there are noble minds, which in the day on their country’s peril can break those moorings which attached them to foreign nations, and make themselves fast to its soil and its fortunes. I have said that commerce brings us medicines; need I add, it is also the vehicle of disease. I have said it taught despots to respect property; but does it instruct republics to cherish liberty? When its advantages are all summed up, they amount to a rapid maturity, and premature decay of every nation which depends on it. And where is the great ground of boasting, if commerce introduces wealth, wealth luxury, luxury the dissolution of morals, and that gain the decay and extinction of the state!

But are we not to pray for the prosperity of our commerce? Most unquestionably: nor have I lost sight of that duty. But I hold myself bound in honour and in conscience, not to urge the duty of prayer, without exhibiting what I conceive to be a just valuation of the blessing to be asked. Commerce is a blessing, but of the secondary order. As comfort is to be sought in our families, not in visiting our friends; so a nation’s felicity is to be found within the precincts of its territory, not in foreign connections. I do not take into the calculation the case of a Tadmor in the wilderness, or a Corinth between two seas: such places are only centers where men meet to do business. Nations possessed of extensive and fruitful territories are different things. To the declamations in favour of general commerce, made by the men who manage the affairs of states, we listen with spontaneous jealously. Without estimating at its worth the enlarged and permanent interest of a nation, they may be well pleased to see an immense property floating along its wharves, presenting a convenient subject of revenue, to any amount, and easily collected. Such men are not the best judges. Errors in politicks and morals are rarely discovered, and never proclaimed, by those who profit by them. The case seems to stand thus—we certainly do derive several important advantages from foreign nations; these are blessings to us: and we certainly do communicate several important advantages to foreign nations; these are blessings to them: and every man of humanity, would wish that the tide of heaven’s blessings were permitted to wash all the shores of the universe, without being interrupted by those mounds, which an unjust policy is perpetually erecting to force them out of their natural course.

I cannot close this article without observing, that since it has pleased God to inflict a wound, we should be thankful that he has inflicted it on a part, of all others the least mortal. Had it been famine, or pestilence, or civil commotion, then should we have felt the weapon pierce our vitals. But he has touched us in the extremities, in commerce, a part exquisitely sensible, tremblingly alive to feeling; but not at all mortal. The language of the dispensation is, You shall have bred to the full, but you shall not grow rich so fast as you calculated.—

The remaining subjects of prayer, I shall recite together.

Let us pray to God: “That he would preserve the health of our citizens, and banish plague and pestilence from all our borders; and, above all, let us beseech the “God of all grace,” that he would grant the rich effusions of his Holy Spirit to all our churches, that truth and piety, may flourish in our day; that the institutions of religion may be reverenced; that justice, benevolence, and humanity, may prevail; that the rising generation may be early and deeply tinctured with the genuine spirit of the gospel; that vice and error may be suppressed; that luxury and dissipation may be retarded in their alarming progress; that political dissentions and the baleful spirit of party may be extinguished; and, in short, that a pure and general reformation may take place among all denominations of Christians, and through all classes of society. And, finally, let us pray, that God would extend the benign influence of the gospel to the most dark and distant regions; that the whole earth may be full of the knowledge of God; that his name may be great among the heathen; and that the remnant of Israel may be gathered in; that “the Lord may be King over all the earth,” so that there may be “One Lord and his name One.”

The limits which must be set to this discourse admit nothing beyond a cursory notice of the three topics here suggested:–Health, Religion, and the extinction of Party spirit.

Of health it is unnecessary to say much, as every human being is equally ascertained of its value; and as the audience are in the habit of attributing this, with every other blessing, to him in whom “we live, and move, and have our being.” Too much circumspection, however, cannot be used to preserve on our hearts the impression, that he is the God of our lives, and that our days are in his hand. No reasonable man will object against inquiries into the causes of health and disease; no true philosopher will exclude from his consideration of the subject, the idea of a supreme cause: but it belongs to the Christian to estimate the moral considerations; the sins, and the reformations, which influence divine judgments and mercies. While we bless God that he hath not said concerning us, “they shall die by the sword, and by the famine, and by the pestilence,” let us implore his mercy for such an increase of faith and righteousness, that it may cease to be necessary to teach us the obligation of his law, by the infliction of its penalties.

As to Religion, it is the one thing needful; the portion of the soul, the means of securing to man an immortality of happiness and of glory. In this view, it is constantly presented, in all the acts of private and social worship. Here we need not dilate. But the appropriate duties of the day forbid us to overlook the immense importance of it to states, and societies. A high encomium is passed on religion, when it is represented as the contrivance of civil authority, to enforce subjection to the laws. We cannot avoid feeling indignant that so base and spurious a parentage should be assigned to the offspring of heaven; yet, while the high priests of impiety who pretend to have inspected the register of her birth, acknowledge, that notwithstanding the baseness of her descent and blood, she is still the protectress of order and law, of justice, peace and social concord, we accept the compliment; and allow it that accumulated meaning, which belongs to the praise of an enemy. They are right in this praise. It does require something more august than mortal majesty; something more imposing than the wisdom of senates; something more terrible than legal penalties, so easily evaded; some inspection less capable of elusion than that of human tribunals, to give efficiency to those laws which prescribe restraints to all the wild and furious, and destructive lusts, of the human bosom.

When we read the Scriptures, we feel the impression of a dignity in magistrates, laws and obedience, which we are sure we never experienced in reading history, or in contemplating any particular commonwealth: we see the magistrate receiving an investiture more noble than the pomp of a coronation, or even the election of the freest people on earth can give. He is the “minister of God;” the instrument by which the sovereign of heaven, manages the moral government of this world; by which he dispenses his justice and mercy to mankind, and preserves the order, peace and happiness of the human race. As such we fear and venerate him, with an allegiance consecrated by religion. We see in just laws something more than the contrivance of those men, whom wisdom, or the reputation of it, has raised to the high trust of legislation: they are the laws of God sanctioned by eternal rewards and punishments: and we feel that “we must be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake.” Religion, so far as it operates on society, secures veneration to magistrates, and obedience to the laws, to the full extent of their merit.

It does more: far more. It attains the noblest ends of civil government, by a native inherent energy, which leaves the magistrate nothing to do, but to look on and approve. While a Christian is enabled to “do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with God;” the laws against murder, unchastity, fraud, perjury, and other enormities, may, for him, sleep in the statute books of the country forever. He knows little about them. They were not made for him; but “for the lawless and disobedient; for the ungodly and for sinners; for the unholy and profane.” He soars over the heads of magistrates, and transacts his moral concerns, immediately with the sovereign of the universe: and while he thinks only of obeying the laws of God, he renders an exemplary obedience to the laws of man.

The influence of religion does not terminate here. Within the circle of social relations, there are immense tracts, where human government has scarcely the shadow of authority. How extensive are the duties of parental and filial obligation? How numerous those imposed by friendship and gratitude? How sacred the obligation to forgive injuries, to sympathize with sufferings, to bear with prejudices? Yet there is not one of a thousand of such duties that can be enforced by civil law; not one of a thousand violations of them, against which a civil penalty can be directed. They are only a few palpable crimes and virtues bout which the magistrate is versant.—Religion steps in and sanctifies all the relations of man; and by a secret but mighty influence, eradicates vices which the laws could not punish, and plants in their room graces and virtues, which the laws could not enjoin. Need I add, that religion furnishes the surest and best, and in many cases the only consolations, which can cheer and support us under the numerous calamities to which humanity is at present exposed.

As well therefore for sake of the blessings which it diffuses among men in this life, as because it is the means of everlasting happiness, should we pray that God, for Christ’s sake, would diffuse the gospel over the land, and by the blessing of his divine spirit render it efficacious in the conversion and sanctification of the inhabitants. For the same reasons, we should pray for its diffusion over the globe. The moral state of the world at this day is shocking; it is alarming. The greater part of it is literally a field of blood, where nothing is displayed but perfidy and violence. We despair of general peace and virtue, till the “prince of peace,” reigns in righteousness. Our prayers should be the more earnest on this subject, because here, more than any where else, God displays that sovereignty which baffles calculation. He only can Christianize the world.

The last subject to be noticed is party spirit. Perhaps it may appear superfluous to attempt defining a spirit, which whistles in every wind, and roars in every storm of politics; and which, though frequently changing its visible vehicle, still continues the same malignant blasting spirit, which all the world have agreed in reprobating. I should have thought so, were there not reason more than to suspect, that unguided declamation, has placed on one degraded level, the mean partisan and the man of moral worth; and poured out the same fretful and acrimonious invectives, against the baseness of the one, and the principled virtue of the other. The clumsy sophistry crawls on, from error to error, thus: every man belongs to some political party; he is, therefore, a partisan; and therefore, again, must be actuated by party spirit; and then, as all agree that party spirit is a base and abominable spirit, the conclusion is unavoidable: all men are alike base. A conclusion grateful to miscreants! But to ascribe no other, nor better motive to tens of thousands of men, respectable for judgment and virtue, than the desire of supporting a party, is to betray an intellect too weak to judge of human nature; or a heart so thoroughly rotten and dissolved, as to be incapable of conceiving even the possibility of a virtuous motive. What is that spirit which in all sects and parties, civil and ecclesiastical, merits the abhorrence of good men?

It has been said that parties are unavoidable in free governments. And whether we look to fact, or philosophy, we must accredit the assertion. The laws of justice and mercy are divine, and immutable. Systems of political economy must change with circumstances; and therefore God has left them free, binding us only thus far, that change them as we may, we must never violate justice and humanity. We accept the liberty which the Creator has conceded to the free-born mind, under the sole restriction which his righteousness has imposed. To minds so differently gifted as ours, so variously instructed, so usurped by personal, local, and unaccountable feelings and prejudices, political questions will ever present an infinite variety of views. Differ we will. Nothing can prevent it, unless God should, by a moral miracle, reduce all men to the same standard of intellect, education, habits, virtues, vices. That miracle would indeed prevent parties: but it would destroy society, by destroying the adaptation of our various talents, to their appropriate offices in the social state. Under free governments, where mind lives, parties spring out of the constitution, which God has given to the world, and to man. Sin does not spring from the necessity of things. But man must mend God’s world! Is there, then no human cure for parties? Yes, certainly: a medicine tried in all climates and on all constitutions, with complete success. A superincumbent despotism, which forbids all communication of thought, and combination of counsel! A despotism which appropriates to government the rational privileges of thinking, planning, and resolving; and leaves to the nation only the brutal rights of feeding, and of obeying they know not why, nor wherefore: such is the cure: if we like the medicine, let us swallow the dose; it never yet has failed. Only still the pulsations of my heart, and I shall have no more fever. One of the first of men, in one of the first of human productions, has said: “Give me the liberty to know, to utter and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. ” 3 What man would praise that stagnant pool of society, where the pure and wholesome streams of our rational and nobler powers, are absorbed and evanish, leaving nothing behind but the grossness of our animal nature? Let us have the free and honest use of our souls, and if that creates parties, we shall derive some profit even from these. They will stimulate thought, they will provoke discussion, they will promote research, they will affect compromises between plans and measures, preferable in many instances to any one of those plans or measures, separately.

The result is; that if parties are unavoidable, there is an unavoidable and a virtuous party spirit. No man can prevent himself (nor ought he, if he could) from feeling an interest in the measures which he judges just and beneficial; nor an he avoid an attachment to the men who support them. As an honest man, he must applaud both. Any pretence to the contrary, would betray hypocrisy, or at least insipidity of character. A candid man, acting on his best judgment in the duties of his station, and violating no moral law, is an object of approbation. We may dispute his political judgment; but the man we must respect. It is a violation of truth and decency, to stigmatize such men as partisans.

But there is another, and a very different party spirit. A spirit in which wisdom and honesty have no share. It knows nothing but party. Name but the men, and it stands ready to approve or disapprove, as the case may be, all they are pleased to do or think. It never ponders the wisdom and utility of a proposition; but asks who moved and seconded it. It always dresses by the flag of party. It I a malignant spirit too: it deals less in panegyric than in censure; more in refutation than in confirmation. It is a presumptuous spirit; it knows every thing, and how it originated, and in what motives, and where it will end. This is that evil spirit which, in one degree or other, in all the parties on the field, is laboring with all its might, to banish all truth and candour, all independence of character, and enlightened patriotism, out of the nation and out of the world.

Its very first effect is to render a man’s intellect of no use to him: talents, genius, knowledge, wisdom, of what use are they to a man who considers himself pledged to a blind and obstinate adherence to whatever his party, or the leaders of his party, are pleased to propose? The less such a man knows the better: “a common steadfast dunce,” noisy, bustling and violent, forms the best of partisans. When this party spirit has thoroughly leavened a mass of men, it gives a fatal permanency to the party, long after they have unfortunately survived their wisdom and virtue. Few parties arise without making court to public opinion, by the profession of an honourable object, to be obtained by just and honourable means. Few preserve their original purity; but, by a variety of obliquities and aberrations, maneuver themselves off their first ground, and lay themselves liable to be frowned back into atoms, by the good sense and virtue of the community. But party spirit holds them together, after they have renounced, or lost their first object. And they are found cooperating, with the zeal of proselytes, in measures, which perhaps not a man of them would ever have adopted of unbiased choice.

But it is with horror that I mention one other effect of this party spirit. It is this—that, it destroys the best and noblest of human virtues, that which is the base of all virtue, and of all virtuous character, honesty. I do not allude to pecuniary honesty; that is the lowest grade of the virtue: I mean that honesty, which impels a man, on every question of conduct, to form his best judgment; to speak “as he thinketh in his heart;” and to act according to his principles. Such a one is an honest man; and we should never stoop to call or to think any other man honest. Yet such a man, the thorough paced partisan scarcely can be. He gets into the habit of shutting his eyes least he should discover the faults of his party, and their measures; or the excellencies of his opponents, and their measures. He learns to defend what he does not understand, and to confute what he cannot comprehend: to speak or be silent, to praise or to blame, by signal; to throw out innuendoes; to search for slanders; to credit vague rumours; to circulate dark reports. What a pernicious influence must such proceedings have on any man’s mind? A soul poisoned, throughout the whole circle of its faculties, with darkness, and evasion, and disingenuity, is ruined.

Such is that “baleful spirit of party,” for the extinguishment of which we are called upon to address our ardent supplications to the throne of grace. And verily the temptations re so numerous, and the motives to its indulgence so prepollent, and almost irresistible; that to secure men against their influence, belong only to that God, who can preserve virtue untouched in the midst of the fiery furnace.

Here, I willingly conclude. My object has been to lay before you what I conceived a just, (though it is certainly an inadequate) view of the blessings for which we have met to pray: and at the same time to communicate some impression of the duty of praying for those blessings. That latitude of reflection which such an occasion, and such topicks required, has been freely indulged. Knowing and feeling our privilege of drawing near with boldness to the throne of grace, nothing is wanting but a just estimate and impression of the blessings, which we are to supplicate. If the subjects which have been stated are not important, it will be difficult to name those which are. I hope you will ever esteem it a religious duty, which you owe to God, and a political duty which you owe to the state, to pray for the prosperity of the nation, and for those who administer its government. And, whatever issue adorable Providence may give to the present portentous circumstances, whether peace, or unavoidable war: be of good courage, and play the men for your people, and for the cities of your God: and the Lord do that which seemeth him good.

 


Endnotes

1. I Timothy 2: 1-3.

2. 2 Chronicles, 1: 7-12.

3. Milton’s Areopagitica.

Sermon – Fasting – 1808, New York


Alexander Proudfit (1770-1843) graduated from Columbia in 1792. He served as minister at a congregation in Salem, NY (1795-1802), and was a Professor at the Theological Seminary of the Associate Reformed Church (1819-1820). The following fasting sermons were preached by Proudfit in November, 1808 in Salem, NY.


sermon-fasting-1808-new-york

OUR DANGER AND DUTY:

TWO SERMONS

DELIVERED ON WEDNESDAY, THE 30TH DAY
OF NOVEMBER, 1808.

BEING A DAY APPOINTED BY THE

PRESBYTERY OF WASHINGTON

FOR THE EXERCISES OF

FASTING, HUMILIATION, AND PRAYER,

ON ACCOUNT OF THE ALARMING ASPECT OF DIVINE
PROVIDENCE TO OUR COUNTRY.

BY ALEXANDER PROUDFIT, A. M.
MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL SALEM.

OUR
DANGER, &c.

JEREMIAH v. 29.

SHALL NOT MY SOUL BE AVENGED ON SUCH A NATION AS THIS.

This prophet appeared in a very degenerate period of the Jewish church. Every order of that people, from the humble peasant to the prince on the throne, had apostatized from the true God, and had lost that simplicity in his worship, and that zeal for his name which were their former characteristic and glory. The mass of the people, forsaking the Lord God of their fathers, had mingled in all the absurdities of the idolatry of the nations around them: their princes did evil in the sight of Jehovah, and no longer ruled for his glory, or the good of their subjects: even those who were called to minister at the altar degraded both themselves and their office by servile, corrupt, mercenary spirit: The sun had also gone down upon their prophets; these lights of Israel were now darkened through error of principle, and licentiousness of practice; instead of stemming the torrent of general defection by exposing with a holy heroism the iniquities of all classes, they rolled along with the stream, and rather tended to swell and infuriate it by prophecying a false vision, and the deceit of their own hearts. There is not a more awful presage of speedy destruction to a nation than when, as the prophet expresses it, there is like people, like priest; when corruption of manners generally prevails, and the messengers of the Lord of hosts have neither firmness nor fidelity to make an open opposition.

The Lord God, grieved and provoked with these abominations, gently, yet severely reminds Israel of her former zeal for his glory, and his delight in her as his peculiar people. I remember thee, the kindness of thy youth, and the love of thine espousals: Israel was holiness to the Lord, and the first fruits of his increase. He then appeals to heaven and earth, whether an example of such ingratitude and obstinacy could be found in any other nation. Hast thou seen that which backsliding Israel hath done: She is gone up upon every high mountain and under every green tree, and there hath played the harlot: and I said after she had done all these things, turn thou unto me, but she returned not: their transgressions are many, and their backslidings are increased, how shall I pardon thee for this? At last worn out with their iniquities, and resolved to make a full end of them as a people altogether incorrigible, Jehovah calls upon Jeremiah to arise and at the peril of his own soul not to refuse denouncing their doom; Thou therefore gird up thy loins and arise and speak unto them all that I command thee; be not dismayed at their faces, lest I confound thee before them. Shall not I visit for these things saith the Lord; “Is not my wrath revealed from heaven against all unrighteousness and ungodliness of man? Can I consistently with the purity and rectitude of my nature; can I consistently with my character as the moral governor of the world pass by with impunity these wanton, these repeated, these gross violations of my law? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?

You will readily notice that the expression, shall not my soul be avenged, is rather uncommon; it is used after the manner of men and represents the great God as earnestly and unalterably bent on his purpose; it is designed to express both the certainty and the severity of the judgments to be executed on infatuated Israel.

This day was set apart for the solemn exercises of fasting, humiliation and prayer on account of the alarming aspect of providence to our country. We are not called merely to deprecate that wrath which apparently hangs over our nation; they are greatly mistaken who imagine that this should be our only, or even our principal exercise: we ought to be deeply impressed that our national offences are the cause of our national calamities; we ought impartially to examine what transgression on our part has kindled this hot displeasure; to acknowledge the righteousness of Jehovah in all the judgments with which we are threatened; to improve by faith the atonement of his Eternal Son as the only mean of our reconciliation; to return to him in the exercise of unfeigned repentance, and then earnestly to plead with an offended God that in the midst of wrath he would remember mercy.

In order to assist you in these important exercises it may be proper,

I. To consider those crimes with which as a nation we are obviously chargeable – and

II. Those evidences of divine vengeance which we have occasionally felt and under which we now suffer.

1. As a nation, we are chargeable with shameful ingratitude for privileges enjoyed. It must be fresh in your own recollection when the spot where we now worship was ravaged by the incursions of a formidable, unpitying foe; when the murderous savage with his tomahawk and scalping knife prowled around your dwellings, often piercing your souls with his terrific yells; when the doors of your sanctuary were shut up; when your habitations 1 were left desolate; when the son, torn from the arms of his mother, and the husband from the embraces of his wife, were exposed to the toils and dangers of the field; and you were driven to strangers for a miserable shelter from the inclemency of the season. In that hour of peril and panic, the avenger of wrongs interposed in your behalf; disconcerted the adversary; crowned with victory equally unexpected and signal 2 your feeble exertions, and restored you to the peaceful possession of your own habitations. Since the revolutionary war, which terminated in the independence of our country, we have enjoyed a degree of prosperity without a parallel in the history of any nation; We are favored with a constitution probably the most mile, the most equitable, and, while supported by public virtue, the most diffusive of general happiness that was ever framed by man. While our ears have often heard the thunder of distant war; while almost every arrival upon our coasts has brought the intelligence of the murderous battle fought; of other wives made widows, and other children fatherless; of old kingdoms convulsed, and new empires erected on their ruins, our peace has been uninterrupted: We have eat every man, of his own vine, and every one of his fig tree, and drank every one of the waters of his cistern, without any to annoy or alarm: While famine has waved her scourge over other countries and driven thousands of the inhabitants to the necessity of begging their bread, we have literally rolled in worldly affluence; our soil, under the husbandman’s cultivation, has yielded a rich profusion of fruits, and our commerce has wasted upon our shores the productions of every foreign clime. These outward privileges have been crowned with the infinitely more precious means of salvation. We have enjoyed the oracles of the living God in our own language, and the various ordinances of his worship in their native simplicity and purity. When privileges so pre-eminent are bestowed on a person or a people, returns of thanksgiving, and obedience are expected in proportion; but the blessings heaped upon us as a nation have been equaled only by our ingratitude and impiety. Have we as individuals, been walking in the fear of the Lord, regulating ourselves by his word as the rule, and consulting his glory as the highest end of our lives? As families have we been offering up the tribute of praise to the common Author of our mercies; has each been encouraging the other to the performance of every civil, and social, and religious duty; have we been thus teaching and admonishing one another in psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs? Have we as a nation exceeded all others in gratitude, as we have been elevated above them in privilege? As citizens, as ministers, as magistrates have we advanced hand in hand, each aiming at the good of the whole; and all promoting the glory of Him who raised us to a rank so exalted among the nations of the earth? How reverse have been our character, and conduct? More ungrateful, more infatuated than Jeshurun we have waxed fat; we have forgotten the God that made us, who redeemed us in the hour of jeopardy, and lightly esteemed the rock of our salvation. The distinguishing goodness of God instead of leading us to repentance, to reformation of life has produced pride, presumptuousness, licentiousness of principle, and profligacy of manners. Our affluence, which ought to have flowed in supplying the wants of the indigent; in supporting the ordinances of religion; in propagating the gospel through the frontier settlements; and in conveying to the perishing heathen the means of salvation, has been prostituted to luxury of living; to extravagance of dress; to the aggrandizement of our families; or in adding house to house and farm to farm. Our language has corresponded with that of the presumptuous monarch of Egypt, Who is the Lord that we should obey him? “Our gold, our silver, our possessions are our own, and for the gratification of our own appetites they shall be employed.” Our gratitude is thus a sin of high aggravation, and is one cause why the Lord God is pleading his controversy with our land. Hear O heavens, and give ear, O earth, for the Lord hath spoken; I have nourished and brought up children, and they have rebelled against me. They have forsaken the Lord; they have provoked the holy one of Israel to anger, they have gone away backward. Might he not in righteous indignation have added, Ah, I will ease me of mind adversaries; I will avenge me of mine enemies?

2. Our daring impiety manifested by a contempt of God, and his ordinances, is another cause of his controversy; one for which we ought this day to exercise humiliation in his fight. How is his infinitely venerable name profaned in the unnecessary, irreverent use of it by some, and in the impious oaths and imprecations of others? Are not his ordinances neglected and despised by many, who live within reach of the sanctuary, and who, by their parents, were early devoted to his service in baptism? Is not that precious volume the Bible; that volume which affords the most reviving expressions of Jehovah’s love, and constitutes the broad charter of all our privileges and prospects; is not that volume regarded by some with neglect and indifference; by others has it not been derided as the offspring of superstition, or priestcraft? Does not a licentious infidelity obviously pervade the higher orders of society in our country? Was not that man who has appeared as one of the most open, bold, unblushing champions in this cause; who has exhausted his talents in the derision of everything sacred; who has uttered the foulest blasphemies, which a polluted imagination could conceive, against the Son of God, against his Person, against the mysteries of his gospel, and the ministers of his religion; has not that man been invited to this country by the leading men of our nation; has he not been corresponded with, and caressed since his arrival? If this circumstance does not avow their real enmity to the Saviour’s cross, it at least betrays an alarming indifference to its interests: And I am bold to assert that those who are hostile to our religion cannot be the real friends of our liberty, whatever be their political pretensions. Divine revelation is the great charter of our rights as men, no less than of our privileges and prospects as Christians; it proclaims to man his dignified origin, as created after the image of God; it inspires the individual with the most exalted sense of his own importance, by declaring that the Lord God hath made of one blood all men to dwell upon the earth, and consequently that all are naturally possessed of certain, equal, unalienable rights: This constitutes the greatest possible security for social order among men by enjoining us to live soberly, righteously and Godly; to do justly, to love mercy, and walk humbly with our God. These are not the sentiments merely of the divine; they are maxims firmly believed and openly avowed by the most accomplished legislators that ever adorned the world. – Suffice it to mention the observations 3 of Him whom all revered as equally the Statesman, the Hero, the Patriot; on whom the eyes of every American citizen were fastened as the brightest ornament of our country; our pride in peace; our shield in war; and, under God, the instrument of incalculable blessings to our nation. “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness; these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens: The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect, and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity.”

Again, is not the holy Sabbath, that rest which is ordained for the people of God; that institution which is calculated to secure health to the body, no less than happiness to the soul; tht institution which is a lively memorial of the resurrection of our crucified Lord, and furnishes a constant pledge of our own resurrection, is not this day openly prostituted without a blush, and without remorse? Is it not profaned by some in idleness and amusements; by others in unnecessary visits, and by many in the deliberate prosecution of their secular employments? Is not the peaceful worshiper often interrupted and insulted as he repairs to, or retires from the temple of his God, by the wanton transgressors of that sacred institution? And does it not render our guilt more aggravated, and expose us to severer vengeance, that this profanation of the Sabbath is permitted in part by public authority? Our Legislature 4 has explicitly provided that no man “removing his family, or household furniture” shall be detained on that day. Does not this toleration virtually make void the command of Jehovah who had enjoined, TAKE HEED TO YOURSELVES, AND BEAR NO BURDEN ON THE SABBATH DAY, nor bring it in by the gates of Jerusalem; neither carry forth a burden out of your houses on the Sabbath day, neither do ye any work, but hallow the Sabbath day, as I commanded your fathersi. Have we not reason to fear that the Lord God, provoked by our impiety, will execute upon us the vengeance denounced against the nation of Israel, I will draw out a sword after you, and make your cities waste. Then shall the land enjoy her Sabbaths as long as it lieth desolate, and ye shall be in your enemies country; even then shall the land rest and enjoy her Sabbaths.

3. The general, and very gross corruption of public morals is another cause of the divine displeasure with us as a nation. May not the records of our courts of justice testify how common are the crimes of false swearing, and forgery; crimes peculiarly offensive to Jehovah; and which tend to sap the very foundation of social order among men? Do not our daily prints announce the very alarming increase of bankruptcies in our country? Probably one thousand instances of private failure occur now, where not one occurred twenty years ago. This fact evinces the corruption of public morals, as these failures must ordinarily proceed either from a concealment of property with a view to defraud the creditor, or from a mode of living utterly beyond our ability. Is not that most unnatural, most horrid of all crimes, self-murder, become mournfully prevalent among us? Is it not also a fashionable thing; is it not considered the test of real heroism, the characteristic of the man of honor to take, or to aim at taking the life of another in dueling? And is not this murderous 5 practice publicly sanctioned by the advancement of such offenders to stations of emolument and honor? Have we not this moment some standing high in office in our own state, and in the United States, whose consciences are stained with the guilt, and whose hands are encrimsoned with the blood of their fellow-men? Can we expect that our country, in over-looking with impunity this daring offence, will escape the vengeance of him who has solemnly ordained that, WHOSO SHEDETH MAN’S BLOOD BY MAN SHALL HIS BLOOD BE SHED, FOR IN THE IMAGE OF GOD MADE HE HIM.

How common among us are the vices of intemperate drinking, of rioting, of gambling and swearing? Are these not some men presiding on the bench of civil justice who are grossly profane in their conversation; who have lived in repeated acts of uncleanness; who are devoted to gambling, and by whom the Lord’s day is often spent in their worldly occupations? This dissipation of conduct is offensive in any man but accompanied with peculiar aggravations in the magistrate who explicitly is pronounced a MINISTER OF GOD FOR GOOD to others: it is a direct prostitution of his sacred function, and renders him a terror not to evil works, but to the good. Civil government is as really an ordinance of Jehovah, as ecclesiastical government; he, therefore, who sustains an office in the state ought to aim at purity of conversation, no less than he who sustains an office in the church; and when they who rule in either capacity lose sight of the solemnity of their station, they degrade both themselves and their office. It is the uniform, the upright, the dignified deportment of the man which gives majesty to the minister: it is no less the uniform, the upright, the dignified deportment of the man which gives majesty to the magistrate. Besides, a wanton dissipated conduct in those who sustain the office of the civil magistracy has a tendency to demoralize society at large. When the root of a tree is rotten, the branches cannot remain verdant, and flourishing; if the fountain itself be polluted, we cannot expect the stream to be pure, and when the head of the body politic becomes disordered the deadly contagion necessarily spreads through all parts of the system.

There is another evidence of public corruption which I dare not pass over unnoticed: I mean the obvious prostitution of the right of suffrage. In our free government the choice of all rulers either immediately or remotely depends on the people. This right of electing our own representation is the great privilege for which our fathers fought, and which is bequeathed to us, sealed with the blood of thousands; this is a privilege for which many of you fought, and for the purchase of which some of you bled: It is the full enjoyment of this right which distinguishes the citizen from the subject; which exalts the freeman in one country above the abject insulted, degraded slave in another country: But is not this right criminally prostituted among us? What is the primary qualification which is ordinarily fought in the candidate for public office? Do we attend to the admonition prescribed by Eternal truth, He that RULETH over men must be JUST, RULING in the FEAR of Jehovah? Have we pursued the maxim delivered by the wisest of men, and the most magnificent, prosperous of Princes, RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION, and offered our suffrages for those who in private life were patterns of righteousness, and as rulers would probably use their influence for promoting it among others? Have we not more generally enquired, “where is the decided, ardent partisan; the man who will most zealously adhere to that political section to which we belong,” without regard to moral, or religious, or even intellectual qualifications? In the warmth of party-spirit have we not contributed to the advancement of those who were the known enemies of religion, and have allowed themselves in falsely slandering its ministers? On this day of humiliation as the messenger of the Lord of hosts, and as I desire to be found faithful to my trust when the storm is blackening over us, I bear my testimony against the promotion of unprincipled, immoral, impious men as a most aggravated iniquity in our land; and I believe, as firmly as I believe my existence, that without speedy and special repentance on our part, this insult to the Lord of hosts will bring wrath upon our nation, until both our ears will tingle. Has he not most solemnly forewarned us that, when righteous men are in authority the people rejoice, but when the wicked rule the land mourneth? Besides, the election of men to public office who are destitute of moral rectitude, is impolitic in the extreme, and puts in jeopardy our most important interests as citizens. Hear the sentiment of a reverend member who adorned our counsels during the struggle with Great-Britain; one in whom were united the eminent divine, the enlightened statesman, and the uncorrupted, ardent patriot. “Those who wish well to the state ought to choose to places of trust men of inward principle, justified by exemplary conversation. It is reasonable to expect wisdom from the ignorant; fidelity from the profligate; or application to public business from men of dissipated life? Is it reasonable to commit the public revenue to one who has wasted his own patrimony? Those therefore who pay no respect to religion and sobriety in those whom they send to the Legislature of any state, are guilty of the greatest absurdity, and will soon pay dear for their folly. Let a man’s zeal, professions, or even principles as to political measures be what they may, if he is without personal integrity and private virtue, he is not to be trusted. I think we have had some instances of men who have roared in taverns for liberty, and been most noisy in public meetings, who have become traitors in a little time. Suffer me on this subject to make another remark. With what judgment will laws against immorality be made, or with what vigor will they be executed by those who are profane and immoral in their own practice. Let us suppose a magistrate on the bench of justice, administering an oath to a witness or passing sentence of death upon a criminal and putting him in mind of a judgment to come. With what propriety, dignity, or force can any of these be done by the one who is known to be a blasphemer, an infidel, or by whom in his convivial hours everything serious or sacred is treated with scorn. 6

Permit me to notice as another cause of the divine displeasure those bitter contentions, those mutual reproaches which abound among us. What are our seasons of election but seasons of detraction, and defamation, by which the passions of each other are inflamed? What liberties are frequently taken in reproaching public men, and misrepresenting public measures. Does not the living God explicitly forbid the indulgence of hatred, variance, emulations, wrath and heresies? An untender, unforbearing spirit between man and man is always inexcusable, but it is peculiarly offensive when cherished by those who are citizens of the same commonwealth; whose civil and social interests are immediately blended together. In republican forms of government, where public virtue is the great pillar on which the government rests, a degree of party spirit may be profitable; one portion of the community thus proves a “watch-tower” to the other; but when this spirit becomes outrageous and infuriated, when jealousy pervades every class of society, and extinguishes almost every spark of mutual confidence, it proves equally reproachful, and ruinous.

These are a few of those provocations with which we are chargeable as a people, and for which we are chargeable as a people, and for which without sincere repentance on our part, the scourge of a righteous God will unavoidably overtake us. For such provocations were his judgments for merely denounced against even his favorite Israel, and owing to their obstinate impenitence were finally executed in their utter destruction. If ye will not hearken unto me, saith Jehovah, and do all my commandments: and if ye shall despise my statutes, or if your soul abhor my judgments; I also will do this unto you; I will appoint unto you terror, consumption, and the burning ague that shall consume the eyes and cause sorrow of heart; and ye shall sow your seed, and your enemies shall eat it; and I will make your cities waste and bring your sanctuary into desolation. Then shall the land enjoy her Sabbaths. Again, if ye will not hearken unto me to hallow the Sabbath day, and not to bear a burden, even entering in at the gates of Jerusalem on the Sabbath day; then will I kindle a fire in the gates thereof, and it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem and it shall not be quenched.

Brethren, when we read these fearful denunciations, and then contemplate our own conduct, who must not tremble for his country? Was the holy Sabbath more generally, or wantonly profaned in Judea, than in America? Were the streets of Jerusalem more frequently polluted by the unhallowed buyer and seller on that day, than are the streets of our own settlements and villages and cities? Must we not rationally expect that the foul of our offended sovereign will be avenged on such a nation as ours? Is the violation of his law less aggravated among us whose light is more clear, whose privileges are more exalted than among them; or is the Lord God less righteous to avenge the quarrel of his covenant? Nay, have not our judgments already commenced?

To consider the evidences of divine wrath which we have occasionally experienced, and under which we now suffer, was the second part of our subject, and demands our attention.

1. Has not a Holy God often plead his controversy with our land by a fearful pestilence? Receiving its commission from on high, has not this scourge gone abroad through our country, and visited in their turn our cities from the northern to the southern extremities of the union? In its hostile career has it not desolated for a season the sanctuaries of God; driven from their abodes thousands of our citizens, and mingled in sudden promiscuous ruin the babe, the youth and the hoary head?

As another mark of his indignation, and another mean of reclaiming an ungrateful apostatizing people, has he not commissioned the fire to become the avenger of his quarrel? Has not this devouring element laid waste in some degree many of our cities, and reduced from affluence to poverty hundreds of their inhabitants? The messengers of Jehovah’s wrath have not been confined to our cities, but have occasionally visited all parts of the country. The insect, an army small, imperceptible, yet irresistible, has marched through the land, and cut down in its progress, the staff of life. Before it our fields were cloathed with verdure, and flourishing as the garden of Eden, but behind it a desolate wilderness. Did he not in one year shut up the windows of heaven, refusing to us the early and latter rain in their season; and by intemperate rains in another year did he not destroy the fruits of the earth, blast the hopes of the husbandman, and alarm with apprehensions of cleanness of teeth? Such are the scourges which we have occasionally felt in years that are past; such the expressions of divine indignation under which our land has often trembled: Natural causes have been ingeniously assigned for all these calamities: Presumptuous, impious mortals would fondly exclude Jehovah from all agency in the world, as they extinguish every generous impulse of his fear and love in their own hearts: Every occurrence, whether prosperous or adverse, is ascribed by them to secondary means; but the man of wisdom will consider them as coming forth from the Lord of hosts, and as visitations either of his mercy or wrath. Is there evil in the city; is there evil in the country, and the Lord hath not done it? Does the pestilence consume the persons of our citizens, or the fire devour their property? Does the rain prove our scourge in one year, or the draught in another, or the mildew in another without his permission and appointment. They are alike the ministers of almighty God; they come only at his call, and they continue to fulfill the high commission received from his hand. Thus he declared to Israel formerly, and thus he may declare to America now, I have withholden the rain from you when there were yet three months to the harvest: I have smitten you with blasting and mildew: I have sent among thee pestilence after the manner of Egypt. I have overthrown some of you, as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah.

For all these his anger is not turned away, but his hand is stretched out still. Is not our nation trembling at this moment under awful appearances of the divine displeasure? Has not the cloud collected, and spread, and darkened every part of our horizon, and is seemingly ready to burst forth in our destruction? Are we not now assembled in this sanctuary for the very purpose of deprecating the displeasure of our God; of confessing and mourning over our national guilt as the procuring cause, and to implore his return in loving kindness to our land? The anger of the Lord hath divided us as a people; he no longer regards us. Does not a diversity of sentiment; does not alienation of affection almost universally prevail? Has not mutual confidence departed from our fellow-citizens, and the fell demon of discord succeeded in its room? Is not the brother alienated from his brother; the son from his father; the neighbor from his neighbor; the citizen from the magistrate? Nay, has not mutual confidence departed in some instances from the spiritual pastor and the people of his charge? Is it not a notorious fact that if the servants of the cross remain faithful to their trust; if they expose without partiality and without hypocrisy the corruption of men and magistrates, they are immediately slandered in public houses and public prints; they are represented as rallying under the standard of party, and as converting their pulpits into political engines. Have not these jealousies, these contentions diffused their deadly influence through every part of the community? Do they not tend to distract the proceedings of every assembly, from the petit-jury up to the highest deliberative counsel in the nation? Has it not become a matter of course that a measure proposed by one class of the community will be opposed and reprobated by the other? Although we are citizens of the same commonwealth, and united by the dearest social connections; although we have all that is interesting to us in time, our property, our liberty, our religion, our lives embarked on the same bottom, yet we mark the movements of each other with all the suspicion of the avowed, irreconcilable enemy. This alienation of heart; those bitter reviling I formerly mentioned as our sin; I would now mention them as a most deplorable calamity, and as an evident, very awful proof of the Lord’s controversy with us. It is an old proverb, uttered by an infallible teacher, that a house divided against itself cannot stand. When we see a particular family split up into factions; each member torturing the feelings, crucifying the character, and opposing the interests of the other, we conclude without hesitancy that the Lord has departed from that house, and that its desolation is near. It is not less true of nations than of particular families, united and you establish; divide and you destroy. – When Jehovah denounced the overthrow of Egypt for their contempt of his name, and the cruelties which they had perpetrated upon his people, he declares, I will set the Egyptians against the Egyptians, and they shall fight every man against his brother, and every man against his neighbor; city against city, and kingdom against kingdom. May we not therefore consider our internal dissensions and distractions as coming forth from the Lord of hosts, and as his righteous judgment upon our guilty land? Are we not constrained to deplore in the plaintive language of the prophet, The anger of Jehovah hath divided us; Manasseh against Ephraim, and Ephraim against Manasseh, and they together shall be against Judah.

For all this his anger is not turned away, but his hand is stretched out still. We are now pressed down under a general and heavy calamity: our commerce, the chief source of wealth to the individual, and of revenue to the government is in a great measure destroyed, and even our peace is endangered by the hostile appearance of foreign nations. More than a year have we suffered under these complicated evils, and their effects have produced embarrassment among all classes of society. No longer is employment offered as formerly to the laborer; no longer is the toil of the husbandman rewarded by an equal compensation for his produce, no longer is the merchant animated to enterprise by success in his trade; no longer are our harbors enlivened by a race of hardy, generous seamen; no longer does our canvass whiten the ocean; no longer do our ships return wasting upon our shores the wealth, and the luxuries of every clime: Different causes are assigned for this sudden, calamitous reverse of our situation: by some it is attributed to the want of wisdom and energy in our administration; by others to the intolerant, oppressive measures of Britain; by others to the ambition, intrigues, and corrupting influence of France, but this also must be considered as coming forth from the Lord of hosts, and by this he is avenging his quarrel with our country. It is his blessing which maketh rich; that crowns with prosperity the individual, or the community, and it is his displeasure which blasts their enterprise; his displeasure causes citizen to become alienated from citizen; wisdom to depart from our rulers; commerce to quit our shores, and that is threatening to muster the hosts to the battle. Behold the Lord maketh the earth empty, and scattereth abroad the inhabitants thereof, because they have transgressed the laws; changed the ordinance and broken the everlasting covenant: The new wine mourneth; the vine languisheth; all the merry hearted do sigh: He stretched out his hands against the sea; the Lord hath given a commandment against the merchant city, to destroy the strong holds thereof.

I must trespass on your patience by noticing another evidence of the divine displeasure with our country; it is one which must peculiarly interest and alarm the hearts of all who realize our dependence on the God of nations, that our attention has never been directed to the real source either of our miseries, or relief. A spirit of lethargy, of slumber when the great God is shaking his rod over a nation is not merely their sin, but a fearful presage of a more dreadful visitation. Because they consider not the works of the Lord, nor regard the operations of his hand; therefore the Lord will destroy them and not build them up. There is probably not a more awful evidence that an individual, or a nation is abandoned of God, and marked as victims for his wrath than to be given up to themselves; to be permitted to remain unawakened and unconcerned amidst the alarming dispensations of his providence. When the cup of iniquity of Israel was nearly full, and the decree for their destruction had irreversibly passed, how awful is the commission given to the prophet, Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes: lest they see with their eyes, see my judgments which are already gathered and lowering over their heads; and hear with their ears, hear my voice of warning in my word, by my messengers, in the movements of my providence; and understand with their heart, be really affected with their own abominations as the meritorious cause of their miseries, and be healed. The prophet melted at hearing the doom of his deluded country affectionately replies, Lord, how long? He is answered by the oracle, Until the cities be waste without inhabitant, and the houses without man, and the land be utterly desolate.

Brethren, does not our situation as a nation obviously and awfully correspond with that of deluded Israel? Can we imagine that they were more stupid, more infatuated amidst the terrors of the Almighty than are we in America? Much time has been occupied in devising the means of safety; much treasure has been expended in fortifying our harbors: message after message has been transmitted to foreign courts representing our grievances and demanding redress; but during all our alarms, all these exertions for maintaining our rights has the Lord of hosts been acknowledged by us as a nation; have we been called by our civil Rulers to ask the interposition of him by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice; by whom princes rule, and nobles even all the judges of the earth? Nay, I mention it with the most profound emotions of regret, and of trembling; of humiliation for the past and apprehensions for the future, that during eight years we have not been recommended in a national capacity to acknowledge the Ruler of nations: no tribute of thanksgiving has ascended to his throne in the season of prosperity; neither have we in adversity been directed to the confession of guilt, nor to ask the interference of that arm which works salvation. Was such the example exhibited by our illustrious patriots of 1776; by those who then directed our counsels, marshaled our armies in the field, and were, under God, the instruments of our national glory? On the 17th of May in that year, a day that must remain memorable while the love of liberty is cherished in our country, the oppressed millions of America at the call of their rulers approached the mercy-seat, laid a history of their grievances before the avenger of wrongs; implored his interposition in their behalf, and his ear was graciously open to their cry.

From this doctrine, thus explained, it is obviously suggested,

1. That verily there is a God who judgeth in the earth. Vain, impious mortals frequently ask, Who is Jehovah that we should obey him? In the infatuation and madness of their hearts, they often challenge, How doth God know, and is there knowledge in the most high? In the enthusiasm of their impiety, they are resolving, Let us break his bands asunder and cast his cords from us. But notwithstanding all their presumption and self-confidence, their judgment lingereth not, and their damnation slumbereth not. He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh at them; the Lord shall hold them in derision: Then shall he speak to them in his wrath and vex them in his fore displeasure. Though hand join in hand his soul will be avenged sooner or later on the wanton, incorrigible person or people. – What is the history of the world, but a history of Jehovah’s judgments in the overthrow of haughty, licenscious nations? Where are now the once mighty, magnificent empires of Egypt, of Assyria, of Greece, of Rome? Where are now their splendid cities, their adamantine walls towering towards heaven; their disciplined armies; their gates of brass, their chariots of iron which promised an invincible defense against every assault from without? We behold them in their turn receding from the earth, and their memorial has nearly perished with them: there remains nothing but their name feebly written on the historian’s page. – How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished? What crashing of thrones and kingdoms have we witnessed with our own eyes? Where is now the antient, august monarchy of France; that which stood for ages, and apparently defied even the hand of time? Have we not seen it and many others totter to their foundations, and hundreds and thousands of the inhabitants lost in the general wreck? Is it argued “that these kingdoms, having grown old, decayed and mouldered away of course, as everything created naturally tends to dissolution;” or is it argued, “that internal causes may be assigned for all these effects; that violent insurrections convulsed the empire of Rome, and that Babylon was taken during the licenscious rioting of her princes and nobles? These objections do not in the least militate against the argument. The sovereign ruler of nations accomplishes his purposes by secondary causes; by means he protects the righteous, and by means he executes vengeance on the deluded, insolent opposers of his government. – As a proof, for instance, that the conquest of Babylon and the destruction of the empire was of God, this event was foretold ages before its accomplishment; the instrument of its overthrow was mentioned by name; the very manner in which he should execute his purpose was minutely expressed; and yet all was represented as the effect of divine vengeance against the Assyrians. Come down, saith Jehovah by his prophet to that impious city, come down and sit on the ground; For thou hast trusted in thy wickedness; thou hast said, none seeth me: Therefore shall evil come upon thee; thou shalt not know from whence it riseth; and mischief shall fall upon thee; thou shalt not be able to put it off; and destruction shall come upon thee suddenly which thou knowest not. Through the anger of almighty God these fearful desolations are spread among the nations of the earth: A flood of impiety, of licensciousness on their part is succeeded by a flood of wrath on his part.

2. We learn from this doctrine who are the enemies of a country; who disturb her peace, who interrupt her prosperity and endanger her very existence; they are those who live in the contempt of God, and the violation of his righteous law. These are the Achans in the camp who bring wrath upon the nation of Israel. The immoral, impious man; the swearer, the Sabbath-breaker, the insolent scoffer of religion and its institutions; the parent who is undutiful in his station, who is not diligent in educating his offspring for God and his service; the magistrate who does not rule in the fear of Jehovah, but pollutes the land by a loose, licenscious deportment and conversation: These are the persons, by whatever political name they are known, or under whatever mask they appear among their fellow-citizens, who bring down the judgments of heaven on settlements, and cities and nations: These are the persons who occasionally shut up the windows of heaven, suspending the early and later rain in their season; who dry up the streams of commerce; who give commission to the pestilence wasting its thousands in our streets; who unsheathe the sword of war, and drench a land in the blood of its inhabitants. Hear the word of the Lord ye children of Israel: hear his word, ye citizens of America, for the Lord hath a controversy with the inhabitants of the land, because there is no truth, nor mercy, nor knowledge of God. By swearing and lying, and killing, and committing adultery they break out, and blood toucheth blood. Therefore shall the land mourn, and everyone that dwelleth therein shall languish with the beasts of the field and the fowls of heaven. They, on the other hand, are the true patriots who fear God; who work righteousness; who render to all their due, giving unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s and unto God the things that are God’s; who keep holy the Sabbath by “spending it in the public and private exercises of divine worship;” who visit the fatherless and widow in their affliction, and preserve themselves unspotted from the world: parents who are devout in their habitations; who early infuse into the hearts of their children the principles of religion and virtue; magistrates who feel the solemnity and responsibility of their station, being ministers of God for the good of society; who assume the important office, not from motives of interest, or honor, but that they may rule for the glory of him by whose authority they act, and to whose bar they are accountable; who by the blamelessness of their conversation, and by the impartial discharge of every official duty become a terror to evil doers and a praise to them that do well; ministers who abound in the work of the Lord; who are not lured from their sacred function by considerations of worldly ease, or emolument, but actuated by the same spirit with their divine master, go about doing good: such persons, such magistrates, such ministers are the genuine patriots and friends of their country. Contemplating such I may freely exclaim in the language of a Jewish king to the prophet of Jehovah, my Father, my Father, the chariots of Israel, and the horsemen thereof. They are the massy pillars which gives stability to a nation within; they are the broad shield which render her invincible and impenetrable by any opposition without. Their prayers, their intercessions, their alms are of more importance towards her defense than all the speculations of the vain philosopher; than all the schemes of the self-confident statesman; than all the martial prowess of either the soldiery or navy. For the sake of these, judgments are often averted and days of calamity are shortened. The waters never gushed up on the old world until Noah was secured in the ark; the arm of the destroying angel was stayed from the destruction of Sodom until Lot had escaped to the mountains, and when Phineas arose, and, as a faithful magistrate, executed righteousness the plague was instantly arrested in the camp of Israel. Run, faith Jehovah to the prophet his messenger, run ye to and fro through the streets of Jerusalem, and seek ye in the broad places thereof, if ye can find a man; if there be any that executeth judgment; that seeketh truth, and I will pardon it.

3. We learn from this doctrine the suitable exercises of a people in the season of impending judgments; they ought diligently to enquire into the cause of the Lord’s controversy; they should aim at discovering those national sins which are the procuring cause of national calamities. We hear the prophet complaining with respect to the people of Israel, O Lord, thou hast stricken them, but they have not grieved; thou hast consumed them, but they have refused to receive correction: When thy hand is lifted up they will not see, and will not behold the majesty of the Lord. This complaint is mournfully applicable to us amidst the present alarming appearances of divine providence. Our attention is chiefly confined to the instruments, one party is disposed to throw the censure upon the other; the citizen reprobates the ruler, and one portion of the rulers reproach the other as the cause of our evils. But whatever sinful instrumentality men have in involving our country in the present state of embarrassment and alarm, the Lord God has a sovereign, righteous agency; he is avenging his quarrel with an ungrateful, disobedient nation: and until we become sensible of his displeasure as manifested in our judgments; until we discover our own iniquities as justly provoking this displeasure; until we are sincerely humbled on account of our iniquities, and led to the blood of reconciliation as our only remission, I shall entertain little hopes that the rod will be removed. Let all, on this day of humiliation, turn their eyes upon their own hearts and impartially examine their particular exercises; are they cordially melted for their own iniquities and for the abominations that prevail in the land? Are they sincerely humbled before the Lord that ordinances are so generally neglected; that Jesus and his great salvation are despised, that the holy Sabbath is wantonly prostituted by all classes in our nation? Such were the exercises of the church formerly in the season of her calamity, and such, if we have received an unction of the same spirit, will be our exercises this day. O Lord, to us belong confusion of face, to our kings, to our princes, and to our fathers because we have sinned against thee; yea, all Israel have transgressed thy laws; therefore the curse is poured upon us, and the oath that is written. With confession of former sins let us connect earnest resolutions of amendment in the time to come. Would to God that henceforth all classes of our citizens were going hand in hand, and weeping as they go; saying, with penitent Israel, let us return to the Lord, for he hath torn and he will heal; he hath smitten and he will bind us up: come and let us join ourselves to Jehovah in a perpetual covenant that shall not be forgotten. Such exercises would be the surest presage of future peace and felicity and glory to our nation: They might be considered an infallible pledge that the cloud which now darkens our horizon will shortly evanish, and that the fun of prosperity will revisit with his cheering beams our long favored land.

O Lord, revive thy work in the midst of the years; in the midst of the years make known: in wrath remember mercy. Amen and Amen.

 

OUR DUTY, &c.
SERMON II.

AMOS iv. 12.

AND BECAUSE I WILL DO THIS UNTO THEE; PREPARE TO MEET THY GOD, O ISRAEL.

The holy scriptures are admirably adapted to man in his present, imperfect, militant state. They forewarn him of approaching calamities; they afford direction in every perplexity; they inspire with confidence in the hour of surrounding peril, and impart consolation amidst the various adversities of life. – The admonition contained in our text must appear peculiarly seasonable to Israel, when we realize her awful and interesting situation at the time of its delivery. It was uttered by the inspired messenger in the days of Uzziah king of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam king of Israel, two years before the earthquake. The visitation of the Jewish nation by an earthquake is noticed only in this place, and by the prophet Zechariah. The latter as the messenger of divine wrath declares, I will gather all nations against Jerusalem to battle; and the city shall be taken, and the houses rifled: and ye shall flee to the valley of the mountains; yea, ye shall flee, like as ye fled before the earthquake 7 in the days of Uzziah king of Judah. The Lord God never wants instruments for avenging his quarrel with the enemies of his government: All elements are subject to his sovereign control, and all agents, visible and invisible, rational and irrational, from the least insect which moves on the earth to the loftiest angel who walks the streets of heaven are at his disposal, and stand ready to perform his pleasure either of mercy or wrath: Yet HE is infinitely slow to anger, and displays his exceeding, abundant compassion in giving previous intimations of approaching calamities. The cloud usually makes its first appearance small as a man’s hand; it gradually rises higher and becomes darker, before it bursts forth upon the object devoted to destruction. The great God warns the wicked by his word, raising up messenger after messenger; by his providence, inflicting lesser judgments as a mean of reclaiming and saving them from more awful visitations. He thus proves to the satisfaction of every rational spectator, that he is merciful, and gracious, long-suffering and abundant in goodness and truth; that he has no pleasure in temporal destruction of nations, or in the everlasting ruin of individuals, but would rather that both should repent, and return and live. Before he opened the fountains of the deep, and brought the flood upon the old ungodly world, he raised up Noah a preacher of righteousness, and warned them year after year; previous to the overthrow of Ninevah, that great city, he commissioned Jonah to go forth and proclaim in the streets, yet forty days and Nineveh shall be destroyed; and before he pours out the fury of his anger upon Israel, his once favorite people, the offspring of Abraham his servant, he addresses them in the admonition which you have heard, prepare to meet thy God, O Israel.

In the preceding verses of this chapter, the prophet, in the name of his God, recapitulates to this deluded, obstinate nation the various methods which had been employed for their reformation. And I also have given you cleanness of teeth in all your cities, and want of bread in all our places, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord: And I have also withholden from you the rain, when there were yet three months to the harvest, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord: I have smitten you with blasting and mildew, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord: I have sent among you the pestilence after the manner of Egypt, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord: I have overthrown some of you, as the Lord overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah, and ye were as a fire-brand plucked out of the burning, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord. Who that has noticed, in the most superficial manner, the dispensations of Jehovah toward us as a people, must not read in our punishments a counterpart of the punishments formerly inflicted on Israel? Did not a righteous God, year after year, withhold from us the rain of heaven, causing the pastures to fail in the field, and the corn to languish in the valley? Has he not occasionally smitten us with blasting 8 and mildew? Has he not sent among us again and again the pestilence 9 after the manner of Egypt? And is not the accusation, which was brought against Israel, at least as applicable to us, Yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord? Where is there any evidence that either our mercies or our judgments have proved effectual for reclaiming or reforming us? Are the living oracles more generally read, or more deeply revered? Is the sanctuary attended now by those who formerly lived in the neglect of its ordinances? Are the praises of God resounding now in houses, where that celestial melody was formerly unheard? Is the holy Sabbath more consciensciously sanctified through our land, or does the power of Godliness shine more illustrious in the lives of those who possess the form? Is the charge of pride, extravagance, injustice between man and man, and ingratitude to the God of our mercies less applicable now than in years that are past? Nay, has not the tide of our impiety and profligacy risen with the tide of our prosperity, and when the divine hand has been stretched out for our correction we have not seen it, neither have we trembled under these displays of the majesty of Jehovah. Is such the fact, beloved brethren, then I cannot address you in language more appropriate than the admonition of the prophet to his nation, prepare to meet thy God, O Israel.

The people to whom the warning is directed are Israel, the visible church of God. The fire of divine jealousy burns peculiarly awful around his altar: There the light shines most clear; there the voice of admonition is most frequently heard; there the privileges are most exalted, and consequently there the consumption determined usually commences its career. – Those who rank first in point of privilege are ordinarily made the first and most fearful monuments of divine indignation. Judgment must begin at the house of God. Rebellion in a son is both more unnatural and inexcusable, than in a servant: Our abhorrence is much more excited by an act of treachery in a pretended friend, than in the open, avowed enemy; upon the same principle the crimes of a professing people are most offensive to God, and expose to the severest marks of his displeasure. You only have I known of all the families of the earth; I will therefore punish you for your iniquities. The history of the world fully confirms the truth of these denunciations. – Those very parts of the earth which were long, and singularly favored with a pure dispensation of the gospel, have been afterwards as singularly the feat of judgments, both temporal and spiritual. Turn your eyes for a moment to Jerusalem, once the most distinguished spot of the earth; that city where the temple was erected; where the living oracles were proclaimed; where the morning and evening sacrifice, this lively pledge of our Great Propitiation, was offered up; where the incense arose in sacred columns from the censer of Aaron the type of the high priest of our profession; where the ministry of our Lord was chiefly accomplished; where miracles the most sublime were frequently wrought by his hands, and celestial truth flowed from his lips: Behold also Corinth, 10 Sardis, Smyrna, and Thyatira, cities where flourishing churches were early planted by the Evangelists and Apostles of our Lord. How has their external importance sunk, and their spiritual glory departed? Just in proportion as evangelic light formerly shone clear around, a cloud dark and impenetrable envelopes them, and the wretched inhabitants are debased by ignorance, by superstition, by every species of abomination.

This verse, thus explained, presents to our consideration,

1. A solemn event, a meeting with our God; and

2. Our duty in the prospect of this event, prepare to meet thy God.

Each individual of the human kind must meet Jehovah at death: The immortal spirit, immediately after its separation from the body, is summoned to the tribunal of its judge; then it is called to render a solemn account of its stewardship, and afterwards, according to its works, is adjudged to an unchanging destiny, either of glory or shame. It is appointed unto all men once to die, and after death the judgment: Again, we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ, that everyone may receive according to the things done in his body, whether they be good or evil.

All mankind collectively must meet Jehovah in the hour of general retribution. The Lord God hath appointed a day, in the which he will judge the world in righteousness, by that man whom he hath ordained. The trump of the archangel shall found; the great white throne shall be erected; the sign of the son of man shall appear; the judge shall descend; all the living shall be instantly changed, and all the dead arise: then the kindreds of the nations shall flock to the judgment seat of their common Lord, and receive one general irreversible sentence, When the son of man shall come in his glory, and all the holy angels with him, then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory; and before him shall be gathered all nations, and he shall separate them the one from the other: the deeds done in the present life must then undergo a review the most minute, the most impartial, and the countless myriads of the human family be awarded to everlasting life, or everlasting perdition.

But the meeting with God to which the prophet alludes, and for which he admonishes Israel to prepare, is an event materially different; it belongs to particular communities, or nations, in their public, social capacity. There are periods of national retribution, no less than of personal retribution; periods when the adorable Ruler of the universe rises from his throne, and comes forth to reckon with the inhabitants of a country; when he takes a review of all the privileges bestowed upon them; of all the deliverances wrought from time to time in their behalf; of the duration of their national peace; of the degree of their national prosperity, and then chastises them for the abuse of their privileges. Hear, all ye people; hearken, O earth and all that therein is: For behold the Lord cometh forth out of his place, and will come and tread on the high places of the earth: For the transgressors of Jacc is all this, and for the iniquity of the house of Israel.

The dealings of a sovereign God toward individuals and nations obviously correspond. He spares the particular person notwithstanding numerous provocations; he affords him the means of repentance, and the offers of life; he alternately alarms and allures; he tries him now with mercies, then with judgments, before he gives commission to cut him off as utterly incorrigible: And such also is his conduct toward nations in general. He admonishes them for their impiety; he forewarns them now by his messengers, again by the movements of his providence of calamities that are approaching; he executes one threatening as a mean of awakening them to repentance, and saving them from other and severer scourges: He thus entreated with the old world one hundred and twenty years by the ministry of Noah; he thus reproved the cities of the plain by Lot as his messenger, before it turned them into ashes, making them public monuments of his vengeance. With what long-suffering did he expostulate with the nation of the Jews before he finally marked them out as the people of his wrath? How shall I give thee up, Ephraim? How shall I deliver thee, Israel? How shall I make thee as Admah? How shall I set thee as Zeboim? My heart is turned within me: my repenting are kindled together. And upon their partial reformation in the days of Samuel, of Asa, of Josiah he immediately suspended the execution of his judgments, and wrought salvation in their behalf.

When an individual willfully closes his eyes against the light of the Gospel; when he shuts his ears against its pointed and repeated admonitions; when he tramples with deliberate hardihood on mercies and judgments Jehovah in awful sovereignty leaves him to his own delusions; he ceases to reprove him either by his word, or spirit, or providence; and pronounces him a vessel of wrath fitted for destruction: His condition then becomes utterly and everlastingly desperate: All his prayers, all his tears, all his remorse for past transgressions, or resolutions of amendment in future are unavailing. He that being often reproved and hardeneth his neck, shall suddenly be destroyed and that without remedy. As it is with individuals, it is also with nations. They have their accepted time, and, if the expression be allowed, their day of political Salvation: But if this be misimproved; if they fill up their cup of iniquity, by ingratitude for national mercies, and by a spirit of slumber and impenitence amidst the scourges of his providence, the Lord God abandons them as altogether incorrigible, and irreversibly decrees their consumption: All the intercessions of righteous individuals, and even a general reformation will be unavailing for the removal of divine vengeance: Though Noah, and Daniel, and Job should interpose and supplicate, spare thy people, their prayers may rest in blessings upon their own heads, but will not stay the hand that is stretched out for correcting the nation. The sovereign Ruler of the world either pours upon them a spirit of discord and confusion, making one part of the community the instrument of destruction to the other, or he surrenders them up an easy prey to some foreign foe. What an example of his vengeance against the disobedient, incorrigible nation do we behold in the final overthrow of the Jews and their city. O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets and stonest them that are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy children together, as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not: Behold your house is left unto you desolate. If thou hadst known, even thou at least in this thy day the things which belong to thy peace, but now they are hid from thine eyes.

Is there not reason to apprehend that such a meeting with our God is awaiting us as a nation; that it is near at hand? The signs of the times are peculiarly ominous and deserve the attention of all: The Lord God has come out of his place, and in a manner unusually awful is punishing the inhabitants of the earth. With our own eyes we have beheld him shaking all nations; we have seen the sword of war unsheathed in almost every part of the globe; we have seen her crimson flag unfurled by land, and on the ocean; the earth has been reddened, and the very waters of the deep have been tinged with blood 11 of the slain; we have seen the most ancient and stately empires shook to their center; crowns tottering on the heads of princes; princes hurled from their thrones and princes and peasants mingled in promiscuous ruin. Nation has been rising up against nation, and the Lord of hosts has mustered the hosts of the battle. Hitherto, through his tender mercies, we have escaped the all devouring vortex; our peace, with a few inconsiderable exceptions, has been uninterrupted, and our immunities as an independent nation have been uninfringed. But the period of our public tranquility, we have reason to apprehend, has nearly expired. Are not our natural rights at present wantonly violated, and our commerce invaded; has not the property of our citizens been violently wrested from their possession on the high seas, and fold at foreign markets, and their persons laid in chains, and doomed to languish in cheerless dungeons: Every effort used for the restoration of our neutral rights, and the redress of our grievances has hitherto failed, and the cloud is daily spreading and blackening over our heads.

Amidst these dangers from abroad, how humiliating is our situation at home? Instead of harmony in concerting measures for our national defense, is there not universal distrust and distraction? No longer rallying around one center, and blending ourselves in the common name of AMERICANS, are we not assuming different names, and flocking to different standards, as if we neither regarded each other as children of the same family, nor members of the same community? Does not a spirit of discord pervade from New-Hampshire to Georgia? Have not the different parties become so intolerant, so infuriated, that seemingly they want only an opportunity to rise up in open hostilities? And remember, of all wars, that of citizen against citizen is the most to be deplored: This flame when once kindled, is the most inextinguishable in its nature, and the most wasteful in its progress: It is like a torch in a sheaf, and usually consumes a nation both root and branch. O my country! Unless the Lord of hosts speedily interpose in thy behalf; unless he restore mutual confidence among thy sons, and harmony to thy public counsels, AN END, THINE END MUST COME: The sword without, and terror and confusion within must destroy thee.

Is such our situation; are such our apprehensions, then the enquiry must appear equally appropriate and important, how shall we prepare for meeting with our God?

This was our second proposition, and to it your attention is now invited.

1. All should prepare for this event, by fleeing without delay to Jesus-Jehovah as their city of refuge. He is a hiding place from every storm, and a covert from the tempest; sheltered beneath this rock by a living faith; having our consciences sprinkled with his atoning blood, and our souls adorned with his immaculate righteousness, we may sit secure when the cloud has actually bursted, and the storm is exhausting its fury. The believer, with the lively exercise of all his graces, is like a rock in the midst of the ocean, unmoved, immoveable by all the dashing of either wind or wave: But, where, ah, where will the ungodly and the sinner appear, when the wrath of Almighty God has gone forth; when it consumes the earth with her increase; when it sets on fire the foundations of the mountains, and burns to the lowest hell? Where, ah, where will appear the empty professor; the man who possesses merely the mask of Christianity, and is an utter stranger to its power, where will he appear when Jehovah in his jealousy will search Jerusalem as with lighted candles, and punish the men that are settled on their lees; that say in their hearts, the Lord will not do good, neither will he do evil. Where, ah, where will then appear the gay, the thoughtless, wanton youth; those who put far away the evil day; “who crown themselves with rose buds,” who chant to the found of the viol, and remain deaf to all the entreaties of friends, and parents, and ministers, where will they flee for help, where will they leave their glory, when the whirlwind of divine wrath shall sweep terribly the earth; when the fierce anger of the Lord shall come upon them, when the day of the Lord’s anger shall come upon them? To all such every temporal scourge is only a pledge of that hour when the elements shall melt with fervent heat, and the world and the things that are therein shall be dissolved. But they who are reconciled to God by the blood of the Infinite Surety, are secured, infallibly secured from avenging wrath: here the thunders of a broken law cannot reach to alarm, no lightnings pour their terrors, and therefore they may sit unruffled amidst all the agitations of the world. – Being justified by faith they have peace with God, and if God be for them who can be against them? With his wisdom to direct; his omnipotence to defend; his all-sufficiency to supply, and his mercy to sympathize, they enjoy a peace which passeth understanding amidst every outward storm.

2. We ought to prepare for meeting our God by walking circumspectly and keeping our garments unspotted from every pollution. Upon all occasions it is our duty to be sober and vigilant; to keep our hearts with all diligence; to walk worthy of him who is calling us to glory and virtue, but this is pre-eminently our duty and our interest in the hour of impending judgment. True it is, there is nothing meritorious in the services of the creature; our most perfect performances fall infinitely short of the pure law of Jehovah; yet the reflection that we have walked circumspectly before him; that we have not willingly deviated from the paths of righteousness to the right hand or to the left, inspires with confidence and joy when his rod is stretched out to scourge a nation and we must participate in the common calamity. While conscious guilt then stands appalled; while it startles at the shaking of every leaf, the righteous is bold as a lion; looking for protection to that God whom he has served; to whose glory his life has been honestly devoted, he bids defiance to all external danger; he considers that all the afflictions of time are short and inconsiderable when compared with the glories of eternity; he contemplates death itself as stripped of every terror, and no more than a dark entry to the regions of unclouded, everlasting day. With what consolation in the depth of distress; with what holy heroism in danger, did a consciousness of their integrity inspire the three Israelites in Babylon; it extinguished in their bosoms every impulse of fear, it enabled them to behold undismayed the majesty of the princely throne, and the horrors of the fiery furnace; O, Nebuchadnezar, we are not careful to answer thee in this matter: If it be so, “if we must resist even unto blood in adhering to our religion and our God; if our tortures are even aggravated by a furnace sevenfold hotter than usual, we are not alarmed at the prospect, nor anxious about the issue;” our God whom we serve is able to deliver from this burning, fiery furnace; and he will deliver us out of thine hand, O King.

3. We ought to prepare for meeting our God by awakening to greater diligence in the discharge of every duty, and abounding more eminently in the work of the Lord. When the tumult of war is heard, and the enemy appears in view, the prudent soldier instantly arises; he collects his armor; he fastens every part of it in its proper place; he arranges himself in order for battle, and thus stands ready every moment for the arduous onset: When a storm is expected on the ocean; when the clouds collect and blacken; when the distant thunder is heard and the lightnings begin to blaze around, the vigilant mariner takes the alarm, and makes the requisite preparation. Such should be the christian’s conduct when the judgments of Almighty God are commissioned to pass through a nation. Of whatever kind the calamity be, whether war or famine, or pestilence; on whatever that he esteems precious the assault may be made, whether on his liberty, or religion, or life, he should aim at standing prepared; at shaking off his spiritual sloth; at having his lamp carefully trimmed and replenished with oil, from Jesus Jehovah the anointed one, burning with the purest flame; he ought to become more fervent in prayer; more edifying in his conversation; more sincere in repentance for his own iniquities, and the iniquities of the nation with which he is connected; more abundant in all the duties which are incumbent upon him as a man and a Christian. This is the best possible preparation for all the calamities of life. To all such the Lord God will become a little sanctuary when the sword of his vengeance is drawn, and his wrath consumes a guilty land. The angel spreads his pavilion around the pious Lot, when the cities of the plain are turned into ashes; the houses of the Israelites were passed over without injury, when the first born was slain in every family of the Egyptians, and the minister of justice never disclosed his commission against Jerusalem, until a mark was set upon the forehead of the men that sighed and cried for all the abominations that were done in the midst of the land. The providence of God has even miraculously interposed for the protection of his faithful followers; he has proved a wall of fire around the individual, the families, the settlements that have cleaved to him in the hour of general apostacy.

The application suitable for this subject will be readily suggested by your own minds.

1. Let all be exhorted to improve their distinguishing privileges while they are yet enjoyed. You have long sat undisturbed under the means of salvation; the heavenly manna has been descending in showers around your tents and you have been entreated again and again to partake this divine provision; the river of life has been rolling plenteously around you its refreshing waters, and you have been urged again and again to draw near and drink and live forever. – Whether these golden opportunities will be long continued, is altogether uncertain; it depends on the mere sovereignty of Jehovah: I would therefore most solemnly admonish you to walk in the light while you have it: Give glory to the Lord your God, lest he cause darkness, and before your feet stumble on the dark mountains: Let the drunkard abandon his cups; let the swearer cease from his impious oaths; let him that stole steal no more, but render to all their due; let those who have indulged themselves in sensual gratifications crucify the flesh with its affections and lusts; let the covetous remember that neither their gold nor their silver will deliver them in the day of the Lord’s anger; let every prayerless person awake from his unconcern, and arise calling upon his God; let those who have wasted the precious Sabbath in idleness, or worldly employments, hereafter keep holy that day to the Lord our God by not finding their own pleasure, nor speaking their own words, let the secure, impenitent hearers break off their sins by righteousness, and their iniquities by turning to the Lord. Are their any present who, through the cares of this world, the deceitfulness of riches, or the influence of ungodly associates, have departed from the holy commandment, and thrown off their Christian profession, let them be impressed with the danger of their situation, and return in the exercise of repentance to the Living God: let the vain and the thoughtless youth remember their Creator, lest they mourn at the last when their flesh and their body are consumed, saying, how have we hated instruction and our hearts despised reproof? By all that is dreadful in the wrath of Almighty God, by all that is desirable in his loving kindness I exhort sinners of every age, of every condition to turn this day to the strongholds while they are prisoners of hope. The door of the city of refuge is now open, and all the redeemed on earth, and all the redeemed in heaven, and all the angels of light will hail with transports of joy your entrance and your escape from the avenger of blood. Hasten, hasten to Jesus Christ, to his sacrifice, to his righteousness as your only security from the wrath that is to come. The Lord God of gods in whose presence I now stand, whom I serve in the gospel of his Son bears me witness that I have aimed on this day of humiliation at espousing you all to one husband, and thus preparing you to meet your God; to met him now as he is coming forth to avenge his quarrel with our country; to meet him hereafter in the hour of final, irreversible retribution. But if ye will not hear it, my soul shall weep in secret places for your pride, and mine eye shall weep fore and run down with tears, because the Lord’s flock is carried away captive.

2. Be exhorted to live at peace among yourselves, and whatsoever ye do, whether in word or in deed, do all in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. Let the Saviour’s cross be the only point around which you rally in all your deliberations, whether civil or religious; let it never be mentioned to the reproach of the Christian name; let it not be told in Gath, let it not be heard in the streets of Askelon that an avowed enemy of the dear Redeemer, who coincides with you in political sentiment, should lie nearer your hearts; should possess a greater, or an equal share in your confidence and affection with a Brother in grace, whose political views may be different from your own: And I am bold to affirm that while you live habitually on the Son of God; while you derive from him daily that wisdom which is pure, and peaceable, and gentle, and easy to be entreated, all your diversity of sentiment respecting public measures will not alienate your hearts from each other. This sacred unction will excite to the exercise of mutual forbearance wherein you differ. A variety of political opinions must be expected. In this state of imperfection where we see but in part, and know but in part; where we are actuated by different motives, and look through different mediums, it is rare that our views fully harmonize on any subject: This very diversity of sentiment affords a greater opportunity for exercising the most illustrious graces, charity, patience and forbearance. At a moment so critical to our own country, so eventful to the world in general, I cannot therefore address you more suitably than in the language of Joseph to his brethren, see that ye fall not out by the way. Every citizen possesses an equal right to the enjoyment of his own sentiments, and in this free government he has liberty to communicate his views on public men, and public measures: but let this freedom be always exercised with moderation and prudence. Liberty of speech, when used with discretion, proves a public blessing, but when indulged in a manner intemperate and indiscreet, it becomes a political curse. Finally, brethren, be perfect; be of good comfort; be of one mind; live in peace, and the God of love and peace shall be with you. Should those speaks of dissention, which are already kindled in every part of the community, burst into an open flame, it will be a consolation to reflect, in the general calamity, that I never added fuel to the fire by irritating the passions of my fellow-citizens.

I should feel chargeable with the omission of a very important duty did I conclude these solemn exercises without directing our attention to signs of the times. A cloud is seemingly collecting over the church and the nations more gloomy than has been witnessed for ages. It is the general opinion of commentators, 12 who have made prophecy the subject of particular investigation, that the two witnesses, mentioned in scripture, are yet to be slain, and that the religion of papal Rome will obtain a universal diffusion through the earth. The remarks of a learned expositor, 13 who appeared in the last century, are so interesting that you must readily excuse me in quoting them at large. – “The light of the gospel will be wholly withdrawn for a while; the slaying of the witnesses is yet to come; it will make a dismal night, and be accompanied with the universal spread of popery.” A late and most profound divine, 14 in the church of Scotland, was so deeply impressed with the same sentiment, that he is said to have collected every fragment which has been written in opposition to that heresy, and circulated it to his correspondents in different countries. Do not the present appearances of the world obviously correspond with the opinions of these commentators? Probably in no period of time did the anti-Christian religion extend its influence more rapidly than in the present. It is now the established worship of France. There is a decree of that government, that “no church-book, no psalm book, nor catechism shall be published without the permission of the bishop of the diocese.” It is virtually established in Holland and Switzerland, as the regulation of all ecclesiastical concerns is committed to their sovereigns who are papists: This religion has recently obtained a rapid spread through Germany, and other countries adjacent: Bills, at different times have been brought before the parliament of Great-Britain for securing to the votaries of Antichrist privileges in common with the protestants. If we turn our eyes from Europe to our own country, how very alarming is the prospect? In several of our capital cities the churches, professing the religion of Rome, are more flourishing than those of any other communion; and three Bishops 15 have lately been consecrated to super-intend the papal interests in the United States. When we add to these things the open infidelity of some, the abject ignorance and utter indifference of others, there is little, humanly speaking, to prevent the general spread of that abomination through our country.

Amidst these realities and apprehensions our duty if obvious. Let every man look to his own interest, by making his calling and election sure: Let every parent look to the dearest interests of his children, by bringing them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord; let him consider a profound education in the doctrines of Christianity as the most impenetrable shield against the assaults of either superstition or error: Let every master look to the dearest interests of those committed to his charge, by recommending Jesus and his salvation as, beyond comparison, their most enriching portion: Let every magistrate, as he regards his peace in the hour of peril, execute with unremitting vigilance and unshaken fidelity, the duties of his office. Let the priests, the ministers of the Lord, awake to double diligence in their vocations; let them weep between the porch and the altar, saying, spare thy people, O Lord, and give not thy heritage to reproach. Beloved in the Lord Jesus Christ, what shall I say more? To you it is the call of Jehovah in his word; it is his call by the very awful movements of his providence, Come, my people; enter thou into thy chambers; hide thyself as it were for a little moment, until the indignation be over past. For, behold the Lord cometh out of his place to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity; the earth also shall disclose her blood and shall no more cover her slain.

O Lord, thou sittest upon the floods, thou sittest king forever, look with a compassionate eye, on our guilty miserable world, and shorten these days of calamity; proclaim to every scourge that has desolated our earth, it is enough, stay thine hand; may the thunder of war expire; may the sword of slaughter return to its scabbard, no more to be bathed in the blood of man; let not nation any longer rise up as the destroyer of nation, but may the peaceful banner of Messiah wave in triumph around the globe; hasten the period when creation shall become one sanctuary, and men of all kindreds one assembly, in doing homage to the God of Israel. Amen, even so come LORD JESUS.

 


Endnotes

1 The British army under the command of General Burguoyne, in their descent from Canada, marched along the Hudson river about sixteen miles to the west of Salem; but small detachments of the enemy penetrated that and the neighboring towns, plundering the inhabitants: Parties of Indians also sallied out through these settlements, and murdered a whole family in the vicinity of Salem; and the town was almost entirely evacuated in August of 1777, when the inhabitants, through apprehension of the enemy, fled for shelter into the interior of the country.

2. The memorable defeat and capture of General Burguoyne took place about the 17th of October, when the inhabitants returned to their own possessions.

3. His Excellency George Washington, in his last address to the citizens of the United States. “Christianity,” says Montesque, a celebrated French writer, “has prevented the establishment of despotism in Ethiopia, notwithstanding its situation in the midst of African despotic states.” And Hume, although a malignant enemy to religion, has acknowledged that “the previous sparks of liberty were kindled by the puritans in England, and to them the English owe the whole freedom of their constitution.” I cannot help remarking that the observations of these authors are literally exemplified in New-England. There is no part of the Christian world where pure religion more eminently flourished than in those states for generations after their first settlement; and there is perhaps no part of the globe, where the principles of rational liberty are better understood, or more zealously vindicated. On the other hand, what probably paved the way for the easy introduction of despotism in France than the general infidelity and licensciousness of the people.

4. During the discussion of a bill relating to the Sabbath, which was brought before the Legislature some years since, a member was heard in the street to “damn the Sabbath and all its advocates.” I mention this circumstance merely, to shew that in the election of the unprincipled, indecent man to public office, we not merely evince a want of zeal for God, a want of concern for the interests of morality, but a great want of respect to ourselves. Petitions in support of that bill were poured in from various parts of the state, and a single copy of the petitions from the city of New-York, as was stated in a public paper, had eighteen hundred names annexed to it. As citizens of a free government we possess the right in a respectful manner to petition our legislative bodies, and our petitions, especially when presented by a large and respectable part of the state, are entitled to respectful attention. But in the instance of the member above mentioned, the maxim holds true, that he who does not fear God will not regard man, not even his constituents from whom all his little importance is derived.

5. Is this epithet pronounced harsh; it is supported by the judicial testimony of an honorable gentleman of our own age and country; by one whose benevolence of heart must excite the affection, and whose integrity and capacity in his office command the esteem of all who know him. “As murder in contemplation of law essentially consists in deliberately killing a fellow creature, it is obvious where death ensues in a duel, that it is generally speaking the most aggravated species of murder, because it is accompanied with every species of cool premeditation that a spirit of envy could dictate.” – Charge to the Grand Jury of Reading, by the Honorable Jacob Rush, Esq.

6. Dr. Witherspoon, in his sermons, delivered on a general fast at the commencement, and a general thanksgiving, at the conclusion of the late revolution.

7. This event is particularly mentioned by Josephus in his “Antiquities of the Jews;” he relates that “Jereboam the son of Joash was a prince most dissolute and licentious in his practices, by which he brought almost innumerable calamities upon the people of Israel;” that “in his days there was a terrible earthquake;” that “the roof of the temple opened with the shocks of it, and one half of the mountain Eoge was torn from the other.” – Jos. Ant. 145. 6. N. Y. ed. 1792.

8. In the summer of 1802, just as the fields began to whiten for the harvest, a mildew pervaded the northern and western parts of this state, and blasted in its course two thirds, perhaps three fourths of the wheat, the staple commodity of this country.

9. Not to mention those malignant, mortal epidemics, which have fearfully scourged our principal cities, the influenza, a species of the pestilence, has repeatedly taken its course through almost every state in the Union. So generally did it prevail in the autumn of 1807 that scarcely a family in this town escaped it; and on a particular Sabbath, through the almost universal indisposition of ministers and people, various churches were laid desolate.

10. A modern traveler represents, in a most affecting light, these once distinguished parts of the world. Sardis, according to his account, “was overthrown by a most terrible earthquake, and is now only a poor habitation of sherherds, living in low and humble cottages: howsoever,” he elegantly adds, “the antient pillars and ruins lift up their heads, as unwilling to lose the memory of their former glory:” and Corinth which the Roman orator pronounced “lumen totius Grecie,” the light of all Greece, was burnt to ashes for its insolence to the legates of Rome. – See Calmet’s Dic. On Jer. And Well’s Geog. Of the Old and New Test. Vii. 259, 60. 2756.

11. The battles of Marengo and Jena by land, and the naval engagements at the Nile, in the Channel and at Trasalgar, whether we regard the obstinacy with which they were fought or the numbers that were slain, probably stand without a parallel either in ancient or modern history.

12. The calculations of expositors, both antient and modern, relative to the slaying of the witnesses, have been lately exhibited by the author, at considerable length, in two lectures, which he designs to offer to the public.

13. Dr. Gill in a sermon delivered in 1750.

14. Dr. John Erskine.

15. This fact was stated in a public print during the last summer, and was sine confirmed to the author in a letter from a respectable correspondent.