Sermon – Election – 1808, Massachusetts


Thomas Allen (1743-1810) graduate from Harvard in 1762. He was pastor of the Congregational Church in Pittsfield, Massachusetts from his ordination in 1764 until his death. He twice volunteered as a chaplain during the revolutionary war and took up arms in the Battle of Bennington. The following sermon was preached by Rev. Allen on May 25, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY, JAMES SULLIVAN, ESQ.

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR, LEVI LINCOLN, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONOURABLE COUNCIL,

AND

BOTH BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

ON THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 25TH, 1808.

BY THOMAS ALLEN, A. M.
MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN PITTSFIELD.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY ADAMS AND RHOADES,
PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In House of Representatives, May 25, 1808.
Ordered, That Mr. Wheaton, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Niles be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Allen, and in the name of the House of Representatives to thank him for the Discourse delivered by him, this day, before his Excellency the Governor, the Honourable Council, and both branches of the Legislature, and request of him a copy thereof for the Press.

Copy of Record,
N. TILLINGHAST,
Clerk of the House.
 

ELECTION SERMON.

I TIMOTHY, iv. 8.

GODLINESS IS PROFITABLE UNTO ALL THINGS, HAVING PROMISE OF THE LIFE, THAT NOW IS, AND OF THAT WHICH IS TO COME.

 

True religion is the only foundation of human happiness. The gospel of Jesus Christ contains a system of religious truth and duty, the best adapted to promote personal, domestic, and national good. It affords us the most excellent rules of conduct in every condition of life. The sacred volume gives us the most ample instructions with respect to all social and relative duties; and it points out the design of civil government, and makes known the duty of rulers.

An inspired apostle assures us in our text, that godliness is profitable unto all things; that religious obligation reaches every state and condition of life, even the most exalted. The Christian spirit, when it is possessed, pervades the whole conduct, and is felt through the whole soul.

The nature of godliness, its necessity and importance in the character of civil rulers and of the people, and its usefulness in promoting public happiness will be the topics of discourse on this anniversary. Though frequently touched upon by those, who have gone before the preacher in the offices of this day, the subject has not yet been exhausted; or if it had been, it might be reviewed with advantage.

The preacher is duly sensible of the great respect, that is due to this numerous assembly, and must appeal to a spirit of candor in an age of taste and refinement for the want of those modern embellishments, which advanced years seldom possess. If he can speak with the faithfulness, the subject and the occasion demand, and in demonstration of the spirit and with power, he shall not lament the absence of the recommendations of style.

Godliness comprises the whole Christian character. It embraces the whole Christian system. It receives its doctrines and precepts as of divine origin. It contains in it supreme love to God, and an ultimate regard to his glory, and a subordination of all selfish views to the highest good of the creation. It leads us to obey God and uniformly to fulfill the duties which relate to him and our neighbour at every hazard and loss. It implies a change of heart, the renovation of our souls by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Ghost; a resurrection from the dead to spiritual and divine life, the seed and beginning of life eternal. It consists in the divine likeness, in the moral image of our creator; and contains in it all that is implied in the new creature, repentance unto life, the faith of God’s elect, the sanctification of the spirit, and being rich in all good works. It implies a heart reconciled to God, subjected to him as the Supreme Ruler, and devoted to him as the last end of the universe. The possession of true godliness implies that we are delivered from the bondage of sin, and enjoy the glorious liberty of the children of God: that we are upright before him, and have respect unto all his commandments; and that Christ is in us the hope of glory, that we believe the sufficiency of his mediation, and place our whole dependence upon what he has done for our redemption.

Godliness in the human breast is a precious gift of Heaven, it is an unction from the Holy One, a seal and earnest of the Spirit, a well of water springing up to everlasting life. It triumphs over every selfish consideration, inflexibly adheres to truth and duty, notwithstanding every discouragement, and opens the eyes to see the truth as it is in Jesus. It courts no man’s favor, and fears no man’s censure so as to make shipwreck of a good conscience; and nothing can quench the sacred flame. No dangers, no losses, no sufferings will overcome it. The virtuous principle in man will be supported by the author of it, and he will crown it with glory and salvation.

The usefulness of godliness is asserted in the text. It is profitable unto all things. It is useful in every condition and relation in life. Its natural tendency is to promote our real happiness in this world, as it enables us to prosecute our worldly business to the greatest advantage, by rendering us temperate, industrious, and frugal. It yields the peace of God, which now is, and of that which is to come. God will withhold no good thing from them, who walk uprightly, and all things shall work together for good to them, who love God. Great will be their happiness here, but inexpressibly greater in the world to come. I give unto my sheep, saith our Saviour, eternal life, and they shall never perish, neither shall any be able to pluck them out of my hands.

Let us now consider the importance and usefulness of godliness in the character of civil rulers, as the words are to be understood without limitations.

It is not indeed the only qualification necessary in the character of a good ruler, many pious persons are not qualified for that office. To piety, must be joined a cultivated understanding, a good judgment, a penetrating discernment. But godliness is of primary importance, and sanctifies other talents, and renders them useful. The God and rock of Israel hath said, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And the wisest of mere men, under the inspiration of him, whose understanding is infinite, hath said, When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. In the latter case their interests are betrayed, and unnecessary burdens imposed on them.

Godliness will preserve rulers from those views and pursuits, from that selfishness and partiality, which are of pernicious influence on the public good.

Godliness will preserve rulers from bribery, and corruption, and from that covetousness, which is idolatry. They will not love the wages of unrighteousness, nor bow before the shrine of Mammon. Nothing can purchase their integrity, nothing seduce them from the path of righteousness.

Godly rulers will guard against pride and self exaltation, against that undue love of commendation and applause, which leadeth men astray. If it be more honorable to seek the approbation of a nation of freemen, than that of an individual; yet even here there is danger. The public esteem may be too highly regarded, as it always is, when men do what they believe is wrong in order to obtain it.

Godly rulers will not endeavour to subvert our excellent government, nor to wrest from the people their civil and religious rights by introducing arbitrary power. A principle of religion will teach them ever to respect the liberties of the people, and to become ministers of God for good to them. Neither civil nor ecclesiastical tyranny will ever be countenanced by pious magistrates.

True godliness will preserve rulers from the rage of conquest, and the desire of extending the territories of a nation or its advantages in commerce on the ruins of justice and humanity. National glory does not consist in the terror of arms, in the power to oppress and desolate the earth; but in a sacred regard to the principles of justice and equity, in promoting peace on earth and good will to men. Let it be our boast, that we have found out the untrodden path of national glory, which consists in diffusing happiness, in encouraging everything, which shall tend to the present or future welfare of the members of the community.

Godliness will keep rulers from framing unjust laws, and from violating in their own persons, the laws they have made. When legislators themselves disregard the laws they have enacted, the discordance of their example and their official conduct must have a most pernicious influence on society. On the contrary, if by their practice they enforce obedience to the laws, their example will co-operate with legislative provisions, and greatly conduce to the public welfare.

Godliness will induce magistrates, to whom is entrusted the administration of the laws, to preserve the fountains of justice pure. They will hold the balances with a equal, impartial hand; and no prejudice, nor passion will induce them to pervert judgment.

Pious rulers will be opposed to state establishments of religion, and to the impositions of creeds. They will leave religion, where Christ and his Apostles left it, to be propagated by the force of argument and persuasion, and not by the authority of civil government. They will not assail the liberty of these independent churches.

As godliness will preserve rulers from those measures, which are injurious to society, so it will lead them to seek the promotion of the public good.

They will give the people the benefit of their pure examples. Their veneration for the holy scriptures, their regard to the sacred institutions of religion, their affection for the faithful ministers of the gospel, their fear of God and constant sense of accountableness to him will give a lustre to their characters, which will shine around them.

They will legislate in obedience to God, for the good of the people. They will frame wise and just, and not oppressive laws. They will adopt measures for the general welfare, and not for the advantage of a few.

True religion is not only of happy influence on rulers to make them the greatest blessings to society; but it is equally important among the great body of the people in order to the security of national happiness. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Knowledge, morality, and piety diffused through a nation are a sure pledge of its welfare; while ignorance, profaneness, and impiety forebode its destruction.

Such is the importance, and usefulness of the principles and practice of true religion in the hearts and lives of rulers, and the people in order to national happiness. Lo, this is the way; let us walk therein, and we shall find rest to our souls. Nor can I think of any other course we can take for the restoration of peace and unity, after we have been so long rent by divisions, but by the restoration of living, vital religion. True godliness only can ever make us one again, and as we cannot meet on the ground of uniformity of sentiment, we must meet on that of mutual love, which may exist amidst a discordancy of views. Beloved, let us love one another, for love is of God, and everyone that loveth is born of God, and knoweth God. Without the exercise of this mutual affection, nothing can restore our lost peace.

It is to the principles of true godliness, that we owe the present happiness of our country. These principles brought our first fathers here. The seeds of virtue, which they early planted, have grown, and yielded us their descendants a rich harvest of blessings, which we hope will be continued to our posterity. Our literary institutions have enriched our land with the most exalted and virtuous characters; and it must be our desire, that they may train up our youth in sentiments of respect for our republican form of government, that they may be abundantly useful to our country, and may receive the most liberal encouragement from the legislature.

Though for the present our ships are shut up in our harbours to preserve them from capture by European powers; yet do we enjoy national happiness in a remarkable degree. The general face of our country proclaims, that this is not the abode of wretchedness. Survey the cattle upon a thousand hills and the abundance, which everywhere exists, and say if this be a land of poverty and want? The temples for the worship of God, convenient and elegant, which have been multiplied through the country, are not the monuments of our departed glory; nor do we find evidence of our approaching ruin in the neglect of ministerial support. With but few exceptions where a party spirit has sprung up, pastors are sufficiently supplied for by their flocks.

It is true the ministers of Jesus Christ are not held in such high veneration and awe, nor considered such infallible oracles of truth, as they were formerly. It will be well, if the people will search for the truth with their own eyes, and if they look upon their teachers only as their helpers.

Another proof of our general happiness is the mutual charity, and general harmony, that subsists among different sects of Christians, who are all one in Christ Jesus. It was not so with us fifty years ago. We stood aloof and at a distance from each other. If we were not chargeable with oppression and persecution, if we did not withhold from each other the blessings of social intercourse, nor deprive each other of equal privileges, yet we well remember that churchmen, Baptists, and others differing from us, were excluded from a participation in the services of this day. But godliness has brought us nearer together, and is producing that union, which we in vain look for from any other source.

In addition to these things; the formation of various benevolent nd religious societies, and the flourishing state of religion in various places, exhibit to us some evidence of our growing felicity.

The abolition of the slave trade, that infamous traffic in human blood, is very honourable to our country. We have not stopped, where our fathers left us. We have put an end to persecution for conscience sake. Our jurisprudence has been greatly improved; education has much advanced; colleges and schools have been multiplied; and the pleasures of social life have been increased. If new improvements can be made in the administration of government, or if new discoveries can be made in religious truth, the fear of innovation ought not to impose restraints.

But our happiness is not unmixed. Amidst the great variety of our blessings, there is much to deplore. The gold in some respects has become dim, and the most fine gold is changed. As riches have poured upon us, we have become extravagant and luxurious. The holy Sabbath is not sufficiently sanctified by us according to the rules of our holy religion. Immoralities show themselves in various shapes, and much needs to be corrected.

Will it be improper, while speaking of subjects of lamentation, to allude to the violence of party spirit among us? Wherever there has been a violation of truth, or outrage, let it be condemned; and if men of a party spirit have opposed their rulers without charity, and without regard to the public good, and under the cloak of religion have violated the principles of religion, we may be assured they have not been actuated by the gentle, humble, holy spirit of the gospel, and have made vain pretences to godliness.

We believe that the administration of our general government has been correct, and that the President of our country has for many hears employed his talents in pursuing the public good, and that he has displayed in his life many virtues honourable to his character. We believe that his unshaken regard to the civil and religious liberties of his country, and his wisdom in giving a constitutional direction to our government, and his pursuit of a course of measures best adapted to our prosperity and glory, give a lustre to his character, which no length of time will obliterate. Believing this, and as we know it to be the duty of a people to respect their rulers, we must express disapprobation of all instances, wherein opposition has been shown to what is considered as right, and wherein there has been any violation of a Christian duty.

It is to the gospel of Christ so early planted in this country, to its sacred principles, to its influence on the consciences of men, to its spirit formed in their hearts, and to the smiles of divine providence, that we owe all our blessings, and all the joys of this day. True godliness inspires a regard to the public good, and it was from a regard to the general good, that our constitution of government was formed; and it is owing to the intelligence and virtue of the people that its principles have been preserved, notwithstanding any design of altering its spirit. Our republican form of government depends for its continuance upon the public opinion and the public morals; and it is necessary that the public opinion should be enlightened and not debased by corruption, by luxury, by covetousness, love of pleasure, pride, by desire of conquest and the loss of all sense of honour; and it is necessary that the citizens should be actuated by principles of true godliness. So long as this is the case, we shall remain the envy of nations, and the glory of all lands.

The fathers of our happy republic, his Excellency the Governor, his Honour the Lieutenant Governor, the members of the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives of Massachusetts will accept of our respect and honour. Elevated to places of trust by the people, they repose confidence in your virtue and patriotism, and expect you to be governed by the principles and spirit of the gospel of Christ. The foundation of the noble edifice, on which you stand, is the public opinion expressed in the constitution. As you have assisted in laying the foundation of our state and national governments, and in raising the superstructure, we trust you will not suffer the goodly edifice to fall into ruins. If a rude hand should attack the building, we must look to you to repair its breaches.

At this solemn crisis of national danger and suffering, may He, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to men of understanding, direct your counsels, and inspire you with that wisdom, fortitude, and energy, which the public safety may require.

While the whole country is in suspense, and our national government resting on the only peaceable measure of security, awaits the issue of events, we rely on you to provide against those dangers, which threaten this part of the union.

We trust the honoured fathers of Massachusetts will give their efficient support to the general administration, while it seeks the security of the rights of our citizens, and is endeavouring to preserve our commerce from being destroyed by the enemies of our country. The people of Massachusetts confide in you to support our national government in the wise measures, which it adopts, for the safety of our maritime wealth; and in its endeavours to bring hostile nations to a sense of their injustice towards us, and their outrages upon us. We can have but one voice in the final result, and that voice will be, OUR TRADE SHALL BE FREE, OUR COUNTRYMEN SHALL BE PROTECED ON THE OCEAN.

It can never be, that as an independent nation we should be opposed to principles and measures which have for their tendency the protection of our maritime rights.

If the God of Israel is with us to protect us and save us, we need fear no evil. Strong is the Lord of Hosts, and having the eternal God for our refuge we must be secure. “The name of the Lord is a strong tower; the righteous runneth into it and is safe.”

May true godliness, may private and public virtue overspread our land; may our civil rulers be ever under the sacred influence of religion; and may the people generally be actuated by its principles. Then we shall have a strong city; God will appoint salvation for our walls and bulwarks. Our peace wil be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1808, Connecticut


Nathan Perkins (1749-1838) graduated from Princeton in 1770. He preached in Wrentham, MA shortly after graduation, and at West Hartford Congregational Church (1772-1838). The following election sermon was preached in Hartford on May 12, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-connecticut

THE BENIGN INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND NATIONAL HAPPINESS.—ILLUSTRATED IN

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY

JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Esq.

GOVERNOR:

HIS HONOR

JOHN TREADWELL, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR:

THE HONORABLE THE COUNCIL:

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 12TH, 1808.

BY NATHAN PERKINS, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE THIRD PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN HARTFORD.

 

GENERAL ASSEMBLY, MAY SESSION. A. D. 1808.

In the Upper House ordered, that the Honorable Jonathan Brace, and Ebenezer Faxon, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend NATHAN PERKINS, D. D. for his Sermon delivered the 12th day of May instant, at the General Election, and that they request a Copy thereof, that the same may be printed.

Test,
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.
Concurred in the Lower House.
Attest,

E. STIRLING, Clerk.
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

NATIONAL VIRTUE, AND NATIONAL HAPPINESS

DEUT. XXVIII. 1, 2.

And it shall come to pas, if thou shalt hearken diligently unto the voice of the Lord thy God, to observe and do all his commandments which I command thee this day, that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God.

TO render a nation happy and prosperous, the wise and reflecting will readily admit, is of the highest consequence. The first concern of civil rulers, of those who have the management of the public interests lodged in their hands, should, therefore, be to obtain and secure such a state. And if united in their exertions to accomplish it, as their main object, unquestionably, success would generally crown their labors. There is a way, without doubt, for a nation to be permanently prosperous and happy. A moderate share of true patriotism will lead us to wish that our nation, now in its infancy, and but lately risen to be one among the empires and kingdoms of the world, may be distinguished in the annals of history, for its virtue and prosperity.

Looking over the history of former ages and nations, we have to lament that the way to gain and establish public happiness has been seldom pursued. Concerning this way, a great diversity, likewise, of opinions, has prevailed in the history of the world. Of this diversity of opinions, all history is a proof. We know that wrong measures have been taken. And alas! we also know that most nations, in the past ages of the world, have never been long happy. They have either groaned under tyranny and oppression, been afflicted with famine, or plunged in bloody and expensive wars. The right measures to render a nation happy, have either not been discovered, or if discovered, have not been adopted. It may with high propriety be observed that a people must be free, in order to enjoy the greatest quantity of public happiness. An enslaved and oppressed people, cannot possess the necessary ingredient of national glory. Such a people, as live, or rather drag out their existence, under absolute despotism, where oppressive and unrighteous laws are enacted, and are oppressively and cruelly executed, may be calm, and tranquil; but their calmness or tranquility, is the calmness of the dead sea. The chief excellence of civil liberty, that pleasing and delightful sound, so dear to our citizens, is its tendency to put in motion all the human powers;–it promotes industry, and in this respect, happiness:–produces every latent quality, and improves the human mind; and is the source of riches, literature and heroism. People who live under arbitrary governments, are found to love their forms of government as ardently as those who live in a free state, love theirs; and often more ardently. They are as contented. Perhaps, impatience and discontent are more observable in free than in arbitrary governments. Immense advantages however, result from the enjoyment of a free government. And, in this land, we have a free government. The human race are all born EQUAL and FREE. The true notion of liberty and equality is the prevalence of law and order, and the security of individuals. This is supposed to be a primary source of national happiness. The grand enquiry is, how may a people under a free government, be most prosperous and happy. Virtue is essential to the well being of such a government. The truth contained in the words now read, is, that the GREAT MEANS of obtaining and securing national prosperity and honor, are piety and morality.—By harkening diligently to the voice of the Lord our God, and by observing and doing all his commandments, we are, past all doubt, to understand the whole of revealed religion, the duties of the first and second table of the law, piety and morality.—By God’s promising to set a people on high, above all nations of the earth, and blessing them, we are to understand, public happiness, and national glory and prosperity.

The doctrine of the text is, then, most obviously, this, that piety and morality are the only CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This is a truth of the greatest possible consequence to mankind; is the uniform doctrine of the holy scriptures; and is clearly proved from the reason and nature of the thing, and yet after all has been overlooked by most philosophers and statesmen.

To this important and interesting truth, your attention is now to be directed. And no subject can be more worthy of the attention of civil rulers, and those who have the management of the national counsels and interest, or be better adapted to this great anniversary occasion, when our rulers, and the tribes of the people are assembled before God, to render their homage to him, and devoutly to implore his blessing on the commonwealth. If everyone, whether in public or private life, had a deep impression of this truth, the effect would be most salutary.

What is accordingly proposed, in the subsequent discourse, is,

I. Concisely to explain the nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the CERTAIN MEANS of public happiness.

II. And chiefly, to enquire how it appears that they are the certain means of national glory and prosperity.—And we are to consider,

1. The nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the certain means of public happiness. Little need be offered here. No more indeed will be offered, than may be necessary to present the subject, in a fair light, and to prevent mistakes and misapprehension. The nature of revealed religion is often delineated. It comprehends these two things, piety and morality; and they are put together, in this discourse; because, essentially connected. Morality is not only an important, but necessary part of true religion. No man can be really pious, who is not a moral man; neither can he be a moral man, in the largest and best sense of that word, who is not a pious man. In the words now under consideration, piety and morality are set forth, under the idea of hearkening diligently to the voice of God—and observing and doing all his commandments. To hear his voice, is to believe all the doctrines which he has revealed, and exercise all the affections of the heart towards him, which constitute vital piety. We cannot, with any propriety, be said to hear diligently his voice, if we disbelieve his truths, or omit devotional exercises and offices. To observe and do all his commandments is habitually to perform all moral, as well as religious duties. All revealed religion, consequently, may be considered as divided into these two great branches; piety and morality, or the love of God, and the love of our neighbor.

Piety comprises all the affections and duties, which we owe to God and the Saviour. We are required to love our Maker, with supreme affection. And this supreme love to him is the grand principle of religion, and foundation of all right exercises of heart or duty to him. Here all religion begins; and divine worship, steadily maintained in its several forms, is the chief part of piety. He, indeed, is a neglecter of piety, who does not devoutly engage in the exercises of divine worship, public, social, and private. The fear of God is essential to a pious temper. We are not pious, unless we have a reverential awe of his sacred Majesty. We are to serve, to fear, to adore, and to praise him, as our Creator, Preserver and Benefactor. In every step of our conduct, we are to look up to him as the supreme disposer of events, to feel our obligations of reverence for his names, titles, ordinances and word. The first concern should be to give all glory to him, and render him, as honest minds, all the duties which he requires. No man can be really pious, who habitually and statedly omits the offices of devotion, and holy exercises of heart towards him. A principle of piety will necessarily lead to a trust in his mercy and wisdom—a becoming sense of all his infinite glories—a choice of him as our God—a cordial reception of the Redeemer of a ruined world, in all his saving work and offices, a reliance upon the revealed way of life and forgiveness—the high and mysterious dispensation of grace. It will create in the soul, a holy mourning for all our departures from God and duty, and violations of the divine law. It will dispose us to place him on the throne, as exercising a wise and beneficent government; and as ordering, directing, controlling, and conducting a dependent universe, at his sovereign pleasure, and in the best possible manner, so as eventually to cause the greatest sum of blessedness. In the exercise of pious affections to God, and stated and habitual practice of the duties which we owe him, we choose him for our portion; and say, for this God is our God forever and ever: he will be our guide even unto death.

Morality is the other constituent part of revealed religion. We are to observe and do all God’s commandments, as well as diligently to hear his voice. Our duty to our neighbor, and ourselves is to be uniformly practiced, as well as our duty to God, and a divine Mediator.—Scriptural morality comprehends the constant practice of every civil, social and relative duty. The moral man, according to the inspired volume, is honest and righteous, kind and charitable, compassionate and pure, in his intercourse with his fellow-creatures. He never allowedly oppresses by extortion—acquires property by injustice and fraud, falsehood and hypocrisy. He never habitually takes away the reputation of others by slander and lies; or wishes to destroy their peace by violence and deceit—and is careful to avoid all crimes against society—or sins against others, as malice, hatred, revenge, dissimulation and evil speaking.—His rule of duty is to do unto others as he would be done by, from a principle of benevolence. All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye the same unto them. Scriptural morality is summed up, in the following manner by the apostle Paul.—Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these things.

The moral man, according to scripture, is attentive likewise to all that class of duties, which relates to himself, as well as his neighbor. He uniformly endeavors to exhibit to all observers, strict temperance, continence, sobriety, self-government, and purity in heart, speech and behavior. If at any season of temptation, he wrong his fellow-men in their property, he hastens to make restitution. If in their good name, he honorably makes reparation, if he fall into sins, by the indulgence of passion and prejudice, pride and avarice, ambition and envy, against himself or neighbor, he penitently regrets his folly, and resolves, in future, on amendment. He makes conscience of living in all the ways of holy obedience—of assisting and helping all in his power—of molesting and injuring none.—Such is the nature of scriptural morality: of that morality required and recommended, in holy writ—and which must flow from a right principle, the love of God and our neighbor.—And we ought to remark here, to prevent all misapprehension and prejudice, that this morality cannot exist without piety—but is essentially connected with it.—There may be, we know, and very often is, an outward decorum of manners and conduct, or outward regularity of life, where there is no piety. Nay, where there is a total disbelief of all religion—of the being of God—the immortality of the soul—a state of future retributions, and of conscience. This is, many times, through ignorance, relied on as all the religion necessary to man, and is frequently called moral honesty. But it is totally different from scriptural morality, and is only built upon maxims of worldly convenience—customs of the country—a pretended sense of honor, or some selfish views; it is, however, beneficial to society.

Upon the whole, no man can be a moral man in the scripture sense, who is unjust to God, to himself, or his fellow-men. He, who feels his obligations to God, will feel his obligations to man. He, who loves his Maker, will love his neighbor. He, who reveres the divine Majesty and attributes, will regard the rights of man. We are as inexcuseable, in allowedly omitting the duties of piety, as of morality. The sum of the moral law is to love God with all our heart, and our neighbor as ourselves—on these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.

2. We proceed to the next thing proposed, which is the principal design of the discourse, to enquire how it appears that piety and morality are the CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This most important and interesting truth is strongly expressed, in the words now under consideration. And it shall come to pass that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God. The whole nation was to be thus blessed and protected, defended and prospered, if virtuous. As long as they would be faithful and diligent in serving God, adhering to, professing, and practicing the true Religion, he would bestow temporal advantages—withhold national judgments—raise them, in character, and importance, above other nations, give them a name, and make them a praise in the earth. The religion, which God has revealed unto the children of men, is calculated, to make both individuals and nations happy. This is a point of supreme importance, and as the sons of philosophy, and rulers of the world, have both thought and acted very differently from it, it is eminently worthy to be accurately considered, and firmly established by argument. Had the Empires of the world, and politicians believed and acted upon this single principle, man would, long ago, have reached the highest point of perfection and happiness in society, attainable on earth. But now alas! he is as far from this desired point as ever. After so many nations have perished—so many kingdoms have risen and fallen—so many wars and revolutions, mankind have still to learn that free governments only can secure happiness to the ruled, and that free governments can only be supported by virtue. As long as the body of the people continue well informed and virtuous, freedom may be enjoyed.—The truth now to be established, is that piety and morality are the certain means of national glory and prosperity. And that they are so, will appear first, from a consideration of the origin of civil government, and what is, or ought to be its end or design. The wants of man are unquestionably the first cause or origin of the social compact. In a solitary state, he would find himself totally inadequate to procure what might be essential to his well-being. Every individual has many wants, which he cannot satisfy, is surrounded with evils, which he cannot remedy, exposed to fears, which he cannot remove, and open to dangers, against which he cannot provide. Unable is he of himself to supply his necessities. He wants knowledge to guide and direct him; laws to restrain and rule him; property to support him; food to nourish him; and clothing to cover him. All find themselves encompassed with these wants. Feeling the same wants, men unite, to provide for their own convenience; and by common industry to guard against famine, and to procure, in sufficient plenty, the means of subsistence. They, therefore, form society and government. Man, in his very nature, is social; was made by his adorable Creator, to derive his sweetest happiness from union in society. Man is naturally inclined to unite with man for protection, defense, and the common good. The end of all government, consequently, must be to secure the rights and property of all its subjects. Why should they form society and government, but to promote their own welfare and happiness! As a rational creature certainly this would be man’s object in forming government. Endowed with reason, and capable of reflection, his desire would be to possess the means of being happy. The design of forming government then must be the COMMON GOOD of the whole, and to obtain blessings for all the governed. The original purpose of the institution of government must of course be the best good of the people, at large; not to provide for the ease, and honor of such as might be entrusted from time to time with its management. The people are the source of power.—The design, then, of all government, must be the good of the governed, not the aggrandizement of the individuals, who hole its reins.

If the origin, and end of government, have been justly stated, it is apparent that the blessings sought by the social compact, cannot be attained, without piety and morality—a sense of moral obligation—a belief of a divine existence—of man’s accountability—and the ties of justice and humanity. Each individual should feel responsible to each individual, and to the whole. He must be industrious, that he may not be burdensome to the rest of the community. He is bound to avoid also all those practices, which will injure others, or trespass upon their rights. He must love mercy, as well as do justly, that he may be the most useful to others. All the branches of morality must be observed, that the community may be generally benefitted. No man may live for himself alone, but must look at the things of others, and that the public good may be advanced. But the various duties, which man owes to himself, and his fellow-men, as a part of the public, will not be habitually performed, and with a good conscience, if he feel not his accountableness to a superior tribunal, to an omniscient and omnipresent Judge,–If he have no fear of God—no regard to a future world—and if he, customarily and openly, CONTEMN the duties of piety. The moral duties are essential to the well-being of the community. But they are built on the fear of God, or piety, as their only solid foundation.

In order to cut off all objections and cavils, which those may raise, who disbelieve or deny the necessity OF ANY RELIGION, in order to the greatest national honor and glory, we ought to remark, that when it is affirmed, that piety and morality, are the best means of national prosperity and glory, it is not to be understood that no nations have flourished, except such as were governed by the precepts and doctrines of religion. Some states, which have only partially conformed to its laws, have long flourished, and enjoyed glorious advantages on the theatre of the world; either because their false religion, contained some principles in common with the true; or because in order to induce such people to practice such virtues as are essential to the being of society, success has attended such practices; or because virtue has never yet been fully rewarded, or vice punished in this world. But it will be found, that public happiness is best promoted by an adherence to religious and moral institutions. It is not pretended that this will, in every particular case, ensure the greatest temporal advantages. If an individual will love life and see good days, let him refrain from evil and do good, so if a nation would prosper and be exalted, they must adopt the same wise course. STATE-CRIMES, however, may be sometimes, for a season, successful; and may have been the steps, by which nations may have acquired worldly glory. National justice, moderation, and regard to the rights of other nations, may be sometimes an obstacle to grandeur. But if we consider a nation, in every point of light, and in all its circumstances, we contend, that the more piety and morality are practiced, the more prosperity it will enjoy; and that the more it abandons itself to vice, the more misery, sooner or later, it will suffer, according to the very nature of things, and a wise and governing Providence. If vice for a while seem to exalt, and virtue to abase it, still in the end, vice will be its overthrow, and virtue its exaltation. It is, also, worthy to be observed that by the prosperity or glory of a nation, is not intended what worldly heroes and tyrants consider as such, enlarging its territories by wars and conquests; acquiring power and influence over other nations by fraud and injustice; and becoming a terror and scourge, as executioners of divine vengeance. By national prosperity, I mean the happiness of the citizens at large, in their various orders and classes—attacking an enemy when invaded with courage—defending itself with resolution—negotiating successful treaties—possessing every blessing conducive to public tranquility—and favored with the protection and smiles of the divine Being. We do not suppose that piety and morality will free a nation from calamities. This is an imperfect world. Adversity will be mingled with prosperity. Untoward events are to be expected. There may be unhappy disputes with other nations on account of interfering interest—or a supposed interference. There may be wars—famine—pestilence—and other great and terrible evils. The most virtuous societies, like individuals, may labor under trials and difficulties, and must expect many misfortunes.

A further consideration to evince, secondly, the benign influence of religion on civil government and national happiness, is, that public bodies and communities only exist in this world; and of course, can only be rewarded and punished in this world by Divine Providence. Individuals are to exist in another life, and are capable, consequently, of being either rewarded or punished, in that state of retribution, according to their deeds. But nations or kingdoms can only be blessed or frowned upon in this world, as they have no existence in a future. A Being of infinite holiness and wisdom is at the head of the Universe, and rules among all the nations on earth. And it is infinitely desirable that he should rule and reign among them, as AS HE, in his sovereign pleasure, sees best. He is the disposer of events, and the sovereign Arbiter of the fate of kingdoms. He will let it be known that there is a righteous God in the earth. The honor of his providence is concerned to give ample testimony of his benevolent and righteous character, as ruler of the world. It is of incalculable importance to the interest of his moral kingdom, that he should manifest himself to be the lover of righteousness, and hater of iniquity, to all mankind. The righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance doth behold the upright. The eyes of the Lord are over the righteous, and his ears are open unto their prayers: but the face of the Lord is against them that do evil. Nations, then, will, by him, in his holy government of the world, be blessed and prosperous, generally, when virtuous and pious; and be frowned upon and punished, when vicious and profligate. Public happiness is the reward commonly of public virtue; frowns and divine rebukes follow national sins and immoralities. The wisest and most virtuous nations are usually the most prospered. Virtue walks with glory by her side. God testifies his anger against a people for their wickedness. He turneth a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. If they forsake him, he will forsake them. If they seek him, he will be found of them. He is with them, while they are with him. And Azariah went out to meet Asa, and said unto him, hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him, he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you. Misfortunes and calamities, follow national immoralities and profligacy, as the natural consequence, as well as by special appointment of an all-governing Providence. Could we have, in one view, the reasons of the decline and fall of kingdoms, we should find them to be chiefly national crimes and vices. Idleness, dissipation, luxury, voluptuousness, pride, irreligion and contempt of moral principles have gradually impaired; and, at length, ruined former empires and states. The natural effect of vice, and gross crimes widely diffused among a people is to destroy them. As each individual makes a part of the nation, it is his indispensible duty, to contribute, what in him lies, to the good of the nation; and as his piety will tend to bring down blessings on the state, he is answerable to the public for his conduct as it respects religion. Many philosophers and statesmen, very erroneously conceive that religion is only an AFFAIR BETWEEN GOD AND THE SOUL, and may be necessary to a preparation for future happiness, but that it is of little or no consequence to the state, whether the Christian religion be believed or disbelieved, practiced or not practiced, protected and supported, or reproached, profaned and extinguished. The idea attempted to be disseminated, is, that every citizen is answerable only to God for his reception and practice, or rejection and neglect of it; not that he is, also, answerable at the bar of the public, and to civil society. But such are the effects of religious institutions upon men with respect to their moral character, their political state, and their domestic life; that whoever totally neglects, or impiously contemns them, has to answer for it to his God, to his neighbor, to his country, and to his family. “He partakes with other men in their sins. He associates with the enemies of mankind. He does what in him lies, to undermine the basis, on which the order and happiness of civil society is built. He teaches the false swearer to take the name of his God in vain. He directs the midnight robber to his neighbor’s house. And he delivers into the hand of the assassin, a dagger to shed innocent blood.” Hence it is worthy of remark, that the most of those daring and atrocious offenders, who, by their crimes, have forfeited life, and brought themselves to an untimely death, and the ignominy of a public execution, by their own voluntary confession, have traced their career in vice, to a profanation of the Sabbath, and total neglect or contempt of religious institutions.

We add, as a third argument, to evince the importance of religion to government and civil society, God’s special treatment of his people of old. Out of all the nations, he selected one people, who should be the depository of his revealed will, and towards which his providential conduct was, for ages, to be very singular.

The history of this people is very peculiar, and is worthy of the attentive perusal and regard of rulers, and may afford the most useful lessons to all governments. They were the care of God’s watchful providence. His hand was ever visible in what of good or evil happened to them. He warned and counseled them. He often and abundantly, tenderly and affectionately exhorted and entreated them to fear and obey him, to receive and practice the true religion. If they would be faithful to him, fear and serve him, abstain from idolatry and immoralities, he would bless them, defend them against all their enemies—lift them up on high—make them a great, a flourishing and happy nation—order favorably the seasons, cause the earth to be fruitful, and be their God, their covenant God; but if they refused to obey him, renounced his religion, would commit gross crimes, and fall into idolatry, he would bring upon them his judgments, he would punish and afflict them, give them into the hand of their enemies, distress them by national misfortunes and calamities. He uniformly treated them, as they treated him and his religion. If moral and pious, public blessings were conferred; if otherwise, judgments were inflicted; all their history is a proof of this. God, treated them, in his holy Providence, as they treated his religion. If they forsook him, he forsook them. If they sought him, he was found of them. National piety was followed invariably with national mercies. But they were only a sample of his treatment of all other nations. One grand object indeed in chusing them to be his people, was to shew all mankind, that he rules in the world; disposes of nations; and loves righteousness, and hates iniquity; that national virtue will be rewarded; and national wickedness punished. He, in general, deals with nations, in a similar manner, to what he did with the Jews, as their history fully evinces. The Lord ruleth among all nations. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice. An invisible hand guides and directs, among all nations, and in all ages. They do not rise and fall as atoms float in the atmosphere without his providence. At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it. If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil, that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.

This matter is by the decree of the watchers, and the demand by the word of the HOLY ONES: to the intent that the living may know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men.—The doctrine that an infinitely wise and benevolent Being rules over the kingdoms of men, is a most important doctrine. He raises up one, and destroys another at pleasure. He afflicts and destroys, when a nation becomes awfully corrupt and wicked; and blesses, and prospers, when there is national virtue. Religion has a no less intimate relation to the present life, than to another world. Its beneficial influence affects the happiness not only of individuals, of every temper and disposition, in all circumstances and situations; but, also, of societies and nations. “As the Sun, although he regulate the seasons, lead on the year, and dispense light and life to all the planetary worlds, yet disdains not to raise and beautify the flower, which opens in his beams; so the christian religion, though chiefly intended to teach us the knowledge of salvation, and to be our guide to happiness on high; yet, also, regulates our conversation in this world, extends its benign influence to the circle of society, and diffuses its blessed fruit in the path of domestic life.”

The necessity of religion to aid government, has been felt, and generally owned by wise men, in all ages, and under all forms of government. It is well known by the learned, that the wisest statesmen, in ancient kingdoms and republics, invented and framed a religion suited to their various kinds of government, and INCORPORATED THEM TOGETHER. Their object was to civilize and reduce mankind to order and law. The idea that religion of some kind is absolutely necessary to the existence and well-being of the state or civil government; whatever be its form, especially REPUBLICS, has generally obtained among the nations. Hence in pagan countries, where there has been no revealed religion, a system of false religion has been interwoven in the particular form of the government. The reviler of religion was deemed an enemy to the state. The superstitious rites were celebrated, in much pomp, and at great expense. The design of the whole, was to strengthen the ties of conscience, and by this means to add force to government. The fears of the people were wrought upon; and to be profane towards the PUBLIC DIVINITIES of the nation was considered as an atrocious offence against the laws of the land. It will always be found, even, among the most civilized and polished, and best informed people, on experiment, to administer government, without the ties of conscience is impossible. Hence the origin of kind of religion is necessary to civil society; and where the true was unknown, politicians and impostors have invented and disseminated a false one. Even the city of Athens, learned and polite as it was, obtained this character from an ancient historian, “hospitable to the gods,” but whether by way of reproach or encomium, at this distance of time and place, cannot be ascertained. It grew into a maxim among the wisest men of Greece, “to know no man beyond the altar.”

The SCHEMES of false religion invented by the famous impostors, Zoroaster, among the Persians; Numa Pompilius, among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Peruvians in South America, were all intended to soften and CIVILIZE a barbarous and savage people; or to inspire them with courage; or to make them thirst for the blood of their enemies.—How deep a sense the rulers and statesmen, in ancient lands, had of the absolute necessity of good morals and some kind of religion to the safety and well-being of the state and prosperity of the nation is evident from history.

It may be acceptable to my audience, on this great occasion, to recite from authentic history, a few instances.—These shall be ancient Egypt, Persia and Rome. 1

A fourth argument to prove the benign influence of piety and morality on a free government, and society at large, is their natural tendency or operation.

That order of society is the most happy where all are obliged to be industrious; and where industry has all the benefits of its own care. Every branch of business, by which the nation is subsisted, should be diligently prosecuted, and each citizen protected in all his rights. Religion, in its natural tendency, has a most friendly and favorable influence on this order of society. That the Christian religion has this tendency, in the highest degree possible, deserves to be numbered among its great excellencies, and satisfactory evidences. It however interferes not with POLITICS, or directs to forms of government, but requires such a temper, and such a life and conversation, as will constitute quiet, peaceable, and useful citizens, in any government, and good rulers. It regards the civil and temporal, as well as the spiritual and eternal good of mankind. While this is strenuously maintained, no one can apprehend that the idea of a RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT OR HIERARCHY, as in modern Europe, is either tacitly insinuated, or advocated. In our happy land, nothing resembling, even, in a remote degree, the INCORPORATION OF CHURCH AND STATE, to make one whole body politic, exists. Neither in the state or general government, as that phrase is understood, in modern Europe, and naturally imports, is there any UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE. And I trust never will be. In the various Christian nations of Europe, since the fourth century, Christianity has been variously blended with all the existing governments, let the form be what it might. Out of pious motives, and from a belief of the beneficial effect, of such a scheme of worldly policy, the church and state formed an INTIMATE ALLIANCE, OR UNION. In this way, both civil and ecclesiastical history of the nations of Europe, reciprocally aided and strengthened each other. To this source, it is apprehended, most of the abuses and perversions of, and even errors blended with Christianity, are to be traced. No friend to civil and religious freedom, can suppose, considering the love of power in all men, that the RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS of modern Europe, could be introduced to advantage in this country. The holy scriptures know of no such ALLIANCES. They are the fruit of worldly wisdom. The office of the magistrate, and the office of the minister of Christ are altogether different. CHRIST’S KINGDOM IS NOT OF THIS WORLD. In our free governments, in the United States, we have no religious establishments. Many learned statesmen, however, in Europe, and some in this land, consider this, at least, as an infelicity; and venture to predict, that in the compass of a few years, the gospel will be left unprovided for, and unsupported in this land; and of course, be driven out of it; and the name of Jesus be obliterated in the United States; or an effectual door be opened to all kinds of enthusiasm, and even atheism; and so our free government be overturned. Whether they judge right, time, the great expositor of events, must decide.

It is one of the perfect rights of man, in natural liberty, and which he may never alienate, to judge for himself in matters of religion. But as religious sentiments are very various, how far the magistrate or government ought to interfere, in matters of religion, becomes a question of great importance. While all idea of religious establishments, as understood in modern Europe, is utterly disclaimed—I submit to the hearer, whether the following observations be not built on the scripture, and reason?—The civil ruler ought to encourage piety by his own example, and to endeavor to make it an object of public esteem. Whatever is in general esteem, many will follow. The civil ruler may encourage, and promote men of piety and virtue, and discountenance those, whom it would be improper to punish.—He may and ought, again, to defend the rights of conscience, and tolerate all in their religious sentiments, when not subversive of society, and inconsistent with the rights of others.

“A legislature, may enact laws for the punishment of acts of profanity and iniquity. For however different the religious opinions of the citizens may be, yet all ought to condemn, profanity and impiety—and they ought to be punished as injurious to the commonwealth. Every government has a right to restrain by law and penalties, all acts subversive of itself.—Unquestionably, also, the civil magistrate, or the ruling part of any society ought to make provision for the public worship of God in such a manner as is agreeable to the great body of the society, though all who dissent are at the same time fully tolerated.—Multitudes would never have any religious instruction, or public worship, if the government did not interpose, to provide a way, for respectable ministers of the gospel to be decently supported, while employed in teaching the people. If a parent may and ought to provide for the instruction of his children, then the state may provide for the instruction of the whole family of the state in the great duties of godliness and virtue.” 2—Perhaps, in our own free and happy state, our government has hit upon the golden mean, of not interposing too much or too little in matters of religion. It is one of the chief glories of our civil constitution, or government that it encourages, countenances, and provides for piety and morality;–looks up with reverence to the Christian religion; and interposes for its maintenance. But there is no resemblance of a religious hierarchy in our state, or any improper interference of our government in matters of religion. What it does, in this respect, is fully warranted by the word of God, and perfectly consonant to reason.

The natural effect of religion is to secure and promote the peace, order, and well-being of society, and to give efficacy to the wholesome laws of a free government. The value or goodness of a thing is justly argued from its natural tendency. The advantages of revealed religion, as to this world, are great and interesting. It blesses very society. It sweetens every relation. It exalts every character. Exalt her, and she shall promote thee: she shall bring thee to honor, when thou dost embrace her. She shall give to thine head an ornament of grace, a crown of glory shall she deliver to thee. The community is made up of individuals. A nation is composed of all the families in it. In the same way that a family or individual is to be made happy and prosperous, is the community or nation. Virtue, consisting in the fear of God, and practice of morality, can alone make man happy. If we would, as individuals, be happy in life and death, we must feel the power, and practice the duties of religion. Would we, as a nation, enjoy the blessing of God, and be prosperous, we must fear him and work righteousness. Happy is that people whose God, is the Lord. Yea, happy is that people that is in such a case. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.

The influence of religion to render a people flourishing and happy is most powerful. From being a pious Christian, to a regular and good citizen, the transition is easy. So far as any individual is pious, so far he is happy. The same may be said of a nation. The means of private and public happiness are substantially the same. That which makes one individual or family happy, will make another happy, and the whole body politic. It is as necessary for the public to be honest and virtuous, as for an individual, in order to enjoy a divine blessing. A dissolute, idle, and profligate family must be eventually ruined, and so must a vicious nation. And all these blessings shall come upon thee, and overtake thee, if thou shall hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God.

We will show the operation of PIETY AND MORALITY, in producing public happiness, in a few important instances.—What is the natural effect of a full belief of the being of God on the mind of men? Here all religion begins. He that cometh to God must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder of all them that diligently seek him. A disbelief of him, and his governing Providence, as ever been found, to lead to all manner of wickedness, excess, and dissipation. By necessary consequence, a belief of these will restrain the vile passions of man. He will fear to violate his oath, to commit murder, or robbery, theft, or any other secret or open crime. Conscious that he cannot hide his crimes from an omniscient and holy God, he will dread his anger, and refrain from open transgressions of his law. This belief, in a nation, will necessarily have an astonishing effect to preserve, amid all classes, a degree of order and decorum, and to prevent those heinous crimes, which destroy public happiness, and bring down on a nation the judgments of heaven.

Again; The knowledge of the various divine attributes, both natural and moral, has a direct tendency to produce great effects on the public character of a nation, and by necessary consequence, on civil government. Take away a sense of these, and you remove the very foundation of public morals. A sense of the divine perfections, power, wisdom, universal presence, independence, self-existence, holiness, goodness, justice and truth, leads to happy consequences, both on the mind and life. Realizing these glorious attributes, we shall dread to offend the divine Majesty, and feel our obligations to serve and obey HIM, who is possessed of such transcendent excellencies. Sensible that he is the greatest, best, and wisest of all beings, our Creator, Preserver, Benefactor, Lawgiver, Sovereign Lord of the universe, Disposer of all events, and Ruler among the nations of the earth, we shall continually aim to please him by a life conformed to his will; by a reverential fear; by seeking daily his blessing; by thankfulness for mercies received; by owning his providence and government; and by looking to him for general health, for fruitful seasons, for defense and protection in times of national danger, and public calamities.

Further; A belief of accountableness, and of the retributions of eternity has a wonderful influence on the public mind, to excite both hope and fear, two of the most powerful springs of action in the human frame; the one to restrain from vice, and the other to urge us to virtue. This belief is essential to the Christian religion. And the astonishing influence which it must have on the MORALS of a community, all are competent to understand. The very idea of our accountableness at the bar of a righteous and impartial Judge, insensibly leads to a fear, lest by sin, we offend and provoke him. Knowing, that when we shall have done with time, we must render an exact account of all our thoughts, words, and actions, is one of the most powerful considerations to induce to a regular and sober life. No doctrine is more either solemn or affecting, than that we must all appear, rulers, and ruled, before the judgment-seat of Christ Jesus, and give an account of the deeds done in the body, according to what every man has done, whether it be good or bad. Add to this, the exact retributions of eternity, of endless glory, or endless misery; and no motive can possibly have more weight to induce to a circumspect behavior, to prevent or reclaim from gross wickedness. In another world, ah my brethren! We shall be rewarded, or punished precisely according to our moral and religious character, to our good or evil deeds.—The more good we have done, in our place and station in life, or been the active means of, the more distinguished will be our reward: and the more sins we have committed, and vices, immoralities, and irreligion, we have been the means of others practicing, the heavier will be our condemnation, and the deeper our misery.—How solemn and affecting a doctrine! How well calculated is the full persuasion of it, to produce most beneficial effects on the public mind and morals; on all classes of people! And, of course, to prevent those gross abominations, which lay waste and destroy society. He, therefore, is doing the greatest conceivable mischief to the community, who attempts to rid the mind of the fear of punishment, or to banish the hope of reward, or to render doubtful the accountability of men to a future tribunal, and the immortality of the soul.

It is obvious still, further, to observe, that the constant exercise of divine worship, and the feelings of our dependence on God, and the infinite obligations of gratitude we are under to him for national, as well as personal blessings, have an inconceivable influence on civil government, and the temporal interests of a people. There can be no religion among a people, where the worship of the Supreme Being, public, social, and private, is wholly neglected; and his institutions set at naught. Public worship, at the religious instructions of the sanctuary, and the holy Sabbath are absolutely essential to the very being of Christianity. Every willful and total neglecter and contemner of these, is contributing, although he may think not of it, his proportion of influence to annihilate religion. The prevalence of religious principles, and the practice of religious duties among a people are essential to the morals; and the morals of the people are essential to their national prosperity. The decline, therefore, of religion in a nation, is an awful presage of evil impending that nation. When the worship of God, in its several forms, is disesteemed and neglected, when the dispensation of the word in the sanctuary is in disrepute, when the Lord’s day is vilely abused, hen morality will fail. Industry, learning, education, peace, the social duties, and with them, all public happiness will fail—RULERS will be disrespected—wholesome laws be trampled upon—and unfounded and unreasonable clamors be excited against the government. The institutions of religion, and constant exercise of divine worship, not only tend to harmonize the sentiments of the people, and to promote amity, civility and humanity, but, also, alone support the interests of morality. If a people reverence and statedly attend upon the ministrations of the gospel, feel their dependence on God, on the wisdom, goodness, and bounty of his Providence for general health, fruitful seasons, and success in their lawful pursuits; if they feel their obligations to be thankful for mercies received, and of humiliation and penitence under his frowns and righteous rebukes, they will be disposed to such a conduct as will subserve their highest temporal interest. Nay, I go farther and affirm, that, merely performing divine service, and expressing, in prayer and praise, gratitude to God for all his blessings, national and private, and acknowledging our entire dependence on his providential government, have a happy effect, both on the mind and morals of the public.

Moreover, it is an expressly commanded duty of the gospel to pray for civil rulers, from the highest to the lowest, and for all in authority over us, for the peace of government, for public order and stability, for good laws to be enacted, and that there may be obedience and submission to them, among all classes of people. I exhort that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made for all men. For kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour. How reasonable and benevolent the Christian religion! It requires of all, peace, friendship, faithfulness, good will to man, to all men, and the forgiveness of injuries, GODLINES, AND HONESY. All are to seek blessings for one another, for all orders, and classes, rulers and ruled, that the administrators of government may be guided by wisdom, be kept from wrong measures and counsels, that we may all lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty. Godliness and honesty are united. Piety and morality go together. MERELY PRAYING, in daily addresses to the throne of grace, for all in authority, for civil government—for good laws—for freedom, civil and religious—for a spirit of obedience to good laws—for a wise use of civil liberty has a direct and powerful tendency to honor civil authority, good laws, and good government; and, at the same time, to prevent unfounded jealousies, evil surmises, variance, hatred, calumny, sedition, pestilent ambition, mean and disingenuous artifices and intrigues against government. The gospel, alone, establishes on a due basis, the rights of man, liberty and equality of the rational kind, and fraternal sentiments. The gospel is an enemy to all tyranny and oppression, slavery and arbitrary government. How wise and suitable that we should pray for all men, when our morning and evening oblations ascend to heaven: and that all orders of the community, may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. Would all classes of people comply with this one duty, the effect on government, on society in all its interests, would be most salutary. Prayer has a causal influence in procuring the blessings devoutly implored. Piety is indeed the strength of morality. Take away the former, and the latter will wither and fade, as a tender plant, from which you remove moisture and nourishment.

The practice of moral duties, as already remarked, is an essential part of the true religion. No man can be a really religious man, without morality. There may be hypocrisy, feigned pretences, and external observances of religion, where there is no morality, or even where heinous sins are allowedly committed; but there can be no real heart-religion, without the strictest regard to every moral duty. A man can no more be a Christian, or have the evangelic graces and temper, without morality, than he can be a Christian, without piety, or faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and repentance towards God. Those, therefore, who have attempted to separate piety and morality, or faith and good works, have done an unspeakable injury to religion, and greatly disserved the cause, which they meant to promote. They have, most unwisely and unhappily, crated a prejudice against either faith on the one hand, or good works on the other, and tempted some to disbelieve the usefulness of the gospel as to our present temporal well-being. Moral duties are as obligatory as devotional, and have the most friendly aspect on government, and the general welfare of society. This might be evinced, most clearly, from a large and critical examination of them in detail. All that the limits, to which I am confined, will permit, is briefly to enumerate some of the moral duties, which constitute an essential part of religion, and examine their tendency in respect to the public mind and civil government, in general. The several moral duties, which will be concisely mentioned and argued upon, are truth, righteousness between man and man, humanity and love of enemies, kindness and compassion, meekness, candor and humility, sobriety, temperance and self-government.

The religion, enjoined upon us by an infinitely wise and holy God, who perfectly knew what would be most for our good, in time and in eternity, and who would prescribe no duty to be done by us, which had not a happy tendency on society, requires strict veracity. It teaches us that truth between man and man, with which is inseparably connected faithfulness, is universally biding; obligatory at all times. It forbids all evil speaking and falsehood, from perjury down to all mental reservation, or equivocation. It allows us to depart from truth, on no occasion, even the most pressing, and from no temptation. How important a moral duty this is; and how necessary even to the existence of public happiness, all must be sensible, who give themselves leisure to reflect on the subject. What dependence can be placed, or safety had in the lying tongue, in perfidious treacherous men! When a man is habitually unfaithful, and pays no regard to truth, in his words, we can repose no confidence. There will be no binding power in an oath. In a multitude of cases, right cannot, therefore, be obtained.

Religion, also, requires strict justice, in the various dealings, among men, in every government. This includes, integrity, equity, honesty. The heart must be upright, and the whole of the conduct be regulated y inflexible righteousness. Justice between man and man is the pillar, on which rests the welfare of society. We may never be guilty of injustice and dishonesty to others: never oppress, extort from, or injure them: not in wish or act injure them in their good name, property, or right; all orders and classes of citizens are to observe all the laws of righteousness towards each other. JUDGES, on the BENCH, are to administer, impartially, without favor or affection, justice. The most of the laws indeed of society are to prevent dishonesty, and keep people upright in their intercourse with each other. So selfish, so full of malicious passions, is human nature, that even heavy penalties, exemplary punishment, and courts of justice cannot keep people from deviating from the rules of equity, in their connections in trade and business. A man, who has religion in his heart, will constantly and uniformly aim to walk in all HONESTY, as well as GODLINESS, though he may sometimes mistake the nature of justice; or through a selfish bias, or strength of temptation, be carried away from it. For no man is free from sin. How much to the honor, peace, and interest of the community, justice between man and man is, all must feel. An unjust and dishonest, cannot be long a flourishing and respected people. A national observance of strict equity will tend to prevent wars—bloodshed—and costly disputes; as well as to preserve national respectability, independence, and honor.—In a free, perfectly republican government, recourse by the citizens is too often had to the LAW and COURTS to decide on their claims. A litigious spirit should be discountenanced.

Religion, tends, further, to exalt a people, and to make them prosperous, as it censures and condemns all idleness, dissipation, excess, and vicious amusements; and requires of man INDUSTRY, in some lawful calling. It requires an attention to the duties of our several callings and stations, and a right improvement of all our time, talents, and opportunities to do good. How directly this contributes to wealth, and competency, to peace, contentment, and order, the least reflection is sufficient to convince us. Can a people be happy, or civil government be well supported, where idleness, murmurs, discontent, factions, vicious amusements, dissipation, debauchery, and luxury prevail? If a people or individuals would be either wealthy or virtuous, they must be industrious.—The prosperity of religion is, then, the prosperity of a nation.

We add, again—religion requires of all, humanity, kindness, candor, compassion to the poor, and all THE OFFICES of benevolence and tenderness. We are to be patient and forbearing under losses and injuries,–to be mild and forgiving in our temper,–to be gentle and condescending—to be obliging to all.—Conscious how often we ourselves offend—how liable to mistakes—to unreasonable prejudices, we shall feel how much we need candor from others. We are required, by our holy religion continually to exercise compassion to the poor;–sympathy to the afflicted;–kindness to the unfortunate;–patience to the forward;–humanity to all;–to think evil of no man without a justifiable cause;–to speak evil of no man unnecessarily;–to be bitter, malicious, and envious to no man;–to slander, abuse, oppress, and ill-treat no man: but to extend our good offices to all—and by a patient continuance in well-doing, to seek for glory, honor, and immortality. How happy does the practice of these mild and amiable virtues tend to make society, to sweeten the intercourse, and cherish the civilities and charities of human life!

The gospel, also, no less strictly and solemnly enjoins upon all classes and ranks, ruler and subject, high and low, the moral duties, which relate to self: sobriety, temperance, purity, and the due discipline of the passions. It never allows us to do anything with sobriety—the great duties of temperance, purity, meekness, and humility. The two Christian tempers of meekness and humility, would prevent anger, wrath, revenge, hatred, envy, pride, and all the violent passions; and of course would prevent all murder and dueling; crimes, of a scarlet color, though alas! fashionable, where the fear of God, and the love of a Redeemer have no place, or little influence. It cannot but be apparent to all, that the duties now mentioned, more than is generally conceived, contribute to secure one’s own, and to promote the happiness of others. A larger and fuller elucidation would prove the point before us, the beneficial influence of religion on civil government and national prosperity so as to stop the mouth, one would imagine, of the most bitter reviler of piety, and hardened gainsayer.

It is only subjoined, that religion has a powerful influence on public happiness and civil government, as it nourishes an ardent wish and desire to advance all useful arts, and the sciences. It is auspicious to everything, which can adorn life, or dignify human nature. It cannot be diffused, where there is no civilization or knowledge, or even exist. It, therefore, always consults how human learning may be promoted, and displays its excellence in the education of children and youth. The welfare of a nation rests much on the right education of children. As religion enlarges our views and expands the soul by the grandeur of its objects, and sublimity of its doctrines, so it affectionately regards the education of children.—It devises liberally for the teaching of the rising generation. It is unwearied in exertions for the public good. Peculiarly happy is OUR OWN STATE in having such ample provision for the education of the children of our citizens. And greatly have the legislature honored themselves by their attention to this important OBJECT. We cannot be long either a pious or free people, if this object be neglected.

It was the saying of a great orator and statesman of antiquity, “that the loss which the community sustains by a want of education, is like the loss which the year would suffer by the destruction of the spring.” If the bud be blasted, the tree will yield no fruit. If the springing corn be cut down, there will be no harvest. So if the youth be ruined through a fault in their education, the community sustains a loss which cannot be repaired. For it is too late to correct them, when they are spoiled. 3 Thus, plain is it that religion, free from superstition and enthusiasm, has a direct and powerful influence to secure and promote the public happiness, and to aid and bless civil government.

In the manner above illustrated, is Christianity propitious to the dearest interests of society. It prescribes rules to regulate the conduct and conversation of all, in every station, from the highest to the lowest. Its benevolent spirit wishes well to all; and requires all, to direct supremely their whole strength to promote the public good—to do as they would be done by—and forbids them to make self their chief end, on the pain of the divine displeasure, here and hereafter. What wise instructions does it give to all mankind, whatever be their station, to kings and subjects—to magistrates and people—to citizens and soldiers—to the church and world.—How important that we contemplate and adopt the means, by which free states may be happy. “Of the states called Republics, in ancient or modern times, all have lost their independence or ceased to exist, except the United States of America. As exhibiting to mankind one example of Republican government, we now stand alone on the globe, surrounded by ruins.” Were we to enquire into the decline of free states, we should find it owing to the general prevalence of vice among all classes of people, to luxury, voluptuousness, dissension, corruption in the exercise of the elective franchise, and boundless ambition, to a total disregard of religion.

The declarations of scripture are abundant to this purpose. If any should be inclined to doubt the friendly influence of true religion, an essential part of which are pure morals, on the public happiness, after all the arguments above advanced, they are requested candidly to weigh the proofs from the sacred pages. The text, and all the blessings and curses pronounced, in the verses next following, down to the 45th verse prove the doctrine. Hear the tender words addressed to the people of Israel on account of their neglect of God and his laws. O! that they were wise, that they understood this; that they would consider their latter end! How should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. Agreeably to this are the affecting words uttered by the Psalmist. O! that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways. I should have soon subdued their enemies, and turned mine hand against their adversaries. Their time should have endured forever. I should have fed them also with the finest of the wheat, and with honey out of the rock should I have satisfied them. What a rich promise is made in Isaiah?—Thus saith the Lord thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel, I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee to profit, which leadeth thee by the way thou shoudst go. O! that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! Then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea. Thy seed also had been as the sad, and thy name should not have been cut off, nor destroyed before me. See also the threatenings denounced by Jeremiah against a degenerate and corrupt people. Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not e towards this people; cast them out of my sight, and let them go forth. And it shall come to pass, if they say unto thee, whither shall we go forth, then thou shalt tell them, thus saith the Lord, such as are for death, to death, and such as are for the sword, to the sword, and such as are for the famine, to the famine, and such as are for the captivity, to the captivity. Thou hast forsaken me, saith the Lord, thou art gone backward; therefore will I stretch out my hand, and destroy thee; I am weary of repenting. A people are said to be happy, who have God, for their God. Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord. Righteousness is said to exalt, and sin to reproach a people. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach of any people. The happy effect to a people of virtuous rulers, and unhappy effect from wicked rulers are thus stated. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.—It is needless to recite more proofs from the word of God. Suffice it to say, that a wise and holy God, in his providence, conducts towards a people according to their treatment of him; and that the people of Israel were constantly prosperous or afflicted, as religion flourished or declined among them; and that he deals with all nations, to whom to whom he has revealed his will, in a similar manner. If we were called, to offer an apology for religion, before such an audience, the subject above discussed, would be the BEST: and, indeed, is an ample vindication of it against all the objections and cavils of infidelity. That it hath been, alas! abused to the purposes of superstition, and been employed to support ecclesiastical and civil tyranny, cannot be denied. But what blessing of heaven, has not often, by the corrupt passions of man, been abused?

Men and brethren, preserved by an indulgent Providence, in our various ways and stations, thro’ another year, while many of our friends 4 are removed by death from the theatre of the world, we have the opportunity of assembling on this joyful Anniversary, agreeably to the wise institution of our fathers, DEVOUTLY TO IMPLORE the blessings and smiles of Almighty God on the NATION, of which we are a part,–on OUR STATE—ON OUR RULERS—ON THE LGISLATURE—and ON ALL OUR CITIZENS.

And, let not the truths, to which we have been attending, be with us, mere speculation. Let us endeavor to reduce them to practice. Let us never suffer our political principles to clash with the principles of religion. Let us make it our supreme object to accept of the offered salvation, and obey the precepts of Jesus Christ, our divinely benevolent Redeemer, to believe the doctrines, and conform to the laws of his religion, and always seek the Lord, then he will be found of us: For public happiness is of him. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth. By so doing we shall draw down blessings on our nation, still more valuable, than we have already enjoyed. The blessings which we have enjoyed, are such as ought to inspire us with lasting gratitude to the great Author of every good and perfect gift, the wise RULER among the nations, who setteth up one, and pullet down another. Through the good hand of our God upon us, we enjoy yet our liberties, and a free, equal, republican government. The same spirit of rational liberty, removed far from all licentiousness; the same love of our country, the same desire to enjoy the blessings of both civil and religious freedom; which were so conspicuously manifested, when our independence was established, should still operate with the same vigor. The grand question, which is equally interesting to all, is how may this great nation be long free, prosperous and happy; our rights; civil and religious, be enjoyed by all classes of citizens; our favored republic be perpetuated; saved from the evils, which have overwhelmed all past republics, buried the people under oppression and tyranny, and left them to mourn the loss of that liberty, which they never could again recover. History faithfully records by WHAT MEANS, free states have been ruined. May we have wisdom to receive the lessons of experience. In the United States, we have a free government. Few nations have enjoyed the opportunity of taking up government, upon its first principles, and chusing that form, which is best adapted to their situation, and most productive of their public interests and happiness. The government of the United States approaches the nearest to the social compact of any that history can furnish. It is as well, or better, perhaps, calculated for promoting the happiness, and preserving the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens, than any ever yet framed by the wisdom of man. Placing liberty in the custody of the people, it wisely guards against anarchy and confusion, on the one hand, and tyranny and oppression on the other. It is framed upon an extent, not only of civil, but of religious liberty, unexampled in any other country. The sacred rights of conscience are so secured, that no citizen is molested on account of his religious profession and sentiments. How should this consideration endear it, to its citizens, and induce them to regard it with a veneration and affection, rising even to enthusiasm, like that which prevailed at Sparta and at Rome. Happy people whose lot has fallen to them in pleasant places, and who have a goodly heritage! Happy people! If we have wisdom and virtue to improve aright, the advantages which we enjoy! Blessed be God who hath isited and redeemed his people: who hath called them to liberty, and granted them a free government! We have attempted above, to prove from reason and scripture, what are the certain and infallible means of national glory and prosperity; of establishing and perpetuating public happiness; and these are the prevalence of religious and moral principles, and practices, piety and morality. The great object of civil rulers, of those who make laws, or administer justice, or preside over the public interests, from the chief magistrate to the lowest, should be to render, as far as possible, the state happy, to advance the public good, the order and well-being of society. Consulting the annals of every government and people, we shall find, that arms and wealth, have been considered by most nations, and most politicians as the principal means of securing to a people, national glory and happiness. Piety and morality have been generally overlooked. If the arguments above urged, be conclusive, the civil ruler will feel it his duty, to endeavor to make the people happy, by making them virtuous. Much may he do, by example, by promoting men of good moral and religious principles and lives. We have been happy, in having from the beginning, even to the present day, a series of chief magistrates, who have been not only an honor to the state, but ornaments to our churches. May such a series be still continued, of EXCELLENT MEN, and EXCELLENT RULERS. Not only those clothed with civil offices and power, but the ministers of the glorious gospel of the Son of God, may, in the light of this subject, see their duty. The object of their office is to promote the spiritual and eternal good of man, his well-being in this world, and his future blessedness. Their business is to minister in holy things, avoiding all subjects foreign to their sacred calling. It is our business to study and teach Christianity, and thus to promote the civil, as well as spiritual good of man. What a noble employment! To fidelity and zeal, the motives of religion call us; and, also, motives of regard to our country. From love to religion and the souls of men, from a regard to the prosperity of our state and land, let us diligently study the evidences, nature, doctrines and duties of Christianity, and inculcate them with all plainness, assiduity and perseverance.

A consideration that we have but a short period, in which to labor in the gospel ministry, may well animate us to greater, and still greater zeal. We cannot continue long by reason of death. Since the last anniversary of this kind, several of our brethren in the Christian ministry, in our state, have closed life, and been called off from their labors. Let us drop a tear over their memory, and prepare to follow them to the silence of the tomb! 5

All this numerous assembly are deeply interested in the truths which I have illustrated. Men and brethren—you cannot be happy as individuals, but in the way of piety and virtue. You have not only the motive of eternal happiness, to choose the Lord for your God, but the motives of the peace, good order and happiness of the people, as a body politic, and the general happiness of the state. In a republic, all authority is derived from the people; and such as they are generally, such will be their representatives, legislators and civil authority. In order for the prosperity, and even existence of a FREE GOVERNMENT, there must be virtue and good morals among the great body of the people.—Where the elective franchise is enjoyed, those who rule, will, in character, be the same as the ruled. Let all make it their first and highest concern, to devote themselves to a life of piety, to the fear, love and service of God. And remember, your day of probation is rapidly passing away. Soon, at the longest, you will all be removed from earth, and go down to the dust of death. It is, therefore, of infinite importance that you embrace the gospel, receive a Saviour, who died for you, and prepare for a blessed immortality. How glorious the end of true religion! How desirable its effects!

We are happy, in being now met together in this large assembly, on this great occasion, and, for the first time, in this beautiful, elegant, and magnificent temple of worship, erected at great expense, and by the commendable exertions of this people.—But before the next return of this Anniversary, how many, who are now here, will belong to the great congregation of the dead, and be fixed unalterably in their eternal state! Who—where now in this Assembly are the persons thus destined so soon to another world.—Ah!—we all must travel the same dark road of death. What one individual here present can say he is not one of this number? Are we all prepared for our eternal state? In that state we shall all be soon found, while other busy mortals like ourselves, will take our places on this stage of life.—Never—never shall we all meet together again, till we meet with the assembled universe, before the tribunal of our final Judge.

The God of all grace, enable us so to live, that we may, at that solemn period, be found on the right hand of our Judge, and by the sentence of his mouth, have our portion assigned us with the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven, with the spirits of just men made perfect, with an innumerable company of angels, with Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant, and with God the Judge of all.

Blessing and honor, and glory, and power be unto him that sitteth on the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. By what mysterious art did ancient Egypt subsist, with so much glory during the period of fifteen or sixteen ages? By a benevolence so extensive that he who refused to relieve the wretched, when he had it in his power to assist him, was himself punished with death; by a justice so impartial that their kings obliged the judges to take an oath that they would administer impartial justice, though they, the kings should command the contrary; by an aversion to bad Princes so fixed as to deny them the honors of a funeral; by entertaining such just ideas of the vanity of life as to consider their houses as Inns, in which they were to lodge, as it were only for a night; and their sepulchers, as habitations, in which they were to abide for many ages; for which reason, they united, in their famous Pyramids, all the solidity and pomp of architecture; by a life so abstemious that even their amusements were adapted to strengthen the body and improve the mind; by such a remarkable readiness to discharge their debts that they had a law, which prohibited the borrowing of money, except on the condition of pledging the body of a parent for payment; a deposit so venerable that a man who deferred the redemption of it was looked upon with horror; in a word, by a wisdom so profound that Moses himself is renowned in scripture for being learned in it.—See Diodorus, Siculus, and Herodotus, Liber 2—The Persians, also, obtained a distinguished place of honor, in ancient history, by considering falsehood in the most odious light, as a vice the meanest and most disgraceful; by a noble generosity, conferring favors on the nations they conquered, and leaving them to enjoy all the ensigns of their former grandeur; by an universal equity, obliging themselves to publish the virtues of their greatest enemies; by educating their children so wisely that they were taught virtue as other nations were taught letters. The children of the royal family and of the nobles were at an early period of life, put under the tuition of four of the wisest and most virtuous statesmen. The first taught them the worship of the gods; the second trained them up to speak the truth and practice equity; the third habituated them to subdue voluptuousness, and to enjoy real liberty, to be always masters of themselves and their own passions; the fourth inspired them with courage, and by teaching them how to command themselves, taught them how to rule over others.
The Romans founded their system of policy upon the best and wisest principle, the fear of the gods—See Montague’s Letters, a firm belief of diving superintending Providence, and a future state of rewards and punishments. Their children were trained up in this belief from tender infancy, which took root and grew up with them, by the influence of an excellent education, where they had the benefit of example, as well as precept. Hence we read of no heathen nation in the world, where both the public and private duties of their religion were so strictly adhered to and so scrupulously observed as among the Romans. They imputed their good or bad success to the observance or neglect of these duties, and they received public prosperity, or public calamities, as blessings conferred, or punishments inflicted by their gods. Though the ceremonies of their religion justly appear to us instances of the most absurd and most extravagant superstition, yet as they were esteemed the most essential acts of religion by the Romans, they must consequently carry all the force of a religious principle.—In his book on soothsaying, Cicero the great Roman Orator and Philosopher, speaking of his countrymen says, We neither exceeded the Spaniards in number, nor did we excel the Gauls in strength of body, nor the Carthagenians in craft, nor the Greeks in arts and sciences, but we have indisputably surpassed all the nations of the universe in piety and attachment to religion, and in the only point that can be called true wisdom, a thorough conviction that all things here below are directed and governed by divine Providence. To this principle alone he wisely attributes the grandeur and good fortune of his country. From this principle proceeded that respect for, and submission to their laws, and that temperance, moderation, and contempt for wealth which are the best defence against the encroachments of injustice and oppression. Hence too arose that inextinguishable love of their country, which, next to the gods, they looked upon as the chief object of veneration.—Cicero de officiis, This they carried to such a height of enthusiasm, as to make every tie of social love, natural affection, and self-preservation give way to this duty to their dearer country. Hence proceeded that obstinate and undaunted courage, that insuperable contempt of danger, and death itself, in defence of their country which completes the idea of the Roman character, as it is drawn by the historians in the virtuous ages of the republic. As long as the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans, weakened this principle of religion, and prepared them for the reception of Atheism, which is the never failing attendant on luxury. And thus by their rapid and unexampled degeneracy was brought on the total subversion of that mighty Republic.”

2. Witherspoon’s Lectures.

3. Belknap’s History of New-Hampshire.

4. And one from the council-board; Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, who in point of talents had few equals—who bore a distinguished part in our country’s cause and honors—and over whose memory who would not weep?

5. Five have departed life—Rev. Mr. Brockway, of Columbia. Rev. Mr. Rexford, of Huntington. Rev. Mr. Bray, of North Guilford. Rev. Mr. Eells, of North Branford. Rev. Mr. Enoch Pond, of Ashford.

Sermon – Fasting – 1808, Massachusetts


Thomas Thacher (1756-1812) graduated from Harvard in 1775. He was the minister of the 3rd Church in Dedham, MA beginning in 1780. Thacher was a member of the Massachusetts convention that ratified the U.S. Constitution. This sermon was preached on the annual fast day of Massachusetts on April 7, 1808.


sermon-fasting-1808-massachusetts

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S E R M O N

PREACHED AT THE THIRD PARISH IN DEDHAM,

APRIL 7, 1808.

THE DAY APPOINTED BY HIS EXCELLENCY

THE GOVERNOUR, FOR A DAY OF HU-

MILIATION AND PRAYER, THROUGH-

OUT THE COMMONWEALTH OF

MASSACHUSETTS.

By THOMAS THACHER, A. M.
MINISTER OF THE 3D PARISH IN DEDHAM.

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S E R M O N.

PSALM LXXXI. VERSE 11, 12.

But my people would not hearken to my voice; and Israel would none of me. So I gave them up to their own hearts’ lust, and they walked in their own counsels.

This language of the Almighty to his ancient people may with pertinence be applied to any nation, once eminent for piety, and dignified for the severity and correctness of their virtue, but degenerated into the extreme of impiety and licentiousness. Abandoned by their protector, and the influence of his wisdom being withdrawn, they will be exposed to the ruinous consequences of their passions, and will walk in their own counsel.

This melancholy case was exemplified in the history of the Jews, of whom the sacred records have given us many particulars. The spiritual and temporal benefits, conferred on them by the Supreme Being, the ungrateful returns on their part, the apostacy and declension of their national character, are facts delivered to posterity by the authority of inspiration, for the purpose of conveying instruction and reproof to mankind. From these we are informed that when they had filled up the measure of their iniquity, there were left to follow their own hearts’ lust, and end was made of their political existence; their country, the very soil of which had been sacred by the visits of the Deity and the exhibition of his supernatural power, became a theatre, as remarkable for extraordinary judgment and correction, as before for those mercies, which for a series of ages this nation had both received and abused.

Would to God, my fellow citizens, there were not a “fatal pertinence” in the words of the text to the people of the United States! Can we examine closely into their import without finding our traits and features of national character moral and religious so nearly delineated, that they are a natural picture, rather than a general resemblance? Have we not revolted in principle, as well as practice, against Religion and Morality? Do we not already feel from the effect of our national wickedness, that we are left to follow our own counsel? Are there not those omens of public death to be discerned at this day, which have been the precursor of destruction to other communities, once famous for religion and civil liberty, for arts and arms? Is it not feared, by the most wise and sagacious contemplating the wars and convulsions, which have recently changed the face of all civilized Europe, and reflecting on the danger and ruin, to which we are exposed, that the angel of fate, by command of the Eternal, is now winding up the last threads of our political duration? Doth not the pious and devout mind, observing the history of God’s moral providence, and comparing the same with the profaneness, licentiousness and almost total absence of moral principle, so obvious at this day, behold the handwriting on the wall, shewing how soon our destinies will be completed? Doth not he perceive from the signs of the times, the great and terrible voice of an angry Deity proclaiming through the land “Your end is come, and your days shall not be prolonged?

A short explanation of the text, an application of its sense and spirit to ourselves, inferred from existing facts, will furnish us with such considerations, as are proper and necessary for the solemnities of the day.

This Psalm was composed in the time of David, and it is very probable from several passages, that it was occasioned by some public festival, prescribed in their law, in which their 1 liberation from Egypt was celebrated. The divine goodness is particularly related in that event, in order to contrast it with their ingratitude and obstinacy. The charges made against them seem to be divided into two distinct articles; the first is, My People would not hearken to my voice; the second, though it seems synonymous in common language, yet implies a far higher grade of depravity, Israel would none of me.

The first related to the charge of idolatry, as you will see by the 9th and 10th verses. There shall be no strange God in thee, neither shalt thou worship any strange God. I am the Lord thy God, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt. We may also conceive that it refers to their neglect of the moral, positive and municipal laws of Moses, or in a word, to their violating every condition, on which their national happiness and prosperity was promised.

The second charge, uttered against them is, that Israel would none of me. From the very climax of the sentiment, we think that it implies, not merely coldness, neglect and practical disobedience, but it carries in its sense the very extreme of aversion and malignity. In the Greek translation, this clause may be thus rendered; Israel would give me no manner of attention. The sentiment in our common bible is however still stronger; it implies not only contempt but open hostility. Should the expression be used respecting an individual, it would indicate, that he has not only ceased to pay any respect to religion; but that he had a fixed and rooted hatred to it, and wished to expel it from the earth. So I gave them up to their own hearts’ lust, that they should follow or walk in their own counsels. A brief representation this of the final catastrophe of vice and impiety. Such men were left to suffer the natural and necessary consequence of individual and national crimes; this is a punishment as great, as in this state of things can possibly be inflicted. The Supreme Being has determined in the very laws of nature, that natural calamity shall be the result of moral evil, that an incorrigibly wicked man has an avenging fury in his own heart, awarding him, as the consequence of his sin and folly, evils more terrible than can be produced by any external enemy, however formidable, malignant or persevering.

An awful and affecting lesson is here presented to every member of the community, whether in his collective or individual capacity. While men pride themselves in their imaginary independence of all restraint and discipline, and while they trample under foot religion, virtue and decorum, they are but the executioners of divine vengeance on themselves, they are industriously procuring the wrath of heaven, so often expressed against the profligacy of mankind. In their corrupt and contaminated heart, the seeds of ruin and desperation are first of all originated and sown; the soil is fertile and the harvest will be abundant.

In the further consideration of the subject we shall,

1. Inquire, what duties are so plainly pointed out and enjoined by Heaven on nations, or rather on man in his collective capacity, that they may be properly called the voice of God.

II. Exhibit those marks of national disobedience and depravity, which demonstrate that the divine commands are totally neglected.

Under each of these, we shall intersperse such moral and practical reflections, as may arise on the subject.

1. We shall inquire, what national duties are so plainly pointed out by Heaven, that they may properly be called the voice of God.

1. The great and general obligations of religion are as binding on society, as on individuals. We do not intend by national religion, a system either of rituals or doctrine, prescribed by law, admitting persecution, and embracing intolerance. Nothing is more opposite to real piety, to the rights of conscience, and to the general happiness of man in society, than either pomp and ostentation in the manner of worshipping God, or a connection of religion and its external forms with the honors and the interests of this present world. Still, however we affirm, that the belief of the doctrines of religion is a necessary qualification for the practice of social duties. Associations ought to exist among men for the purpose of united worship; the external institutions of social worship, which men by long use and habit have made a medium for instruction, and for the cultivation of truth and moral duty, should be treated with reverence, and affectionately cultivated and protected. By their violation, the foundations of civil government are shaken, the mutual confidence of individuals weakened, and mankind, stripped of the greatest restraint on their passions, are prepared for the most atrocious crimes. I am aware that objections may be brought against the last named opinion; it will be said – that religion is a contract between God and the soul of every man, – that of this covenant, and fidelity in observing it, every man’s conscience is the sole and sovereign judge. –Men are to give an account of themselves hereafter personally to the Supreme Being for the actions performed in this life-Nations and communities exist only, as such, in the present world, and therefore man, in his collective relations, has nothing to do with religion-Therefore as civil government is confined entirely to objects relating to this present world, it can have no manner of right to enjoin religious duty, or to prescribe any rituals for national worship.

To these objections we briefly reply, that no religion ever did, or ever will exist in the world, but what has in some of its circumstances, required the union of several persons. It is equally certain without external religion, or some symbols of devotion of a corporal nature, that internal worship cannot exist. If then there be an obligation on man to worship God, and he be unable to perform this duty, without union and association; it will necessarily follow that an obligation on man exists as well in his social, as in his individual capacity.

The obligations to national religion are still greater, when we consider, 1st, its beneficent effects on the community; and, 2d, that it is the strongest chain, by which individuals are connected. No credit would be paid to an oath, were the existence of a God entirely disbelieved. Were we to eradicate the idea of rewards and punishments from the minds of men, crimes and enormities of the blackest dye would soon commence, which no human law could describe, nor any human power be able either to punish or detect. Destroy those two grand principles of religion, and neither faith nor honor will be left among mankind sufficient to admit of organized society. For it is not possible to conceive, that even a band of robbers, or a ferocious horde of savages could exist in any social connection, were all ideas of a future state, or of invisible powers controlling human actions entirely annihilated.

2d. To a people professing Christianity, not only the general institutions, but the positive precepts it enjoins, are a subject of such moment, as to be considered the voice of God. The essence of Religion is, we grant, superior to all external circumstances; but it is equally true that, where every form or ritual is abolished, every vestige of religion will be lost. If a tree with a good and deep root were constantly lopped of all its branches, as fast as they grew, it would as certainly perish, as if it were torn up by the roots. Man compounded of soul and body must worship God with each. And if he discard every aid to piety arising from his senses, he will find that none will finally exist in his understanding. The Almighty has told us he will be glorified not only with our spirit, but with our body; for both arise from the same cause, and are the property of the same original.

3d. The cultivation of private and public virtue, particularly those branches of it, which are of the utmost moment to society, is to be considered as an obligation of the first importance, and is therefore to be treated as the voice of God; and the same obligation exists, derived from the same source, that they should repel and discourage vice whether affecting individuals or society. Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is the reproach of any people. And it may here be observed, that every man, just, generous, temperate, industrious, brave and honorable is an important pillar of the community; on the other hand, every man, intemperate and lewd, corrupt and unprincipled, profligate and impious, is an enemy to his country, let his pretensions to patriotism be ever so great, and supposing his political principles are theoretically correct. Taking these last classes of men in the aggregate, they are a moth and a canker, which will greatly deface and injure, and eventually will destroy any free and happy government, in which they reside; more especially will they be able to effect this, if they, by their influence, consideration and example, induce the greater part of society to adopt their own depravity and corruption, and can cause the restraints of law, fear, shame and decorum to loose all their efficacy and moment.

Under the list of public virtues originating from divine authority is the duty of loving our country, commonly denominated patriotism. This consists in a manly, just, and independent spirit, exciting us to place the peace, honor, and prosperity of our proper nation on a level with that of our private fortunes, or should any rivalship or collision of interest exist between private and public good, a real patriot will sacrifice the former to the latter. This noble and benevolent affection, by no means consists in outrageous zeal for party, or intemperate and intolerant attachment to popular opinion; but is displayed by the patriot in a genuine, and constant regard to the best interests of public liberty, order, and a free constitution of government. He has no ambition to promote foreign conquest, nor that his country should rise to opulence and grandeur, by the tears and misery of the rest of mankind; but when his native soil is exposed to war and invasion from any foreign power, he has a head to conceive for the common good, a heart undaunted, and a stranger to fear, and a life to devote for the liberty and sovereignty of the whole.

4thly. Public manners are a care worthy a divine Lawgiver; the preservation of these in a pure and correct state is of such moment, that we find a great part of the political and municipal laws of Moses consisted in prescribing minutely private manners to the people of Israel as the voice of God. That sacred code so blended manners with religious ceremonies, that they can scarcely be separated. The same method and attention has been paid by every wise Legislator acting only by human authority; and it is evident from the history of all civilized nations, that all wise rulers place the importance of public manners on the same grade, with that of their morals and religion. Chastity and simplicity have held the first rank in social duties; pomp and luxury have been discouraged, next to prohibition, in every free Government. Age, fortified by dignity and character, in such societies demands reverence and attention from the young. Youth ought ever to be decorated with the graceful blush of modesty, nor ever to appear audacious and obstreperous, unless acting in the field against the enemies of their country. Private fortunes, obtained by bad arts, should be viewed with disgrace; poverty, contracted by beneficence and patriotism, should ever be an object of affectionate veneration. Monuments of gratitude to public benefactors ought to be erected, nor should the popular influence of envy and worthlessness ever be permitted to defame their memory. That fame and honor offered to those, who, by the sacrifice of life and fortune for their country, have merited permanent applause, is a great incitement to virtue, and is the parent of noble deeds and splendid patriotism in posterity. These are maxims sanctified by the wisdom, and confirmed in a very direct manner by the voice of the Deity. We see from contemplating this part of the subject, that manners are of a more importance than laws, because that the former have a more imperious influence in society.

We shall proceed now to the

II. General head of discourse; to exhibit those marks of national depravity and disobedience, which demonstrate, that the divine commands are both neglected and resisted. Here I take the liberty to premise, that in applying the remarks in the test to our own country, that I wish not to be considered, as designing any party of personal reflections. It has been my constant aim and care to avoid political acrimony; the maxims about to be introduced are of high weight and moment; they existed and have been promulgated to mankind many years before our country existed, and carry with them those marks of truth, which demonstrate their divine original.

I shall not, in attempting to support this proposition, draw a contrast between the present generation and former periods, of our national history, nor occupy your time in inveighing against innocent amusements and recreation, as is customary with some public teachers of religion on this occasion; though I think that in regard to piety, pure morals, simple and industrious virtues we should suffer very much by a comparison with our forefathers; yet they, it must be owned, were disposed to be unnecessarily severe and uncharitable in minute affairs. No rational benevolent man could wish to see that spirit and principle revived, which banisheth innocent, social delights, and places insignificant pastimes in the same grade of moral turpitude, as the vilest crimes committed by man. There is superior evidence of serious and alarming vice, of profligacy, infidelity and irreligion to engage our attention; we shall therefore proceed.

1. To examine the state of religion among us, as it relates to society. Let me then ask if a coldness and indifference to religion, both in its form and essence, be not so plain and obvious a characteristic of our nation, that no man of sense and observation would hesitate to affirm the fact? Has not the same progressed to open contempt and disgust at sacred rituals and institutions? Is it not evident the churches are thinly attended, and the Sabbath treated as an ordinary part of time, I add not unfrequently devoted to labour or amusement? Have not days, set apart for public humiliation or gratitude been openly and ostentatiously perverted to purposes foreign from their design? Have not associations of men for promoting religion and morality been treated both with severe acrimonious opposition, and with scurrilous malignity? We do not assert, but that in such a debilitated state of religion its forms and ceremonies may exist for a small space of time; but, like the names of men inscribed on tombs and monuments, those few and feeble traits will every day be less perceptible, till, to the next generation, they will be known only by history and report.

To all those last named signs of declension and apostacy, should we add, there is a prevailing spirit of profanes and infidelity exciting men to deride the divine authority of revealed religion, and to assault, with virulent abuse and rancorous defamation, the sacred characters, whose lives and actions are recorded in the scripture, what is to be expected will be the fate of religion among us? Are not these subjects treated with indecorous levity on many occasions both by age and youth? Doth not assuming ignorance feel competent to decide on them, without so much as affecting either cool reasoning or an appeal to common sense? Cannot instances be produced, in which religion itself is the song of the drunkard, and the mirth of those obstreperous fools, who make a mock at sin? Will not religion itself, both in form and essence, be soon eradicated, and the community retain no more of it, than their Christian name?

2. From the state of religion, let us next proceed to contemplate our moral character as a nation.

That we may condense and abbreviate, this subject, as much as possible, we shall omit the enumeration of smaller faults, more especially those of a private nature, and examine into our deficiency, in respect to public virtues, and into those crimes and follies, too well known to exist among us, which in their very nature bring confusion and ruin on society. And here we observe first of all, that truth and justice are cardinal virtues, and the exercise of them essential to the existence of society in a happy and civilized condition. We here limit our ideas of truth to that branch of it, in which a nation is most importantly interested, i.e. in relating facts as they really exist; that the same principle be equally observed toward an enemy as a friend; that from no sinister motive should we allow ourselves to violate truth for the sake of degrading a rival or an opponent, nor yet for establishing one, whom we consider as a useful partisan. We define justice, or as it is more commonly called honor (in the restricted sense we here use the word) as consisting in exhibiting candour towards a political adversary; we go further and affirm that the same principle is to be observed towards national enemies, except in cases, where direct self preservation may suspend its exercise. Not only ought all falsehoods to be discountenanced; but in common instances there ought to be fair opportunity given an opponent that he may disavow principles and conduct injustly ascribed to him, nor should we give our assent until facts are proved against him, either by clear testimony, or by such probabilities and inferences, as render the charge supported beyond question.

It will at once be admitted, that in no country on earth has this branch of truth been more grossly and shamefully violated, than in the United States; more especially do I refer to the abominable desperate falsehoods uttered by party in the intrigues of an election. I do not wish to have this applied to one party in particular, but to all. In exercising our highest acts of sovereignty, we are not uncommonly influenced by those, who from sinister motives and party rage, propagate, at the time of election, not only wicked misrepresentation and deception, but bare faced lies, without a shadow of foundation. By these not the political character, but the private morality of an obnoxious candidate is outrageously attacked. When the turn is served and a good man removed from office, the wretch, who was the author, has no other apology to make, than that the end sanctifies the means, that the lie was successful and custom and the depravity of public opinion have ceased to censure the crime, and eventually it becomes a subject not of compunction, but of triumph. May we not expect, that when conduct like this is countenanced, that it will totally destroy the oral sense in all political transactions, that it will eventually excite such ferocious passions in the heart, as will be the parent of civil war, and its concomitant calamities? However men may contaminate their own character, and justify wickedness, from necessity; yet the nature and fitness of things remain the same, the command of God is, that we never should do evil that good may come. Thus saith the Lord, trust ye not in lying words; but speak ye truth every man of his neighbor.

If, in the next place we examine into the state of justice or honesty as relating to individuals, a disgusting picture of our public morals will be presented. How often are debts of justice, honor and gratitude neglected, when no human law compels their payment? How often, from a base mercenary love of pelf, will men take every advantage of their neighbor? Every day we live develops some new base unprincipled wretch, who has lost all shame at vice, as well as all fear of God. Men of this description are at present far worse, than formerly—They then were corrupt and fraudulent in practice, they are now so in principle. The abandoned, after successful villainy, skulked in the corners of our streets, they now walk abroad at noon-day. The number of the guilty, not only prevent them from being excluded from the civilities of life, but even render them a horde too formidable for solitary virtue to oppose.

From the last mentioned evil, i.e. the defect of moral honesty, others have arisen as a necessary consequence; we here refer to the prevalence of luxury, false taste, and expensive amusements; these have pervaded every corner of our country. From whence it has happened, that there is little of moderation visible in private families and common life; the demand of fashion and example obliges every man to such expense, as his private circumstances can very ill admit. Hence it is, that many are clothed in purple and fine linen and fare sumptuously every day at the expense of their creditors, and of truth and honor-that palaces have every day arisen in our populous towns on the site of the humble dwellings of our fathers; from the same source we may trace the ruin and infamy of many individuals as well as families. From the same affection to grandeur and equipage we may place the numerous calamities and infamy occurring both to the old and to the young-to the debtor and to the creditor. How frequent is it that when the head of a family is taken away by death in the midst of life and business, we see so many widows and orphans shedding tears of despair! They once lived elegantly and deliciously, but in one hour are stripped of all comfort and consideration, and pass to the extreme of poverty and dependence. It is from the same madness for acquiring sudden wealth, that the slow and moderate gains of humble industry are despised, that recourse is so often had to swindling and fraud, and that so many young men, possessed of enterprising energetic minds, devote their talents to pursuits, highly infamous, and flagrantly dishonest. We may place to the same account the small estimation, in which good men are held, who have sacrificed their time, happiness and fortune to the public good, and are obliged to recur to some humble condition in society for support. They are despised because they would not become rich by crimes; and their honorable poverty is ascribed to a want of energy and of a knowledge of the world.

Let us next attend for a moment to the circumstances of domestic life, from whence a picture may be drawn of our national manners, dark and deformed. The want of family government and the impetuous temper and manners of the young augur sad and dreary events to our country. The character of many of them at the present day seems to exemplify the last clauses in the text, so I gave them up unto their own hearts lust, that they should follow their own counsel. At how early life do we see children usurping the privileges and assuming the manners of men? Not merely despising, but treading into the dust their aged and venerable parents? Instead of submitting with reverence and fear to their commands, they not uncommonly, by their boisterous passion and manners, force them to many things against their own inclination and judgment. What numbers are there, who appear neither to fear God nor regard man, who very plainly show the connection existing between bad principles and corrupt morals! Of these how many have ruined themselves and their families by intemperance, fraud and dishonorable profligacy! Some of this abandoned class of citizens have brought down the grey hairs of their aged parents with sorrow to the grave. How many do we see young in years, yet old in constitution, who, given up to their own hearts lust, have early progressed to decrepitude and decay!

The spirit of discord and party rage existing at the present day affords to the pious mind another argument, that we are left to follow our own counsel. What a spirit of jealousy, censure and malignity have pervaded every order and grade in society! This furious ungoverned temper has insinuated itself into all the transactions of private life. It has long ago entered the walls of our senate house, and has advanced to all the primary assemblies of the people. Wherever it has been introduced it shuts men’s ears against hearing truth, and blinds, by falsehood and unconquerable obstinacy, their understanding when light and conviction are presented. By this pestilential fiend all benevolence and candour are erased from the minds of good men towards each other when they hold different opinions, she breaks into the recesses of private life, poisons the very source and fountain of domestic happiness, and overturns decorum as well as all the charities of life. These seeds of animosity thus sown, and the plentiful crop already produced are, and ought to be a subject of infinite regret to every true patriot. But when he considers how near our country is approaching to a foreign war, how much are his painful apprehensions increased! I tremble even to contemplate what such an event would produce. What little confidence have the parties in each other, and how many virulent head strong men would prefer the standard of the enemy to that of fighting under an opposite faction? To expose the weakness and divisions of our country would be highly criminal in one of our own citizens, did not the facts appear clear as the noon day sun. If these facts were not confirmed by every diurnal gazette, by every public meeting of the citizens; yet still there are enough hardened, abandoned wretches, who from revenge, from corruption, and the most criminal malignity against their native land, would announce the same to foreign nations. In the language of inspiration, every good man ought to wish that we were wise, that we properly estimated these evils, and would consider our latter end.

The above named evils existing among us, have originated more properly from our own misconduct, than any misfortunes from any foreign cause; but to these may be enumerated the external depredations on our trade, by which all commerce is at an end. We do not mean here to implicate or impeach the conduct of our national rulers. Respect and honor for those, who guide our affairs oblige us to suppose they were driven to the measure by imperious necessity. Still however it must be considered, as a great and terrible calamity. Never, since the Boston post bill in 1774, have our public affairs worn a darker aspect. The transition from the highest degree of national prosperity and private opulence to a total stagnation of business, the sources of wealth excluded from the rich, that of employment from the poor, are circumstances so painful to the benevolent mind, hat it cannot wish to dwell long on the subject. The only consolation of the good man is, that while convulsions shake the natural and moral world, the Lord God omnipotent reigneth; the wrath of man will praise him, and the remainder of that wrath will he restrain. We hope that the foundations of liberty, of religion, of order and human happiness, though convulsed, will never be rooted up from this land either by the rude hand of a tyrant, or by the licentiousness of the people. We cannot suffer ourselves to believe that a country so highly favored of heaven, so protected in various examples, is reserved to glut the wealth, and satisfy the ambition of a despotism encircling the rest of the world. Should it be however the will of the Eternal, that our country must fall, that the knell will be sounded to summon us to the funeral of its liberty and independence, let it be our care, that in addition to the portion of common calamity we receive, we may not have the burden of a guilty conscience; but that each of us may be able to lay his hand on his heart and protest, in the presence of Almighty God, that he has omitted no known public duty, and that he never has, by avarice, ambition, negligence or party zeal, contributed to the debasement and ruin of his country.

While therefore,

On bended knees we invoke the forgiveness of that Deity we have offended, while we ask his blessing on our soil, and a continuance of his former kindness; let us humble ourselves before him for our national sins, and resolve on public reformation; let this day dismiss from our hearts every passion inconsistent with the common good. May a spirit of sagacity direct our public councils; may a sublime patriotism succeed that ferocious zeal for party, which, in this threatening aspect of affairs, is more fatal to our existence, as an independent nation, than a foreign enemy, brave and well armed, consisting of one hundred thousand men. May every member of the community after satisfying his conscience what his duty to his country is, perform it without regard to the fear of man. May our country be the first object of our earthly affection; at its sacred call, may every valuable enjoyment, as well as life itself, be devoted. We will not cease therefore to pray, that God will spare his people, and not give his heritage to reproach; that he will rebuke the Devourer for our sake, nor suffer any impious hand to overturn the beautiful fabric of civil liberty and human happiness erected in this land. For Zion’s sake we will not hold our peace, nor for Jerusalem’s sake we will not be silent, till her light go forth as brightness, and her salvation, as a lamp that burneth.

oliver Ellsworth

Sermon – Eulogy – 1807


The following sermon was preached by Rev. Henry Rowland at the funeral of Oliver Ellsworth – a member of the Continental Congress and a Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court.


sermon-eulogy-1807

A

SERMON,

OCCASIONED BY THE DEATH, AND DELIVERED

AT THE FUNERAL OF THE

HONORABLE

OLIVER ELLSWORTH Esq. L.L.D.

WHO DIED NOVEMBER 26TH, 1807.

IN THE SIXTY-THIRD YEAR OF HIS AGE.

BY HENRY A. ROWLAND,
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN WINDSOR.

A FUNERAL SERMON.

PSALM XXXIX. 9.

I was dumb, I opened not my mouth; because thou didst it.

DIVINE mercies and chastisements are so promiscuously distributed to men in the present state, that we cannot, by their outward circumstances in life, determine their real character.

David, though a man after God’s own heart, was distressed with outward afflictions and inward terrors – yet he resolved he would not utter a word which would appear as a reflection on God and his Providence. After making some observations on the brevity of human life, he resolved to exercise fortitude under every trial, and to seek for happiness, in the enjoyment of God. In order to this he prayed for pardon, and professed submission to the divine will. “I was dumb; I opened not my mouth; because thou didst it.” He was silent as to murmuring or repining against God or his Providence. When he looked to instruments only, he was discomposed and spake unadvisedly. But when he looked upon God, as he sovereign disposer of all things, he was silent.

It is our duty, under all the trials of life to lie in humble submission before God.

This will appear if we consider

I. God is the rightful owner and proprietor of all things.

II. It is our duty to submit when he takes our comforts away.

I. God is the rightful owner and proprietor of all things, and therefore has a sovereign right to dispose of them. By his almighty word he brought the world and all things in it into existence. The earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof. He hath made us and not we ourselves. He supports that life which he has given us – for “in him we live, and move, and have our being; and in him are all our ways.”

It is he who sets the solitary in families, and makes a hedge about their dwellings. His blessing it is, which makes their habitations the residences of peace and happiness. Without it, every relation in life would be a snare, and every blessing would be embittered; we should have no capacity for enjoyment in the fullness of earthly good. When he sees fit, he can, with the utmost ease, draw a melancholy veil over all our worldly prospects, and bring on us such a train of disasters, as will fill our souls with anguish, and cause us to go mourning all our days. God is our rightful owner, because he hath created us. The Creator hath surely a right to the work of his own hands. He upholds us in being; and, therefore, has a right to that which could not exist a moment without his supporting power. He has endowed us with rational souls, which are capable of knowing and serving him. He therefore justly claims our love, gratitude and obedience.

He hath redeemed us by the precious blood of his own Son – and therefore we are not our own, but his; for we are bought with a price.

We have abused our rational powers, and have not known, nor served God aright. Our knowledge and services have been confined to the earth. Our health and ease have been improved to selfish purposes. The glorious Saviour has been refused the dominion of our hearts, and our lives have not been consecrated to God.

As we have forfeited these blessings, God has a right to take them away.

Further – All our outward comforts are from God. It is he who feeds and clothes us, provides for us comfortable habitations, and raises up for us friends and benefactors. It is he who has constituted the nearest and most intimate of all connections, and made them subservient to each other’s happiness. He formed their mutual joy and congratulations in prosperity, the united participation of which increases their delight, and their mutual sympathy, while under the frowns of providence. These tender sensibilities and mutual participations, tend to alleviate the sorrows of life, and to render those adverse scenes tolerable, which would, otherwise, with difficulty be borne. It is he who, in our children, causes us to be born again, makes them a comfort to us, and a blessing to the world. In receiving these bounties of divine Providence, we have considered them as our right, rather than as a free gift, and have murmured that we received no more. We have improved them for our own gratification, rather than to promote our gratitude and piety. We are commanded to remember God in all the common actions of life, and to have an ultimate regard to his glory. “Whether ye eat, or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God.”

Our friends and relatives were given to promote our present comfort and spiritual joy; to help each other in the way to heaven. But how have we forgotten God in these creature comforts, and loved the creature more than the Creator! God is just, then, when he withholds the bounties of his providence, and dries up the streams of earthly comforts. The abuse of his mercies is a just cause for their removal. The great Father of the universe has often merciful designs, when he strips us of creature enjoyments, that we may cease leaning on them, and choose him for our portion.

II. It is our duty to submit to God’s will when he takes away our comforts. As a Sovereign he has a right to dispose of all things according to his own pleasure. He is not obliged to give account of his doings. Though as a Sovereign he has a right to do as he pleases; his infinite justice and equity will cause him to do all things, in the best manner. He will do no injury to his creatures: He will do right. His throne is established in righteousness – justice and judgment are the habitation thereof. We are bound to submit to him as a Sovereign God. This is the requirement of the gospel. The want of it occasions disquietude, leaves us a prey to fierce and turbulent passions, and the reproaches of a guilty conscience.

The opposition of the heart to the divine Sovereignty, occasions all our murmuring and discontent. It is this which keeps us away from Christ, and causes him to withhold the blessings and consolations of the gospel. This stubbornness of heart, if continued, will prevent the salvation of the soul.

Under a sense of our sinfulness, we are willing to receive the comforts of religion, but are not disposed to receive them as a sovereign gift. The heart opposes the divine government in all its operations, whether exercised in temporal, or spiritual and eternal blessings. This is our unhappiness and our guilt. We ought to lie in humble submission before God, be willing that he should order all the circumstances of our lives, continue the blessings which we enjoy, or take them away just as he pleases. When he visits us with prosperity, we should rejoice in him with holy joy, and let the gratitude of our hearts be manifested in the praises of our lips, and obedience of our lives. When he visits us with the rod, and draws a melancholy veil over all our worldly enjoyments, we should be humble before him, repent of our sins, and be anxious to reform what has been amiss in us.

The days of prosperity are but few, and then come the evil days. Our families are for a time flourishing, our children like olive plants around our tables. But soon the scene is reversed – one misfortune treads on the heels of another – sickness and death enter our dwellings – a beloved child, which we fondly hoped would comfort us, or the dear companion of our days is taken away. Our joys are succeeded by sorrows: our pleasing prospects, by melancholy gloom.

In these painful trials, we should be submissive to God. It is he who orders them, and has a right so to order. This is the time for the trial of our submission. There is no trial when things go well with us, and our wills are not crossed. True submission will make us resigned in adversity, as well as in prosperity, when our friends are taken away from us, by death, as well as when they are about us. Of this Christian virtue, we have many scripture examples.

When the sons of Aaron were consumed by fire from heaven, and in an act of wickedness, far from murmuring or faulting the divine dealing, it is said, “Aaron held his peace.” When good old Eli was informed of the ruin which was coming upon his house, he received it with meekness: and in the language of great submission, said, “It is the Lord, let him do what seemeth him good.” He was submissive when the trial came: his faith and patience held. When intelligence was brought him that his sons were slain in battle, though we may well suppose his heart was sorely wounded, he was not overwhelmed. So much greater was his regard for the honor of God, than his own interest, that when he heard that the ark of God was taken, so violent was the shock, he fell backward from his seat and died.

Our regard for the honor of God should outweigh all other concerns. When under the rod, we must feel the stroke: but we may feel deeply wounded and yet submit. Submission does not imply an indifference to earthly concerns, nor a hard, unfeeling heart toward our distressed and dying friends. This is not submission, but a reprehensible apathy. There must be a trial, or there is no room for the exercise of the virtue; nor will the affliction be followed by a religious improvement. It will serve to harden the heart more and more.

Job was heavily afflicted, and most sensibly felt the rod. He appeared to all about him, a forlorn and distressed object, as he really was. And yet under his accumulated load of trials, the loss of his property, the death of his children, the painfulness of disease, he opened not his mouth against God, but submissively said, “Shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil? The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord.”

In a review of this subject we observe, if God has a sovereign right to order and dispose of all things according to his pleasure, how wrong do we to murmur, and find fault with his dispensations! To this sin we are exceedingly prone. We complain when divine dispensations do not agree with our views and feelings. We cannot bear to be crossed. How guilty are we to oppose the government of God! How unwise, also, when our opposition will not alter the divine determinations! God’s government is just, and he will do according to his pleasure. We are weak, short-sighted creatures, and know not what is best: but God is infinitely wise. He not only knows what is best, but the infinite goodness of his nature will lead him to do all things in the best possible manner. We ought, therefore, cheerfully, to trust him with all our concerns, and in our afflictions, to cast our care on him.

Many are the trials to which we are called – many and great the disappointments which we must meet. They are the common lot of humanity, and cannot be avoided. But all will end well, if the temper and disposition of our hearts are right. For, all things shall work together for good to them that love God, and are called according to his purpose.

Dreadful indeed will it be for those who despise God’s chastening, and do not tremble under the rod. They are in great danger of being given up of God to a hard heart and a blind mind.

God makes use of mercies to bring men to repentance. When these do not answer the designed effect, he visits with affliction – and after much long-suffering he sometimes withholds his chastening and says, “Why should ye be stricken any more, ye will revolt more and more.”

Let all who are afflicted be earnestly engaged at the throne of grace, that they may answer the design of the affliction. O ye who are “tossed with tempests and not comforted,” see where your help lies! Are any afflicted, let them pray. Look to God for instruction and comfort. Fly to him as the only rest for your souls. In this way you may derive good, from the evil which you endure.

Have you been called to the painful trial of parting with dear friends? And does the world look gloomy about you on this account? Be silent before God, and open not your mouths, in complaint, because he has done it.

If earthly friends forsake you, make it your great concern to obtain an heavenly friend. His friendship will be sincere and permanent, he will never leave nor forsake you. In him you may securely trust amidst all the storms and tempests of life. Though they beat upon, they shall not move you from your anchor of hope. Through these tribulations, thus improved, you shall enter into the kingdom of heaven.

Before I quit this subject, it will, naturally, be expected that I take a special notice of the holy and afflicting providence which hath called us together this day.

A particular delineation of the character of the deceased I shall leave to some abler hand. The short notice and unusual parochial duties, have rendered it impossible for me to do justice to his character, and to answer your expectations.

All that I shall attempt, will be but a brief sketch of his character.

The Honorable Oliver Ellsworth, whose breathless remains are now before us, was born in this town on the 29th day of April, in the year of our Lord 1745. He graduated at Princeton College in New-Jersey, in the year 1766. 1 Soon after this, he became a Counsellor at Law, and in his profession was highly distinguished. He discovered uncommon genius and deep erudition. He was an able advocate; and when convinced of the rectitude of his cause, he pursued it with unwearied diligence. His arguments were strong and convincing; his language persuasive.

Abilities so distinguished could not be concealed from the public eye. In the arduous and doubtful conflict with England, and when our country was enwrapped in the deepest gloom, the united voice of the citizens called him to act in a more distinguished station – and at an early age he was chosen a member of Congress. At the conclusion of our revolutionary war, when our public affairs wore an aspect of gloom and perplexity, for want of an efficient government, he was again summoned, by the voice of the people, to a Convention for the purpose of forming a constitution of civil government. In this he bore a distinguished part.

In the State Convention, for the adoption of this constitution, he was equally distinguished, and by the force and energy of his arguments, became invincible.

The public mind, too deeply sensible of his worth, to suffer him to enjoy domestic ease, renewed its call to take a distinguished part in the administration of that government, of which he had been so able an advocate, and appointed him a member in the Senate of the United States. Here was a field for the display of his great abilities, and he was generally acknowledged to be one of its most influential members.

Called from this, into the judiciary, and to the chief seat in the Supreme Court of the general government, he displayed a firmness and integrity, which did honor to himself and to his country.

When the public concerns were again perplexed, on account of subsisting difficulties with the French nation, he received the appointment of Ambassador to that country. Though contrary to the feelings of his heart, he accepted he appointment and high responsibility, quitted his family and country, to encounter the hardships and dangers of the seas. The success with which his embassy was attended, all can witness. The treaty which was formed received the public approbation. In this undertaking he laid the foundation for all those distressing infirmities which have with such violence preyed upon him, and enfeebled his constitution. Unable to return to his native land when his negotiation was completed, he was obliged to seek an amelioration of his complaints, in a neighboring kingdom.

Since his return to the land of his nativity, though he has been called to an elevated station in the State Legislature, he declined accepting the chief seat in the Judiciary. His bodily infirmities and distressing pains, together with the death of his eldest son, 2 greatly embittered his comforts. His constitution became gradually weakened, and after a short and painful confinement, death closed the scene.

Mr. Ellsworth received the highest collegiate honors, being admitted to a degree of Doctor of Laws. He was one of the Trustees of the Missionary Society; was honored with elevated stations and important trusts, both in the State, and general governments; in all which he acquitted himself with dignity and reputation.

He was a lover of the peace and order of society; one that respected the public institutions of Christianity; a professor of the religion of Jesus from his youth; a constant attendant on the worship of God in his sanctuary, and on the sacrament of the Lord’s supper.

In private life he was regular and strictly temperate. In his intercourse with men, he was social, easy of access, and from the improvement of his mind, and that fund of useful knowledge which he possessed, his conversation was improving and highly entertaining.

In his last confinement, the severity of disease produced a derangement of mind, and prevented those counsels which his family and friends desired to receive. In this state of mind he concluded his days on earth, and gently fell asleep, we trust, in Jesus, in the 63d year of his age.

If in the death of this great man, the public has sustained a heavy loss, his family and connections have sustained a much heavier. They have reason to mourn. But they mourn not as those who are without hope.

With the solitary widow and fatherless children, we drop the tear of condolence. We feel for you under this heavy bereavement. May you be disposed to adopt the language of Job, under the most accumulated afflictions, “The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away, and blessed be the name of the Lord.” And of the text, “I was dumb, I opened not my mouth; because thou didst it.”

Once you could pray, “Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me.” But that season is gone, and will return no more. All that remains now is to say, “Father, thy will be done,” and make him your refuge in the day of trouble. If you trust in him, and obey his commandments, he will cause light to arise out of darkness, and sweeten your afflictions, with the consolations of his holy spirit. May God kindly mitigate your grief, and wipe away your falling tears. To the great Comforter of the afflicted, we commend you. May he cause this affliction, how severe so ever it may seem, to work for your good. Let the children remember the counsels of love which they have received from the lips of their father. Remember his prayers. And by these, may he, though now dead, yet speak effectually to you. Follow him in all that he followed Christ.

The church of Christ, and the Society usually assembling in this house, are called to mourn the loss of an important member. Seek the Lord that he would raise up others to stand in the place of the fathers, and espouse his cause.

The Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Council of this State will feel their hands weakened, by the loss of one, who was able in counsel. Let them remember, the most distinguished offices and highest honors from men, will not secure from death. Let them be excited to look to God for all needed counsel and direction.

Let all who are afflicted, rely on a gracious God for support. He is the great healer of breaches, and comforter of the afflicted. In him the wretched may find a friend, who will never leave nor forsake them.

Earthly friends are dying comforts, but the Lord liveth forever. Those who trust in him, though plunged in a sea of trouble, and tossed on tumultuous billows, shall find a deliverer. He will carry them safely through, and bring them to the haven of rest and peace. Oh! How comforting the thought to the children of God in their distresses! But those who are not his by a spiritual regeneration, may derive benefit from their afflictions. Come, return to the Lord, he hath “torn, and he will heal, he hath smitten, and he will bind” up your wounds. Loud and piercing are his calls. They have reached your hearts – O, let them melt under the rod and submit. Give yourselves no peace until you can say, “thy will be done.” This is the only peace which you can obtain. It will calm your tumultuous thoughts, and give sweet serenity to your souls. But if you fly from God and seek to drown your troubles in the cares and vanities of the world, you may harden your hearts, but cannot enjoy true peace.

Let this numerous assembly consider themselves addressed in a loud and solemn manner. My brethren, we are all, in this providence, admonished of our frailty. The time of our dissolution is at hand. We shall soon be consigned to the grave. But short will be our slumber there. We shall hear the sound of the last rump and arise! We must stand at the judgment-seat of Christ! Our state will be decided for eternity! How solemn the thought! Awful, if found unprepared! But happy and glorious, if found clothed with the righteousness of Christ! We shall enter the New Jerusalem, and no more go out – and God will wipe all tears from our eyes. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. He was married to Miss Abigail Wolcott, daughter of the Hon. William Wolcott, Esq. of East-Windsor, in the year 1772, by whom he had six sons and three daughters.

2. Oliver Ellsworth, jun. an amiable and promising youth, who after finishing his Collegiate education, accompanied his father in his Embassy to France. Soon after his return his health became impaired, and after a gradual decline, he died in the 25th year of his age.

Sermon – Election – 1807, Massachusetts


This election sermon was preached by Rev. William Bentley in Boston on May 27, 1807.


sermon-election-1807-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

BEFORE

THE GOVERNOR,

THE

HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND

BOTH BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

ON THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 27, 1807.

BY WILLIAM BENTLEY, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE SECOND CHURCH IN SALEM.

BOSTON:

PRINTED BY ADAMS AND RHOADES, PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

1807.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, May 28, 1807.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Jonathan Maynard, William Gray, and Azariah Egleston, Esquires, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. William Bentley, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Discourse delivered by him yesterday, before his Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, and both Branches of the Legislature, and request of him a copy thereof for the press.

Copy of Record,
JNO. D. DUNBAR,
Clerk of the Senate.
AN ELECTION SERMON.

DEUTERONOMY, xxxiii. 3.

YEA, HE LOVED THE PEOPLE; ALL HIS SAINTS ARE IN THY HANDS, AND THEY SAT DOWN AT THY FEET; EVERY ONE SHALL RECEIVE OF THY WORDS.

We refer to the Hebrew scriptures, for political, united with religious reflections, as their government combined these two objects, which the Christian scriptures do not. The religious sentiments of all ages, and the nature of all religious establishments, as well as the example of the primitive settlers of New-England, have concurred in recommending the appropriate devotions of this day. But this authority extends only to received forms of devotion, which are adapted most freely to express the public consent, or may concur to assist it. The less it is a maxim of state to direct ecclesiastical affairs, and the less the state interferes with the private judgment of the man, who exercises such functions, the more surely will an ingenuous man be cautious, that the liberty he enjoys, should be sacred to the prosperity of the state, which protects him. The privileges he possesses, belong not to his opinions, but to his patriotism; not to him as a man, but as a citizen. His freedom of speech belongs to the interest he has in the public happiness, in the laws, and the constituted authorities, and in the power to excite good affections, and to promote generous purposes among the people. The state has a right to avail itself of all opinions, rich in patriotism, as it has of all other contributions for the public welfare, but it is patriotism which gives the highest recommendation. Hence we are deeply impressed with the language, which has become venerable in the character of men, who have been useful in past generations. We dwell with delight upon the ardent love of our country, displayed in the affections of a Winthrop, the prudence of a Leverett, and the patriarchal manners of a Bradstreet. We behold them concurring with the infant strength of our nation. We learn not only the opinions, but the purposes of the age in which they lived. Their success gives them glory. If we change their measures, we retain their principles. We discover their safety, and secure our own.

With these convictions, the children of the Hebrew Patriarchs, in all generations, read the lessons given to their fathers, and in modern ages, we enjoy with rapture, the legacy which, our best patriots, upon a review of their services, and of the public hopes, as the best pledge of their affections, have generously bequeathed to us.

Of this nature is the address of Moses in the text. He reviewed his whole administration at its close. In the name of his God, he declares that its sure guide, was the love of the people. The same spirit which suggested the admonitions of the Patriarchs, and gave the words of wisdom in the past generations, was invariably regarded in all the changes of their political existence. Each had a blessing; all had counsel; all received the same law. Such is the truth which is accepted from the words of the Lawgiver of the Hebrews.

Useful criticism might be employed on the words, as it would develop some antient customs; as it would explain the hopes of private virtue, and as it would suggest that Moses expected to secure his hopes of the political prosperity of Israel, not by the wisest theory, he could propose, but by the consent of the national character to the Institute he had recommended. And upon this account he gave no rules whatever for the political changes, which future ages might introduce. In the words, is an allusion to the patriarchal blessing on the saints, or heads of the families, as may be concluded, from the consent of the Hebrews, in this sense, and from the appropriate use of the term, as applied to the primitive Christians in their scriptures. The oldest version regards the distribution of the last clauses, referring the former to the instructions of the Patriarch recorded by Moses, and the latter of them, to the Lawgiver himself. Each family had its peculiar instructions, but the whole congregation received the law commanded by Moses. While the text discovers that the happiness of the people was the object of the Law, it also assures us, that the private instructions of the families and tribes had contributed to a consent in the national hopes, and upon this consent their highest prosperity did depend. And this sentiment the present discourse is designed to support.

Our enquiry then is, into those circumstances of national character, which concur to support the present Constitution of our Government. That it be well defined, well guarded, and well supported, these things are to be considered when we pronounce of the public liberty. It had been defined and enjoyed in what was called the British Constitution; It had been reformed by the boldest experiments in that nation, and had profited in an age of experiments, by all the information which could meet the wishes of a free people. The history of our settlements will explain in what circumstances, it was adopted, and the American Revolution with what spirit it was maintained. Our Constitutions are the deliberate result of our political wisdom, and our vindication before the world.

The history of our Commonwealth divides itself into three distinct and well known periods. During the old till the new Charter; from the new Charter to the American Revolution. If ever a people were born free, such were the people of this plantation. If they at first submitted to an ecclesiastical dominion, it was a submission to character, not to law, as the event proved in the third generation. Their first measure was to consult their own wishes, and to accommodate themselves to their own condition, whatever might have been dictated by European policy. Even their servants found that their freedom was an easy claim, and a sure privilege. The settlers in the name of freemen, soon took the entire direction of their domestic affairs, and their arrangements were so often varied, that they could leave no prejudices in their favour, when contrary either to their present interest or convenience. The men, who led the settlements, had possessed a superiority of talents, as well as influence, gave an early example of their own independence. They assumed their religious functions, directed by the freedom, they had long sought, and now fully enjoyed. They adopted no confession of faith, which had the authority of any Church, nor did they admit, or name any canons of any Communion. They reserved to themselves no privileges, which could support a separate interest, or an exclusive power. They associated with their brethren in the first honours. They supported no other claims, than their personal reputation, and the public confidence could give them, while they entrusted all the power, which could be given by the association of brethren, to which they respectfully belonged, to any of their society, who were not elected as civil magistrates. And to exercise this power, nothing more was required, than a sincere disposition to find out, and encourage the best wishes of each association. Their civil privileges were greater still. While no civil distinctions did exist, all the ministers by their ecclesiastical maxims were excluded from any claims to represent the freemen, refusing all weight of character in influencing the public elections in their own favour, after a representation of the freemen had been judged convenient. These privileges were carefully maintained throughout the first period of the history. The greatest events arose from the influence, which the character of the ministers had upon the first generation. Such were the affairs of Mr. Williams of Salem, who was friendly to the public liberty. Such the discussions of Mr. Cotton at Boston, and of Mr. Parker at Newbury. But we seek the cause of this influence, not in the power granted to the ministers, but in their character, which gave authority to their opinions. The Synod which was called to give consistency to these opinions, by the manner in which its authority was admitted, has explained the public will; and in a succession of curious facts, has shewn how the superiority of this order of men had locally obtained.

The primitive ministers of New-England will justify an honourable comparison with any who have appeared in succeeding generations, and can maintain an evident superiority to all who profess to follow them in the same dogmas, and in the same course of studies. They were better acquainted with the learned languages, better informed in ecclesiastical history, and more deeply versed in scholastic and polemic divinity. They corresponded with the best men of their times, and had their works printed in Europe under the inspection of the best scholars, and at the best presses, and were acquainted with the private opinions of the leading men in the several communions of the Reformed Church. And many of the best men, who remained in Europe did not conceive it unworthy of their reputation, to entertain hopes of being united with them in the same settlements, for the promotion of Christian knowledge.

A comparison so favourable to them, when made with the generations which succeeded them, might be thought to be peculiarly happy among their own associates. But we should remember, that the display of their zeal and of their talents, was the favourite object of the settlements, while the condition of the society, in which they lived, operated against all the other members, as much as it did in favour of themselves, in regard to all the advantages to be derived from European improvements.

We are not left to uncertain tests of that knowledge which prevailed among their companions. Many might be drawn by interest and by local prejudices to embark for a new settlement, and for new hopes of prosperity. But men engaged by religious systems, and possessed of talents to distinguish their friends, do not hazard all their purposes with such men only. The persuasion was, that the company had common views, and as men of enterprise all the first to search into the truths of religion, as well as to make new experiments in nature, and the age of the arts, is an age of enquiry, that the company had embraced men of sound understandings. In all the rising sects of the Reformation, men of sound minds were found to give a sure direction to the sober minds of their brethren. The period is not so distant as to render it impossible to obtain the proper evidence of these facts. We can reach the occupations, the condition, and improvements of the first settlers, and though the greater part were in common employments, yet they were not without some of the best instructed men of the age. The best books, then known, were found in their possession, and Grotius their contemporary, has been compared to Tacitus himself. They displayed their knowledge as soon as they had occasion for it. They possessed in ship building the knowledge which the French had communicated, and which a late English artist has rendered familiar to his countrymen. They held all the valuable books on the subject. The first publication at Oxford of a contemporary of Vinci, whom Hogarth and the notes of Fresnoy have noticed, was with the first settlers.

The Military tracts which had the fame of the day were in their hands, and the private collections of books were made with good judgment. But they soon found that their condition offered no encouragement to the arts they possessed, and the knowledge of the first generation was succeeded with an education accommodated to their circumstances, and of consequence the arts and sciences were not in the second generation what they had been in the first. The works of the first ministers of Salem, Boston, Ipswich, Newbury, Cambridge, and Roxbury, and of other antient settlements, exist for a fair comparison. They who examine Mr. Ward’s publication and recollect that it contained the true doctrine of the first ministers respecting religious toleration, and compare it with many facts will ascertain that they differed not essentially from the opinions prevalent in Europe. The Synod then did not possess the power they were inclined to exercise, and the condition of the settlement obliged the ministers to correct a zeal which would have been daily encroaching upon the civil constitution. The jealousy which the British nation had of the settlements in America, and the intention to exalt its own power, obliged the ministers to do nothing without the consent of the people. And the persecution, at last obtained a full commission, it had its authority only in the superiority of the ministers and in the general consent of Europe. This superiority would eventually have been fatal, had not persecution been cruel, and enthusiasm extreme. And had not the condition of the settlements, entirely changed the relative importance of character among the people.

The Literary establishments, which from the wisest policy obtained at an early age, had not that strength from great talents, which give them a sovereignty in their influence. Knowledge, not so great with a few, was more equally distributed. The residence of Masters in the Arts in any infant country could not produce such an effect as arose from the habits of Europe, and could not be maintained with benefit to literary institutions without rich endowments. They belonged not to a large school into which the higher instructions could hardly be permitted to enter. And hence in the second generation, the ministers found their influence lessened by every attempt to maintain it, without a visible superiority of talents and character, and themselves reduced to such a share of favour, as they could procure by their usefulness, and their sincere affection to the people.

The character of society had insensibly changed. It was no longer an association in favour of liberty against heresy in religion, but of liberty against all its enemies. And thus every occurrence contributed to check, in the safest manner, any abuses, which could arise out of the public prejudices, and the old charter expired, and the new found us free.

The precedency of the civil to the religious character, might occasion new dangers. But the second period of our history proved as safe as the first. The state of affairs in the English nation, during the first period, had tended to confirm the inhabitants of these settlements in their early love of liberty, by better writings, and more powerful examples than they had before possessed in the times of the Republic. The restoration, while it promised nothing to the ministers, engaged them to prevent the attempts to extend the royal prerogative in America. The Revolution which promised moderation in Europe, promised nothing to the English settlements in America, but a system of dependence. Other settlements in the neighbourhood of our own, in which royal claims were acknowledged, led us to expect a common fate, when the last minister of religion employed in a civil negotiation, returned with a new Charter, an event expressive of the influence of his own order, and of the new dangers of his country.

Here commences a new period.

All the ecclesiastical institutions discover it. The toleration which appeared in the capital, and the changes in the forms of worship admitted in the Congregational churches at the opening of the eighteen century, discovered that a new order of things had begun. The contest now was between the two countries. The means of education had been most profitable, as they always will be, to men, whose talents are demanded by great occasions, and whose associations are strongest with ambition. The chief magistrate, to the antient habits of the people, was a stranger. He was not of their election. The contest then was between the officers of the Crown, and such men as ambition could awaken to defend the people. We look then among men instructed in public business for the great characters of this age. The ministers had not only generously declined civil offices but they had repeatedly consented to give up to the public wishes the instructions of their first institution for public education. The concession was in consent with the national character. The best talents were required in public affairs, but with a sure check from the British administration. Every domestic obligation united to keep in the interest of the people such as had not employments from the British Crown. The history of the Cookes, and of the Governor’s negative may explain the competition of talents and of power. The father and the son maintained the public favour for sixty years, but not without that jealousy which is awakened by the love of liberty. The vigour of the public character was not disgraced by the ambition which preserved any portion of North America from the dominion of any foreign power. The expeditions which distinguish these periods, and the second in which these settlements discovered their military spirit, as well as the last which extended the English dominions, are from the same principles which directed the negotiation, and which have united eventually, in our own times, the discoveries of Raleigh and Drake in the same empire. The times which preceded the American Revolution are well known. The British Constitution embraced the Church and the State, and the jurisdiction of the one might accompany the other. If the ministers had departed from the opinions of the first settlers, and had become more favourable to religious liberty, they had not lost the affections of the people, or the love of their own independence. Their union neither oppressed their understandings, nor lessened their interest. Alarmed at the dangers which threatened them, they made a bold and seasonable defence. The controversy which is in our hands, has rendered dear to us the names of the men who engaged in it. This zeal which consented to the spirit of the times, has given us a list of ministers, whose memory must exist in our history, and whose praises will be recited, as long as our national existence can continue.

We now behold a space great as the first, in which religion had all its honours, the mind all its freedom, while a generous defence of the public Liberty was maintained by the best talents of every class of citizens, and by the best literature of our country, and the cause had all the glory, which national favour could bestow. Such were the springs upon the public mind, when the nation resolved to declare its Independence, to vindicate its rights, and maintain, by the sword, its political existence.

At the commencement of the third period of our history, the most powerful domestic causes combined to assist the public liberty. They were felt in the energy of national character, in the system of education, in the freedom of elections, in the confirmed patriotism of men who filled the first offices of state, and in a good Constitution of Government. We have seen the strength of religious character guarded against the prevailing abuses, by causes which concurred to render the teachers of religion the sure friends of the people. The spirit of the laws, the character of education, and a political necessity contributed to this important end. In the next period, we see all the ambition of patriots corrected and refined by the struggles of men appointed to assert every claim of foreign dominion. The people were taught to reverence their benefactors without concessions unfriendly to their liberty, and to listen to patriots, whose claims on the public notice were, from the guards, they placed against every encroachment on the public liberty.

The energy of the national character was seen, in the full consent to measures, which involved every interest, obliged the greatest personal services, and never presented any rich hopes but in their eventual success. When opinion was irresistible to every plea of wealth and ambition; when habit in domestic, or social, or professional life had no prejudices firm enough to oppose, and when all could perform, more than they promised or expected, this was national strength and glory. And who that contemplates the danger, the struggle, or the event, can deny it to us in the most favourable circumstances of a great revolution.

Every thing contributed to put education under restraints most favourable to the national character. The schools had not been so associated with the State, as to receive any influence, unless by private manners. The laws had left them altogether to the rules of the respective incorporations. The teachers were approved by those who were to be instructed by them. They had not under any pretence departed from this simple character, and it was rendered necessary that our highest institution of public education should have a government directed by the legislative wisdom which ruled the State. And it is a pleasing recollection that at this time, the man who had the greatest influence in the State, was possessed of the highest reputation in the University, and of the most powerful direction of its studies. A circumstance the more memorable, as he was lineally descended from the first Governor Winthrop, 1 and united in himself a portion of all the powers exercised by the consent of the people. In possession of a seat in the Council, and of unrivalled eminence in his professional abilities, he was able to provide confidence in the people, and literary pursuits could remain uninterrupted by any jealousies that they embraced objects not favourable to the public liberty. And thus our University escaped from all the evils of the war.

Our religious institutions were in the same happy consent with the national character. The jealousies of foreign establishments had corrected the strong propensities to an imitation of new forms, so that nothing spoke to the senses in favour of the prejudices of foreign nations. Whatever was thought, could not be silently expressed. And the manner was our own. The teachers of religion held on accountableness to their respective incorporations, and they could not combine against the laws. Their associations were useful to them, only as they rendered the members more worthy of the public affections. No uniformity of ceremonies or opinions had imposed a form of doctrine or discipline. The results of Synods and Councils were consulted rather as precedents than authorities. The State was favourable to this religious education, because it regarded all the means, which a pure conscience may enjoy, a sober life recommend, and a quiet citizen freely accept.

The electors of the State were, at this time, of the highest value, and in their greatest honour. They had dangers, rather than riches to bestow. They required great labours, which they could repay only in gratitude. The reward was in the prosperity of the state, not of the person who performed the richest services. The promise was of fame, but neglect of duty was infamy. At once a host of heroes arose. Great occasions produce great men. We had men wise in counsel, powerful in arms, the deliverers of our country. They who commenced patriots in the revolution, continued their services till peace was restored, so that we found ourselves with the same friends, who engaged with us in the first dangers.

From these advantages resulted our free Constitution. Dr. Franklin said of one of our Constitutions, “I consent to it, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure, that it is not the best!” It is in just consent, with the great civil privileges on which the plantation begun; it profits from the experience of modern times, and is free from the antient prejudices, which constitute parts of the European republics, and is the firm basis of our liberty. It has maintained itself in the public affections, its powers have been exercised with success, and it still lives in the health of the nation. By its own energies, it has restored itself, when it felt the approaches of disease, and it preserves the hopes of a durable existence. The world has long been accustomed to appreciate its own moral advantages. A refined skill has done wonders upon an infirm and vitiated constitution. But severe rules seldom resist long habits. Health is easily nursed, when life is pure, by temperance, by energy, and a free spirit. A sound constitution promises every blessing, and sacred should be the charge to preserve it.

How painful would be the recollection, that they who were the most active to form our constitution of government, were the first to renounce it. That they should not dread the dangers of military power; should not fear oppressive excises; should oppose no established orders in the State, and should consent to change the form of the government. That men who instigated the public resentment against all oppression, should ridicule the patriotism they had excited. Roused by injuries, nations have been called to assert their liberties, but we are invited to our duty in the most favourable circumstances. Whatever can be attributed to habit, to association, to first choice, and best condition for it, obliges it. The love of the public liberty is maintained in the spirit of the General Government of the United States, and while we carry back to the heart, the pure blood of our veins, it is from the powerful action of the heart, life circulates freely throughout the nation. Gratitude bids us to remember our national benefactors. Washington employed our arms with glory, and Jefferson has instructed us in the arts of peace.

It is for the different branches of our Legislature to prove that they deserve to be entrusted with the administration of our affairs in these happy times. They should appreciate their talents in the dignity of their debates, in the wisdom of their resolutions, and in the impartiality of their Laws. Honesty is not less required in public, than in private concerns in a free republic. The branches of the Legislature which arise out of the fears of past ages, and are provided as checks upon the simple theory of government, should counsel with the prudence of age, and consent with the conciliating wisdom of fathers, who delight in increasing happiness. Their care should not enslave liberty, but inspire it. And while our present Governor, retires with a good conscience, and the best wishes of his fellow citizens, we may be confident that a man who has felt our dangers, and shared in the cares of our revolution; who is well informed in our history, and acquainted with our manners and laws; who has held the most important offices in the State, will support the best character of that people, which has bestowed upon him the highest honours. His virtues are to justify their confidence, and his great services to vindicate their choice, and then his fame will be immortal in his own wise administration.

Our experience might lead us to institute a plan of national education, connected with all the public instruction, from the known influence of education upon the purposes of moral and civil society. But till such designs are approved and accomplished, the condition of all public institutions should be carefully examined, and their purposes known, so that adequate means may be provided, all deficiencies supplied, and all abuses corrected. The friends of our University and other seminaries will secure the public favour by a full consent in the design of their establishments. In the city of the Republic from which our first settlers emigrated to America, the University therein established, the first in age and talents, was the first in patriotism, and free enquiry, and could boast of the most able friends of the public liberty. With the same reputation our University would enjoy its best subordination, its most ample resources, and the best praise in a full concurrence with the great ends it proposes, in our greatest prosperity.

Our experience may assure us also, of the best advantages from the instructions of the ministers of religion. Had Mr. Williams, who was the first to conceive what was great, in the State, though deceived in the character of private associations, extended his doctrine of exclusive associations of religion, to civil society, he must have dissolved all its ties. He gave full liberty to every freeman, but religious association not to character only, but to opinions. He conceived them inseparable. He attempted to follow the order of common life. This admits a sacred choice in the family, and an innocent freedom in the world. But all errors of judgment or life cannot dissolve the family. So far he must deserve our commendation, as he did not make the religious association interfere with civil liberty, and was bold enough to declare it.

The arts and genius may attach themselves to an obstinate superstition. We are not necessarily well informed in everything. The population may require indulgence to endless prejudices, born in the varied education of man, and the existence of all civil liberty may depend upon freedom from all prosecution in religion. The state must not then fix bounds to enquiry into religion, more than to any other researches of genius. The strength of the religious character should be most strongly united to the best character of the citizen, and he should be considered as the best minister who is most happy in preserving and uniting them. The Priesthood of Moses, very limited in its offices, was so disposed that we have no history of its opposition to the Laws. The establishments of the East are upon the same principles. If the laws are of a mild character, they are in more full consent with the benevolent religion, which is the just name of the Christian faith.

May we find those happy times in which our national character will confirm all our best hopes for liberty and peace. May no event disturb the kind succession of prosperous days in our history, and may tradition speak in all ages, of the same character, which has been to us a fair inheritance. A rest, O Lord, to the many thousands of Israel,

Thou loving Father of the people.

 


1.Hon. John Winthrop, Esq.

Sermon – Election – 1829, Vermont


The following election sermon was preached by Charles Walker in Montpelier on October 8, 1829.


sermon-election-1829-vermont

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT MONTPELIER,

BEFORE

THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF VERMONT,

ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

OCTOBER 8, 1829.

BY CHARLES WALKER,
PASTOR OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH, EAST RUTLAND.

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE LEGISLATURE.

 

IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY,

October 10, 1829.

Resolved, that a committee of two members be appointed, to wait on the Rev. Charles Walker, and return him the thanks of this House for his Election Sermon, delivered before both branches of the Legislature, on the 8th inst. And request a copy for the press.

On this resolution Mr. Warner of Sudbury, and Mr. Wooster were appointed a committee.

T. MERRILL, Clerk.

 

Rev. Charles Walker,

Sir,–In pursuance of the foregoing resolution, we have the honor of tendering to you, the thanks of the House of Representatives, for your Election Sermon, delivered before both branches of the Legislature, on the 8th inst. And request a copy for the press.

JOSEPH WARNER,
BENJAMIN WOOSTER,
Committee.

 

SERMON.
Daniel VI. 10. “Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, he went into his house; and his windows being open in his chamber toward Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his God, as he did aforetime.”

THE piece of history of which this text forms a part is peculiarly interesting and instructive. It is interesting on account of the standing and character of the actors, and on account of the plot and its development, in which goodness and wickedness are opposed to each other, and virtue is rewarded and vice punished. It is instructive because it shows us, by an example taken from real life, how, in certain circumstances, we may regulate our conduct so as to meet the approbation of God, and secure his favor—how He will frown on the disobedient and reward the obedient.

Daniel, on account of the excellence of his character, enjoyed the confidence of the king of Chaldea, and notwithstanding he was a foreigner and his people captives, he was raised to the office of highest dignity and authority in the gift of the monarch. Thus elevated, he became the object of the envy and malice of other rulers in the kingdom, and they commenced a most unjust and cruel persecution against him. His mantle of integrity and robe of innocence did not secure him from the malicious attacks of those who envied his prosperity and shrunk from the blaze of his goodness. They could not endure that a foreigner, a Jew, one who belonged to a captive race, should occupy a seat of honor and power above them. And they were especially offended that one whose religion was so different from theirs, who despised their Gods and worshipped Jehovah; and whose holy life was a constant reproof of their loose principles and vicious practices, should be raised to a station from whence the lustre of his virtues shone in high conspicuity, and revealed the dark depravity of those around him.

They determined on his destruction. To accomplish this, it was necessary either to shake the confidence which the king had reposed in him, or to render him, by some act of his own, obnoxious to the laws of the kingdom. But how could this be done? How could they impeach one whose official doings were ever regulated by the strictest principles of integrity and faithfulness, and whose whole life was adorned with whatsoever is pure and honest and lovely, and of good report? That they felt this difficulty is sufficiently evident from the language of the sacred historian.—“Then the presidents and princes sought to find occasion against Daniel concerning the kingdom; but they could find none occasion nor fault, forasmuch as he was faithful, neither was there any error or fault found in him.” They saw but one way in which they could find a plausible pretext for his impeachment, and this was to make his religion the occasion of his downfall, and to lay a snare which his piety would not permit him to avoid. They said among themselves—“We shall not find any occasion against this Daniel, except we find it against him concerning the law of his God.”

Having observed the regularity with which he engaged in devotional exercises, and knowing that he discharged these duties of piety from principle, they rightly judged that he would not omit them. If, therefore, they could prevail on the king to make a law that no man, during a certain space of time, should pray, they believed that Daniel might be detected in violating this law, and that thus an accusation might be brought against him which would ensure his condemnation. With this malicious object in view, they did prevail on the king to sign a decree, ‘that whosoever should ask a petition of any God or man for thirty days, save of the king himself, should be cast into the den of lions.”

The king was not aware of the purpose of those who obtained his signature to this unrighteous decree. He did not know that a plot was laid, and now sanctioned by his own hand and seal, to destroy his most trusty and approved servant. Flattered, perhaps, with the idea that he should be the only being, to whom the people, throughout his vast dominions, would present petitions or prayers for thirty days—thus elevating himself, as it were, to the place of God—he signed a writing which was intended to be the death-warrant of the man whom he prized above all others. The decree having obtained the royal signature, was irrevocable—according to the laws of the Medes and Persians, it altered not.

And now what will Daniel do? Will he yield to the machinations of his enemies and cease to worship God? Will he give up his devotional exercises, which are enjoined by the divine law, and tremble and turn pale and submit to a human mandate which counteracts the authority of Heaven? Will he let evil men triumph over his defection from his religion? Will he violate his conscience to save his life?

What did he do? Just what his enemies supposed he would. They knew the integrity of his character and the firmness of his principles. They knew his unconquerable attachment to religious duties and his sternness of purpose to obey God rather than man. They knew that, though he might not e afraid to violate an unnecessary and unrighteous human law, there was a Power that he dared not disobey—there were laws which he would not violate. They expected, therefore, that he would disregard the law which they had caused to be made; and it was this expectation which urged them to procure the wicked decree.

He hesitated not. His views of duty were maturely formed and strengthened by holy habit, and they were not now to be given up. What followed, therefore, as related in the sacred narrative, was a matter of course—“Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, he went into his house, and his windows being open in his chamber toward Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his God, as he did aforetime.” It made no alteration either in the manner or frequency of his devotions. While, on the one hand, he did not seek to enrage his enemies nor pour contempt on the royal authority, by a more open or frequent performance of religious services; neither, on the other hand, did he seek to gain the favor of his persecutors or avoid the operation of the iniquitous law, by a more retired or less constant attendance on the duties of divine worship. The former would have been unnecessary bravado; the latter, considering that he was determined to worship God, would have been hypocrisy. From both, the course he pursued clearly exempted him. He simply continued in his former habits, doing exactly and only “as he did aforetime.”

It was of course soon known that the first officer in the kingdom paid no regard to the monarch’s decree. The history says—“Then these men assembled and found Daniel praying and making supplication before his God.” Now their object was accomplished—they had an accusation against him. To the king they went; and according to the letter and penalty of the impious decree, they had the malicious satisfaction of seeing Daniel, at the going down of the sun, cast into the den of lions.

The events which followed—the safety of this servant of God in his perilous situation—his deliverance, and the utter destruction of those who plotted against his life—though exceedingly interesting and instructive, it does not come within the compass of my present design to notice.

The history, as far as we have pursued it, shows us the conduct of a good man and of a distinguished civil ruler, in such circumstances as are fitted to develop moral character, and will afford a foundation for some profitable reflections, not inappropriate to the present occasion.

1. We have, in this historic record, a sublime example of moral courage.

We see a man who, in the discharge of duty, fears nothing but the God who made him. We see a man who, having regulated his principles and shaped his course by the standard of divine truth, refuses to be turned aside from the path of obedience by the command or the force of the mightiest power on earth. He dares to act as his conscience dictates. He dares to be singular, and, in the midst of an idolatrous nation, surrounded by opposers and enemies, to maintain the worship of Jehovah. In full view of the den of lions, and with the certain prospect of a horrible death, he dares to violate the king’s decree, and hold fast his allegiance to God.

He had adopted the principle, the correctness of which is generally admitted in theory but too seldom reduced to practice, that “we ought to obey God rather than man.” On this principle he was determined to act, whatever might be the consequences. He felt that it might not be necessary for him to live; but it was necessary for him to obey God.—This was true courage—courage, not excited by ambition, nor fed by applause; not like the courage of the warrior, roused to deeds of daring by the notes of fame’s loud trumpet; not like the courage of the conqueror in whose eyes the world’s diadem glitters and who is intoxicated with the lust of dominion; but cool, collected, and sustained by its own noble and unearthly principles. It was courage which had its origin and derived its strength, not from earth, but from heaven—not from “looking at things seen and temporal,” but from contemplating “things unseen and eternal.”

Worldly policy, I know, would condemn the conduct of Daniel. It would say that he unnecessarily exposed his life—that he might have neglected his devotions for thirty days, or have performed them only in secret. He thought otherwise—God thought otherwise, for He approved of the conduct of his servant.—The spirit of every divine command is—obey, and leave the event with God. This is the path of duty; it is the only path of safety. But to go undeviatingly and unshrinkingly forward in the path, in the circumstances we have contemplated, required the moral courage of a martyr. It demanded a courage to which many a soldier, who can breast a cannon’s mouth, is a stranger. It called for a courage as much superior to the heedless daring of those heroes whom the world applauds, as the motive which inspired it is superior to worldly ambition.

2. We see, in the example before us, how a human law ought to be treated which requires men to violate the laws of God.

The decree of the Chaldean king was directly opposed to the law of God. Men are commanded by the divine law to worship their Maker daily—to “pray without ceasing.” By the decree in question, they were forbidden to pray at all for thirty days. To obey both was impossible. He of whom the text speaks obeyed the divine law and violated the human edict. And he did right. His conscience approved his course; and his God approved it. The decree, as it counteracted the laws of God, ought not to have been obeyed. No man had a right to obey it. And no human power had a right to require obedience.

Not often, in civilized and Christian lands, have governments enacted laws which clearly and openly opposed the commands of God. But they have sometimes done it. An instance of this kind exists in the history of our own national government—in the law which requires the transportation and opening of the mail on the Sabbath. This law, being a violation of the commandment of God, ought not to be obeyed. And the man who should conscientiously refuse to obey it—though he might be rejected from office or otherwise punished for his disobedience—would stand justified at the tribunal of heaven, in regard to this act, as certainly as Daniel was justified in refusing to obey the wicked decree of the Chaldean king.

I know it is said by many, that the pecuniary interests of our country render it expedient to continue the business of the mails on the Sabbath. But I have yet to learn that such expediency, provided it exists, is a sufficient excuse for setting aside a divine commandment. Are we never to obey God when our obedience will be attended with any pecuniary sacrifice? Are we never to make an offering to God of anything but of that which costs us nothing? But does the alleged expediency exist? How happens it to exist in this country, when in the commercial emporium of the world—the city of London, there are no mails sent forth, nor is the post-office opened on the Sabbath? Does not God know what is expedient for the subjects of his kingdom? And has He not, by a positive commandment, clearly decided that it is expedient for man to rest from worldly business one seventh part of the time? And is not the wisdom of this appointment satisfactorily demonstrated by the experience and history of all Christian nations?

I know, also, when petitions were sent to Congress praying that the law, requiring the business of the mail to be attended to on the Sabbath, might be repealed—it was said, by those who opposed the petitioners, that Congress had no right to legislate concerning the Sabbath. Granted; so the petitioners thought, and they simply asked that Congress would not make laws touching the Sabbath—that they would repeal the law which required its violation. They did not ask for a statute obliging men to keep the Sabbath holy and inflicting a penalty in case of transgression. They did not ask—“as they be slanderously reported and as some affirm that they did”—that Congress would order every mail-contractor and post-master, every stage-driver and stage-passenger to keep the Sabbath, on penalty of its high displeasure. All they sought for was, that the government would no longer command men to attend to secular business on the hours of holy time.

I know, moreover, that it was said in the report of the committee of the Senate, to whom the petitions had been referred, that if Congress complied with the prayer of the petitioners, it would be deciding a disputed theological question—which day is the Sabbath—and that, as there was a difference in the views of the people on this point, government had no right to decide it. This has been regarded, by many, as a master-stroke of unanswerable argument and enlightened liberality, and as such has been praised from one end of the nation to the other. But it is nothing but a piece of sophistry, which has, in a hundred instances, been exposed and refuted. Congress has already decided which day is the Sabbath, by not holding its sessions on the Lord’s day, and by exempting that day from days of business in its courts of judicature. All that the petitioners desired was that government would be consistent with itself, and exempt that sacred day also from days of business in regard to the mails.—If a Jew or a Sabbatarian were appointed a member to Congress, would that body adjourn over Saturday to accommodate him? Must a nation’s Sabbath be disregarded because a mere handful of individuals in that nation happen to think differently from the whole body of the people? Such pretended argumentation is scarcely worthy of an answer.

I am happy in being the citizen of a State, where the divine law of the Sabbath is regarded by the public acts of the civil rulers. 1 And it is with no small degree of pain, that I have felt myself called upon by duty, to censure the conduct of the national government in relation to the Sabbath mails. I love and honor the government of my country; and in all things which do not require me to violate the laws of God, consider myself bound to obey its statutes. But no government can have a right to require its subjects to violate the laws of God. And no law, directly requiring such violation, ought to be obeyed by any citizen.

3. We see, in the example brought to view in the text, that extensive business and the multiplied calls of office do not necessarily preclude a regular attention to the duties of religion.

Few men have ever been in circumstances requiring a more constant and untiring attention to the duties of his station than he, whose history we have contemplated. He was the prime minister of a great nation—had no powerful friends to sustain him—had nothing but his reputation, growing out of his unremitting attention to the duties of his office, to recommend him either to the public favor or to the patronage of the king. And as his official conduct, even by the admission of his enemies, was above suspicion, he must have been devotedly occupied with the business of his station. And yet he found time for a strict attention to the duties of religion. Regularly, three times a day, he had a season of devotion and “prayed and gave thanks before his God.”

How this fact puts to flight many excuses that are offered for neglecting the duties of religion. How it ought to put to shame many a man, who pleads his worldly engagements as an apology for not attending to devotional exercises. This plea is often hears, The man says that the calls of office, or of business, are so constant that he has no time to spend in the daily worship of God. No time! Can this be true? Who gives you all the time you spend on earth? And is it too much that He requires some portion of what he gives to be devoted exclusively to Him? Have you time for meals and sleep, and no time to serve Him whose blessing alone can cause either to be refreshing and invigorating? Have you time to attend to the wants of your body, which is soon to moulder into dust, and no time to attend to the interests of your soul, which is to exist forever? Have you time to spend in conversation with your friends, in relaxation from toil and in amusement, and no time to spend in communion with God, in seeking salvation and laying up a treasure in heaven?—For what purpose was time given? Was it to afford an opportunity to gather a little golden dust which will be blown away by the tempest of the last day, or to collect a few wreaths of worldly honor which will wither and perish; or was it not rather given to afford an opportunity to seek durable riches, honors that never die, crowns of unfading glory in the presence of God and of the Lamb? No time to pray! No time to serve God in the daily exercises of devotion? For what, then, have you time? Were not the days and hours of this world intended principally to afford a season of preparation for eternity? For what is time really valuable, but for this? No man ought to feel that he has time for anything else, till the duties of devotion are performed. This was the grand object for which God gave us time. And, oh! let no man who lives; who measures out his existence by a succession of days and nights which God gives him; who feeds on the divine bounty, sleeps under the divine protection, moves by the divine support—let no man says that he has not time to acknowledge these benefits in daily acts of devotion.

The plea is vain. Others, who have been as busily employed as any of us can pretend to be, have been constant in their attention to religious duties. Daniel, with a principal share of the responsibility in the government of a mighty empire, was an eminent example of constancy in domestic devotion. And our own beloved Washington, than whom no man was ever more devoted to the calls of office, either in the cabinet or in the field, always found time for daily devotional exercises. All men, whose hearts are right with God, have frequent seasons of private and domestic worship. And no man, who has time for anything, can truly say he has no time for these duties. He, who gave us our being and our days, demands of us the homage of habitual thanksgiving and prayer, and no plea for neglect can be admitted before his tribunal.

4. We learn from the example before us, that patriotism alone, in the popular signification of that word, is not sufficient to secure salvation and eternal life.

The man, whose character and history we have contemplated, was a patriot. His untiring application to the duties of his office, and his singular wisdom and integrity as a ruler, are manifest and striking proofs that he sought the best interests of the country which he served. And probably if ever there was a man, who might have claimed the rewards of heaven on account of the extent and usefulness of his efforts for the public welfare, he was the man. Yet he thought it necessary to super add to the virtues of patriotism those of piety. He did not expect to obtain forgiveness and salvation on account of having consecrated his services to the public good. He sought for a seat in heaven by daily prayer and a religious life.

Doubtless he judged right. Such views accord with the standard of divine truth. While every man is bound, by the highest obligation to seek the welfare of his country and the good of his fellow men, he is bound also, by the same obligation, to honor God by discharging the peculiar duties of religion. Nor will the most devoted attention to the former excuse the neglect of the latter. The same divine authority, which commands—“Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s,” commands also—“And render unto God the things that are God’s.” Will an obedience to the one do away the obligation of obeying the other? A man has served his country—Very well; and has he also served his God? A man has been useful as a patriot—Very good, we will give him due credit and honor; but has he been useful too as a Christian? Is not the latter as important as the former? Look into the Bible and say—which will weigh most in the balances of eternity.

But notwithstanding the plainness and positiveness with which the scriptures decide, that a life of piety and prayer is the only evidence of a title to heaven, many cherish the notion, that the man who has served his country well and faithfully will receive, on that account, the reward of eternal life. We can excuse heathen poets and orators, who were destitute of a written revelation, for always sending their departed heroes and statesmen up to a dwelling among the gods. But how can we excuse poets and eulogists and historians, called Christian, when they manifest a similar dark and heathenish disposition to exalt patriots, on account of their patriotism, to a seat in heaven? Yet this, in despite of truth and of the Bible, is often done. Thus when certain distinguished American patriots have died, a hundred writers from the formal eulogist to the newspaper scribler, have given them a place in paradise. Now I pretend not to decide concerning the eternal condition of those departed statesmen. This must be determined by their Almighty Judge. But, in the name of the Bible and of Christianity, I protest against the principle, extensively cherished and often directly avowed, that the patriotism and public services of those men entitled them to the happiness of heaven. If they were Christians and pious men, they are happy: if they were not, there is, of course, no place for them in those mansions which Christ prepared for his followers.

I honor the man who has usefully devoted his life to the service of his country. Let him have deserved praise. Yea, let him “have his reward,” the reward he sought. If he sought the “honor that cometh from man,” let him have it, up to the full measure in which it is due. If he sought the “honor that cometh from God only,” then, and only then, let him be accounted worthy of the reward, which the scriptures promise to the disciple of Jesus Christ.

I have already alluded to Washington. To illustrate the point now under discussion, I mention him again. I love to repeat his revered name. Whose patriotism was ever of a purer and more elevated kind than his? Whose devotedness to a country’s welfare was ever more entire, useful and disinterested than his? If patriotism and public usefulness could entitle any man to the happiness of heaven, was not Washington that man? But he had no such views. He sought, it is true, a dwelling in heaven; but he sought it as a sinner at the feet of his Saviour, and not as a reward for his patriotism. Some striking facts in his history will exemplify this. His servant, who waited on him during the long period in which he led our armies and presided in our councils, told a Christian minister, a few years since, that when he entered his master’s room, as he was directed to do, early in the morning, he frequently found him on his knees, pouring out his desires in fervent prayer before God. This, we have reason to believe was his habitual practice.—An original anecdote of the father of his country, recently published, gives another pleasing testimony to the genuineness of his piety. “While the American army under the command of Washington lay encamped at Morristown, N. J. it occurred that the service of the communion was to be administered in the Presbyterian church in that village. In a morning of the previous week, the General, after his accustomed inspection of the camp, visited the house of the Rev. Dr. Jones, then pastor of that church, and after the usual preliminaries, thus accosted him—‘Doctor, I understand that the Lord’s supper is to be celebrated with you next Sunday, I would learn if it accords with the cannons of your church to admit communicants of another denomination? The Doctor rejoined—‘Most certainly; ours is not the Presbyterian table, General, but the Lord’s table, and we hence give the Lord’s invitation to all his followers of whatever name.’ The General replied, ‘I am glad of it; this is as it ought to be; but as I was not quite sure of the fact, I thought I would ascertain it from yourself, as I propose to join with you on that occasion. Though a member of the church of England, I have no exclusive partialities.’ The Doctor reassured him of a cordial welcome, and the General was found seated with the communicants the next Sabbath.”—Such a man was Washington. He sought for a place in heaven, not by relying on his public services, but by obeying the precepts of his Saviour. He sought the favor of God by habitual prayer and by attending devoutly on the ordinances of the gospel. And eternity will tell to which his country is most indebted, his skill in arms and his wisdom in council, or to that spirit of humble piety and prayer by which he obtained the favor of God in all his enterprises. And now let me ask—whose patriotism will save him, if Washington’s would not?

5. We see, in the example furnished by the text, how rulers may promote the interests of religion without directly legislating on the subject.

Whatever may have been the authority with which the Chaldean ruler was clothed, it is plain that the circumstances in which he was placed prevented his establishing, by law, his own religion. He was among a nation of idolaters, and any official act on his part, designed to destroy idolatry and establish the Jewish religion, would doubtless have been resisted, and the loss of his office and probably of his life would have been the consequence. Still, however, he exerted a powerful influence in favor of true religion—an influence which even his enemies felt, and which, we have reason to believe, was widely useful among the people. This was done by his example. He was a living epistle of the truth, known and read of all men. And it is certain that even to the present day his example, as recorded by the pen of inspiration, sends forth a healthful influence, and is among the means by which the world is benefitted and men are saved.

The civil rulers of this State are not permitted by the constitution to enact laws regulating the creed or the form of worship of the inhabitants. They cannot dictate, by statute, how, or where, men shall worship God, or whether they shall worship him at all. These matters are left to be decided by every man’s conscience and to be answered for by every man’s accountability to God. This is as it should be. We are glad that is so.

But does it follow, because our civil rulers cannot legislate concerning the modes of religion, that they can do nothing in favor of Christianity and of the immortal interests of their constituents? Certainly not. You can, Honored Rulers, do much to promote the eternal welfare of your fellow men and to send the streams of salvation through our beloved State. Do not the offices you hold by the choice of your fellow citizens, show that you are men of high standing and influence? Are not your opinions, feelings and movements felt, in their effects, throughout the State? By imitating then the example of that ruler, whom the text places so prominently before us, you may recommend piety as the richest of all personal possessions—you may lead many, in the ways of truth and righteousness, up to the seats of holiness and the bliss of heaven.

And now, Respected Rulers, when you invited me to meet you on this occasion you did not expect from me a lecture on the science of legislation. On such a subject, were it needful for my usefulness, the station you occupy would seem to be proof that I might sit at your feet and take lessons of instruction from you. But you invited me, as a minister of Jesus Christ, to proclaim His messages and urge His commandments—In the name, then, of my Lord and Master, I come, and ask you all to love and obey Him. This is His will. To show how you may comply with his requisitions, I have placed before you the example of one ruler, whose character and conduct He approved, and who is now with Him in the world of glory. Will you imitate the example of that ruler in worshipping and serving God? Will you engage heartily in the work of obeying the Saviour’s commandments? Will you piously discharge all the duties of religion? Oh! do it, and Vermont shall be blessed. Do it, and though our mountains may not be greener or our vallies more fertile, a moral beauty, pleasing to the eye of God, shall be thrown over our State. Do it, and you will awaken the voice of thanksgiving and the voice of prayer in a thousand dwellings scattered over our territory. Do it, and the news that all the rulers in the State have become obedient to the Son of God, shall cause new “joy in the presence of the angels” on high. O do it, and you will comply with the message of my Lord and Master, Jesus Christ. Nothing less than this will please him or satisfy his demands.—And need I tell you that you are bound to obey Him? Is he not your Lord and King?

He has erected a tribunal before which we must all shortly appear. Soon the trumpet will sound and we shall stand before the Son of man. Then all these human distinctions will be done away and the ruler and the subject stand on the same level. Then these heavens shall pass away and this earth shall be burnt up. And then shall every man be rewarded according to his works. “Be wise, therefore, O ye kings; be instructed ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but little. Blessed are all they that put their trust in Him.”

 


Endnotes

1 A particular instance may be mentioned.—The law, passed some years since, requiring the courts, in our several counties, to commence their sessions on Monday, was found to subject the Judges and other gentlemen attending courts to the necessity of traveling on the Sabbath, in order to pass from county to county, or to assemble from distant parts of the same county, at an early hour on Monday. Of the operations of this law, our honorable Judges and many other gentlemen, who conscientiously regard the sacredness of the Sabbath, complained. The Legislature, on hearing these facts, with a promptness for which they ought to be honored by every good citizen, altered the day of commencing the courts from Monday to Tuesday.

Sermon – Pilgrims – 1827


Lyman Beecher (1775-1863) graduated from Yale in 1797, having studied theology with Timothy Dwight (the president of Yale). He was ordained in 1798. He preached at: the Presbyterian Church in East Hampton (1799-1810), the Congregational Church in Litchfield, CN (1810-1826), the Hanover Street Church in Boston (1826-1832), and the Second Presbyterian Church in Cincinnati (1832-1842). Beecher also served as president of Lane Seminary in Cincinnati (1832-1852).


sermon-pilgrims-1827


THE MEMORY OF OUR FATHERS
A SERMON

DELIVERED AT PLYMOUTH

ON THE TWENTY-SECOND OF DECEMBER

1827

BY LYMAN BEECHER D.D.

DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS………TO WIT:

District Clerk’s Office

Be it remembered , that on the twenty fourth day of January, A.D. 1828, in the fifty second Year of the Independence of the United States of America, Theophilus R. Marvin, of the said District, has deposited in this Office the Title of A Book, the Right thereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit:

The Memory of our Fathers. A Sermon delivered at Plymouth, on the twenty-second of December, 1827. By Lyman Beecher D.D.

In conformity to the Act of the congress of the United States, entitled “An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing a copies of maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned:” and also to an Act supplementary to an Act, entitled, An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned; and explaining the benefit’s thereof to the arts of designing , engraving and etching historical and other prints.”

JNO. W. DAVIS, Clerk of the District of Massachusetts

PLYMOUTH, DEC. 25, 1827

Rev. and dear Sir, —-

At a meeting of the Third Church in this place, on the last evening, it was

“Unanimously Resolved,

That our Pastor be requested to thank the Rev. Dr. Beecher, in the name of this Church, for the Discourse delivered at their request, on the anniversary of the 22nd December, in commemoration of the Landing of the Fathers; and to request a copy of the Discourse for the Press.”

In communicating the above extract from the minutes of the Church, permit me to add,–we feel assured that the Discourse is well calculated to be of extensive utility to the cause of true patriotism and Christianity; and therefore hope that you will not hesitate to gratify our request.

With great respect and consideration,
yours, in the Gospel of Christ,
Frederick Freeman,
Pastor of 3rd Ch. Plymouth.

Rev. Dr. Beecher.

This Discourse was first delivered before the Legislature of Connecticut, and printed at their request. It was re-written and delivered at the Anniversary of the Landing of the Pilgrims, as the only tribute which at that time the writer could pay to the Memory of our Fathers. This departure from the ordinary course, was known and approved by the Committee who made the application, and was the more readily acquiesced by the writer, as the Discourse contains a discussion of just those topics which he regarded as most appropriate, and which he preferred to have associated with that most interesting anniversary.

 

SERMON.
Revelation 21:5

AND HE THAT SAT UPON THE THRONE SAID, BEHOLD, I MAKE ALL THINGS NEW.

The history of the world is the history of human nature in ruins. No state of society, which corresponds with the capacity of enjoyment possessed by man, or with his conceptions and desires, has been permanent and universal. Small portions only of the human family have, at the same time, enjoyed a state of society in any considerable degree desirable; while much the greatest part of mankind have, in all ages, endured the evils of barbarism and despotism.

It is equally manifest, that his unhappy condition of our race has not been the result of physical necessity, but of moral causes. The earth cis as capable of sustaining a happy, as a miserable population; and it is the perversion of her resources and of the human faculties, which has made the misery of man so great. The human intellect has given proof of vigor and ingenuity sufficient to bless the world; and powerful efforts have been made in every age, by afflicted humanity, to surmount this downward bias, and rise to permanent enjoyment. Egypt, in her monumental ruins, affords evidence of a high state of the arts. In Greece, a vigorous intellect and favoring clime thrust up from the dead level around her, a state of society comparatively cultivated and happy; but the sun of her prosperity blazed upon surrounding darkness, to set in a night of ages. Rome fought her way to dominion and civilization, and furnished specimens of mental vigor and finished culture; but the superstructure of her greatness was reared by the plunder of a devastated world. Commerce, which gave to cities a temporary eminence, elevated but a little the moral condition of the multitude; and science, which was restored to modern Europe at the Reformation, and commerce and the arts, which have followed in her train, have not, to this day, disenthralled the nations.

From these experiments so long and so hopelessly made, it appears, that, in the conflict between the heart and the intellect of man, victory has always been declared on the side of the heart; which has led many to conclude, that the condition of man, in respect to any universal abiding melioration, is hopeless. The text throws light upon this dark destiny of our race. It is a voice from heaven announcing the approach of help from above. “He that sitteth upon the throne saith, Behold, I make all things new.”

The renovation here announced, is a moral renovation which shall change the character and condition of men. It will be partial in its influence, like the sun shining through on clouds on favorite spots; but co-extensive with the ruin. Nor shall its results be national glory which gilds only the palace, and cheers only the dwellings of the noble. It shall bring down the mountains, and exalt the valleys; it shall send liberty and equality to all the dwellings of men. Nor shall it stop at the fire-side, or exhaust its blessings in temporal mercies; it shall enter the hidden man of the heart, and there destroy the power which has blasted human hopes, and baffled human efforts. Nor will the change be transient; it is the last dispensation of heaven for the relief of this miserable world, and shall bring glory to God in the highest, and upon earth peace, and good will to men. Many have doubted whether such a renovation pf the world will ever be accomplished; but, He that sat upon the throne, said, ‘it is done;’—i.e. it is certain as if it had come to pass.

I shall submit to your consideration, at this time, some of the reasons which justify the hope, that this nation has been raised up by providence to exert an efficient instrumentality in this work of moral renovation.

I observe then, that, for the accomplishment of this renovation, great changes are required in the civil and religious conditions of nations.

1. The monopoly of the soil must be abolished. Hitherto the majority of mankind, who have tilled the earth, have been slaves or tenants. The soil has been owned by kings, and military chieftains, and nobles, and by them rented to landlords, and, by these, to still smaller dealers, and by these again, it has been divided and subdivided, until the majority, who paid the rent, have sustained in the sweat of their brow, not only their own families, but three or four orders of society above them; while they themselves have been crushed beneath the weight, and have lifted on the borders of starvation; the sickness of a week, and often of a single day, rendering them paupers.

This same monopoly of the soil has sent another large class of the community into manufacturing establishments, to wear out their days in ignorance and hopeless poverty; and another to the camp and navy, where honor and wealth await the few, and ignorance and an early grave, the many.

The consequence of excluding such numbers from the possession and healthful cultivation of the soil has been ignorance, improvidence, reckless indifference, turbulence, and crime. Tortured by their oppressions, and unrestrained by moral principal, they have been prepared for desperate deeds. Such a state of society cannot be made happy: the evil is radical, and can only be remedied by giving a new direction to the physical, moral, and intellectual energies of men. We might as well as well band with iron the trees of the forest, and expect their expansion; or throw upon them in stinted measure, the light and the rain of heaven, and expect their luxuriant growth, as to cramp the human mind by unequal institutions, and expect the development of its resources, in a happy state of society. Room for action must be afforded, and light must be poured upon the understanding, and motive pressed upon the heart. Man must be unshackled and stimulated. But to accomplish this, the earth must be owned by those who till it. This will give action to industry, vigor to the body, and tone to the mind; and, by the attendant blessing of heaven, religion to the heart. From agriculture stimulated by personal rights, will result commerce, science, arts, liberty, and independence.

The attraction of gravity is the great principle of motion in the material world; and the possession of the earth in fee simple by the cultivator, is the great principle of action in the moral world. Nearly all the political evils which have afflicted mankind, have resulted from the unrighteous monopoly of the earth; and the predicted renovation can never be accomplished, until, to some extent, this monopoly has passed away, and the earth is extensively tilled by the independent owners of the soil.

2. To effect the moral renovation of the world, a change is required in the prevailing forms of government.

The monopoly of power must be superseded by the suffrages of freemen. While the great body of the people are excluded from all voice and influence in legislation, it is impossible to constitute a state of society such as the faculties of man allow, and the word of God predicts. While the few govern without responsibility, they will seek their own elevation and depress the multitude. To elevate society, and bring out the human energies in a well ordered state of things, the mass of mankind must be enlightened and qualified for self-government, and must yield obedience to delegated power.

3. Before the moral renovation of the world can be achieved, the rights of conscience must, also, be restored to man.

Few of the millions that have peopled the earth have been qualified by knowledge, or permitted by the governments under which they lived, to read the Bible and judge for themselves. The nominal religions of this world have been supported by governments, who, of course, have prescribed the creed, and modelled the worship, and controlled the priesthood. From such a state of things, what better results could be expected, than that ambitious men should be exalted to the sacred office, while religion itself was despised and persecuted? Governments and ecclesiastics, then, must cease to dictate what men shall believe, and in what manner they shall worship God. The church must be emancipated from worldly dominion, and enjoy that liberty wherewith Jesus Christ has made her free.

Is it to be expected the kingly governments shall cease, and the republican form become universal? I shall not stop now to discuss this question. I would only suggest the inquiry, whether monarchial governments can be sustained without a nobility and an established religion; and whether these privileged orders can exist without that monopoly of the soil, and of political influence, and of the rights of conscience, which are destructive to a religious and happy state of society. That governments will change their name, or their ancient forms, become so popular in their spirit, as that the political power shall be in the hands of the people, cannot be doubted.

It has been contended, that Christianity cannot exist in this world without the aid of religious establishments. But, with more truth it might be said, that, from the beginning of this day, it has existed in spite of them. It took possession of the Roman Empire in the face of a formidable establishment of false religion, and has survived the deadly embrace of establishments nominally Christian, and now, bursting from their alliance, finds in them the most bitter opposition in evangelical doctrine and vital godliness.

To accomplish these changes in the civil and religious condition of the world, revolutions and convulsions are doubtless indispensable. The usurpation of the soil will not be relinquished spontaneously, nor the chains knocked off from the body and the mind of man, by the hands which for ages have been employed to river them. He that sitteth upon the throne must overturn and overturn, before his rights and the rights of man will be restored. Revolutions of course are predicted, such as shall veil the sun, and turn the moon into blood, and shake the earth with the violence of nation dashing against nation; —until every despotic government shall be thrown down, and chaos resume its pristine reign; until the spirit of God shall move again upon the face of the deep, and bring out a new creation. The day of vengeance is no doubt begun, and will no doubt continue, until He that sitteth upon the throne shall have made all things new.

But to the perfection of this work a great example is required, of which the world may take knowledge; and which shall inspire hope, and rouse and concentrate the energies of man. But where would such an experiment be made? Africa required for herself the commiseration of the world, and in Europe and Asia, it would have required ages to dig up the foundations of despotism, and remove the rubbish, to prepare the way for such a state of society as we have described: this too must have been done in opposition to proscription and organized resistance. There was also such a mass of uninformed mind, accustomed to crouch under burdens, and so much was required to prepare it for civil liberty, that little hope remained that he old world, undirected, and unstimulated by example, would ever disenthrall itself. Some nation, itself free, was indeed, to blow the trumpet and hold up the light. But in England, though she enjoyed to some extent the blessings of civil liberty, there was so great a monopoly of the soil and of power, and so much overturning feared and needed, which should with a fearless heart and powerful hand, push on the work. But where could such a nation be found? It must be created, for it had no existence upon the earth. Look now at the history of our Fathers and behold what God hath wrought. They were such a race of men as never before laid the foundation s of an empire; athletic, intelligent and pious. But how should this portion of a nation’s population be uprooted and driven into exile? They were not permitted to remain at home. In that age of darkness, and land of bondage, they had formed some just conceptions of civil and religious liberty; and would fain have modified the civil government and the church of God according to the Gospel. But the reformation from popery, superintended by government, and regulated by policy, stopped short of what the pious expected and desired. The Puritans could not in all things conform, and were not permitted to dissent; and thus they were driven into exile, and compelled to lay as a foundation of a new empire. And now, behold their institutions; such as the world needs, and, attended as they have been by the power of God, able to enlighten and renovate the world. They recognize the equal rights of man—they give the soil to the cultivator, and self-government and the rights of conscience to the people. they enlighten the intellect, and form the conscience, and bring the entire influence of the divine government to bear upon the heart. It was the great object of our Fathers to govern men by the fear of the Lord; to exhibit the precepts, apply the motives, and realize the dispositions, which the word of God inculcates and his Spirit inspires; to imbue families, and schools, and towns, and states, with the wisdom from above. They had no projects of human device—no theories of untried efficacy. They hung all their hopes of civil and religious prosperity on the word of God, and the efficacy of his Spirit. Nor was theirs the presumptuous of grace without works. It was by training men for self-government that expected to make free men; and by becoming fellow workers with God, that they expected his aid in forming Christians; while by intellectual culture, and moral influence, and divine power, they prepared men to enjoy and perpetuate civil liberty.

The law, with sleepless vigilance, watched over the family, the church, the state; and a vigorous and united public opinion rendered its execution certain and efficacious. Every family was required to possess a Bible, every district a school, and every town a pastor. The law protected the Sabbath, and sustained the public worship of God, and punished immorality; and with mild but effectual energy, ruled over all. The great excellence of these institutions is, that they are practical and powerful; the people are not free in name and form merely, but indeed and in truth. Were all these forms blotted out this day, the people would be free, and other forms of civil freedom would arise. The governments are free governments from the foundation to the top stone, and of such practical efficacy as to make free men. The family, embodying instruction and government, was itself an embryo empire. In the school district, the people were called upon to exercise their own discretion and rights, and in the ecclesiastical society, to rear their place of worship, elect their pastor and provide for his support; and all under the protection and guidance of law. The towns, in their popular assemblies, discussed their local interests and administered their own concerns. In these, originated the legislature, and from the legislature emanated the courts of justice. In the states, as they are now recognizes in our nation, all which is local and peculiar, is superintended with a minuteness and efficacy, which no consolidated government could possibly accomplish. The people have only to ascertain from experience what their convenience or interests demands, and their wish becomes a law; and still, in the national government, there is all the comprehension of plan, and power of resource, and unity of action, which are required for the highest degree of national energy and prosperity.

It has been doubted, whether a republic so extensive as ours, can be held together and efficiently governed. But where there is this intellectual and moral influence, and the habitual exercise of civil and religious liberty from the family upward; we see not why a republic may not be extended indefinitely, and still be the strongest, and most effective government in the world.

The history of our nation is indicative of some great design to be accomplished by it. It is history of perils and deliverances, and of strength out of weakness. The wars with the savage tribes, and with the French, and at last with the English, protracted expense, and toil, and blood, through a period of one hundred and fifty years. No nation, out of such weakness, ever became so strong; or was guided through such perils to such safety. “If it had not been the Lord who was on our side, now may Israel say; if it had not been the Lord who was on our side, when men rose up against us: then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us: then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul: then the proud waters had gone over our soul.” These deliverances, the enemy beheld with wonder, and our Fathers with thanksgiving and praise. But, in the whole history of the world, God has not been accustomed to grant signal interpositions, without ends of corresponding magnitude to be answered by them. Indeed, if it had been the design of heaven to establish a powerful nation, in the full enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, where all the energies of man might find scope and excitement, on purpose to show the world by experiment, of what man is capable; and to shed light on the darkness which should awake the slumbering eye, and rouse the torpid mind, and nerve the palsied arm of millions; where could such an experiment have been made but in this country, and by whom so auspiciously as by our Fathers, and by what means so well adapted to that end, as by their institutions? The course which is now adopted by Christians of all denominations, to support and extend, at home and abroad, religious and moral influence; would seem to indicate the purpose of God to render this nation, extensively, the almoners of his mercy to this world.

For two hundred years, the religious institutions of our land were instituted by law. But as our numbers increased, and liberty of conscience resulted in many denominations of Christians, it became impossible to secure by law the universal application of religious and moral influence. And yet, without this mighty energy the whole system must fail; for physical power, without religious and moral influence, will not avail to sustain the institutions of civil liberty. We might as well rely on the harvests which our Fathers reared for bread, as to rely on the external forms of liberty which they established, without the application of that vital energy, by which the body politic was animated and moved. But, at the very time when the civil law had become impotent for the support of religion and the prevention of immoralities, God began to pour out his Spirit upon the churches; and voluntary associations of Christians were raised up to apply and extend that influence, which the law could no longer apply. And now we are blessed with societies to aid in the support of the Gospel at home, to extend it to the new settlements, and through the earth. We have Bible societies, and Tract societies, and associations of individuals, who make it their business to see that every family has a Bible, and every church a pastor, and every child a catechism. And to these have succeeded Education societies, that our nation may not outgrow the means of religious instruction. And while these means of culture are supplied, this great nation from her eminence begins to look abroad with compassion upon a world siting in darkness; and to put forth her mighty arm to disenthral the nations, and elevate the family of man. Let it be remembered also, that the means now relied upon, and precisely those which our Fathers applied, and which have secured our prosperity. And when we contemplate the unexampled resources of this country in men, soil, climate, seacoasts, rivers, lakes, canals, agriculture, commerce, arts and wealth, and all in connexion with the influence of republican and religious institutions; is it too much to be hoped that God will accept our powerful instrumentality, and make it effectual for the renovation of the world?

The revivals of religion which prevail in our land among Christians of all denominations, furnish cheering evidence of the presence of evangelical doctrine, and of the power of that Spirit by which the truth is to be made efficacious in the salvation of mankind. These revivals are distinguished by their continuance through a period of thirty years; by their extent, , pervading the nation; by their increasing frequency in the same places; by their rapidity and power , often changing, in a few weeks, the character of towns and cities, and even of large districts of country. An earnest of that glorious of that glorious time when a nation shall be born in a day, they purify our literary institutions, and multiply pastors and missionaries to cheer our own land, and enlighten distant nations.

They are without a parallel in the history of the world, and are constituting an era of moral power entirely new. Already the churches look chiefly to them for their members and pastors, and for that power upon public opinion, which retards declension, and gives energy to law and voluntary support to religious institutions.

These revivals then, falling in with these antecedent indications, seem to declare the purpose of God to employ this nation in the glorious work of renovating the earth.

If we look at our missionaries abroad, and witness the smiles of heaven upon their efforts, our confidence, that is the purpose of God to render our nation a blessing to the world, will be increased. In talents, and piety, and learning, and doctrine, and civil policy, they are the legitimate descendants of the Puritans. Everywhere they command high respect, and have been distinguished by their judicious and successful efforts. In Ceylon, and Hawaii, and among the natives of this country, they are fast supplanting idolatry by Christian institutions. Revivals of religion cheer and bless them; and churches, and all the elements of Christian civilization are multiplying around them.

Let this nation go on, then, and multiply its millions and its resources, and bring the whole under the influence of our civil and religious institutions, and with the energies of its concentrated benevolence send out evangelical instruction; and who can calculate what our blessed instrumentality shall have accomplished, when He who sitteth upon the throne shall have made all things new.

If Swartz, and Buchanan, and Vanderkemp, and Carey, and Martyn, and Brainerd, could, each alone, accomplish so much; what may not be expected from the energies of such a nation as this? Fifty such men as Paul the Apostle, unaided by the resources of systematic benevolence, might evangelize the world. What then might not be accomplished by a nation of freemen, destined in little more than half a century to number its fifty million?

If we consider also our friendly relations with the South American States, and the close imitation they are disposed to make of our civil and literary institutions, who can doubt that the spark which our Forefathers struck will yet enlighten this entire continent? But when the light of such a hemisphere shall go up to heaven, it will throw its beams beyond the waves—it will shine into the darkness there, and be comprehended; it will awaken desire, and hope, and effort, and produce revolutions and overturnings, until the world is free.

From our revolutionary struggle, proceeded the revolution in France, and all which has followed in Naples, Portugal, Spain, and Greece; and though the bolt of every chain has been again driven, they can no more hold the Hellespont vexed with storms. Floods have been poured upon the rising flame, but they can no more extinguish the fires of Etna. Still it burns, and still the mountain heaves and murmurs; and soon it will explode with voices, and thunderings, and great earthquakes. Then will the trumpet of jubilee sound, and earth’s debased millions will leap from the dust, and shake off their chains, and cry, “Hosanna to the Son of David.”

Before we conclude this discourse, let us attend to some of the duties to which we are called by our high providential destiny.

1. To cherish with high veneration and grateful recollections the memory of our Fathers. Both the ties of nature and the dictates of policy demand this. And surely no nation ever had less occasion to be ashamed of its ancestry, or more occasion for gratulation in that respect; for while most nations trace their origin to barbarians, the foundations of our nation were laid by civilized men—by Christians. Many of them were men of distinguished families, of powerful talents, of great learning, of pre-eminent wisdom, of decision of character, and of most inflexible integrity. And yet, not unfrequently, they have been treated as if they had no virtues; while their sins and follies have been sedulously immortalized in satirical anecdote. The influence of such treatment of the Fathers is too manifest. It creates and lets loose their invaluable institutions the Vandal spirit of innovation and overthrow; for after the memory of our Fathers shall have been rendered contemptible, who will appreciate and sustain their institutions? ‘The Memory of Our Fathers,’ should be the watchword of liberty throughout the land;–for, imperfect as they were, the world before, had not seen their like, nor will it soon, we fear, behold their like again. Such models of moral excellence, such apostles of civil and religious liberty, such shades of the illustrious dead, looking down upon their descendants with approbation or reproof, according as they follow or depart from the good way, constitute a censorship inferior only to the eye of God;–and to ridicule them is national suicide.

The doctrines of our Fathers have been represented as gloomy, superstitious, severe, irrational, and of a licentious tendency. But when other systems shall have produced a piety as devoted, a morality as pure, a patriotism as disinterested, and a state of society as happy, as have prevailed where their doctrines have been most prevalent; it may be in season to seek an answer to this objection. The same doctrines have been charged with inspiring a spirit of dogmatism and religious domination. But in all the struggles of man with despotic power for civil liberty, the doctrines of our Fathers have been found, usually, if not always, on the side of liberty, as their opposite have been usually found in the ranks of arbitrary power.

The persecutions instituted by our Fathers, have been the occasion of ceaseless obloquy upon their fair fame. And truly it was a fault of no ordinary magnitude that—sometimes, they did persecute. But let him, whose ancestors were not ten times more guilty, cast the first stone, and the ashes of our Fathers will no more be disturbed. Theirs was the fault of the age. And it will be easy to show, that no class of men had at that time approximated so nearly to just apprehensions of religious liberty; and that it is to them that the world is now indebted for the more just and definite views which prevail. More exclamation and invective has been called forth by the few instances of persecution by the Fathers of New England, than by all the fires which lighted the realm of Old England for centuries, and drove into exile, thousands of her most valuable subjects.

The superstition and bigotry of our Fathers are themes, on which come of their descendants, themselves far enough from superstition, if not from bigotry, have delighted to dwell. But when we look abroad, and behold the condition of the world compared with the condition of New England, we may just exclaim, ‘Were to God that the ancestors of all the nations had been not almost, but altogether such bigots as our Fathers were!’

Their strictness in the family, and in church and state, has been complained of as too rigid. But they were laying the foundations of a nation, and applying a moral power, whose impulse should extend through ages; and who that beholds the rapid and appalling moral relaxation of the present day, can believe that they put the system in motion with too much rigor? In proportion as their discipline had been less strict, our present condition had been more alarming, and our future prospects more desperate.

Our Fathers have been ridiculed as an uncouth uncourtly generation. And it must be admitted, that they were not as expert in the graces of dress, and the etiquette of the drawing room, as some of their descendants. But neither could these have felled the trees, nor guided the plough, nor spread the sail which they did; nor braved the dangers of Indian warfare, nor displayed the wisdom in counsel which our Fathers displayed. And, had none stepped upon the Plymouth rock but such effeminate critics as these, the poor natives never would have mourned their wilderness lost, but would have brushed them from the land, as they would brush the puny insect from their face; the Pequods would have slept in safety that night which was their last; and no intrepid Mason had hung upon their rear, and driven into exile the panic-struck fugitives.

2. We are called upon to cherish and extend our religious institutions.

Religion was the power on which our Fathers relied—the power which has made us what we are, and which must guarantee the perpetuity of our blessings. Every other influence has been tried and has failed, while this has been tried with ample promise of success. The application of religious and moral influence id, therefore the great duty to which, as a nation, we are called. On this influence depends our rise or fall—our glorious immortality or our hasty dissolution. Everything but this may be safely left to the operation of existing causes. Ambition will secure the interests of education and science; the love of gold will push agriculture and commerce and arts; and the pride of liberty will arm the nation and render it invincible. All these things, the nations who have preceded us have been able to do. but there was a sickness of the heart which they could neither endure nor heal;—and with this same disease this nation is sick, and intellectual culture, and civil liberty,, and national wealth will not heal it. There is but one remedy; and that is the preaching of the Gospel, with the Holy Ghost sent down from on high. But to render the Gospel effectual , the religious education of the family, and the moral culture of our schools and colleges must be secured; and the Sabbath must be rescued from profanation . The Sabbath is the great organ of the divine administration—the only means provided by God to give ubiquity and power to his moral government. The intellectual culture of a nation requires schools and literary institutions; and that the subjects of instruction shall be brought under their influence. Let the fascinations of pleasure, or the demands of labor withdraw the children and youth from the power of intellectual culture, and ignorance will ensue; in like manner, let the stream of pleasure and of worldly cares bear away the population of the land from the house of God, and from the duties of devotion on the Sabbath; and ignorance of God and of his laws will with equal certainty ensue; irreligion will prevail, and immorality and dissoluteness, to an extent utterly inconsistent with the permanence of republican institutions. Europe can never enjoy civil liberty until she shall do more homage to the Sabbath of God; and we shall enjoy it but a short space after we have ceased to render to God his right in that sacred day: for, all the millions who violate the Sabbath will draw themselves from the moral power of the divine government, deprive their families of a religious education, and abandon them to the power of their evil hearts and their own bad example. In the meantime, the secular interests of men are so indissolubly connected, that the stream of business, put in motion by the wicked on the Sabbath day, not only pains the eye of the virtuous, but, as it deepens, and roars, and rolls onward its turbid waters, it draws into itself by the associations of business, a large, and still larger portion of the community; until it spreads unresisted over the land, obliterates the government of God, and substitutes covetousness and pleasure and dissoluteness, instead of godliness and the morality of the Gospel.

The present undoubtedly, is the generation which is to decide the fate of this great empire, by deciding whether the Sabbath of God shall be preserved or blotted out; for the temptations of the seaboard and of canals are immense, and are increasing most fearfully; and, unless public sentiment and law shall make a stand soon, we may as well attempt to stop the rolling of the ocean, or the current of our mighty rivers.

The universal extension of our religious institutions is the only means of reconciling our unparalleled prosperity with national purity and immortality. Without the preserving power of religious and moral influence, our rapid increase in wealth will be the occasion of our swift destruction. The rank vegetation of unsanctified enterprise, thrown into one vast reservoir of putrefaction, will send up over the land desolation and death. No nation will be so short lived as ours, unless we can balance the temptations of our prosperity by moral power. Our sun has moved onward from his morning to his meridian, with a rapidity and glory which has amazed the world. But, unless we can extend the power of religious institutions through the land, dark clouds will soon obscure his glory, and his descent to a night of ages will be more rapid than his rising.

When we were colonists, or unallied states, the law could make provision for the creation and application of moral power. The law could compel men to desist from secular employments and vain amusements on the Sabbath. The law could compel men to support the Gospel, and attend the public worship of God—and civil officers could see ti it, that every town should in due time settle a minister, and that every family should possess a Bible and a catechism. But these means of moral influence the law can no longer apply; and there is no substitute but the voluntary energies of the nation itself, exerted by associations for charitable contributions and efforts, patronized by all denominations of Christians, and by all classes of the community who love their country, We may boast of of our civil and religious liberty, but they are the fruit of other men’s labors into which we have entered; and the effect of institutions, whose impulse has been felt long after the hands that reared them have moldered in the grave. This impulse too, is fast failing, and becoming yearly, more and more disproportioned to the mass that is to be moved by it. Our religious institutions must be invigorated, or we are undone. They must move onward with our flowing emigration to the Mississippi—must pass the Rocky mountains, and pour their waters of life into the ocean beyond; and from the north to the south, they must bear salvation their waves. In this way the nation can save itself; but unless it can be roused to this mighty work , it will ,like the man among the tombs, become exceedingly fierce, and turn upon itself its infuriated energies, and pour out its own life blood by its self-inflicted wounds. 1

3. We are called upon to give a quickened and extended impulse to our charitable institutions.

These are the providential substitutes for those legal provisions of our Fathers, which are now inapplicable by change or circumstances. In these the nation must enroll itself spontaneously, and the spirit of the Puritans be revived, for the preservation of their institutions. And now is the time. With our growing prosperity, the fascinations of pleasure increase, and the means and temptations to voluptuousness. Now, unless the salt of the earth contained in Christian institutions can be diffused through the land, the mass will putrify. The tide of business and pleasure, bursting from our cities, rolling on our seacoast, and flowing in our canals, will soon sweep away the Sabbath, unless a vigorous public sentiment, by the preaching of the Gospel, and the power of the Spirit, can be arrayed for its preservation; while Bibles, and Pastors, and teachers are multiplied, till the knowledge of the Lord covers the land, and his saving health id extended to all the people.

4. All Christian denominations are called upon to co-operate for the preservation of religion.

It is idle to expect, and folly to desire the amalgamation of all denominations into one. The papal effort at universal comprehension has shown , what a vast, unstimulated, stagnant uniformity will accomplish ; and God, no doubt, has permitted some varying winds of opinion to move upon the face of the deep, to maintain motion, purity and life. We may say however, that jealousies and ambitious collisions between religious denominations should give place to Christian courtesy, and the magnanimity of an hearty co-operation for the glory of God, and the salvation of the world. It is in vain to expect, and it would be sinful to desire the extinction of any one denomination of real Christians. There is room for all—and work for all; and there is ample reason why each should hail the other as an auxiliary in the work of the Lord. Religious principle must be applied throughout the nation, and no one denomination can do it. The work demands the ceaseless action of each in its own peculiar way, and the magnanimous co-operation of all, for the preservation of the great principles of our common Christianity. Nor will such concert of action be in vain. It will form, extensively, a public opinion which shall accord with the morality of the Gospel—whose sanctions, expressed in the votes of virtuous freemen , shall elevate to influence and power, men of pure morality, , and consign the irreligious , immoral, and dissolute, to merited contempt:–a law which the wicked cannot repeal, and whose penalty they cannot evade. All denominations, united, and directing their suffrages to that end, can check the violation of the Sabbath; can arrest the contagion of intemperance ; can punish duelists in high places, who with shameless notoriety, set at defiance the laws of God and their country, bringing upon us the contempt of the world, and the just judgments of heaven.

5. In this great work of national preservation and universal good will, our civil rulers are, particularly, called upon to co-operate; not, as once, in convoking synods, and approving and recommending creeds; and not in coercing by law, attendance upon public worship, or the support of religious institutions. The day is gone by, in which such interposition is required, or can avail. The God of our Fathers, having giving to us a practical illustration of the efficacy of religious institutions, sustained by law during our minority;—now, in our manhood, puts the price into our hands to be preserved or abandoned spontaneously on our own responsibility. Nor are the church and the state to be so identified, as that the qualifications for civil office must be the same as for membership in that kingdom which is not of this world. Our civil rulers owe to God and their country now, the same illustrious piety, the same estimation of the doctrines of God’s Word, the same attendance upon the ordinances of the Gospel and co-operation for their support, and the same strict and pure morality, which rendered the civil Fathers of our land so illustrious in their character, and so benign in the power of their example upon their own and upon other generations. The example of men in official stations is among the most powerful moral caused which afflict or bless a community. If it be good, it descends with cheering power, like the gentle rain upon the earth; but if it be evil, from its “bad eminence,” it comes down upon the community like the mountain torrent, sweeping away landmarks. The righteous mourn under their sway, and the wicked creep from their hiding places, and walk on every side, setting their mouth against the heavens, and their foot upon all that is sacred and holy. The time has come, when the experiment is to be made, whether the world is to be emancipated and rendered happy, or whether the whole creation shall groan and travail together in pain until the final consummation: and the example of the rulers of our nation will throw decisive weights into the scales, for or against the world’s last hope. If they pour contempt upon the Bible, its doctrines and institutions—if they take in vain the name of God, or profane wantonly his holy day—if they concentrate in the capitol, and spread abroad through the land, the infection of their bad example; the whole nation will feel it, and die under it, unless the indignant virtue of an insulted community shall throw off the body of death, and , by a well-directed suffrage , call to its aid men of talents and of pure morality.

6. To perpetuate our national prosperity and hold up our light to the world, our citizens must ban party spirit, and regulates the suffrage of the nation with reference to the preservation of its moral purity.

The temporary collisions of local interest and of ambition can never be excluded from such a nation as this, and are not to be feared. It is those deep-rooted and permanent divisions, extending through the land, arousing the feelings and arraying the energies of one part of the nation in keen collision with the other, and perpetuating prejudice and strife from generation to generation, which threaten the existence of our republican institutions . Through one such fiery trial we have passed undestroyed though by no means uninjured; and no patriot of the present generation would willingly, I trust, behold our country placed in such jeopardy again. Despotic governments may pass in safety through popular commotions such as would shake down the pillars of a republic. The mobs of England, which, in the presence of a military power, are but the gambols of a kid within the scope of the lion’s paw, would be, in this country, as the letting out of waters. There is no possibility of freedom in this bad world, without so much intelligence and moral principle among the people, as shall create an efficient people sentiment in favor of law and good order. But party spirit prostrates everything within the sphere of its commotion, which is venerable and scared. It directs the attention of the people from their own common interests, to the means of gaining objects to which prejudice and passion may direct them; and the attention of the government from the public good, to the means of its own perpetuity and ascendancy. It renders a wise and comprehensive policy impossible; for party spirit has no magnanimity, no conscience, no consistency, to withhold it from resisting a steadily what is wise as what is unwise, and its victories are too transient to admit of much prospective wisdom. It is eminently hostile to the laws which watch over the morals of the nation;–for who will execute them, when patrizans on both sides fear that they may feel the consequences of fidelity at the next election. Too often, from the nearly balanced state of parties, the most worthless portion of the community actually hold the sway in the elections, even in a state of society comparatively virtuous,–occasioning impunity in the violation of law, and clothing with political consequence, and too often surrounding with adulation, men whom our Fathers would have expelled from good society. It tends to destroy in society, all distinctions of moral character, talent, and learning ,as qualifications for office; while it reconciles the people, upon the plea of necessity, to such preposterous sacrifices of conscience, and common sense, as they would never consent to, unstimulated by its madness. Indeed, in all but the name, it rears beneath the forms of freedom, a real and most horrific despotism. For every party has a soul,–some master spirit, who, without a crown and a scepter, governs with absolute sway. He is surrounded by a nobility, each of whom is commissioned to govern the public opinion within his sphere, and bring his retainers to the polls, to subserve implicitly the interests of the king and of the aristocracy. It needs only to kindle the watch-fire, and every clansman is at his post; and argument might as well avail against bullets in the day of battle, as in these determined contests of parties. There is no remedy for this state of things, but that intelligence which qualifies the people to understand their rights, interests and duties; and that calmness of feeling to which the mind, undisturbed by patrizan efforts, will not fail to come; and that deep conviction of the importance of moral purity, which shall turn the expectations of the people from party men and party measures, to the application of moral power, by the institutions of religion, and the interposition of the Holy Spirit.

Multitudes of Christians and patriots have long since abandoned party politics, and, not knowing what to do, have almost abandoned the exercise of suffrage. This is wrong. An enlightened and virtuous suffrage may, by system and concentration, become one of the most powerful means of promoting national purity and morality;–as the suffrage from which the influence of conscience is withdrawn, cannot fail to be disastrous. While then, as freemen, we remove one temptation to hypocrisy, by dispensing with a profession of religion as a qualification for office , and exclude all occasions of jealousy, by bestowing our votes without reference to Christian denomination; let all Christians and all patriots exercise their rights as electors, with an inflexible regard to moral character; and let the duelist, and the Sabbath-breaker, and the drunkard, and the licentious, find the doors of honor barred, and the heights of ambition defended against them by hosts of determined freemen, and the moral effect will be great. The discrimination by suffrage will exert upon the youth of our country a more salutary restraint and upon dissolute and ambitious men a powerful reforming influence. Let every freeman, then, who would perpetuate the liberty and happiness of his country, and transmit to his descendants of distant generations the precious legacy which our Fathers have sent down to us, inquire concerning the candidate for whom he has solicited to vote,–is he an enemy to the Bible, or to the doctrines and institutions of the Gospel;—is he a duelist, or an intemperate man, or a Sabbath-breaker, or dissolute, or dishonest?—and if, in any of these respects, he be disqualified, let him withhold his vote, and give it to a better man—and it will go far to retrieve the declensions which have taken place, and to render righteousness and peace the stability of our times.

And now, what shall we say to these things? Are they the dreams of a fervid imagination, or are they the words of truth and soberness? Will our blessings be perpetuated, or shall ours be added to the ruined republics that have been? Are we assembled today to bestow funeral honors upon our departed glory, or with united counsels and hearts to strengthen the things that remain? Weak indeed must be the faith that wavers now, and sinks and waves less terrific, and prospects more cheering, than any which our Fathers ever saw. Were it dark even as midnight, and did the waves run high, and dash loud and angry around us, still our faith would not be dismayed: still with our Fathers we would believe, “Qui transtulit sustinet;” and still would we rejoice in the annunciation of Him that sitteth upon the throne, “Behold I create all things new.” Our anchor will not fail –our bark will not flounder; for the means of preservation will be used, and the God of our Fathers will make them effectual. The memory of our Fathers is becoming more precious. Their institutions are commanding a higher estimation. Deeper convictions are felt of the importance of religion ; and more extended and vigorous exertions are made to balance the temptations of prosperity by moral power. Christians are ceasing from their jealousies, and concentrating their energies. The nation is moved, and beginning to enroll itself in various forms of charitable association, for the extension of religion at home and abroad. Philosophers and patriots, statesmen and men of wealth, are beginning to feel that it is righteousness only which exalteth a nation; and to give to the work of moral renovation their arguments, the power of their example, and the impulse of their charity. And the people, weary of political collision, are disposed at length to build again those institutions, which, in times of contention, they had either neglected or trodden down. Such an array of moral influence as is now comprehended in the great plan of charitable operations, were never before brought to bear upon the nation. It moves onward, attended by fervent supplications, and followed by glorious, and unceasing effusions of the Holy Spirit. The god of this world feels the shock of the onset, and has commenced his retreat; and Jesus Christ is pressing onward from conquering to conquer: nor will he turn from his purpose, or cease from his work, until he hath made all things new.

1. In many of the discourses and orations which commemorate the deeds of our Fathers, their character, as the apostles of civil liberty, is especially eulogized; while their doctrines, their piety, and the other peculiarities of their religious institutions, are passed off with cold commendations, or perhaps palliated and excused as the defects of the age. But no historical fact is more completely established, and that their peculiar doctrines and views of experimental religion and church order were dearer to them than life; and that it is these, which, for more than one hundred and fifty years, applied the religious and moral influence under which New England was formed, and which has made her what she is. Let the children of the Pilgrims never forget this; and let the eulogists of their patriotism cease to spread before our eyes such a glitter of style and eloquence, as shall place their civil exploits in the fore-ground, and throw their doctrines, and church order, and eminent piety in the back-ground. The religious and moral causes which have blessed New England, and are now rolling the tide of salvation to the West, can never be concealed; and can never be successfully, misrepresented. As well may the Newtonian philosophy be concealed, as the system of our Fathers—it is out, and known, and read of all men. We are the more called upon to regard this subject with deep interest, from the fact that the attempt is now openly made to destroy the religious and moral energy of the churches which our Fathers planted, by perverting their doctrines, changing the qualifications for membership, and taking from them their immemorial and sacred rights in the election of their own pastors, in the enjoyment of which, their moral power must fail. We have no apprehension that the children of the Pilgrims, when the subject shall be fairly understood, will, by adding injustice to ingratitude, sanctions such innovations.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1827 Yale

NATIONAL PROSPERITY PERPETUATED:

A

DISCOURSE:

DELIVERED IN THE

CHAPEL OF YALE COLLEGE;

ON THE DAY OF
THE ANNUAL THANKSGIVING:

NOVEMBER 29, 1827.

BY ELEAZAR T. FITCH.

Videte ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit tantam vobis imperii gloriam reliquenre, sic vobis turpissimum sit, illud quod accepistis, tueri et conservare non posse.—Cit.

NEW-HAVEN:
TREADWAY AND ADAMS
CHRONICLE OFFICE, PRINT.
1828.

 

DISCOURSE.
Psalm CXV. 15.
Ye are blessed of the Lord which made heaven and earth.

 

In his song of thankfulness, the Psalmist thus congratulated happy Israel. On the day when he composed the song, he beheld the descendants of that ancient patriarch in their prosperity:–a nation, preserved from the dark idolatry of the gentiles; happy in the possession of the lands of Palestine and in the enjoyment of the instruction, protection and favor of Jehovah; and among them, the sons of Aaron, blest with the permission of presenting their national and individual offerings of penitence, devotion and gratitude on mount Zion. The prosperity of his brethren and companions, filled his heart with joy; and induced him thus to remind them of the lovingkindness of God. Crowned with the riches of earth and of heaven, they were called upon to trace their blessings to that God who is the Maker, Proprietor, and Lord and Disposer of both worlds: “Ye are blessed of the Lord which made heaven and earth.”

Yet the eye of the sacred poet rested not simply on the prosperity of Israel at that day, blest with the benefactions of God. His object was to excite and fix the grateful confidence of the nation upon the God of their fathers—the help and the hope of Israel. Their present blessings he regarded, as so many testimonies of what the goodness of God had been towards his servants in past ages, and as so many pledges of what his goodness would still be towards them and their offspring should they continue to place their grateful confidence in him, their supreme benefactor. They were reminded that they stood on an eminence of prosperity between the fathers and posterity: and that the God from whom had originated their gifts was now present in Zion, demanding, by all his goodness until that hour, their grateful confidence, in order that he might watch over their possessions still, and transmit them, augmented, to succeeding generations. “O Israel, trust thou in the Lord….O house of Aaron, trust in the Lord….Ye that fear the Lord, trust in the Lord….The Lord hath been mindful of us. He will bless us….He will bless them that fear the Lord, both great and small. The Lord shall increase you more and more, you and your children.”

From this address to Israel, which breathes the truth and fervency of heavenly inspiration, we learn, that, in their prosperity, God demanded of them their grateful confidence in order to perpetuate their blessings. The sentiment is one, indeed, which runs through the history of all the revelations addressed to Israel: that if they presented to God the aspect of an obedient and thankful nation, he would continue and multiply his blessings on the land; but that if they were stained with national ingratitude and rebellion, he would banish them and their children from their privileges, and scatter them into the corners of the earth, an eminent example of punishment to all nations:–which he did, when the priests and the people, before Pilate, ungratefully rejected him in the person of his Son, and he made them, for it, a monument of his indignation in every nation of the earth by their desertion and exile.

The general sentiment is worthy of our attentive consideration, that, in the day of national prosperity, gratitude to God is demanded as the necessary means of securing its perpetuity.

You will expect me, on this occasion, to illustrate this sentiment in the application which it has to ourselves: and this I shall attempt to do, under the following particulars:

    1. The goodness of God to this nation;

 

    1. The gratitude which he demands in return; and,

 

  1. The connection of the claim with the continuance of our national prosperity.

I. Let us contemplate the goodness of God to us as a nation.

I will not attempt the boundless detail which would open before me, were I to enter upon a particular enumeration of all the blessings, worldly and spiritual, which the Lord of heaven and earth has conferred upon this people. I will rather survey the whole under one or two aspects which may exhibit, more clearly to us, his exceeding great goodness. Let us contemplate, then, the bounty of God in the greatness of the privileges he has freely conferred on us, and his watchful care in maturing them for our possession.

The bounty of God is manifest in the greatness of our privileges.

Survey, for a moment, our worldly advantages. Fixed on a soil of great variety and fertility; bordered in its whole extent by the ocean, and intersected, in every part, by vast and navigable rivers; embosoming resources, immense and as yet but partially explored; enjoying the suns and skies of every variety of climate; separated far from the polluting and jarring elements of the Eastern hemisphere; this nation has every possible advantage for the enjoyment of worldly peace and prosperity. And that prosperity it highly enjoys. Even in her youth, she is already adorned with most of the internal improvements of the old world, and has added to them important inventions of her own. Through the whole extent of her coast and on the margins of her noble rivers, she has established her populous and busy marts; that vie in elegance and wealth with foreign cities and far surpass them in their rapidly increasing prosperity. From her hills and vallies, she annually rolls into these confluent marts, the products and fabrics of trade, to the amount in value of more than a hundred millions; yet leaving the granaries of the farmer full, and permitting, as does no other nation, the laborer to detain enough in his possession to furnish himself and his household with the necessaries and luxuries of life. She has filled her hundred harbors with ships, and sent them forth, with the fleetness of the wind, on every sea and to every nation, to collect the treasures of the deep, or bear the treasures of both sea and land to other marts: till her tonnage competes with that of the most favored commercial nations, and her navy, the protectress of her commerce, rivals theirs. And she collects a revenue which, for the lightness of its burthen and its competency, may well render her the envy of nations perplexed with enormous expenditure, and impoverished with oppressive taxation.

View, next, our civil privileges. This, is the dwelling of freedom. This, the home of liberty. Exiled from other lands, she here has found a resting place. Nor is the freedom which marks our institutions of government a mere word, suited to swell a thoughtless declamation. Go ask the Turk, by what tenure he holds his possessions, his personal liberty, his life: and he will tell you by the will of a Pacha, or the Grand Seignor. That is despotism; tyranny. The yeoman of this favored nation will tell you that he holds them by the will of God and unalienable right; that they are secured to him by his fellow-citizens, in a written bill of rights and constitution of authority which no power, legislative, judicial, or executive can violate. That is freedom: power emanating from the citizens; regulated by open compact, in which the majority, through their agents, protect the individual in his just rights, and restrain and punish offenders for the good of the whole. This is our shield in the house and by the way; our shelter of repose, through every innocent occupation and enjoyment; the bond of confidence, in our social intercourse and commutations; the incentive to enterprise, in every branch of honorable gain or preferment. In what nation, unless in the fatherland of our ancestors, will you find the citizens thus treated by government as being equal in their rights; left free in their intercourse with one another; or permitted to aspire to more elevated conditions than those of birth? If you doubt your superior privileges, go hold as tenants of European lords; surrender your freedom of speech to the jealous espionage of kings; and subject the liberty of your persons to the gendarmerie of power.

Look, next, at our literary privileges. Vain were it indeed for us, in the infancy of our literary institutions and means, to boast a supremacy over the older institutions of Europe, with their distinguished patronage, their immense libraries, and their vast apparatus for scientific experiment and research. We can only assert that we are advancing towards rivalry. Yet this nation is fast rearing the edifice of her literary fame. She is rapidly multiplying her men of science and letters, and infusing into them the keenest ardor of research. Her writers, her orators, her poets, are already commanding the respect of other nations as well as elevating the genius of her own children. But on this survey, it is my joy as an American to recognize that diffusion of privilege which, rather than accumulation, characterizes our happy country. Our institutions of learning are not designed for a select few: but, in the form of the college, academy and school, they are diffused through the several States, and bring the means of knowledge to every village and to the doors of almost every hamlet in the nation: and from the free and unshackled press, channels of instruction and intelligence are opened to the whole population through which knowledge is constantly circulating. How rare is that phenomenon at least in New-England, that is so common in other nations;–an adult who cannot read! Yes: you may travel to an obscure cottage on some distant mountain, apparently secluded from all intercourse with the surrounding world; and yet its inmates shall show you, that they hold communion, in their thoughts, with every part of this nation, in her minute interests; with South America, in her revolutions; with Greece, in her struggles; with Europe, in her developing policy. Yes, that they hold converse with the dead of past ages; and they will tell you of the fall and rise of empires; or inspire you with the sentiments of illustrious writers. The traveler who visits us from foreign nations, acknowledges, with surprise, this happy diffusion of knowledge and intelligence: for he leaves a peasantry at home shut out from the avenues to learning—as ignorant, almost, of what is passing on the wide theatre of the world, as the cattle that graze upon the domains of their lords.

Survey, again, the religious privileges which enrich this nation. These in their very nature are heavenly privileges. They elevate man as a spiritual being. They resemble him to the moral image of his Maker and the angels. They bring him into communion with God on earth and prepare him for that communion in more exalted stations in eternity. And how richly are they enjoyed here! Not only in the volumes of divine truth, that are on the shelves of our habitations, and constantly spread before individuals and families the ways of present and eternal happiness; not only in those temples which elevate their spires towards heaven from the spacious cities and thousand villages of our territory, and weekly open their portals of praise and instruction for the pilgrim to eternity: but in that religious freedom and toleration which dawns on us as on no other nation, and leaves the friends of piety an open field for their benevolent labors; and in the presence of the Spirit of God in our churches, with his most signal gifts;–our last and best hope of elevating a triumphant standard against the irruptions of ungodliness.

We have thus far surveyed the bounty of God in the profusion of his gifts: let us now contemplate his watchful care over their preparation and transmission.

On the opening of the seventeenth century, but a little more than two hundred years since, the fast territory which now embraces the population of these United States, was one immense forest; broken only by the silent bosom of the lake or the lonely pathway of the river; inhabited by the savage and his game. At that time Great Britain claimed authority over it; disputed in the title, only by the States General of Holland. By all in that nation, it was regarded with great interest: by the king, as an accession to his dominions; by the capitalist, as a source of profitable investment; and by the adventurer, as a scene of hardy and industrious enterprise. Divided into North and South Virginia, and held by the two companies of Plymouth and London by patent from the king, it was prepared for the introduction upon its soil of the adventurous colonist who, from any motives, might choose to fix his residence here and plant the germ of a rising empire.

A colony of Englishmen under the auspices of Sir Walter Raleigh, first landed as settlers on South Virginia. To North Virginia, the Puritans, exiled from their native land, or harassed in it, came; bearing in their breasts the sacred love of liberty and religion. These latter adventurers, (I confine myself to these, for their history is briefly the history of all, and soon merges itself in that of all,) these adventurers, while their ship was yet hovering on the coast, and before they disembarked, appointed a day of thanksgiving to that God who had conducted them safely across the ocean, and formed on that day a civil compact with each other that they should be ruled by the majority,–in which latter act they founded the liberties and union of a representative republic. When they landed, the germ of all our present prosperity lay concealed in their little society. Theirs was the spirit of hardy enterprise, the desire of virtuous liberty, the regard for knowledge, the attachment to religion, which was to be developed on the theatre of this nation, and to mark the character and bless the destiny of a numerous posterity—the effects of which we feel at this day in those peculiar privileges which the God of heaven and earth has secured to us as our fair inheritance.

But what is the history of the transmission? Go back and survey the adventurers, landed upon an unexplored coast, on the eve of a bleak and desolate winter, with a vast ocean on one side separating them forever from their former homes, and on the other a boundless forest filled with savage beasts or with men as wild and savage. They are to unlock the stores of temporal wealth which the God of the whole earth had concealed beneath these vallies and mountains. They are to protect, extend, and perpetuate those principles of civil and religious freedom which the God of heaven had inspired in their breasts. Yet at what toil, with what privations and sufferings, through what perils and dangers; to be endured and surmounted, only by the guiding and protecting care of Heaven! To God they commit their infant interests: and go forth, strong in heart and vigorous in nerve, to the perilous encounter. They fell the forests: they build their houses; they erect their sanctuaries; they sow their plantations; and over their harvests they raise their pious thanksgivings.

But the day of adversity soon comes. Famine, pestilence, war,–those scourges, terrible to nations abundant in resources and sympathies for lightening the evil,–were to be encountered, in their most appalling forms, by these few and feeble adventurers. The native tribes, who at first welcomed them to a residence in the territory, soon regarded their increasing prosperity with envy, were jealous of their power, and coveted their wealth. Nor was it difficult to find pretences for justifying their hatred, or occasions for venting it in the cruelties of war. Who has not read of those days of distress, when (it might be said almost literally) every village was a garrison, and every householder, a soldier; when every heart was filled with terrors by day and alarms at night; when the gun was become the most necessary of implements, and was a constant companion at the plough, by the fireside, and in the sanctuary? Or why should I relate the story of those Indian wars which terminated in the desperate battles which, under the guidance or instigation of Philip the brave, spread carnage and woe through New-England; the grand struggle for mastery—the crisis of destiny to the colonies and the aboriginal race? The blood of our fathers then flowed for us freely; and in that day of fainting and sorrow, the God of all power declared himself on their side, the helper of those that trusted in him and the destroyer of their foes. Nor in closing this series of warfare in triumph over the Indian tribes were they restrained from acknowledging the favor of God in conducting them to it, by the reflection that their cause had been unjust. “I can clearly say,” the pious governor Winslow observes, in a letter written at the time, “that before the present troubles broke out, the English did not possess one foot of land in this colony, but what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian proprietors.” The planters had protected them in their rights, by their laws; and had attempted to introduce them to a friendly participation in their own privileges. And it is a record cheering to us, as we weep over this downfall of the aboriginal race, that, at the time of the war of Philip, more than twenty towns of Indians had united with our pilgrim fathers in acknowledging the One God and Savior of nations.

But another crisis of peril was to arise with the colonists: nor in that hour were they less signally favored with the guardian watchfulness of God. They were now to encounter a powerful foe in the nation that gave them birth. Though the ties of kindred pleaded against a war so unnatural, and their inexperience was to cope with valor often tried on the field of battle and crowned with triumph; yet they saw in their liberties what was dearer to them than all they might risk in the contest. Embarking their lives and fortunes, they launched forth upon the perilous enterprise. Strong in the justice of their cause, they disowned their allegiance to their former fosterland; and called upon God to watch over their destinies through the coming, dark, eventful struggle. The note of war was sounded; the veteran troops of Europe were upon our territories; and the blood of our patriot fathers was poured forth as the price of our liberties. At this crisis of destiny, the Lord watched over our birthright. He secured to us our inheritance.

Nor do I fear the imputation of Puritanism when I acknowledge thus the goodness of God in conducting this nation up through past perils to its present height of prosperity. A Puritan ancestry is my pride. Puritan principles are my hope and my joy. I would blush rather for the American who, through inattention to the history of his country or fear of the imputation of prejudice, should prove himself so unworthy of his privileges as not to respond cordially to the grateful declaration of Washington, after he had achieved the independence of his country and resigned his military commission, when called to take the chair of chief magistracy: “No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency.”

I have dwelt too long perhaps on this part of the subject. But the goodness of God toward us in conferring upon us the peculiar blessings we enjoy, and in transmitting them to us with so much care from our fathers, is worthy of a frequent and an attentive consideration. We should dwell upon it, until it affect our hearts. The survey presents to us impressive evidence, that the Lord of heaven and earth is our highest benefactor. He is seen to be with us, deserving and claiming our pious gratitude. To this thought I would now advert: and consider,

II. The gratitude which he demands in return.

Now it cannot be that the Lord, who holds in his hands all the riches of heaven and earth and who dispenses them so freely in his providence, should ever seek to be enriched gain by gifts which men can offer, or to be gratified with the flatteries of their tongues. He does not seek literal repayment. He simply asks to be acknowledged in the benefactions he has made, and to be trusted in for future, with hearts duly alive to his unbounded goodness; in order that he may consistently carry forward the works of lovingkindness that he begins. His object, like that of every good being, is to do good. He therefore seeks in men that preparation of heart which is implied in a grateful sense of his supreme goodness; which will fit them to receive, without abuse, his future favors. That was the return he sought of Israel, for the favors bestowed on that once happy but now desolate nation: and it is that, which he demands from his nation, for the goodness in which he appears before us at this day as the Guardian of our infant interests, the Giver of our present blessings, and the Promiser of increasing prosperity in years to come.

This return for his goodness involves in it, more especially, our grateful acknowledgment of what he has done and our supreme trust in him for future prosperity.

Our grateful acknowledgment of what he has done. In the lyric ode which contains the text, the Psalmist, rejoicing in the prosperity of Israel, began his strain of devotion, with a public and grateful acknowledgment of their indebtedness to God. “Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give glory, for thy mercy, and for thy truth’s sake.” Such open acknowledgment, God demands from this nation. Not a merely formal acknowledgment: as if we could crowd our praise into one set day of thanksgiving and go and riot on his bounties and delight ourselves in his gifts, in a forgetfulness of him, during the other days of the year. Not a thoughtless acknowledgment: as if we might bring him the offerings of our lips and feelings, and trust to discover reasons for our thankfulness afterwards. The acknowledgment which he demands of the American citizen is an enlightened and ardent one:–that which springs from intelligent and studious minds awake in some measure to the true extent and source of our national blessings; and from warm and grateful hearts which feel how much we owe to his goodness, and carry the feeling with them through the enjoyment, the intercourse and the duties of life. There have been many in this nation in the past periods of its history who have made this intelligent and heart-felt acknowledgment of divine goodness: and presented to God the offering of thankful and obedient hearts. They have borne the sentiment with them from the closet to the family, the social circle, the popular assembly, the bench of justice, the senate, the chair of chief magistracy: and they have united in devoutly expressing it in the sanctuaries of God. There are many such, we would hope, at this day—the salt of the land to preserve it—the breath of the land to revive it;–and it is to add to their number and secure unto himself a grateful nation, that God appears before us at this day reminding us of his gifts and of his high and imperious claims.

But more especially does he demand of us supreme trust in him for our future prosperity. This was the demand which he made on Israel through the Psalmist. “O Israel, trust thou in the Lord. O house of Aaron, trust in the Lord.” And this demand is now brought to our consciences with no less power by the voice of his providence. He calls us to put our trust in him as the supreme, the only source of our future prosperity. The trust which he requires is not that formal trust, which lifts up the voice to him for aid, but goes away and seeks all its joys and resources in his gifts: not that idle trust, which sleeps in inaction, and waits for God to perform both our duties and his promises. It is the heart-felt trust which enthrones him over our affections and subjects our lives to the guidance of his commandments, and which believes, from the testimonies of his goodness with which he surrounds us, that he is ready to bestow prosperity “on them that fear him, both great and small.” It is the active trust that engages cheerfully in the duties or the conflicts through which his guiding hand directs us as the avenues to prosperity; and which, like Israel, labors, endures privation, encounters enemies, when called to it by the cloudy and fiery pillar of his guidance. This is the trust which he demands of American citizens at this day when, more than ever, we are in danger of withdrawing our confidence from him and reposing in the rich gifts that form our inheritance. He stands before us as the Author of all our prosperity; and asks that we submit ourselves to his future guidance:–that we welcome him to preside over us with his authority and dwell with us with his word and institutions and Spirit of grace, that we come around him, each in our various stations, and cast upon his care the temporal and spiritual interests of the nation, waiting as obedient servants to receive and fulfill his orders. Was ever a claim more just, ore pure and disinterested, more worthy of our attention? To this claim, multitudes have gratefully responded in this nation. In the days of past peril and adversity, our fathers trusted in him and were delivered; and in this critical day of our prosperity, when we are threatened with no less dreadful but more insidious enemies, there are many who look to him alone as the supreme hope of the nation. And it is to add to their number and secure to himself a people gratefully submissive, whom he may conduct to increasing prosperity in years to come, that he reminds us at this day of his gifts: “Ye are blessed of the Lord which made heaven and earth.”

We are now come to the remaining thought:

III. The connection which the claim has with our national welfare in time to come.

Now that the prosperity of this country can be perpetuated, only by placing, as a people, our grateful trust in God and complying with the claims imposed upon us by his goodness, will, I think, be manifest from the following considerations.

1. We can in no other way secure the favor of God upon the destinies of the nation.

The Most High ruleth over the kingdoms of men. In his hand it is to plant and build, and to pluck up and destroy. Who can doubt this, that believes there is a God and that he created the heaven and the earth. Surely, he is Lord over the domains of his own creation; and will perform his righteous pleasure among the nations. Nor does it ever enter into his purposes to treat them without regard to their conduct. For the truth rests on the foundation of his essential goodness, and it has been fully attested in his revelations to Israel and by his conduct in the earth, that he will not cast off the people who put their trust in him; and that, though he bear long with those that refuse and rebel, he will not forget to punish. And shall we be exempt from the general laws of his providence? Can this nation withdraw itself from his domains? Can it change the nature of his purposes of government? Or, if he come forth to punish, can it avoid feeling the terror of his indignation?

Truly a weighty responsibility devolves upon us. God who has been the deliverer of our fathers and has brought us into their inheritance with many added gifts, has come, demanding of us the acknowledgment and trust of grateful hearts, in order that he may continue to us, and to those who come after us, our rich inheritance. Unlike the critical times of our nation’s adversity, this is the crisis of her prosperity. The issues dependent, are most weighty; and are to be felt in the joys or woes of the many millions who are coming forward to occupy the bounds of our habitation. If we put our trust in God; if the sentiment be broad and deep in the nation; no doubt he will go with us in favor and perpetuate his heavenly and worldly gifts with us and our children, and “increase them more and more.” But if we withdraw our confidence from him; if we ungratefully merge the thought of his goodness in our own worldliness and pride and lust; the scourges of vengeance are in his storehouse, and he will no doubt draw them forth for our punishment. It is only for him to withdraw from us the heavenly gifts of his grace, and convert our worldly gifts into snares of destruction; it is only for him to commission the evils of famine, pestilence, anarchy and war to pass through the land; and we and our children shall feel the tremendous scourging of his rod.

But the question whether we respond to the demand of God or not, has a most manifest connection with many of the secondary sources of our safety or danger;–a connection which must be conceded, even by him who is so hardy as to deny that God has a direct agency over the destinies of nations. I proceed, therefore, to remark on the connection of our gratitude with our prosperity:–

2. That it is the only means of maintaining a healthy tone of moral sentiment in the nation.

Need I show you how necessary a pure state of private and public morals is, to the welfare of a people? Vices are the scourges of those who practice them; they contaminate those who are in their vicinity; they carry distress and mourning into the relations of life and society; and they embitter the possession of every gift of God. What woes does that nation embosom in itself that is corrupted in its own sins? A nation in which neither the fear of God, respect for an oath, nor regard for a future state, stand as barriers against crime or securities for truth and justice? And if such shall ever become the fate of this nation generally, that her inhabitants, casting off the fear of God and man, are openly defiled with every pollution and crime, she will need no foreign enemy, she will need no domestic intriguer, to render desolate her joys. With her own vices shall she be crushed, and perish in her sins; and her name be placed on the catalogue of nations that have been whelmed in this vortex of ruin.

How then shall we rescue our country from so tremendous a fate, and preserve the fair possessions God has given us, uncorrupt to other generations? On what secondary resources can we rely to strengthen in the minds of our citizens and of rising generations the obligations to chastity, temperance and self-government; and to truth, justice and charity in their intercourse with one another? Can we trust to the bonds of self-interest? But the one who has surrendered himself to sin, has already relinquished his best interests in time to his lusts: and how shall he, by this consideration alone, be withdrawn from his wickedness; or others be restrained from rushing upon the same mad career? Can we trust to the influence of reputation? But the law of honor sinks or rises with the men who enact it: and it is facile enough to accompany society down into all those vices which degrade, torment, and destroy. No; it is the law of God only that can sustain a healthy tone of morals in a community: a perfect, unbending standard of purity, enforced by his own eternal sanctions.

And in order that God may address his law to us and our children with power: it is for us gratefully to subject ourselves with all our interests to him as our Lord. Only as we thus put our trust in him, shall we walk in his commandments before our fellow-citizens; and carry into our various stations in society the quickening and purifying power of godly precept and example. On this will depend our support of those institutions and ordinances of his which shall weekly remind our inhabitants on every hill and vale, that there is a God who demands their homage, and who will, through Christ, accept their heart-felt offerings. All real strength for awakening a high and solemn sense of obligation in any community, for stemming the tide of corruption, or for saving those who are exposed to it; must lie, as a secondary source, in hearts devoted to God. For what shall it avail that the word of God is in our hands, if the flame of devotion be extinguished from our hearts: and our citizens, as neighbors, as heads of families, as magistrates, neglect their high and sacred duties; and breathe, from their stations of influence, the deadly contagion of vice?

If we look over this nation and mark, with an impartial eye, the varying state of its morals, we shall not want evidence to show how intimately dependent these are on the state of piety and religion. There are some happy and bright spots of moral verdure, and many dark and fearful ones of sterility and desolation, presenting themselves to us on such a survey: which, alike exemplify this truth, and stand forth to us the harbingers of peace or the beacons of danger, that call upon us, most loudly, to put our trust in God in this day of our prosperity, and secure to the generations that come after us a home and heritage of joy and not of woe. But,

3. The religious gratitude and trust of this nation is the only means of securing an inviolable bond of union among our citizens.

Need I illustrate the necessity of firm union in this Federate Republic, in order to our true happiness? One in our origin, one in our language, one in our past perils and present prosperity; it can never seem desirable to break our peaceful fellowship, and divide into different, jealous, jarring nations. At least, if the day should ever arrive in which a division would be expedient or necessary, it is desirable that these States should then separate from each other in peace and as brethren. But such a division, made in harmony and love, is not the division to which we are most exposed, or which could most affect our peace. Nor is it that cool and honest difference of opinion which good men may entertain and express respecting particular men and measures connected with the government, which, kept within the bounds of moderation, serves but to surround our rulers with a salutary vigilance. But it is the divided and dividing feeling of ambition and selfishness,–the spirit of faction—that bane of republics. It is that spirit of sectional jealousy and variance which inflames the passions of one part of a country against another: or that spirit of party which runs through a whole nation, enkindling alienations among all its citizens, separating neighborhoods and households into ranks of hostility. Every intelligent patriot is aware that this constitutes one of the most threatening sources of danger to our republic. For, faction, once wild and ungovernable, unchains the furies of anarchy and blood to roam on their work of desolation; nor will they, when loosed, surrender themselves, or the melancholy wrecks of the nation they have desolated, except to the victorious arm of the unfeeling despot.

Where then, under God, is our safety? Where is that bond which shall preserve us, in our various pursuits and opinions, on terms of fraternal confidence and fellowship? Does it exist in the written constitution of our country, which so nicely adjusts and balances the various exercises of authority in our national government? But what is that instrument, without the concurring voice and hearts of the citizens? Does it lie in our common possessions and privileges, transmitted to us from our fathers? Alas! faction may desolate the fairest heritage; and divided hearts will spoil the joys of the most beauteous dwelling! It must be some higher bond, that will lift us above our selfish passions; that will instill into our hearts the forbearance and kindness of true charity; that will give us joy in the prosperity of each other and sympathy in trial; and that will rally us around our common privileges, as one man, against every enemy that would invade so fair a heritage. That bond is the piety which puts her grateful trust in God. There never was, and never will be, a firmer bond to unite men on earth in brotherly kindness. Let there be diffused in this nation the deep and pervading sentiment that we owe all our privileges to God; let the eye of trust from all parts of our common country be directed to him as the only efficient protector and guardian of our weal; and our cemented hearts shall be bound in holier ties to one another and to our common possessions. They who thus devoutly bear the welfare of their country before God, will feel that the interests around which they are stationed are sacred; and their hearts will be as one to guard the trust.

Nor is this mere theory: it is fact;–seen in the history of our Puritan fathers when, casting their common privileges on the protection of God, their hearts were knit together in confidence as the heart of one man. And if we survey our nation at this day of our prosperity, we may easily discover what elements of division or of union there are abroad in it, which are to decide her future destinies. There stands the demon of discord, instilling the selfishness that forgets the common good in contests for sectional interests and for power and patronage in the government. There hovers the angel of union, inspiring the love of the common good, which, far stronger than the petty partialities it may feel for its own limits or its own favorite, maybe safely relied on in the hour of trial;–infusing those spiritual charities which unite the hearts of the most distant members of the republic in weeping and prayers and offerings for the spiritual good of every part of this nation and of other less favored nations of the earth. Here behold we the pledges of our future union and strength, or the preludes of our future division and ruin; accordingly as we trust, or ungratefully reject, the guidance of the God of our fathers. United before his throne and around the previous privileges that are deposited with us for posterity, we shall be strong. To every foreign foe, we shall present the rampart of united hearts; impenetrable, like the firm cemented rock that forever repels the dashing waves. And within our borders, from one extremity of the nation to the other, ten thousand wakeful eyes shall guard the common interest, to detect and awe every domestic intriguer. This unity of pious trust in God, no question of state policy or of election to office in the government, will ever be able to sunder. But if we ungratefully withdraw our hearts from God; if we foster pride and selfishness and ambition and every element of faction and anarchy, and become loose to each other as the sands of Zahara; then farewell to that union which was founded in the piety of the Pilgrim exiles, and cemented with the blood of our fathers! We shall lose the boon that was handed to us, and bequeath a sad inheritance to our children. In vain shall these hills and vallies smile upon them; for the rich gifts which blessed their fathers shall be embittered to them by faction, or rent from them by unrelenting despotism.

But in illustrating the influence which our national gratitude must have upon our national prosperity, I would remark once more:

4. That it is the only means of insuring the necessary sacrifices and exertions for the welfare of the nation.

No one who attentively surveys this nation will allow, that we can neglect to make active exertions for its welfare and yet hope to bequeath our inheritance, unimpaired, to other generations. We are called to the work of supporting those social, civil, literary and religious institutions which now bless the nation and form the hope of a future age, and we are to remove the evils which already exist in the nation: or time alone will do the work of ruin. This double task lies on our hands: and it must be performed, in order that our privileges may pass safely over those who come after us.

But in supporting our institutions,–which, more than in any nation, are cast upon the spontaneous efforts of the people,–what will secure the cheerful giving, the labors and sacrifices of our citizens? Take, for instance, the institutions of religion, which form the key stone of all the others. Where, if our citizens ungratefully forget God, will be found the persons to continue these:–to build our houses of worship and support the ministers and ordinances of religion? Custom, fashion, self-interest may prompt to these exertions awhile; but they are soon relinquished, or the institutions themselves perverted, if the true spirit of piety is gone. But the work of supporting them is not confined to places where they have already had an existence: they are to be extended to desolate places. And it is in this aspect, that a work of great magnitude is presented to the American citizen. Our territory is broad; washed by those distant oceans that divide the world. Our population is extending with a rapidity unprecedented in the annals of time. Over the vast valley of the Mississippi, it is the destiny of this age, if any,–and from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, of the next,–to extend our free and happy institutions. The work is to be met now:–or, the tide of population will extend far beyond the presence of our religious institutions or their influence. A loud call is here presented for benevolent care over the interests of this growing empire: and where shall it meet a cheerful response, but in the hearts of those citizens who gratefully welcome God to be the guardian of this nation, and who humbly wait on him to know and fulfill their allotted duties?

But a greater demand is made on the benevolence of the American citizen than is involved in supporting and extending the happy institutions of his country: evils exist that must be encountered and removed, if he would not surrender its prosperity. Beside the evils of vice and faction, to which I have already adverted;–which seem to be rolling up, every day, a more dark and portentous cloud over our prospects:–there exists, in the slave population of the South, an evil that is to be met and removed now; or that fair portion of our beloved nation is subjected, at no distant day, to all the horrors of a servile war. This is no pleasant theme. Would to God the occasion for it did not exist. But there is no concealing the evil. There is no resisting the calculations which show its rapid progress, if something be not speedily done, to the fatal catastrophe. The ties of kindred, country, humanity, religion, plead that the nation come forward to the work of removing the evil a one man. Its removal will require the exercise of great forbearance, patience and charity between the slave holding States and the others; as well as the unwavering decision of the whole that the work shall be done, and their untiring energy in the prosecution. The crisis has come. We are to seal our destiny. The evil is to be removed now, or we are to groan under its scourges. We are now to do our utmost, or despond ever afterwards. If the South and the North now unite as the brethren of one common country, and as friends of the enslaved Africans, and commit their undertaking to him who has hitherto conducted the destinies of this nation in kindness; there is hope that we may yet blot this stain from our annals, and avert this impending scourge from our country. But if the North will reproach and refuse her aids and sympathies, and if the South will be jealous and refuse her assent and co-operation; if they will not unitedly come before God and commit to him the issues of the cause, waiting on him in their appropriate duties; our hope is gone, and we or posterity shall smart for our injustice towards man and ingratitude towards God.

I trust these considerations are sufficient to show you, how essential it is to our continued prosperity as a nation, that we fulfill the obligations which we owe to God for his kindness.

And now, could I cause my voice to resound through this nation, I would call upon all its inhabitants to review what God has done for their fathers; to survey, studiously, the privileges they are now enjoying at his hands; to contemplate the blessings which he proffers to their acceptance for posterity: and urge them, by these affecting testimonies of his goodness, to accept with devout hearts his guidance, committing themselves and the interests around which he has stationed them as guardians, unto him who delights to show mercy from generation to generation. “O Israel, trust thou in the Lord. O house of Aaron, trust in the Lord. Ye that fear the Lord, trust in the Lord.”

What sacred motives invite the citizens of this republic, to walk in this only path of prosperity!

The Lord of heaven and earth is with us, asserting his imperative claims. These claims we must face on another day of retribution. And how will we bear the stigma of ingratitude in that day, when the Lord shall appear in his glory and confound us before witnessing men and angels?

The world is before us, presenting its claims. Here the experiment is happily begun whether a nation may not perpetuate its existence and prosperity with free institutions; and the people who groan in bondage, or sigh for more liberal measures in other nations, look hither for sympathy and encouragement, and for the dawning of a brighter day. They watch anxiously the issues of an experiment which is the world’s last hope for the success of freedom. If we are so unfaithful as to alienate these blessings from our land, and cause God who has conferred them to withdraw from us in indignation; if, I say, the experiment fails in our hands; what despondency must weigh down the hearts of all the friends of freedom in the earth! They will reproach us with their doom, as they descend into a dark and hopeless night of despotism. And our shame shall be recorded on the annals of the world, as an ungrateful republic which thrusted from her the richest boon of heaven.

Posterity appear before us, urging their claims. We hold in trust the privileges of their birth-right. If we alienate the precious trust, how will they reproach our memories that we robbed them of their inheritance! They will pass through these cities and villages, the minions, it may be, of despotic power; and the chains of their servitude will be rendered more galling, as they reflect:–“These were the homes of our pilgrim fathers, and they were free. Here lived that degenerate race who lost their pleasant heritage, and left us, outcast and friendless orphans, to suffering and woe.”

My friends, enlightened piety is, under God, the hope of this nation. Let the sentiment be deeply engraven on your hearts, that the American citizen must honor the God of his fathers, if he would effectually consult the welfare of his country. And to you who are preparing for important influence and are soon to enter upon responsible stations in this community, the subject is addressed with peculiar force. With you, are soon to be deposited the hopes of other generations. If you, and the generation who are rising upon the stage of life with you, shall, in your various stations, wait on God and fulfill your appointed duties; the God of our fathers will bless you. Jehovah shall dwell in the land, its glory and defence. Iniquity shall retire at his presence, with her train of deformity and crime. The hearts of all shall be blessed with unity and joy. And from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the unnumbered millions yet to inhabit this continent, shall rejoice in inheriting the rich legacy of your institutions.

Is this picture of prosperity, too bright to realize? Indeed, we fear. The heathen republics of Greece and Rome, and the infidel republic of France, are already recorded on the page of history, the eternal monuments of failure. But the Spirit of Holiness, as was predicted by prophets of old, is now on his way to universal conquest. With hope we look to him to retain and multiply his triumphs with us, and record his name on the living tablets of this nation forever.

“Then,—, were the smiles of Heaven thine own,
The bright paternal smiles of deity.
Then, my loved country, would thy soil be known.
The hallowed and the blest, the truly free,
And every evening hour a nation’s worship see.”
END.

Sermon – Election – 1826, New Hampshire


This election sermon was preached by Rev. Ferdinand Ellis in Concord, NH on June 8, 1826.


sermon-election-1826-new-hampshire

CIVIL GOVERNMENT AN ORDINANCE OF GOD.

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED AT CONCORD,

BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL, AND BOTH BRANCHES
OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

JUNE 8, 1826.

BY FERDINAND ELLIS, A. M.
Pastor of the Baptist Church in Exeter.

CONCORD:
PRINTED BY JACOB B. MOORE,
For the State.

1826.

 

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
In the House of Representatives, June 8, 1826.

Ordered, That Messrs. Flanders, Piper and Putnam, with such as the Honorable Senate may join, be a committee to wait upon the Rev. Ferdinand Ellis, and return him the thanks of the Legislature, for his ingenious and appropriate Discourse, delivered this day before his Excellency the Governor, the Honorable Council, and both branches of the Legislature, and request of him a copy for the press.

M. L. NEAL, Clerk.

Copy examined by

P. CHADWICK, Assist. Clerk.

In Senate, same day—Read and concurred.

Mr. Burgin joined.

B. B. FRENCH, Assist. Clerk.

 

SERMON.
Any and every custom, calculated to preserve and cherish a sense of obligation to God, is undoubtedly beneficial to society. The fear and love of God are not only the most important principles of conduct in moral agents, but even essential to all true virtue, whether publick or private. Without them, honour is but an empty name, and patriotism a species of refined selfishness. Hence the propriety of religious worship, at the commencement of all important undertakings.

And is this the motive which has drawn together the present assembly,–an assembly of which the legislators of the state, form a distinguished part? Have not our united prayers been intended, to propitiate the almighty ruler of the universe? Shall not our preaching be wholly consecrated to truth and righteousness?

Under these impressions, I propose for consideration the following subject, viz.

THE DIVINE APPOINTMENT OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, AND THE ACCOUNTABLENESS OF RULERS.

The portion of scripture furnishing the subject, is the lxxxii. Psalm, part of the 6th, and part of the 7th verses.

I have said, ye are Gods; but ye shall die like men.

In this Psalm, the Most High expostulates with wicked rulers. “How long will ye judge unjustly, and accept the persons of the wicked? They know not, neither will they understand; they walk on in darkness: all the foundations of the earth are out of course.” How just a picture this, of a disordered government! But blessed be Jehovah of Hosts, such is not the condition of our beloved country. Long ago, was the yoke of bondage broken from the necks of our forefathers; and long have we, their posterity, enjoyed the blessings of good government, of civil and religious liberty.

In attending to the subject before us, I propose the following method:

I. I shall endeavour to establish the proposition, that civil government is an ordinance of God.

II. I shall suggest some of the principles by which civil rulers ought to be governed.

III. I shall show that the highest, as well as the lowest, are accountable to God.

And may that Eternal Wisdom, by whom kings reign and princes decree justice, bestow upon us a measure of his spirit, that, in our several stations and duties, we may render an acceptable service, and be preparing to give up our accounts with joy.

I. Our first proposition is, that civil government is an ordinance of God. And in support of it, we have three sources of argument, viz. the nature of man; the necessity of the case; and the Holy Scriptures.

The nature of man furnishes evidence of the will of God, respecting his course of conduct. God is our Creator. Whatever belongs to our nature, was wrought by his hand. And would an infinitely wise and good being, endow his creatures with appetites, propensities and passions, never to be gratified, and of course, only fitted to torment them? Would our great and gracious Creator implant in our breasts, those unconquerable desires we all feel, only for the sake of making us miserable?

But man is a social being. It never was good, that he should be alone. As an insulated being, man can be neither happy nor useful. His nature must undergo an entire change, before he can delight to eat his morsel alone, or seek felicity in the solitary mountain cave.

Before dismissing this article, it may be necessary to suggest to the libertine, that he of all men, can have neither part nor lot in this matter. What! Can an appeal be made to the dictates of nature, to justify a total perversion of everything natural? What! Shall the debauchee tax the almighty with being the author of his worse than brutal lusts? Shall the drunkard charge his maker with those cravings of appetite, which are the direct and certain consequence of his own irrational, his criminal indulgences? We say again: the nature of man indicates the will of the great Creator. Man is formed for society. But society supposes government, order or rule, under and according to which, men shall conduct themselves, in their intercourse one with another.

This leads to my second source of argument, which is, the necessity of the case. It is necessary that civil government should be maintained among men; and this necessity is evidence of the will of God.

Of all relations in the present life, that of families is the most tender and interesting; and of all modes of government, that which we dominate patriarchal, was undoubtedly the first. And in families, even if we suppose every child possessed of the highest degrees of filial love, such is the relation between parents and children, that there can be no question with whom the government ought to rest. Nature itself teaches, yea absolute necessity requires, that parents should rule as well as provide: nay their superior wisdom will give them the precedence in counsel, even when they shall have lost their vigour in action. We may add, what greater perversion, than for inexperienced youth to treat with contempt the wisdom of age? What greater absurdity, than to put the scepter into the hands of infancy? Or to imagine the child, whose utmost ability reaches no higher than some attempts at imitation, as sitting on a throne?

The same mode of reasoning will be found applicable to the larger associations of men: for by these associations, the united energies of the many, make up the deficiencies of individual weakness. There is but one being in the universe, who is absolutely independent; and that being, is the mighty God. An independent man, i.e. a man who needs no aid from others, is nowhere to be found. The Nebuchadnezzars, the Alexanders, and the Caesars of ancient times, those scourges of the human race; though they had the address to secure the homage of millions, must, if denied the service of their fellow-creatures, have sunken into insignificance.

Whatever is great, whatever is extensively useful, though originating as to its first discovery or design, with a few, or perhaps with an individual, must depend for its full effect, upon the united energies of society. For, to say nothing of the pyramids and catacombs of Egypt; the temples, aqueducts, and amphitheatres of ancient Greece and Rome; it is more to my purpose to remind you, that our ordinary dwellings, our common merchant vessels, our most necessary and useful manufactures; yea, even the fruits of the earth, are, in a greater or less degree, the happy result of associated wisdom, and united strength.

But who, I might ask, who shall superintend in framing, raising and finishing your dwelling? Who, in building, rigging and navigating the merchant ship? Who, in the various branches of our manufacturing establishments? Who, in commanding fleets and armies? To these questions, common sense furnishes a ready answer.

How demonstrable, then, the necessity of government, order or rule, in society; and how evident, that all government and direction ought to rest with those, who are best qualified to fulfill the trust.

These, in fact, are the only rational ideas upon the subject. For the end of all confederation is, most assuredly, the general welfare; the means by which this important end is secured, are the united wisdom and energy of the whole body: and, as a great diversity of talent will ever prevail; and, as a body, without a head is deformed and useless; men of acknowledged excellence should hold the reins, and give laws to the community.

In establishing the proposition, that civil government is an ordinance of God, the Holy Scriptures are a third source of argument. “All scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable,” not only in what relates to the all important concerns of a future world, but also in promoting our best interests in the present life.

The following, from Paul’s epistle to the Romans, may be considered as a summary of what the Scriptures inculcate upon this subject. “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. For there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist, shall receive to themselves condemnation. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid: for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.”

In this quotation, we have the outlines and fundamental principles of good government. Here it is affirmed, that there must of necessity be a governing, controlling power; and that rulers are not to be a terror to good works, but to the evil. All this, as we have seen, is according to the dictates of common sense, and in harmony with the character of God, as the righteous governour of the world. The opposite is tyranny and oppression. Nevertheless, there is room for the enquiry; has this been the uniform character of rulers? Are there none among the potentates of the earth, who have abused their power for the sole purpose of self aggrandizement? Are there none who, dazzled by the false glare of greatness, have ascended their thrones through seas of blood? None, that have seemed to delight in the miseries of mankind? Are passive obedience and unrepining submission the only duties of those who feel the power of a despot? Are our fathers, the heroes of the Revolution, whose bold design, and glorious achievements astonished the world, to be considered as offenders against God?

Such conclusions can never, except by prejudiced minds, be drawn from the Scriptures. The Sovereign of the universe, although in the dispensations of his providence, he may have suffered the mighty to oppress the weak, and the vilest to sit on thrones, never made a tyrannical despotism lawful; nor, for a moment, laid aside the purpose of judging all, and especially the oppressors of mankind, according to their works.

The Apostle does indeed say, “let every soul be subject unto the higher powers; the powers that be are ordained of God.” Yet the picture he draws is that of a wise and equitable administration of justice.

When therefore, any people, disgusted, worn out, and driven to despair under the miseries of oppression; being, at the same time, possessed of that wisdom and virtue by which they became capable of establishing for themselves a system of good government, resolve to be free; and if necessity require, to assert their rights in the ensanguined field: Jehovah of hosts will plead their cause, and humble the pride of the oppressor.

Let it also be considered, that in those laws which respect the organization of Christian Churches, the Lord has more than intimated the necessity and nature of an equitable government.

I am indeed entering upon a disputed subject.—And what subject is there either in nature, philosophy, political science, or theology, which has not been made a matter of controversy. How surprising, that, from the same unerring word of truth, systems the most opposite, hypotheses the most absurd, and maxims the most pernicious, should have been drawn. The Pope of Rome, by divine right, claimed the triple crown. By the same divine right, the high church party in Great Britain long exacted a rigorous conformity to established ceremonies. And, through the same prejudice, protestant dissenters themselves have been chargeable with persecuting, by fines, by bonds, and by banishment, those who dared to think and to judge for themselves.

Nothing however is more certain, than that in the New Testament of our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, no authority is given to the papal hierarchy;–nothing said of the patriarch of the Greek church;–nothing of the archbishops and lords spiritual of the English episcopacy;–but on the contrary, all lording it over God’s heritage, is most pointedly condemned. So shall it not be among you, said Christ to his disciples, (alluding to the pretentions of princes and nobles;) but he that will be greatest among you shall be servant of all. In the government of the churches, so far as it is formed according to the model of the Scripture, there is nothing of monarchy, nor yet of aristocracy. For this holy communion, godliness is the essential qualification; charity or universal love, the bond; and the glory of God, in connexion with doing good to all men, the final cause.

Nor can I forbear improving this opportunity to remind my fellow citizens, that all the blessings, by which we are so highly exalted above the nations of the earth, are derived to us through the medium of the everlasting gospel.

Our fathers were puritans. Their fervent piety rendered liberty of conscience dearer than life.—For this, they braved the dangers of the seas. For this, they hazarded their lives in an uncultivated wilderness. For this, they patiently endured, amidst the heaviest calamities. And when, through the good hand of their God upon them, the little one had become a thousand, and the small one a strong nation; having already tested the sweets of liberty, they pledged their lives, their fortune, and their sacred honour, in one united, glorious effort, to free themselves forever from a foreign yoke.

II. My second head of discourse, which is, to suggest some of the principles that should govern the conduct of civil rulers, will now engage our attention. And in doing this, propriety will require me to be concise.

Goodness and wisdom, righteousness and mercy, appear to me to embrace everything essential. Goodness, or enlarged benevolence, is the first requisite; and the more closely men, entrusted with authority, imitate the example of him, whose meat it was to do the will of his heavenly Father; the better, other things being equal, will they be found qualified to promote the happiness of their constituents. Nevertheless, much of imperfection attaches itself to the best. To expect that refinement of benevolence, that absolute disinterestedness of conduct, which would banish all ideas of emolument or honour, must lead to certain disappointment. Selfishness, unjustifiable selfishness, is so deeply rooted in the hearts of fallen creatures, as to render it extremely difficult, even for good men, however pure their intentions, always to free themselves from its influence. But if, as has been shown, publick happiness is the great end of government, publick spirit is assuredly an essential requisite in the character of all, by whom it is to be administered.

Another requisite is wisdom. The mind of a legislator should be comprehensive, his perception clear, and his judgment sound. The science of legislation is not to be acquired in a moment. Some knowledge of general history, an intimate acquaintance with the peculiarities of our own forms of government; a just regard to the conflicting interests of the body politick;–in a word, that wisdom, which is the fruit of much study, of much inherent energy of mind, and of much observation upon men and things, is indispensable, in order to successful legislation. There is also a dignity of wisdom, from which a representative, a senator, or chief magistrate, should never descend.

It is peculiar to our free institutions, that every voter is at liberty to judge for himself, as to the qualifications of men who are candidates for office; and every representative and senator may fully discuss all measures, that are proposed for the general welfare. But, if in these discussions, party spirit pours forth its bitterness, and irritated minds indulge in the groundless recrimination; or if, (what is equally inconsistent with the responsibilities of men high in office,) low intrigue, which shrinks from nothing that may serve to accomplish an object, supplant the exalted principles of publick spirit;–the more eminent the station, the more despicable the character.

“I have said, ye are Gods.” Here is an intimation that rulers, men entrusted with the well-being of their constituents, should, in the highest possible degree, imitate the supreme governor of all the universe. Is he, in goodness, the parent of all his intelligent creatures? Let magistrates, in their humble sphere, delight in the diffusion of happiness. Is wisdom, united with goodness, abundantly manifest in all the works of the great Jehovah? Let “the powers that be,” those of whom we are taught to say, “ye are Gods,” aspire to that wisdom which exalts the character, and secures the gratitude of a happy people. Are righteousness and judgment the habitation of the eternal throne? Do mercy and truth go before the face of the sovereign Lord? Let righteousness and mercy preside in our legislative assemblies; govern the hearts of our chief magistrates; and give judgment in all our courts of justice: then shall the people lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.

Before I close this part of my subject, may I be permitted to take notice of another class of men, to whom my text is, at least, in some degree applicable. This class is made up of the ministers of the gospel. For them we are to look, not only in the sacred desk, but also in the chambers of the sick, in the cottages of the poor, and at the feet of their fellow creatures, beseeching them to be reconciled to God. Among them, the community has a right to expect the purest, the most enlarged benevolence; the brightest display of holiness, the utmost perseverance in labours of love; the warmest patriotism; and the most zealous endeavours in support of good government.

“I have said, Ye are Gods,” illustrates the character and duties of gospel ministers, not as clothing them with authority to legislate, but merely to publish the will of their sovereign. But though unauthorized to add, alter, or diminish; yet, when engaged in proclaiming the law, word, and truth of the divine Immanuel, they hold the keys of the kingdom of heaven. What they “bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven;” and what they “loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven.”

The question has been agitated, whether the “powers that be,” need the aids of religion for their support; or religion, the aid of the “powers that be.” Nor has this question rested in the speculations of the theorist. It has been tested by experiment. From the days of the Roman emperor Constantine until the present, crowned heads and legislative bodies have taken the church under their fostering care; and what has been the result? I appeal to history. What has been the amount of all the aid thus afforded the Redeemer’s kingdom? Let truth answer. One thing, however, may be assumed as indisputable. So far as the ministers of Christ are successful in proclaiming the glad tidings of salvation, and in gaining the hearts of men to the love and practice of godliness; so far they co-operate in all the purposes of civil government. Yea, could these labourers in the Lord’s vineyard be favoured with universal success; the wolf might lie down with the lamb, the leopard with the kid, the calf and the young lion and the fatling together, and a little child lead them.

I close this article with a quotation from the amiable and pious Cowper.

“The pulpit, therefore, (and I name it fill’d
With solemn awe, that bids me well beware
With what intent I touch that holy thing,)—
I say the pulpit, (in the sober use
Of its legitimate peculiar pow’rs)
Must stand acknowledg’d, while the world shall stand,
The most important and effectual guard,
Support, and ornament, of virtue’s cause.
There stands the messenger of truth: there stands
The legate of the skies! His theme divine,
His office sacred, his credentials clear:
By him the violated law speaks out
Its thunders; and by him, in strains as sweet
As angels use, the gospel whispers peace,
He ‘stablishes the strong, supports the weak,
Reclaims the wand’rer, binds the broken heart;
And, arm’d himself in panoply complete
Of heav’nly temper, furnishes with arms,
Bright as his own, and trains, by ev’ry rule
Of holy discipline, to glorious war,
The sacramental host of God’s elect.”

I now hasten to my third, and last head of discourse, viz. the accountableness of civil rulers. “I have said, Ye are Gods; but ye shall die like men.”

The frailty, the mortality of man is an interesting subject. If we consider death as the wages of sin, it must lead to the most sincere and bitter repentance. If we consider the consequences of death, as breaking asunder the tenderest ties of our nature; as tearing from our embrace our nearest relatives and friends; how overwhelming the sorrow! And are none exempt? O death! Death! Thou destroying angel; Must the smiling infant, and affectionate parent; the useful citizen, and honoured magistrate; must kings and conquerors, smitten by thee, mingle their dust in one common grave! “As the waters fail from the sea, and the flood decayeth and drieth up: so man lieth down, and riseth not; till the heavens be no more, they shall not awake, nor be raised out of their sleep.” “Till the heavens be no more.” This is the limit, prescribed by infinite mercy to the power of the grave.

The hour approaches, when the heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll; the elements melt with fervent heat; the trumpet sound, and the dead awake; this mortal put on immortality; and death be swallowed up of life. After the resurrection, small and great must stand before God, and be judged according to the deeds done in the body. The certain prospect of death and judgment, should teach us the vanity of worldly distinction.

Riches are sought, not merely as a security against want, but on account of the distinction they create. Eminence of station is courted, not always for the sake of doing good on a larger scale; but for the gratification of pride and self-complacency. There is a constant strife among men, and this the prize; who shall be greatest? Ambition has deluged the earth in blood. But amidst all the gaieties, the splendor, and the triumphs of the present life, a voice is heard from the eternal throne, “ye shall die like men.” “I have said, Ye are Gods.” You have I endowed with superior talents;–you have I entrusted with authority;–ye are my ministers who, as a terror to evil doers, bear my sword to execute vengeance;–but ye, notwithstanding your exaltation, shall die like men. To me are ye accountable. At my tribunal, shall ye receive a just recompense of reward. The certain prospect of death and judgment should influence distinguished characters, to glory in being a blessing to the world. “Thus saith the Lord, let not the wise man glory in his wisdom; neither let the mighty man glory in his might; let not the rich man glory in his riches; but let him that glorieth glory in this, that he understandeth and knoweth me, that I am the Lord who exercise loving kindness, judgment, and righteousness, in the earth, for in these things I delight, saith the Lord.” The subject before us furnishes matter for an address to the citizens of the state, the ministers of the gospel, and the honourable legislature, together with every member of the government.

In addressing my fellow-citizens, I would remind them, that good government is an invaluable blessing. In adverting to the scenes of the American Revolution, and the events consequent upon it, we find much to admire. But in nothing, among the distinguished personages of those days, was there a greater display of wisdom and talent, than in framing that excellent constitution of civil government, which has made us the envy of monarchs, and the admiration of the world. A great nation may be compared to complicated machinery. A wise and equitable government, is the main spring, that keeps the whole in motion, and makes every part contribute to the grand result. And although in our present code of law, there might, in matters of minor importance, be some improvement; yet, in all essential points, it harmonizes with the best light of reason and revelation. That difficulties should be experienced in suppressing vice, and in bringing offenders to justice, is by no means surprising.—These difficulties it is believed, are however, less in the United States, and in New-England especially, than in any other portion of the known world. It is, indeed, a melancholy reflection, that wickedness, in some of its forms, seems to bid defiance to every human effort. Of this kind is intemperance. The abuse of ardent spirit, in destroying the faculties, in besotting the mind, in wasting property, in breaking down families, and in rendering those, who otherwise might have been ornaments, a nuisance and curse to society, is a source of incalculable misery.

My fellow-citizens will also permit me to remind them, that much depends upon the election of suitable men, to offices of trust. Our elective franchise is an important privilege. Directly or indirectly, every member of the legislature;–all who fill the judiciary department;–yea, every officer in the government, must be indebted to your election. Be it then your fixed determination, never to give your votes for men, whose qualifications are not of the most undoubted character, and whose integrity is not beyond distrust.

But when men are once chosen into office, and experience justifies such choice, let due respect be paid them, and let their measures be vigorously supported. Will not the wise and good, if they find themselves neglected and deserted, retire from public life, while the reins of government fail into the hands of the ambitious and undeserving—Another subject must, on the present occasion, be brought into view; and ought, ever, to be deeply engraven upon our hearts. “Godliness,” my fellow-citizens, “godliness is profitable unto all things.” The gospel, in its purifying and saving influences, has hitherto been, in a peculiar degree, the glory of our land. Its light is that of heaven, and its power in restraining the wicked, even more effectual and salutary, than the power of the civil arm. Let me ask of you, then, shall its institutions be neglected? Shall the Lord’s Day become a day of labour or recreation? Shall the ministry languish? Will the people rob God, by refusing to honour him with their substance, and the first fruits of all their increase?

By the present laws of the state, all denominations of Christians are now placed on the footing of the most perfect equality; and everything that relates to the support of a gospel ministry, is left to the free and voluntary effort of each religious society. And what, let me again ask, what was the intention of the Legislature, in thus committing the whole to your voluntary choice? Not surely, to prostrate our religious institutions, and of consequence, to open the flood-gates of vice and ungodliness; but rather, to ease every individual, of everything like an oppressive burden; to prove the pious liberality of their constituents; to prove also, that the kingdom of the Redeemer is able to support itself.

In addressing the ministers of the gospel, I would take the liberty of suggesting, that your office is at once the most humble, and the most exalted.

What an example have we, my brethren, in the character and ministry of our Lord Jesus Christ, who, though rich, for our sakes became poor, that we, through his poverty might be made rich. In order to accomplish the designs of Jehovah’s eternal love, he who was in the form of God, must take upon himself the form of a servant, humble himself and become obedient unto death, even the death of the cross. He who upheld all things by the word of his power, must be placed in circumstances to say; “the foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests, but the son of man hath no where to lay his head.” And in all the life of the gracious Redeemer, what compassion do we behold; what meekness; what holy zeal; in relieving the distresses, in forgiving the injuries, and in ministering to the necessities of the children of men.

In copying out the example of his Divine Master, Paul, of the whole apostolic college, was perhaps the most distinguished. He could learn, in whatever condition he was placed, therewith to be content. He was determined in his conversation and preaching, to know nothing but Jesus Christ and him crucified. It was this holy man, who counted all things but loss, for the excellency of [WallBuilders’ copy of this sermon ends here.]

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1838


Samuel Hopkins (1807-1887) graduated from Dartmouth in 1827. He was a pastor of a church in Montpelier, VT (1831-1835), later in Saco, ME (1835-1842), and in Standish, ME (beginning in 1844). The following Thanksgiving sermon was preached by Hopkins on November 29, 1838.


sermon-thanksgiving-1838

 

THE CURSE UPON THE GROUND, A BLESSING.

A

SERMON

PREACHED UPON THE DAY OF

PUBLIC THANKSGIVING,

NOVEMBER 29, 1838.

BY SAMUEL HOPKINS,
PASTOR OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH
IN SACO, ME.

 

SERMON.
Genesis 3: 17-19

AND UNTO ADAM HE SAID, BECAUSE THOU HAST HEARKENED UNTO THE VOICE OF THY WIFE, AND HAST EATEN OF THE TREE OF WHICH I COMMANDED THEE, SAYING, THOU SHALT NOT EAT OF IT: CURSED IS THE GROUND FOR THY SAKE; IN SORROW SHALT THOU EAT OF IT ALL DAYS OF THY LIFE;

THORNS AND THISTLES SHALL IT BRING FORTH TO THEE; AND THOU SHALT EAT THE HERB OF THE FIELD;

IN THE SWEAT OF THY FACE SHALT THOU EAT BREAD, TILL THOU RETURN UNTO THE GROUND; FOR OUT OF IT WAST THOU TAKEN: FOR DUST THOU ARE, AND UNTO DUST SHALT THOU RETURN.

Before the fall the world was a paradise. Its roses had no thorns; its fountains, no bitterness; its charms, no disease. The sunbeam was pure life; the flow of the waters was like the flow of Love; the notes of the wind, of beast, of bird, of man, of woman – were music. The beauty of God was penciled upon everything which had life; it was mirrored in everything which had brightness. His name was spoken, his goodness, declared, his power, confessed – everywhere. The hum of the insect – the shaking of the leaf – the ripple of waters – the voice of man chimed together in the song of gladness. The chorus of praise to God was universal; for all things felt welcome inspiration of his indwelling presence.

The world was an infant heaven. It had, within itself, the living principles, the entire furniture, the budding promise of angelic bliss. All things here were such, that, had they gone on, untouched by the Spoiler, they would have developed, in the day of their maturity, as bright a display of the Godhead, as ripe and as rich a harvest of enjoyments, as heaven itself affords. Our first parents walked in Eden – as newborn spirits do in the upper courts of God-children in their conceptions, children in their enjoyments; reaching forth, and growing up, to the mark of spiritual manhood. But their infancy was without defect. Their happiness was pure and constant. Every bodily sense was a channel for some incoming enjoyment. Nature was their minister and their teacher. She brought them pleasures from throughout her storehouse. She showed them God in every pleasure;–in the moonlight, in the twilight, in the shade of their arbor, in the fruits they ate, in the waters they drank. They lay down and slept, they woke and arose, they communed and thought – with rejoicing and thanksgiving.

But the world is changed. The song of universal gladness has ceased. The bodily senses yield not only pleasure, but pain. The heat of the sun is not only genial but oppressive. And the earth itself, instead of ministering unmixed pleasure, teems with a thousand evils. Her soil – her products – are changed. She is under the curse of God. Now – it is ordained, that even the best of her productions should have somewhat of ill. Her beauties bloom to perish. Her flowers are armed with thorns and poisons. Her elements minister abounding discomfort. The whole system of nature has undergone means of subsistence. By the sweat of our face we must eat our bread, until we return unto the ground. This is the general condition of human life. Every man’s daily sustenance is the hard earning of toil and sorrow. Discomfort, and weariness, and pain, are the price of life. The few who are exempt from personal toil rely upon the toil of others.

This state of things was ordained when God uttered the words which I have chosen for my text. But for this decree, Nature would still have been as Nature was before the fall. We, like our first parents, should have been exempt from thorns and thistles and the sweat of the brow. To sustain life, we should have needed only to eat and to drink and to sleep. To partake of the bounties of nature we should have needed only to open the eye. But the decree was uttered. The ground was cursed. The result has been – want and toil, from generation to generation; a result which shall continue until the consummation of all things.

How many men have read the sacred record of this curse without understanding? How many have mourned and lamented over the change this curse has wrought. How few have discerned the loving-kindness of God herein, although that loving-kindness is woven with the very letter of the curse. Do chief magistrates call upon the people to thank God for ordaining that they must eat their bread in the sweat of the brow? Do devout men, when enumerating the mercies of the Lord, mention this? Do the children of poverty – do the hoarders of wealth – when they rise to their toils, or flee to their beds, think of this? And yet, here the blessing is – avowed in the very tenor and framework of the curse – taking effect from the very day of its utterance – only the second in the order of tie, only the second in point of value, concerning man – perpetuated, too, from generation to generation – and diffusing its precious influences throughout the world today!

But what! Is a curse a blessing! Is a curse reason for devout thanksgiving! Is not this a paradox—or rather an absurdity? I answer – neither absurdity – nor paradox. It is a simple and obvious truth that, next to our praises for Redemption by the blood of Christ, we owe God our praises for the curse recorded in the text.

That we may gain a clear view of this truth, let us examine – the reasons – and the influences – of this curse.

I. Its reasons.

Under the government of God, “the curse causeless shall not come.” He never dispenses an evil, great or small, spiritual or physical, temporary or eternal, without a reason; never, without a sufficient reason; never without a compelling reason. This is a fundamental doctrine; qualifying all the acts, the purposes, the laws, the words of God; a doctrine which he has abundantly revealed – which bears essentially upon his government, and character; upon our condition and duties.

There was a reason, then, for the curse we are considering. There is a reason for its entailment present day. God declares it. “Because thou hast eaten of the tree of which I commanded thee, saying , thou shalt not eat of it.” Disobedience of God was the grand reason of the curse originally; and our disobedience of God is the grand reason of its perpetuity. The curse was ordained because of Sin; it has continued because of Sin. It was established for a perpetual decree in full view, and because, of Sin which was, and Sin which was to be. It was established because – Sin being present – it was a curse necessary to the perfect adjustment of God’s purposes; necessary to the full play of his benevolence and grace; necessary to the grand experiment of human probation; necessary in a system of things where punitive justice was kept at bay; in short – necessary to the best good of man.

Sin, then, is its primitive reason; and the good of man, its secondary reason. It is a weight—thrown into the scale of contending influences—to keep God’s grace and man’s sin at equipoise; to give grace sway upon Sin; to keep Sin from defeating grace. Its origin was in the secret counsels of God’s benevolence; its nativity, a brilliant era in the history of God’s wisdom; its introduction to the world, a wondrous display of God’s loving-kindness.

A system of things which would do well for a holy being, would not do for a sinful being. A mode of life which would consist with the best good of the one, would not consist at all with that of the other. A Garden of Eden, with its spotless, changeless, universal beauties, and luxuriant abundance, would answer the purposes of man without sin; but if so – it would answer the purposes of man with sin – not at all. And the moment the character of man became changed by sin, there must needs be, to secure his good, a corresponding change in his mode of life. Hence the necessity of ordaining some change in nature; a change compelling man to sustain life at the cost of toil and weariness. This change was wrought in the curse we are considering. And surely00if there was benevolence in profusion and glory of Nature before the fall—there is benevolence in her comparative barrenness and noxiousness since. Thorns and thistles sprang up to elicit labor. Labor was ordained to abate, for the time, the plague of Sin.

To show you that I do not speak at random, I refer you again to the very edict by which the curse was established. You find there no malediction uttered—no bolt of damnation hurled—upon the transgressor. No curse is recorded there concerning mankind. The curse was upon the ground. And the curse upon the ground was, and was declared to be, a blessing upon man. “Cursed is the ground; “cursed, that it may “bring forth to thee thorns and thistles;” cursed, that thou mayest “eat bread in the sweat of thy face;” cursed “for thy sakes.”

But observe—

II. The influences of this curse.

See how it is a blessing to men. See—how it so9ls, essentially, the influence of Sin! See—how aptly it adjusts itself in the system of Grace! See—how it accords with the arrangements of Divine Mercy! See—how it has priceless value as a co-worker in the plan of Redemption!

1. Observe its obvious influence upon salvation. Many a saint is now in heaven whose first lesson in the school of Christ was learned through the chastening influence of the burdens of life. And many are the heirs of God here, who could tell you that unceasing toil first awakened the desire for heavenly rest -; that cares and burdens taught them to expect no quietude in this world; that this conviction led them to seek a better country; that thus, they first began a preparation for heaven by contending with inbred sin.

Men labor for the meat that perisheth. It perishes with the using. They get a good thing and it passes away. They crave again, and again they labor. They go from labor to labor—from care to care—from weariness to weariness. And if, per chance, they are so schooled by the bitterness of their travail as to confess the trouble and vanity of life—; if perchance, they come to cry out for brokenness of spirit—how fitly does the voice of Christ chime in with their necessities and their convictions—“come unto me—come unto me—All ye that labor and are heavy laden and I will give you—rest!” How like hope to the despairing—like the breath of heaven to the fainting—like the balm of life to the dying! And how many—first dispirited by the burdens of a weary life—have caught these words in faith, found rest to their souls, and blessed God for the bitter discipline of a hard and painful lot.

And is there no one, a joint heir with Christ, who could testify that his hope of heaven is quickened, and brightened, by the exhaustion of his worldly toil? Is there no one who could tell you, that he goes to the secret feast of his closet fellowship with a better appetite because of the burdens of life?—no one who could tell you, that they make him pant the more after God, and long the more for the crown of glory—the harp of perfect praise—the fruition of sinless rest? Is there no one who is nerved for his warfare, pushing upward toward the stature of perfection, sloughing off his deformities, and growing in very meetness for heaven, under the tuition of worldly toil—under the influence of this very curse of the earth? Are there none of Christ’s beloved who are thus getting meat out of the eater—and honey out of the rock? Yes—thousands.

But take another view. Suppose the garden of Eden were still blooming and bounteous as in the days of man’s integrity. Suppose the habitation of all men were beside its fountains—and beneath its fruitful branches. Suppose no toil were requisite to gain subsistence and comfort. How many—think ye—would have availed themselves of the offer of salvation? To how many—think ye—would the blood of Christ have proved a blessing? How many—think ye—would have sought, through that blood, an entrance into a better country, an heavenly? How many, under the influence of faith which is Life, would have fled to Christ for comfort? Were the world a good and easy home—were we fed and clothed and warmed and sheltered, without care or effort—were all our wants supplied as fully and as freely as our first parents’—who would set himself to the task of earning a better inheritance? Who would sigh for a better country?

Had the earth interposed no obstacles to our enjoyment—borne neither thorn nor thistle—imposed upon us no price of hard labor for her bounties—it is to be doubted whether the scheme of Redemption would not have passed away without a single trophy; whether the grace of God in salvation would not have been published without a single proof—; whether the verity of that grace would not have been an everlasting problem—; and the rising glory of that grace, remanded to everlasting night.

So far, then, as Sin is contrary to eternal life; and so far as universal luxury and ease would have been impediments to salvation—so far the sorrowful labor which God has apportioned to men fitteth, like a key-stone, into the stupendous arch of Redemption—holdeth us, like a spell, within the reach of Grace—and overshadoweth, like a Mercy-cloud, the whole span of our probation.

And, so far, the curse upon the ground was a priceless blessing upon man.

2. Observe the influence of this curse upon the remnant of human enjoyments.

A creature of perfect holiness would pluck with pure delight, and taste with a perfect relish, every bounty of God. He could walk in an earthly paradise and appreciate every circumstance of comfort. He could gather blessings—copious as the dews, and successive as the moments—without satiety. He would find a zest in every blessing—though all should cost him nothing.

But who does not know the influence of sin upon our relish of God’s blessings? Being sinners—that which costs us nothing we esteem lightly. The light of the sun costs us nothing—how little we rejoice in it. The air of heaven costs us nothing—with what thoughtlessness we breathe it. The outspread provisions of Grace cost us nothing—with what tameness we regard them. The great work of Redemption cost us nothing—how little we prize it. And so it would be of all the comforts which have survived the wreck and ruin of the fall—where they free as the light, the air, the grace of heaven, we should prize, we should enjoy them, as little. Food, and raiment, and warmth, and shelter, and home, — and whatever we relish now—would be insipid.

God has seen fit to throw in a corrective for this baneful influence of Sin. He has seen fit to establish an order of things which has redeemed human life from utter insipidity. He has seen fit to set a price upon our most essential blessings. He has seen fit that they should come to us by cost—by the sweat of the brow—by labor and toil and weariness. And—to secure the payment of this price—for man’s sake—to give relish and vitality to his blessings—he has uttered and confirmed the decree—”cursed be the ground.”

And now—the bounties of the world yield us enjoyment in true and undeviating proportion to the price at which we secure them. The rich man enjoys his abundance because of the toil and anxiety it has cost him. The man of hard bodily labor—enjoys his homely meal and his rough bed—because of the weariness which has earned them. The man of hard mental labor (for there is sweat of the brow in the study) enjoys his food and his bed because of the weariness and pains by which he has secured them. The parent enjoys his family circle, he comes home with gladness and appreciates the life and quiet of his fireside—be he poor, or be he rich—according to the toils and weariness of the day. A mother’s joy in the probity and promise of her child is proportioned to the care, the anxiety, the pains he has cost her. A Christian minister’s joy over the recovery of a backslider, or the dawning hope of a new born soul, is measured by the unseen solicitude, by the wearing and midnight labors, by the unpublished wrestling with God, through which he has won them.

All this relish of blessings, of whatever name, is linked in with, and evolved from, the toil and hardships by which they are preceded. It is the fruit of that wise economy which God established in the curse of the ground. It is the result of that connection, then fixed, between labor and the acquisition of good. The bearings of this connection are incalculable. It is operating all over the world. It is showering its benediction upon many a natural relation; upon many a bounty of nature; upon many a luxury of art. It is as the Wisdom of God brooding over chaos. It is as the enchantment of God circumventing and baffling the Spoiler. It is as the Life of God imbreathed upon the dying. It is as the Power of God—transmuting the stone to silver—bringing back again form and luster to the shattered tarnished diamond.

3. Observe the influence of this curse in the prevention of evils in the world.

Suppose, the world over, men were exempt from hard labor. Suppose sustenance and warmth came spontaneously. Suppose the eye was delighted and the body comforted with all that the lust of the flesh and the pride of life could crave. Suppose all men could live and have their heart’s content—without exertion. What would be the result? Who would venture to meet the result? “Pride, and fullness of bread and abundance of idleness,” partial as they were—were the damnation of Sodom. They would be, if entire, the utter damnation of the world. Were they universal, the world would be like Sodom; one vast theatre of abominations—one vast charnel-house of irrecoverable death. Depravity would have one unbroken holiday of reveling. It would sweep over the earth like a whirlwind. It would tear up the slender remnant of human enjoyments—like a tornado. It would stamp upon the relics of natural affection—upon the residue of inward hope and life—till they were ground to powder. It would wake up every passion to frenzy. Vice and crime, lust and cruelty—in then thousand shapes—would reign from morning till night, from night till morning. The smoke and the cry of torment would ascend without cessation. Every fountain of domestic enjoyment would be broken up; every note of love, silenced—as in the grave; every bond of sympathetic fellowship, severed; every feature of moral beauty and promise effaced separate interests would clash in strife and grate in discord. The knell of death would boom upon every gale—and the dirge of departed joys be screamed in every ear.

This is no visionary fancy. The restless faculties of the mind will have action. They will—they must have—pursuits. Withdraw from the sphere of their existence pursuits and employments which involve no sin—still they will have action; they will go out, under the guidance of domineering sin, to countless deeds of iniquity. And—in the practice of unchecked and undiverted sin—they must grow up to a giant strength; under the iron tyranny of accursing habits; erasing every form and every foot-print of enjoyment form off the face of the earth.

But look at the omens which imperfect experiment affords. The press of worldly toil is not distributed to men alike. The compulsion to labor differs in degree. Where, now, has depravity reached its tallest stature, and expanded to its most frightful strength? Where there has been “abundance of idleness.” Where the necessity for labor, as a means of subsistence—or as a means to meet artificial wants—has been abated. Where wealth has abated it. Where barbarism has abated it. The most vicious, the most wretched, the most loathsome, portions of the earth, at this very hour, are those where men are the least compelled to hard, and unremitting toil. The most vicious classes of our own community are those who discard patient, industrious labor. The pests of society—the tenants of our prisons—the victims of our gibbets—the inmates of our dens of infamy—are idlers; men and women and children who have been suffered to evade the restraining law of honest and productive industry. On the other hand the communities—the classes—among whom probity and happiness and virtue have most prevailed, are those who have been impelled, by natural or artificial wants, to the highest exertions.

And what do these facts import? Why! Plainly this; that labor and toil and the sweat of the brow are powerful checks upon human depravity. Plainly this; that if all demand for toil should cease, if all the wants of men were met without their exertion—the surges of misery and abomination would roll over the world in unbroken and cursed succession.

So then, toil – busy occupation – is the safety-valve through which the perilous excess of depravity is diverted. Men wish to evade it; and, if they might, they would. Hence the mercy of enweaving it, strong and stern as necessity could make it, with the very condition of human existence. Hence – as a universal law – it is the very secret of temporal salvation – the bridle upon the jaw of the devourer.

Behold, then, the deep wisdom—the careful kindness—the timely forecast of God, in the enactment of the decree—“Cursed is the ground for thy sake.” See here—a counterpoise against impetuous and deadly depravity. See here—a befitting provision for the emergencies of erring human life. But for this—what would our world have been? A Golgotha—an Aceldama—a muster-field of moral and bestial defilements—a very counterpart of Hell!

Look now, my hearers, at the curse of the ground. Behold how obviously it suits with the higher antidotes to Sin; how its harmonizes with, and helps on, the great work of salvation; how it is of vital importance to the efficacy of Redemption; how it vivifies the fountains of our earthly comforts; how it comes in as a temporary alterative to our depravity, putting check upon its growth, and woe; giving to our day of probation—and vantage ground to the means of grace. Look at all this—and say if men have reason to deplore the decree “that they should earn their bread by the sweat of the brow.” Say if they should curse the thorns and the thistles—the impediments to their enterprises—the taskmasters of their toil—which God has ordained.

I might point out the bearings of this doctrine upon several subjects of high practical interest; its bearings upon domestic education and parental duty; its bearings upon legislative policy and responsibility; its bearings upon the countless artificial luxuries of life, at which green-eyed sanctity is wont to point with abhorrence.

But I must stop. With one appeal I commend the truth to your consciences.—The sweat of the brow-the pressure of care and toil—are not among you calamities. They are not things to be thought of on fast days and forgotten on feast days. They are not things to be prayed against and denounced. They are blessings. You ought to bear them with cheerfulness. You ought to grapple with the thorns and thistles of life without murmuring. You ought to give God thanks for their multiplied profusion. You are getting many a choice treasure—you are culling many a delight—you are shielded from many a curse—by means of this curse upon the ground. Where would you be—what would you be—what would your world be, were this curse recalled? Could your suffrage avail, would you dare lift up your hand for its repeal? To repeal it would be death to all your joys; your hopes; your restraints; your probation. Nay—to recall it would baffle, irrecoverably, the brilliant schemes of God’s saving grace—it would consign you and me to abandoned depravity, and despair!