Sermon – Bridge Opening – 1808


Samuel Willard (1776-1859) graduated from Harvard in 1803. He worked as a tutor at Bowdoin College (1804-1805), and became a minister of the Congregational Church in Deerfield, Massachusetts (1807-1829). He continued to preach occasionally throughout his life. The following sermon was preached by Willard in 1808 at the occasion of opening a bridge in Northampton, Massachusetts.


sermon-bridge-opening-1808

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT NORTHAMPTON,

OCTOBER 27, 1808,

AT THE OPENING

OF

Northampton Bridge.

BY SAMUEL WILLARD,
MINISTER OF DEERFIELD.

 

AT a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Northampton Bridge, holden at the house of Barnabas Billings, in said Northampton, on Thursday the 27th of October, 1808;

VOTED UNANIMOUSLY,
THAT the thanks of the Corporation be tendered to the Rev. Mr. Willard, for the ingenious and elegant Sermon, which he has this day delivered, in celebration of the completion and opening of said Bridge; and that he be requested to favor them with a copy thereof for the press.

ATTEST,
E. H. MILLS,
PROPRIETORS’ CLERK.

 

A SERMON, &c.
 

“HATH NOT MY HAND MADE ALL THESE THINGS?”
ACTS, VII, 50.

“The fool hath said in his heart, there is no God;” 1 and of all the folly that has ever resulted from dullness or affectation, it may be difficult to find an instance to be compared with the absurdity of atheism. A denial of Divine Providence; a supposition, that the order and harmony of the boundless system of things, when once in being, could be preserved, without the unceasing agency of an omniscient and almighty Superintendant, is sufficiently unphilosophical and absurd. But it will appear much more extravagant, to suppose that all the material, inactive, and unintelligent things we behold, came into existence, without an intelligent creator; and that the innumerable instances of exquisite organization, were all results of chance. Indeed, a person, who could admit this, deserves not to be numbered with RATIONAL creatures; and much less with philosophers.

Of all truths, scarcely any is more evident, than the existence of GOD.

“That there’s a GOD, all nature cries aloud,
Thro all her works.”

The heavens and the earth, with all they contain; every fowl of the air; every beast of the field; every fish, that swims in the ocean; every tree of the forest and grove; every herb; every flower is a witness of his being.

The God, of whose being we have such evidence, is the Creator of all things visible and invisible. “Of old he laid the foundation of the earth; and the heavens are the work of his hands.” 2 It is HE that hath lighted up the sun, the moon, and the stars, and hung them, as lamps in the sky. It is HE that created the rivers, and scooped out a bason for the ocean, and filled it with water. It is HE that hath formed the vegetables, from the least to the greatest. It is HE that hath organized our bodies, with those of all animal things, and given us the breath of life.

Further; God is to be regarded, as the author not only of all the works of NATURE, as they are called, but of those also, which, in distinction from these, are called ARTIFICIAL.

We are not, indeed, to be considered as mere machines. We have a proper agency of our own. But we are so dependent on God, that HE is to be considered the “author and finisher” of everything we do, that is lawful and wise. Every utensil we form; every garment we make; every house we build; every bridge we erect, is in an important sense, the work of his hands. This will appear from several considerations.

1. It is God who provides MATERIALS, without which we must be inactive. We cannot, like him, raise a fabric out of NOTHING. Nor is it enough, that we have materials, unless they be suitable. We might as well attempt to build a house or a bridge with nothing, as with some things in existence.

We may TRANSPORT timber from place to place, if the distance be not too great, nor the intervening space impassable. We may alter the FORM of stuff, making that straight or crooked, which was naturally otherwise, and in various ways accommodating it to our purposes. And by composition, or analysis, or some other operation, we may, in some instances, give a permanent form, and a strong cohesion to things, which in their original state, have little or NO cohesion. Thus we may furnish ourselves with materials for building, where at first sight there appear to be none; and, when furnished, we can dispose and connect them, and form an edifice according to our mind.

Here are the limits of human power. Justly, then, may it be said, “The hand of the Lord hath made all these things.” The part we perform, compared with that HE does, is a very humble one; so humble, that it is hardly to be named. But,

2. God may challenge to himself the honor of all artificial works, so far as they are honorable, not only as the principal part is performed by his immediate agency, but as it is HE that gives us wisdom to provide for our convenience.

What would have been the situation of mankind, had they continued innocent; whether in that case they would have been subjected to any inconveniences, during their abode in this world; or what change the curse, or the general deluge, that was sent for the disobedience and corruption of man, produced in the earth, we cannot tell. But this we know, that among many CONVENIENCES, fallen man is naturally subject to many INCONVENIENCES. Indeed, most of the blessings of life are attended with some trouble; and very few things are prepared for our use and enjoyment, without some invention and labor on our part.

But God has provided for our wants, by bestowing on us the power of invention. “There is a spirit in man, and the inspiration of the Almighty giveth him understanding.” Our Creator has made us capable of perceiving the various qualities, relations, and affections of things, and not only of perceiving them, when occasionally presented to our observation, but of SEARCHING into the nature of things, and by scientific attainments, originating or improving useful arts. Thus we may overcome inconveniences, and by racing out the means, convert to our enjoyment things, that are seemingly most remote from use.

For this most noble talent, and for all the improvements we are enabled to make, we are indebted to the Author of our being. To the great Builder of the world we are under obligations for our skill in ARCHITECTURE, by which we are enabled to provide ourselves with commodious habitations, bridges, &c. as well as for the invention of various instruments of labor, without which our greatest designs could not be carried into effect. It is God who teaches the BEAVER to raise his pond, and the bird and the insect to build their nests. Most surely then, he is to be acknowledged in our SUPERIOR power of contrivance and execution. “He teacheth us more than the beasts of the earth, and maketh us wiser than the fowls of heaven.” 3

From the observations here made it appears, that for more reasons than one, it appears, that for more reasons than one, it may be said of every fabric we raise, and of every valuable production of art, “The hand of God has made all these things.”

3. God is the Author of all the worthy productions of our hands, as he is the author and preserver of those powers by which we EXECUTE our designs. In all things we are dependent on him; and in our bodies more especially, or rather, more APPARENTLY, we have no independent or permanent strength. Though, as observed above, we in our whole nature and constitution are not mere machines, our BODIES are nothing else. All our external strength, by which the action of the mind is conveyed to material objects around us, is purely mechanical. And as our animal frame is a machine, so it is of such a slender construction, that it is always tending to ruin, and is in need of constant or frequent repairs. Continual exercise soon wears it out, and renders it incapable of motion. In regard to permanent strength, it is not to be compared with many machines constructed by the art of man. A clock, or a mill, with little or no repair, may be kept in ceaseless motion for many years; but the human body scarcely one day. Without food and rest our strength would presently be exhausted. It is true, there are means provided for repairing the waste of time and exercise, so that this most delicate machine is made more lasting, than any among the works of man. But we can do little in the application of these means. Without the divine agency to convey reparatives to the parts that need, it were vain for us to eat or drink. And without God it were equally vain to expect refreshment from inaction. As well might we hope an INANIMATE machine, when worn out, would be repaired by disuse. It is the Former of our bodies, who alone is able to remove our weariness by rest and sleep. It is HE that diffuses thro the joints, that have been exhausted and stiffened by labor, the necessary moisture, and in this way prepares them for renewed exercise.

Thus God supports or revives our wasting strength. Thus it is “in him,” or thro his agency, “we live and move.” On this account alone he might claim the honor of all our works. Much more, when we take into view the several things that have now been suggested, should we acquiesce in his holy declaration, “My hand hath made all these things.”

Thus much, my friends, may suffice for the doctrine of our text, which is too plain to require any proof or much illustration. The remaining part of this discourse will be composed of hints and reflections, suggested by the subject or the occasion. And,

1. Our subject suggests to us the duty of acknowledging God in all our undertakings, and especially in the more important, looking to him for his blessing on our labors and designs, without which we much labor in vain. This is a very natural duty. It is one that could not be excusably omitted by a heathen, and much less by one, who is favored with the religion of CHRIST. When we see that any HUMAN aid, whether public or private, is needful to the success of a favorite design, while we have reason to believe that by asking we may obtain, we do not neglect to ask. And it must be very unreasonable not to supplicate the DIVINE blessing which is indispensable to our success, and which we are encouraged to expect on this, and on no other condition.

2. The occasion suggests to us the duty of gratitude to God, that in the original constitution of nature, things were disposed so much for our convenience; and that we are enabled to remove many of the inconveniences we find, and in various ways meliorate our condition.

All things at creation were “good” in the eyes of HIM, who would have discovered the least imperfection. Everything great and small, animate and inanimate, was created for some purpose worthy of the all-wise Creator; and this purpose was in every instance effected.

The great design, or at least one of the leading designs of this lower creation, was the happiness of him, who was formed “after the image of HIM that made him.” For his use everything beneath the sun was designed, and all were good for him. It is true, there are numberless other creatures on earth, capable of happiness. But these, while indulged with their proper enjoyments, were all servants of man; and every tree of the forest, and every herb of the field, was, we have reason to suppose, designed to subserve in some way direct or indirect, the HAPPINESS of man. 4

And, whatever change took place in the earth, at the time of the great apostasy of mankind, we are still surrounded with many accommodations. A great proportion of the things we see, human actions excepted, may be pronounced good. Many things indeed may, at the first view, appear incapable of promoting human enjoyment; and a child or an adult, whose experience and observation had been confined within a very small circle, might pronounce them worthless, tho’ persons of more knowledge consider them of great value. If fully acquainted with the nature of things in their PRESENT state, perhaps we should find nothing, which might not be useful to man.

That our convenience and enjoyment have been so much consulted, in the original constitution and disposition of things, and that our accommodations in this life are still so good, notwithstanding our unworthiness, should certainly be made subjects of thankful acknowledgement.

It is true, as already observed, things which in some respects are among our best accommodations, may in other respects be occasions of great difficulty and trouble. Fire and water, tho’ among the NECESSARIES of life, when not restrained within due bounds, may destroy all our OTHER means of life. Rivers which fertilize the neighboring meadows, while in the direction of their courses they facilitate commerce; as well as MOUNTAINS and HILLS, which among other benefits, give rise to these streams; are naturally great IMPEDIMENTS when we wish to pass from one place to another on opposite sides of them.

But, thanks to God, most of the difficulties we meet, not excepted the greatest, may be lessened, if not entirely removed by human labor and contrivance. It seems not to have been the design of the Creator, that human happiness should be the reward or the privilege of INDOLENCE, but of ACTIVITY. Our situation in this life is such, as will naturally call forth exertion. Few of the comforts or even of the NECESARIES of life are in their natural state ready for our use. While in INNOCENCE, man was required to dress the garden, which had been prepared and planted for him. 5 And after the fall his support and comfort were made still more dependent on the exercise of his strength and skill. 6

What supernatural instructions relative to the common arts of life were, in the infancy of the world, afforded mankind, we cannot determine. We have reason to believe however, that with a very few exceptions, these arts were left to human invention, aided, as all our exertion must be in order to success, by DIVINE wisdom and energy. Of this at least we are sure, that in the early ages of the world, many useful arts and some that are now considered NECESSARY to enjoyment or activity, were unknown. In general the arts, and the sciences, on which they are founded, have been progressive from the earliest to the present time; and within a few centuries some of the most important discoveries and inventions have been made, especially in the means of traffic and literary communication. And by our proficiency in mechanics and other branches of natural philosophy, many machines have within a few years been invented, by which the conveniences of life are procured with a vast saving of manual labor. In some branches of ARCHITECTURE, is must be confessed that no improvements have for many ages been made; and the patterns left us by the Greeks, are considered INCAPABLE of alteration for the better. In the building of Bridges however we vastly exceed he ancients; if not in the science and skill, at least in ENTERPRISE of this kind.

The histories of primitive times informs us of many works of almost incredible magnitude, which, tho’ they discover no great skill, shew the laborious spirit of those who effected them; or rather the strength of that despotism, by which thousands, could for years be subjected to hard labor for the gratification of pride or some idle fancy. Many of their most stupendous works were of little or no utility. But this is not the case with the greatest part of MODERN works. They are generally of public or private benefit. Our days have produced some, inferior in magnitude to very few productions of antiquity. In our times, by the erection of bridges, we travel over navigable waters as on dry land, while by means of canals, in the preparation of which the most stubborn rocks are rent, and the everlasting hills give way, we navigate into the heart of a continent.

Thus my friends, by the various discoveries and inventions, that have been made in the progress of years, we are relieved from a multitude of inconveniences, to which the ancients were exposed, and furnished with innumerable accommodations, to them unknown. And we have still abundant encouragement, to study the things, which may alleviate the hardships and contribute to the comforts of life. Most surely then we should be grateful to the author of all good for the favorable constitution of things, and for the means and ability of making such alterations in the state of surrounding objects, as we may find conducive to our east and comfort. Temporal accommodations and enjoyments are not indeed among our greatest blessings. We are under much stronger obligations to be thankful for religious favors, and especially for the great work of REDEMPTION by Jesus Christ, than for any temporal advantages, however great. But every favor of heaven is to be received with thanksgiving, and it is hardly consistent with gratitude for the greater to overlook the less. But

3. The subject admonishes us to be HUMBLE in the contemplation of our own works, comparing them with the works of God.

Mankind are very apt to VAUNT themselves in the works of their hands. The words of Nebuchadnezzar, the proud king of Babylon, while walking in his palace, and surveying the ensigns of his fancied greatness, were “Is not this great Babylon, that I have built for the house of my kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honor of my majesty?” 7 And many others inferior to him have indulged the same feelings, whence this language proceeded.

There is indeed a remarkable difference in the characters and conditions of men, when compared one with another. Some by their activity and enterprise, or by their hereditary wealth, provide themselves with easy and some with sumptuous accommodations, while others live in great plainness or poverty. And it is not strange, if some, while they compare themselves with none but their fellow mortals, are elated with the consideration of their own superiority. But in the presence of God, all human distinctions are almost lost.—Compared with His the greatest and most improved of our works are nothing, less than nothing, and vanity. In such a comparison there are many things to inspire us with humility.

In the first place, there is an inconceivable difference between the works of men and those of God, in NUMBER and MAGNITUDE. The building of an edifice to cover a few rods of ground, and extend a few feet into the air; the cutting of a canal of a moderate width and a few miles in length, perhaps thro’ hills, which in comparison with the earth are little more than grains; and the erection of a Bridge, that may be passed in a few minutes, are among the greatest of our works. And what are these compared with the earth, we inhabit? And what is the earth compared with the solar system? And again, what is this system to the whole extent of creation? If, as we have reason to believe, the numberless stars that appear in the skies, with millions of others, which thro’ their incalculable and inconceivable distance give no other evidence of their being, than a few faint and confused rays, are all suns enlightening each a great number of planets, the earth on which we live, which separately considered, appears so great, is little more than an ATOM, compared with the rest of God’s works. What then are the greatest productions of human power? Their comparative insignificance is inexpressible. They vanish into nothing.

Another consideration, that forbids all boasting while we survey the greatness of our works, is that we must expend MUCH LABOR and TIME in effecting a little. The greatest of human designs are in general many years in execution. But there is no such necessity with God. Only six days were employed in the creation of our system; and why so much time was employed, is perhaps an inscrutable secret of the divine counsels. Or, if it be lawful for so ignorant creatures, as we, to hazard a conjecture on such a subject, we may suppose the gradual succession of God’s works was designed to aid the comprehension of those seraphic spirits, whose exalted service it is, to contemplate without intermission the wonderful works of God, and render him unceasing praise; and another design might be to leave us an example “of order and not of confusion.” Had it seemed good in the sight of God, TO EXERT his omnipotence, one word and one instant, had been sufficient to give being to all the innumerable worlds, that NOW exist. Such power is incomprehensible by us, and the thought of it almost overwhelming, and it should certainly extinguish every spark of vain glory.

But further; our most considerable works require the co-operation of many individuals, as well as a long course of time. Man is a feeble creature; and during a long life, the greatest solitary exertions would effect little. Were the undivided glory of any production then much greater than it is, when distributed among all, who may claim a share, the dividend would in general be very small. But GOD has no partner in the glory of HIS works. He is under no necessity of calling in the aid of his creatures for the execution of his greatest designs. The Father thro’ the agency of his only begotten Son, created the world with all things now in existence, and neither angels nor archangels had any part in the work or the glory of it. The principalities and powers of Heaven were mere SPECTATORS of the work.

Once more; I would observe, that God’s designs were all perfect in the origin, neither wanting, nor capable of improvement. Not only the works of creation, but those of PROVIDENCE and REDEMPTION, were dictated by infallible wisdom. “Known unto God are all his works, from the beginning of the world,” 8 not excepted those which are accommodated to the actions of his creatures; and it is impossible for anything to frustrate his designs, or render any measures needful on his part, that were not ordained from eternity.

But how erroneous and deficient are the most ingenious inventions of man, till corrected and improved by experiment! In some things, it is true, we may calculate effects with a considerable degree of certainty. But a great many of our designs are little more than experiments, and want of success often compels us to VARY, if not ABANDON our plans. And notwithstanding the present imperfection of most human designs, they have been a long time in coming to their present state, and in general a small part of the honor belongs to the last inventor. In the early ages of the world, the arts were few, and extremely defective; but from those times to these, they have been gradually increased and improved. One generation inherits from another, and in general adds something to the inheritance. But a small part of the inventions, that are made, are anything more than slight meliorations of former ones. It is true, that on the discovery of new properties or relations in things, original inventions are made. But the first inventors almost always leave them far short of perfection.

Such, my friends, are the defects of human contrivance, and so little reason have we to boast of our most distinguished productions. But,

4. While we contemplate the improvements, that are gradually made in our own country, we should drop a tear over the declining state of many foreign countries, in which the works of centuries are swept away with a torrent of desolation, and where the citizens, instead of leisure for improvements, have scarcely time for procuring the ordinary means of life. Such is more or less the case of almost every nation of Europe. There are some, indeed, which, during the present wars, have not seen the ravages of an invading and triumphant foe; and some of these find abundance of time for the exercise of injustice and inhumanity. But these are so much employed in the art and practice of war, that they have little time or disposition for cultivating the arts of peace. And, tho’ the productions of past ages remain among them, it cannot be supposed they make many improvements. What then, shall we think of those countries which have been overrun, perhaps once and again, by large and lawless armies, or rather, by armies, whose law was rapine, desolation, and murder? What proficiency could be hoped from such in the arts of life? And, tho’ peace succeed these calamities, what encouragement can they have for the least enterprise or exertion, while they behold the ruins of their former labors, and feel the loss of their independence, and of all those privileges, which had descended from their fathers, perhaps thro’ a long succession of ages, and while of course they have no security of any reward for future exertions? If persons alive, with the feelings of men, are not in DESPAIR in such circumstances; if they are still able to enjoy the remaining comforts of life; they must be allowed to have no small share of fortitude. No EXERTION is to be hoped from them. Still less and they be expected to cultivate the arts of life, if after their own degradation, they are compelled to assist with all their resources, in the subjugation of others. And such my friends, has long been the situation of no small part of the European nations, while others, to defend and preserve their rights, have almost universally united the characters of citizens and soldiers.

How widely different has been the situation of our country! For several years after the flames of war were lighted up in Europe, we experienced little inconvenience from them. Refraining from all needless interference, we enjoyed a tranquil state, which gave us an opportunity for enriching ourselves with commerce, and cultivating to an eminent degree the useful arts. And tho’ within a few years we have suffered many injuries and indignities, from those who acknowledge no law but power, the sound of battle has not yet been heard in our land; we are not yet deprived of our independence; we may still sit by our own firesides, “without any to molest or make us afraid:” we are still at leisure to pursue the works of peace.—Our inquiries are not, how shall we contrive to raise or support vast armies, either for our own protection, or for the gratification of an ambitious and blood thirsty master or ally? But how shall we enlarge and beautify our dwellings, alleviate by mechanical aids, the ordinary labors of life, and by the improvement of roads, the erection of bridges, &c. facilitate the journeys of those, who travel for business, health, or amusement?

The improvements made in our country within these twenty years, are perhaps unexampled. It is only a few years since the establishment of the first turnpike road in our country, and now a great part of the considerable places in the union are connected by turnpikes. In the NUMBER and LENGTH of our BRIDGES, tho’ not in the MATERIALS of which they are composed, we rival almost every country under heaven; and every year adds several to the number.

A comparison of our condition with that of most foreign countries should awaken within us the most generous sympathy for their degradation and distress, while it enkindles within us the most lively gratitude to the Giver of all good for his distinguished favors.

5. The occasion constrains me to add one word of acknowledgement to those, from whose enterprise we derive many of our public accommodations. Bridges are of very great utility; and, if the one we now see opened, be allowed to stand, it will very much accommodate THIS and other neighboring towns, and the public in general. A person of a little experience will discover several reasons for preferring a bridge to a ferry. Without a bridge, a river like this can never in the open months be passed without considerable delay, frequently not without danger, and in some seasons not at all.

We wish success to this enterprise, and hope the projectors of it will be indemnified for all their trouble and expense.

6. One thought remains. All our worldly projects, however perfectly executed, are TEMPORAL; but some of our works are ETERNAL. The houses we build for our present accommodation, must crumble into dust, yonder bridge, if not swept away by ice nor flood, will shortly fall into ruin. But we are each erecting an edifice of indissoluble materials, that will remain, when the earth is no more. This building my friends, is either a prison of darkness and eternal woe, or a palace of glory and everlasting blessedness. Let us take heed how we build. Let us build on the stone that is laid in Zion, with the materials our Saviour has provided: and thus, when our earthly tabernacles shall be dissolved, may we be received into everlasting habitations, thro’ Jesus Christ; to whom be glory and praise forever. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1 Psalm 14. 1.

2 Psalm 102. 25.

3 Job, 35. 11.

4 Genesis, ix. 2, 3.

5 Genesis ii. 15.

6 Genesis iii. 17, 18, 19.

7 Daniel iv. 31.

8 Acts, xv. 8.

Originally published: Dec. 26, 2016

Sermon – Artillery Election – 1808


Leonard Woods (1774-1854) graduated from Harvard in 1796. He was a pastor in Newbury, Massachusetts (1798-1808), and a professor of Christian theology at the Andover theological seminary (1808-1846). Woods was active in establishing the American tract society, the Temperance society, and the board of commissioners of foreign missions. This sermon was preached in Boston on June 6, 1808 by Woods.


sermon-artillery-election-1808

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE ANCIENT AND HONORABLE

ARTILLERY COMPANY

IN BOSTON, JUNE 6, 1808

THE HUNDRED AND SEVENTIETH ANNIVERSARY

OF THEIR

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

By LEONARD WOODS, A. M.

 

Monday, 6th. June, 1808.

AT a meeting of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, Voted unanimously, that Captain Edmund Bowman, Lieutenant Jonathan Loring, and Ensign Whitney, be a committee to wait on Reverend Mr. Woods, to thank him for the eloquent and appropriate discourse this day delivered before the Company, and request a copy for the press.

Attest, T. CLARK, Clerk.

OFFICERS, 1807…1808.

Mr. Edmund Bowman, Captain.
Mr. Jonathan Loring, Lieutenant.
Mr. Jonathan Whitney, Ensign.
General John Winslow, Treasurer.
Captain Thomas Clark, Clerk.

OFFICERS, 1808….1809.

Captain Melzar Holmes, Captain.
Mr. Benjamin Coates, Lieutenant.
Mr. Dexter Dana, Ensign.

Sergeants
Captain Thomas Dean, 1st.
Mr. William Bowman, 2nd.
Mr. David Forsaith, 3d.
Mr. Samuel Waldron, 4th.

General John Winslow, Treasurer.
Captain Thomas Clark, Clerk.

ARTILLERY ELECTION SERMON.

HEB. ii. 10.

THE CAPTAIN OF THEIR SALVATION.

 

To men of every profession the Son of God is a finished pattern of true virtue. Every man, whatever his department in life, who diligently and devoutly imitates his example, will attain the most amiable and useful character; while he, who disregards it, whatever other qualities he may possess, and whatever honors he may receive, falls far short of real excellence.

I know not therefore, how I can render a more acceptable service to the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, at whose request I now speak, or more properly express that pious respect, which on this occasion we ought to feel for the author of our holy religion, than to exhibit him, as the great pattern of military virtue. Such a design is evidently authorized by the scriptures. “Behold,” says God by a prophet, “behold, I have given him—a leader and commander to the people;” and the apostle in our text represents him, as the Captain of our salvation.

Let us then devoutly contemplate the Son of God in this character; and may the contemplation inspire that martial virtue, which harmonizes with the benign spirit of the gospel.

The primary and most distinguishing characteristic of Christ, as the Captain of our salvation, is benevolence. The end, he pursues, is the good of intelligent beings. His love is not restricted to family, nation, or world; but is infinitely diffusive, extending to all beings capable of enjoyment, and apportioned to all according to justice and truth. His love is perfectly free from every kind and degree of selfishness. He did nothing to promote his own private honor; he came not to do his own will; he pleased not himself. His heart embraced no interest, but that of the universe.

This divine affection has a direct and commanding influence in every part of his mediatorial work. By love he was prompted to undertake the salvation of sinners. It was love, which induced him, who was rich, to become poor for our sake. In this astonishing act, the endless felicity of those, whom sin had expelled from Paradise, was the object of his benevolent heart.

It is a common expression, that men rise to office. But in becoming the Captain of our salvation the Son of God descended. The Lord of angels became a servant of men. His entering into office was an unparalleled exercise of condescending love. By the same motive was the author of our salvation guided through his whole work on earth. He went about doing good. The deaf blessed with hearing, and the blind with sight, the sick restored to health, and the dead to life, the hungry fed, the ignorant instructed, mourners comforted, the penitent pardoned, and profligates reclaimed, all bear testimony to the benignity of his character, and evince that his name is love.

It is said in scripture, he came to send fire, division, and a sword. For a just comment on these words we must look, not to the pure, peaceful nature of his gospel, but to those fiery passions and hostile exertions of his enemies, which contravene the benevolent and pacific design of his coming. The warfare, which the Captain of our salvation carried on, was wholly in subservience to the cause of love. The sword, which he used, was meekness and truth. The enemies, he opposed, were the enemies of God and man; the enemies of virtue, peace, and happiness. If his enemies prevailed, he well knew the divine government would be prostrated, and no trace of moral beauty or joy remain. The victory, which he sought and obtained, was the victory of wisdom over folly, of benevolence over malice, of truth and order over falsehood and confusion; the victory of righteous government over universal anarchy. In the holy war, which he waged, he showed himself a consummate, a divine commander. He had a perfect discernment of the power, designs, and motions of the enemy; and skill to make his arrangements in such manner, as to ensure success.

In pursuing his great object, the Captain of our salvation displayed the highest degree of courage. Confident of the goodness of his cause, and resolved on victory, he was not to be overborne or dismayed. He was carried on to his object by the force of equal, persevering benevolence. He showed no vehemence, no impetuosity; but calm, deliberate, invariable determination, the sure sign of a great and good mind. Difficulties, however numerous and constant; dangers, however alarming; opposition, however subtle, malignant, and formidable, had no discouraging influence. His sublimely benevolent soul was not subdued even by desertion. When betrayed by one of his followers, forsaken by the rest, and left alone in the hands of false accusers and bloodthirsty, triumphant foes; he was fixed, as the throne of heaven. Clamorous insult, a crown of thorns, cruel mocking and scourging, could not disturb the serenity, nor sink the resolution of his exalted spirit. Upon fortitude, like his, even the pains and infamy of crucifixion produced no effect. Nailed to the accursed tree, enfeebled by bleeding and torture, surrounded and insulted by enemies, deserted by his friends, and forsaken of his God, he was still unsubdued; still displayed the unyielding energy of his love. Yea, he there displayed the glory of his power; there he fought successfully for his people, conquered principalities and powers, and triumphed over them on the cross.

Now in all the sufferings, which the Captain of our salvation endured, he was influenced by the most enlarged benevolence. He voluntarily submitted to torture and death, in order to repair the injury, which human transgression had occasioned; in order to honor and support the divine government, so that we might be made the heirs of eternal life, without encouraging rebellion, or degrading the authority of Jehovah. Immanuel’s love to men was not a partial affection, aiming at their separate interest. It was an extensive, unbounded affection, aiming to promote the happiness of men in consistence with the good of the intelligent universe, and to augment the good of the universe by the happiness of men. To render these two objects compatible with each other, Messiah patiently suffered, and gloriously died.

Our divine Leader, now seated at the right hand of the Father, and honored by the praises of angels, is as much influenced by benevolence, as when he abode on earth. He is highly exalted, and hath received a name, that is above every name, not for personal aggrandizement, but for the good of the world. As the Captain of our salvation, he is entrusted with all power in heaven and earth, for this purpose, that he may give eternal life to his people. For their security he ascended to his celestial throne. For their benefit he wields the scepter of unlimited empire. His honor is the honor of infinite goodness. The glory of his character and the happiness of his kingdom are inseparably and eternally one. What was the joy, which was set before the Saviour, for which he endured the cross, despising the shame? Was it such a joy, as excites the desire, and gratifies the taste of proud, selfish mortals? God forbid! The joy, which he sought, and which was his full reward for the travail of his soul, was the joy of infinite benevolence in beholding the purity and felicity of those, whom he had redeemed by his blood.

This, it is conceived, is a true, though very imperfect description of the Captain of our salvation. To do good upon the most extensive scale is his sole object. He seeks no glory but the glory of doing good. For all his labors, he desires no recompense, but to see and enjoy the perfect holiness and happiness of his kingdom. According to reason and truth, he has a supreme regard to his own honor and blessedness. But his honor and blessedness always stand in connection with the interest of creation. To the cause of general good he is united by indissoluble ties. To that cause his whole being is devoted. For that cause he became incarnate, suffered, died, and now reigns in glory. All he has done in creation, providence, and redemption; all he has done in heaven and on earth, has been a correct expression of pure, perfect, divine benevolence.

To exhibit the Captain of our salvation, as a pattern of true virtue to men in military life, was the design of this discourse. But here it must be remarked, that, in some parts of his character, he is not an object of imitation. What man or angel shall aspire to resemble him, who is the Alpha and Omega, the first and the last, the Almighty? Him, who was in the beginning with God, and who was God? What man or angel shall admit the presumptuous thought of resembling him, by whom, and for whom all things were created, that are in heaven and that are in the earth, visible and invisible, whether they be thrones, or dominions, or principalities, or powers, and by whom all things consist? Who among God’s creatures can imitate him, who, by the sacrifice of himself, made atonement for the sins of the world, and is the eternal rock of confidence to the kingdom of the redeemed? Who shall entertain the impious desire of holding, like him, the scepter of the universe; or of receiving, like him, the profound worship of angels and men? In these sublime attributes of his character, the Captain of our salvation is too high for imitation. Compared with him, the most renowned generals, the wisest politicians, and the most powerful kings and emperors are, as nothing and vanity.

If we would exhibit Christ, as the object of imitation, we must exhibit his pure benevolence, his fervent zeal for the cause of virtue, his devotion to the honor of God and the welfare of man. In these respects he is to be considered, as an example to all military men. If they would attain the true excellence of martial character, and deserve the lasting esteem and confidence of mankind, they must be good soldiers of Jesus Christ; they must govern their actions by Christian benevolence and piety.

That wisdom of the world, which is foolishness with God, has often urged, that the obligation of Christian benevolence and piety is not so extensive, as we have represented; that these qualities, though useful and necessary in public worship, in the domestic circle, in the chamber of sickness, and in other retired scenes of human life, have no necessary connection with political or military virtue.

In reply, it might be sufficient to ask;—do men, by being engaged in political or military concerns, cease to be subjects of God’s moral government? Does their obligation to obey the divine commands terminate, when they leave retirement, and enter on public life? Are they not always under equal obligation to observe God’s law? The spirit of Christian benevolence and piety ought then to pervade every portion, and to prompt every action of their lives. The divine law is as much directed to the legislator, the judge, and the military commander, as to the believer at the sacred table, or the preacher proclaiming God’s mercy to sinners.

In this view of the subject, we are constrained to remark, that it is highly important to inculcate the Christian spirit on those, who are in military life; because in that department men are apt to consider themselves, as freed from the obligations of religion, and at liberty to deviate from the rules of Christian duty. In that sphere of action the Christian spirit is peculiarly necessary, as in it men are liable to peculiar temptations. Such are the nature and objet of military life, that those, who are engaged in it, are exposed to angry and violent passions; in consequence of which, is there not manifest danger of their losing every remnant of humanity, and becoming ferocious and cruel? Against this danger there is no effectual safeguard, but that benevolence and piety, which constitute the essence and beauty of religion. Where the Christian spirit predominates, it prevents the growth of the unfriendly passions, and gives a cast of mildness and beneficence even to those, whose profession is war and fighting.

How important to such men does the spirit of religion appear, when we consider, that their character is so generally respected, and their influence so extensive; and that, if actuated by wrong motive, they are likely to increase the corruption of public morals, and to be highly injurious to the best interests of society.

What principle can be safely substituted for Christian goodness? There is no principle, which has obtained so great influence over generals and soldiers, as love of military glory; and it may be added, there is none, which seems so well calculated to take the place and produce the effects of true virtue. But it is easy to see, that ambition, or love of honor and promotion, as a principle of action, is radically defective and corrupt, exceedingly inconstant in its operations, and fatal in its tendency. It is radically defective and corrupt, because it implies an overrating of one’s self, and of the vain applause of mortals, and an impious encroachment on the rights of God. It is exceedingly inconsistent in its operations. Depending on the capricious humors of mankind, and changing its course with them, it is fickle as the wind. Its tendency is fatal. Though in some circumstances it may lead to great and useful achievements; in others, it leads to the basest and most pernicious crimes. But what more is necessary to stigmatize this principle of action, than to say, it lives, and flourishes, and yields its natural and abundant harvest in characters, the most depraved and abandoned, that have disgraced human nature. The greatest scourges, that ever afflicted the world, have been formed and guided by love of military glory. The moment we have evidence, that men are governed by this passion, we may consider them, as prepared for every species of crime. The Caesars and the Alexanders of both ancient and modern times clearly prove, that plunder, carnage, desolation, and tyranny spring, as genuine fruits, from the love of fame. If this principle rule, the power of conscience and every moral principle are prostrated, and the door is opened for the reign of terror and destruction.

Ambition, or love of fame, has been called a splendid and noble vice. But it is neither a virtue, nor a noble vice. There is not on earth a greater moral pestilence. Though its features, at first view, may appear kind and lovely; it is deformity itself, and carries everlasting enmity in its bosom. If it could be successful, and execute all its wishes; there would be no bounds to the mischief and ruin, it would occasion. Scorning reproof and restraint, it would suppress conscience, and nullify God’s holy law. Brooking no rival, and no resistance, and disregarding every idea of justice and right, it would excite each individual to seek superiority over all others, and all others over him. The consequence would be the most violent interference and strife. And he, who in the issue should have no superior on earth, would still be uneasy at the thought of a POWER SUPREME in heaven;—uneasy indeed, if he should view that heavenly POWER, as the unchangeable and almighty enemy of human pride and human glory.

Not so the excellent Gardiner, celebrated by the pious friendship of Doddridge. Not so the man, who was once the hope and confidence, and will ever be the honor, of America. Those heroes fought, not for their own fame, but for their country, and their God. They proved that religion has as much to do in the field of battle, as in the house of prayer. It is religion, that must teach commanders when to engage in the bloody fight, and when to sheath the sword; how to bear defeat, and how to enjoy success; how to treat their bleeding enemies, their captives, and their victors; how to conquer, and how to die. Oh, had all the great generals and rulers of former and latter times possessed the spirit of Washington; nay, rather, the spirit of him, who was Washington’s Pattern and Savior; how different would have been the state of the world! What boundless evils would have been prevented! To the love of military fame and civil power we must ascribe a great part of the dissentions and wars, which have distressed and wasted mankind. This has kept, and still keeps the nations of the earth in a state of discord and misery.

No consideration, perhaps, deserves more particular notice on this occasion, or more directly exposes the love of personal honor, than its influence in originating and perpetuating the practice of single combat. What can be conceived more unreasonable, more vicious, more hurtful, or more detestable, than a principle, which gives rise to such a practice? A principle, which leads men openly to set at nought the righteous law of God, and to violate every social and civil obligation; a principle, which hardens the heart against the earnest cries and melting entreaties of domestic affection and distress, and against the still more solemn warnings, and more melting expostulations of divine mercy? Can it be thought necessary to prove that dueling is totally contrary to Christian virtue? Look at the Captain of our salvation. Was he quick to resent the insults and injuries he received? Did he return evil for evil? Did he aim at the life of others, and expose his own, to revenge every trifling offence? Was not he meek and lowly in heart, compassionate and forgiving? When he was reviled, did he revile again? When he suffered, did he load his enemies with angry threats? Did not he say, love your enemies; bless them that curse you; do good to them that hate you; and pray for them that despitefully use you? We must either renounce the fashionable maxims of personal honor and revenge, and decidedly discountenance the practice of dueling; or give up all pretensions to the name and privileges of Christians.

Can it be apprehended, that a character, formed and actuated by Christian benevolence, would be less dignified and sublime, than one, formed upon the principle of ambition? What constitutes sublimity of character? Does it arise from the sublimity and excellence of the object pursued? The object of an ambitious hero is, that his splendid victories may be celebrated through the world, and that he may rise in fame and power above all other mortals. The object of the Christian hero is the virtue and happiness of mankind. Which, I ask, is the more sublime and excellent, the high sounding honor of a weak, blind, selfish individuals, or the solid, durable happiness of unnumbered millions? The object of an ambitious commander is so narrow, groveling, and base, as to deserve no notice, but contempt. The object of the Christian commander is so sublime and excellent, as to engage the diligent exertion of angels, and the benevolent attention of God. What excellence and sublimity does such an object impart to his character? A sublimity, which will forever mock the aspiring views of proud ambition.

Will it be said, that love of glory creates the highest activity and energy of character? Is not the love of God and man a more powerful stimulus? Are mankind,—are all so lost to reason and virtue, as to be more strongly excited and more completely governed by the breath of flattery and applause, than by the honor of their Maker, and the welfare of the world? Are there no military, no civil characters, who display as much activity and energy under the uniform and salutary influence of Christian goodness, as others, under the influence of ambition? Through the favor of God, there are some. For the sake of our country and the world, we devoutly wish them multiplied a hundred fold.

The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company will accept our congratulations on the return of this joyful anniversary. Heaven grant, that you may continue to make the most valuable improvements in military science, and be a school of Christian heroes, till wars and rumors of wars shall cease. Wishing, Gentlemen, that you may attain the highest dignity and usefulness of character, we have directed your attention to the great Captain of salvation, and inculcated the importance of imbibing his benevolent spirit. Without this spirit, mankind, pursuing ten thousand separate, clashing interests, will be in a state of perpetual variance and confusion. But this spirit, by uniting mankind in one interest and one cause, will make what can never be made without it, a perfect society.

In training up young men for war, you will consider, Gentlemen, that it is indispensable to impress on their minds Christian truth and piety. If this be neglected, their discerning fellow citizens will look upon them with distrust and alarm. If this be neglected, their influence may be so baleful to society, and their conduct so extensively mischievous, that their death will be hailed, as the relief and joy of their injured country.

How great is the evil of setting up for examples men, whose characters were formed upon the principle of military glory. These, alas, are the men, whom poets and historians have celebrated. These are the men, whose crimes are ingeniously varnished, and whose names are transmitted to posterity, surrounded with the most captivating splendor. Ambitious young minds are imposed upon by the deceitful light, in which they are seen; and attracted, by the false honors which decorate their characters, to a studious imitation of their vices. Turn away with abhorrence from these contagious, destructive characters, which have so long been exhibited, as patterns of virtue; but which, in fact, have no recommendation, except to a proud, inhuman heart. Look unto him, whom the mercy of God has presented, as a perfect example; and lose not this distinguishing advantage of that holy religion, which you now publicly recognize and honor in this house of God. If all, who are invested with military and civil authority, will sacrifice the lust of power and every unhallowed principle, cherish the humble, self denying, and heavenly temper of Jesus, and regulate their measures, and employ their influence according to Christian wisdom and goodness; there is still hope for our country, even in this day of darkness, rebuke, and peril. The King of Zion deserves our entire, unwavering confidence. His throne is our refuge, our strength, and our safety. Without his friendship, fleets and armies are of no use. Let his gospel prevail; by faith, obedience, and prayer let his favor be secured; and America will yet triumph in peace and prosperity. Or, if we be called forth in righteous war, the Captain of our salvation will go with us, as he did with our fathers; will conduct our armies, and crown us with victory. Amen.

The following are the names of the gentlemen who have commanded the Honorable Artillery Company.

1638 Robert Keyne
39 Edward Gibbon
40 Robert Sedgwick
41 Edward Gibbons
42 Israel Stoughton
43 Elisha Cook
44 Thomas Hawkins
45 Maj. Robert Sedgwick
46 Maj. Edward Gibbons
47 Robert Keyne
48 Maj. Robert Sedgwick
49 Maj. Edward Gibbons
50 Humphrey Atherton
51 Thomas Savage
52 John Leverett
53 Thomas Clark
54 Maj. Gen. Ed. Gibbons
55 Francis Norton
56 James Oliver
57 Edward Hutchinson
58 Maj. Humph. Atherton
59 Thomas Savage
60 Maj. Gen. D. Dennison
61 William Hudson

1662 Thomas Lake
63 Major John Leverett
64 William Davis
65 Thomas Clark
66 James Oliver
67 Isaac Johnson
68 Thomas Savage
69 Peter Oliver
70 Maj. Gen. J. Leverett
71 John Hull
72 William Davis
73 Thomas Clark
74 Thomas Lake
75 Thomas Savage
76 Elisha Hutchinson
77 Richard Woodde
78 John Hull
79 John Walley
80 Major Thomas Savage
81 Penn Townsend
82 Theophilus Frary
83 Ephraim Savage
84 Elisha Hutchinson
85 John Phillips

In 1686, Sir Edmund Andross, upon his arrival, turned out all the Magistrates, Judges and Officers of the Militia chosen by the people, and appointed others in their room, and overturned by degrees the whole Constitution, so that this Company did not publicly meet till after his departure for England.

Ap. 1691 Maj. E. Hutchinson
91 Penn Townsend
92 M. Gen. Wait Winthrop
93 John Wing
94 Col. Samuel Shrimpton
95 Col. Nicholas Page
96 Bazoon Allen
97 Lt. Col. E. Hutchinson
98 Major Penn Townsend
99 Major John Walley

1700 Samuel Checkley

1701 Samuel Sewall
2 Major Charles Hobby
3 John Ballentine
4 Thomas Hutchinson
5 Thomas Savage
6 Major Adam Winthrop
7 John Walley
8 Thomas Fitch
9 Col. Penn Townsend
10 Lt. Col. John Ballentine
11 Habijah Savage

1712 Hon. William Taylor
13 Sir Charles Hobby
14 Edward Winslow
15 Edward Martyn
16 Samuel Keeling
17 Edward Hutchinson
18 Thomas Hutchinson
19 Hon. William Dummer
20 Col. Thomas Fitch
21 Major Habijah Savage
22 Thomas Smith
23 Col. Penn Townsend
24 Lt. Col. Ed. Hutchinson
25 Col. Thomas Fitch

1726 John Greenough
27 Major Habijah Savage
28 Col. Samuel Thaxter
29 Major Edward Winslow
30 Col. Ed. Hutchinson
31 Nathaniel Cunningham
32 William Downe
33 Major William Brattle
34 Major Samuel Sewall
35 Lt. Col. Jacob Wendell
36 Col. John Chandler
37 Col. Richard Saltonstall
38 Daniel Henchman
39 Caleb Lyman

The following are the names of the gentlemen who have commanded the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.

1740 John Wendell
41 Joshua Cheever
42 Hon. Samuel Watts
43 Hon. Joseph Dwight
44 Lt. Col. William Downe
45 Col. Jacob Wendell
46 Maj. Daniel Henchman
47 John Phillips
48 John Carnes
49 Ebenezer Storer
50 Hugh McDaniel
51 Jonathan Williams
52 Joseph Jackson
53 Thomas Edwards
54 Ralph Hart
55 John Symmes
56 John Welsh
57 Thomas Savage

1758 Newman Greenough
59 Col. John Phillips
60 William Taylor
61 Major John Symmes
62 Onesiphorus Tilestone
63 Thomas Marshall
64 Maj. Gen. J. Winslow
65 William Homes
66 Thomas Dawes
67 Lt. Col. Tho. Marshall
68 Maj. Jam. Cunningham
69 Josiah Waters
70 Capt. William Heath
71 Capt. Samuel Barret
72 Capt. Martin Gay
73 Major Thomas Dawes
74 William Bell

The company performed the duty enjoined by their charter on the first Monday in April, 1775, commanded by Capt. Bell.

The revolutionary war commenced April 19, 1775, when the members of the company were dispersed, and did not meet again until July, 1786, when the company recommenced military duty under the command of the surviving officers elected in June, 1774.

CAPTAINS ELECTED SINCE THE REVOLUTION.
1787 Maj. Gen. John Brooks
88 Maj. Gen. Benj. Lincoln
89 Brig. Gen. William Hull
90 Capt. Robert Jenkins
91 Col. Josiah Waters
92 Col. John Winslow
93 Maj. A. Cunningham
94 Maj. Gen. John Brooks
95 Col. Amasa Davis
96 Thomas Clark
97 Samuel Todd

1798 Col. John Winslow
99 Capt. Robert Gardner

1800 Jonas S. Bass
1 Maj. Benjamin Russell
2 James Phillips
3 Capt. Lemuel Gardner
4 Capt. Daniel Messenger
5 Maj. George Blanchard
6 William Alexander
7 Edmund Bowman
8 Capt. Melzar Holmes.

Sermon – Election – 1808, New Hampshire


Rev. Asa McFarland (1769-1827) preached this election sermon in New Hampshire on June 2, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-new-hampshire

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT CONCORD,

BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

June 2, 1808.

BY THE REV. ASA M’FARLAND, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN CONCORD.

SERMON.

II PETER, I. 19.

But we have also a more sure word of prophecy, where unto ye do well that ye take heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place.

MANKIND have, in all ages, been disposed to associate religion with the most important transactions and events of life. The Grecian states committed the guardianship of the great oracle at Delphos, to the general council of the whole nation, that they might the more certainly secure the favor of the deity, who was supposed, through the medium of that oracle, to communicate his will. Lycurgus, who instituted laws for the government of the Lacedemonians, consulted the same oracle, that he might commend the laws which he made, to the regard of his countrymen, by suggesting that they had the approbation of the divinity. For a similar reason, Numa Pompilius pretended to have had intercourse with the goddess Egeria, who dictated those laws to him by which Rome was to become the mistress of the world.

These men, though not favored with the advantages which we derive from divine revelation, were well versed in the feelings which govern mankind. The reasons which influenced them to consult the oracle, and publish laws under t pretence that they were communicated from heaven, have their foundation in one of the most powerful and operative principles of human nature, a principle of religion. The necessities to which men are subjected in this life, impel them to seek aid from above. Their hopes and their fears lead them to adopt some form of religious worship. Whether the object of their worship be the sun and moon, the stars and the elements, or the great Jehovah himself, who formed the light, and who createth darkness, they must seek relief from their distresses, dispel their fears, and cherish their hopes, by some supposed, if not real, intercourse with the Deity.

As mankind must have some religion, it becomes of course necessary to inspire them with confidence in the laws, and engage their conscience on the side of obedience, that they should believe them to have the sanction of divine authority. This principle is so interwoven with all their feelings, and it is so readily excited on every new occasion of alarm, that no change of manners, nor different mode of education, nor the lapse of ages, can prevent its operation. If improvements are made in philosophy, or in the science of civil government, they can modify, but not extirpate, this principle. In this respect man is ever the same. He cannot find means to quiet his mind in the moment of alarm, nor any prospect to keep his hopes alive, unless he have recourse to some principles of religion.

While legislators of antiquity consulted a pagan oracle to know what institutions they should adopt, or rather to give them efficacy when adopted, we, my hearers, have a more sure word of prophecy. In the Christian dispensation we have more infallible indications of the divine will, and more certain principles to guide us, as well in those transactions which are of public moment, as in the private walks of life. As men must have some religion to regulate their conduct, attach them to society, and enforce upon their conscience respect and obedience to civil institutions, wise men will choose and cherish that which most effectually answers these purposes. They will encourage that system which most effectually controls those passions which tend to the subversion of government, that which fixes on the mind of men the deepest and the most durable impressions of their accountability to God for their conduct in society, and binds them one to another by a common interest.—We have a religion in the Holy Scriptures which answers these purposes.

Hence I shall endeavor to illustrate this general truth: The Christian dispensation, more than any other system of religion, is favorable to the true end of civil government.

Those whose professional employments have led them to contemplate government in all its branches, are better qualified than I am to explain its nature and end; and it does not become me to discuss subjects of this nature; but as I have proposed to prove, that the influence of the Gospel is favorable to the end of civil government, let it suffice on this occasion to say, that the true end of government is the common safety; and to secure this end, there are dispositions in mankind which need to be corrected, and passions which need to be controlled; and they must be controlled y restraints of powerful efficacy, or the safety of a community must inevitably be endangered.

I am now to prove, that the Christian dispensation has the happiest influence to secure this end.

1. Because its restraints reach the temper of the heart, where only they can rectify or wholly prevent the evil. It is in the hearts of men that all the mischief is conceived, arranged, and matured, which interrupts the public peace, and converts the world, at times, into a melancholy scene of oppression and violence.

The heart of the ambitious usurper is that secret asylum where he first conceives the design to overturn lawful authority, and exalt himself upon its ruins. Here it is matured, and his future operations are marked out. Here the oppressor fixes upon the man whom he intends to ruin; and arranges the plan by which the fraud is to be managed. In this asylum, which is fertile in every species of iniquity, the adulterer designates the family which he intends to involve in disgrace and wretchedness, singles out the unfortunate object of his criminal passions, and securely exults in the prospect of success.

Murder also begins here. It has its origin in that malice, or lust for plunder, which being indulged in the heart, become too riotous for restraint. Into this asylum of iniquity no human eye can penetrate. NO human remedies can reach the disorders which rankle here, so as to heal them. Whatever mischief is conceived in the heart, human laws cannot rectify, until it is manifested in overt acts. The officer of justice cannot enter and seize the lurking enemy, before he has begun the work of destruction.

It is however desirable and necessary for personal and public safety, that some effectual restraint should be laid on the intensions of men: for when the criminal design is brought to maturity, and the man has already begun to commit deeds of violence, the evil, at best, can be rectified but in part. The religion of the Bible furnishes this desirable restraint. The word of the Lord is quick and powerful, sharper than any two edged sword, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intentions of the heart. It arrests the guilty purpose before it is ripened for execution. Here men are taught, that though they may avoid disgrace, and escape punishment in this life, on account of criminal intentions, yet there is another tribunal. They must appear in the judgment before God, who now looketh at the heart, and requireth purity in the inward part, and who will bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good or evil. At that awful tribunal, the intention to commit a crime will be found criminal, even though the crime had not been perpetrated.

Where the Scriptures have their effect on the mind, they already create some anticipations of the judgment in those self-reproaches which men experience when they harbor iniquity in their hearts. This religion begins its salutary work at the foundation. It rectifies the motives and the intentions of the heart; and when the heart is restored to order, it is easy to regulate the conduct of men. With the powerful aid of such principles deeply impressed on the mind, civil government can, with great ease, accomplish its object—the safety and happiness of a community.

As all these principles are denied, so these salutary restraints are removed, at one stroke, by infidelity. The man who believes and who acts on the principle that he shall not be called to account, in the future world, for his temper and designs and conduct in this, may allow himself great latitude. He can, and probably will, do much mischief in ways where it would be impossible for human laws to detect and punish him. He can deceive; he can oppress and defraud, and perhaps destroy the comfort of families, by his impurities; and if men of this description have conducted with decency and sobriety, it must be imputed to the remaining influences of a Christian education.

If we would contemplate the full effect of infidelity, we must conceive at least a new generation, on whose mind there is no trace of religious truth, and no principles of conduct which have their origin in revealed religion. Among such a people, it would be difficult indeed to secure the public safety. Fines, imprisonments, and corporal punishment, would be feeble restraints; too feeble to control the violence of cupidity: and as to maintaining a reputation, and avoiding public disgrace, they would not be under a necessity of restraining their passions for this purpose; because, in such a state of things as that which I have supposed, it would not be disreputable to commit any enormity which men choose to sanction by custom.

The religions of the pagan world, in their moral tendency, were but little preferable to infidelity. It seems their principles never reached the heart, at least not so as to correct its vicious propensity. In every form of pagan religion, there were encouragements held out to men to practice those immoralities which must inevitably interrupt the public peace. If the principles of their religion reached the heart, they could not produce any useful effect; for it could not be supposed that the morals of men would be pure, when they worshipped deities who were supposed to indulge in all the excesses of wrath, revenge, lust, or intemperance. Men, who have had the best means of knowing the moral state of the pagan world, have testified that St. Paul exhibited a true representation in the first chapter of Romans, when he said they were “filled with all manner of unrighteousness, without understanding, covenant breakers, without natural affection, implacable, unmerciful.”

The religion of Mahomet, it is well known, does not better secure the morals of the people: for that portion, which is not evidently taken from the Gospel, encourages them in the most abominable licentiousness. It is enough to say, they are taught to expect sensual enjoyments in Paradise, to reward them for spreading slaughter and destruction over the earth.

2. The Christian dispensation is favorable to the true design of civil government, not only because it lays effectual restraints upon the criminal intentions of men, but likewise because it distinctly specifies the whole system of their public and social duty in detail.

That mankind may be trained up in those habits which will make them good subjects in a community, it is necessary, not only that they be governed by pure motives, but they should also be well informed in the nature of their obligations. It is impossible but that a man should fail in many instances, however honest his intentions may be, if he be ignorant of his duties. The Gospel is commended to the regard of every wise man, on account of the universality of its principles; for they embrace every possible relation, and they are applicable to every case. If a man, with an honest and good heart, take his direction from the Scriptures, he will find how he ought to conduct in every relation, to his Maker, to civil rulers, to his family, and neighbors, and to mankind at large. In every case of doubt, he may find here some salutary direction. If he commit his ways to the Lord, his thoughts will be established. If he have committed mistakes, here he may learn how to rectify them: and if his hopes be disappointed, and his prospects cut off, he will find those consolations which will save him from total despondence.

The Gospel has made the best provision for the education and the government of youth, by guarding the marriage covenant with the most awful penalties. Are you placed at the head of a family, you are taught that God has put a governing authority into your hands, and made the future character and condition of your children to depend, in some respect, on your faithfulness. He also teaches you, that you are responsible to him for the examples which you exhibit before your household, and for the habits which your children form under your instructions. Are you a subordinate member of a family, your obligations to honor and obey your superiors is made exceedingly plain; and your correspondent duties are enforced by the promise of long life and prosperity here, with the favor of God beyond the grave, and the fear of incurring his everlasting displeasure.

That this provision, which the Gospel makes, for the early education and government of youth, has a happy influence to aid civil government, will obviously appear when we consider, that it is in the family circle where the youth receive those impressions which will remain and characterize them through life. Here they imbibe their most permanent principles of action. If care be used in their early instruction and government, there is a probability of their being peaceable members of the community; but if they are not habituated to subordination in their minority, they will not patiently endure it when they shall act for themselves. The strong arm of civil government must be exerted to control habits which have been fixed by age, and deepened by repetitions of sinful indulgence; and notwithstanding what the civil authority can do, the public safety will be endangered by such unsubdued spirits.

If infidelity does not go to the utter dissolution of the marriage covenant, it certainly removes from the mind a sense of its sacred nature, and therefore in effect it destroys those relations which alone can insure the proper care and management of youth. When men no longer believe that they are accountable to a divine tribunal for their conduct in their families, whatever care they may use to furnish their children with exterior accomplishments, or leave estates to them, it cannot be expected that they will be in any degree solicitous in forming their moral character. Such men will generally be either insupportable tyrants in their families, and vent their spleen upon those whom they should govern with a steady hand; or, neglecting all rule, they will suffer their children to form their own habits, and govern themselves.

Nor are the various forms of Pagan and the Mahometan religions much better in this respect than infidelity. They do not guard those domestic relations of husbands and wives, parents and children, from which only the public may hope that the morals of youth will be secured. When we find that polygamy, and an almost unlimited concubinage, were not incompatible with the principles of their religion; and when such abominable practices are encouraged by the example of persons in the highest stations; we may easily conceive, that as St. Paul says, they are without natural affection, covenant-breakers, and given over to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not convenient. All those bonds which attach husbands and wives, parents and children, are loosened, if not wholly dissolved, with them; and, therefore, their religion furnishes no principle that may be relied on for the proper government of youth.

3. The influence of the Gospel affords the best aid to the civil government, because its principles are unchangeable. They are the same to men of all conditions, and to every age of the world.

Most of the prevailing religions, except the Christian, have been variable. They have been adapted to the policy of particular nations, and to the exigencies of times. The pagan nations, as either their fancy or their fears might dictate, joined new deities to their catalogue. This necessarily laid a foundation for new principles, and the institution of new rights. They had no system which embraced men of all conditions, and which was suited to every form of government. They had mysteries interwoven in their system, in which the learned pretended to receive degrees of light and knowledge in divine things, which were not to be exposed to the great mass of mankind. But the probability is, that their mysteries were only a pretext to evade those moral obligations which were enjoined upon the vulgar, and indulge the criminal propensities of the heart.

It must be obvious, that government is most secure and permanent when the members of the community embrace a religion which is always the same; for at every new turn which the religious system experiences, the form of the government would be exposed to change. If the religion did not bind all men by the same obligations, there would be danger that one portion of the community would exempt themselves from burden, and indulge in liberties which would be hurtful to the state.

The Christian dispensation embraces men of all ranks and conditions. It does not bend to times and circumstances, or to the purposes of men. Amid the fluctuation of sentiments, the changes in men, views of morality, this is an invariable standard to recall them from their wanderings in a corrupt age. Here are no mysteries that are not to be exposed to the vulgar, where the learned or powerful may shelter themselves, and evade those moral obligations which are binding upon the common people. It is not one thing to the rich and honorable, and another to persons of humble rank. One man is not justified by the Gospel in laying burdens upon others, without bearing his own part. No change in a man’s outward condition can make void his obligations to God and his fellow creatures. It is, in short, the religion of all conditions and times, and forms of civil government.

If it be a principle of human nature, that man must have some religion, the government will unquestionably be most secure and efficient when the members of the community feel the influence of a system which binds every man, of whatever condition, to duties which he owes to God and to his fellow creatures.

4. As the Gospel is the same to the rich and the poor, the powerful and the weak, it affords at once the best security to rulers and to subjects.

Government will receive great support from a religion which adds weight to the authority of the magistrate, and which at the same time guards that authority so that it shall not be abused. Such is the light in which the Gospel places civil rulers, that their authority has a commanding influence over the minds of good men, an influence which infidelity denies, and infidels cannot feel.

In view of infidelity, the magistrate is but a creature of men, clothed with no other than human power. The authority by which he acts, is no more than that which men have delegated to him, if he be an elected ruler; or if an usurper, it is no more than a power which he has assumed. With such views, it is not possible that men should feel any great respect for the office of him who bears rule; or that they should consider it to be very criminal to oppose even the necessary exercise of authority.

In the light of divine revelation, the case is different. Here civil rulers are represented as deriving their power from a higher source than the suffrage of the community. They have a power which is calculated to command respect, and overawe the disobedient. According to the Gospel, the magistrate is not a creature of men; for though he came into office by the election of men, yet when executing the proper power of his office, he is a minister of God. He is appointed to execute the divine will, to correct and reclaim offenders, and encourage and protect them that do well. Viewing him as a minister of the Most High, conscientious men have other reasons to respect his office and obey the laws, than the fear of those corporal pains and penalties which the laws inflict on offenders. If they oppose the civil power, they have reason to fear, that they must answer to their Almighty Judge for having trampled his authority under foot.

These are the powerful enforcements to obedience, which the Gospel furnishes. “Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? For he beareth not the sword in vain; for he is a minister of God, an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.”

Although Christianity throws its weight into the scale of civil authority, and engages the conscience of virtuous men on the side of obedience, it effectually guards this authority that it be not abused. It recognizes the rights of the subject, and affords the best means of his security; for though it represents the magistrate as a minister of God, it reminds him that he is clothed with this high authority for good.—Such power is not committed to him of God to be an instrument of oppression, or to be subservient to pride, or selfishness, or a worldly mind; but that he may be extensively beneficial to his fellow creatures. The very consideration that he receives his authority from heaven, lays an awful responsibility upon him; and if good men are afraid of resisting power which is derived from so high a source, the Christian ruler will be no less afraid of abusing such power.

Thus those who are appointed to rule, are endued with a power, in some respect, divine, to carry into effect God’s designs of justice and benevolence towards men, to restrain offenders, and protect the upright and inoffensive; but not to subserve a private interest. The Gospel directs the magistrate to that dread tribunal, where he must stand upon a level with the most obscure subject, to give an account of his stewardship; and assures him, that as he acts in a higher station than others, and has it in his power to perform greater service to his Maker, so more will be required of him. Having authority to bear down iniquity, and encourage virtue, to protect the innocent, and punish the guilty; if, disregarding the rights of the subjects, he has aimed to enrich or aggrandize himself, he abuses not only a power which men have committed to him, but that which he has received from above. He stands amenable not only to the public opinion, but to the more awful tribunal of the great God.

The ruler who acts under the influence of these solemn Scripture truths, must be sensible that his eternal interest requires that he should rule in the fear of God. Such effectual security, both rulers and subjects derive from the influence of the Gospel. The former have need to beware, that they do not pervert a power to selfish purposes, which was committed to them to promote the general good. The latter have need to be no less cautious, that they do not resist an ordinance of God, by opposing the necessary exercise of civil authority.

5. When the Gospel, in any good measure, produces its effect on the minds of men, it begets the purest patriotism. It is a happy medium, between that selfish love of country which influences a man to desire the extirpation of all who do not belong to his own community, and the spurious philanthropy of some modern theorists which seems intended to dissolve the relations of kindred and country.

The pagan nations had each their tutelary deities; and these guardian gods of one people were supposed to be hostile to those of another. It were easy to calculate the effects which such a religion would produce on the temper and conduct of men. It would inspire them with surprising courage when fighting in the defense of their country, under the protection and with the aid of their chosen deity. Accordingly, the history of heathen nations furnishes astonishing instances of personal valor.—But at the same time it inspired them with a savage cruelty towards their enemies, at which humanity is shocked. It was an exterminating principle. This is an extreme of patriotism, if it may be called by that name, which, though it might produce some brilliant actions, is, nevertheless, baneful in its effects.

Another extreme no less pernicious in reality, though more plausible in appearance, is that of some modern infidels. They consider man in the abstract as the object of benevolence, without regarding the relations of family or of country; and that those who are the most remote, and beyond the region of our influence, have an equal claim to our affection and care, with our countrymen, or neighbors, or relatives. The fallacy of this principle will appear, when we consider that the sphere of man’s influence is circumscribed. He can be beneficial to but few. By being dispersed over an infinite surface, benevolence becomes wholly ineffectual. It is lost in the immensity of its object. This imaginary philanthropy tends to the subversion of society. It seems to be a chosen pretext to evade all the social and relative duties, and it terminates in unqualified selfishness.

The Gospel begets a patriotism which is adapted to the real state of mankind. It teaches them, that the God whom they worship is also the Guardian of other nations; and as his providence embraces all creatures so they are bound to embrace all in their good will; and that it would be criminal to desire the ruin of others, though not of the same community. But this benevolence is necessarily bounded in its operation.

As a man can actually benefit the members of his own family, his neighbors, or perhaps his countrymen, the Gospel recognizes these relations, and enjoins correspondent duties. It requires him to do good within the circle of his influence, rather than seek for remote objects which he cannot benefit. It begets the principle of patriotism in the heart, by teaching that none of us are to live to ourselves. Our calculations are not to terminate in our own interest or pleasure; that is, we must not make these our ultimate object; for if we take the example of the great Author of this religion for our model, we shall always be ready to sacrifice personal ease and emolument to the good of the community.

There are considerations to attach a pious man to his country, which can have no influence upon the mind of an unbeliever. His country contains not only the sepulchers of his forefathers, but also the institutions of their religion, the sacred temples where they sought the Lord, sang his praise, obtained relief in their distresses, and spiritual comfort to their souls. It protects not only his person and property, but the privilege of worshipping God according to the convictions of his own mind, and of enjoying those religious ordinances which to some are more precious than property, or kindred, or life itself. Nothing can animate him with equal zeal to repel an enemy who threatens to profane the sanctuary which his ancestors consecrated to God.

The truly patriotic sentiment of the Psalmist is exemplified in every good man, and his country’s peace is a constant subject of his prayer. “Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces. Because of the house of the Lord my God, I will seek thy good.”

The pagan nations contended with desperate courage in the defence of the temples and shrines of their gods; but their patriotism, as we have seen, was destructive in its effects. It had no mixture of that benevolence to the human race in general, which has softened the asperity and lessened the evils of war.

In short, where the Gospel has been published with success, it has produced an astonishing change in the views and manners of mankind; and this change is altogether for the better. Men of moderate capacity, who have received their principles from the sacred oracles, have more correct moral sentiments, and they are better instructed in the nature and extent of their relative and social duties, than heathen philosophers of elevated genius.

The Gospel presents enforcements to virtue inconceivably more efficacious than any other religion has furnished.—I have said, it has lessened the evils of war. It has also nearly abolished slavery; and God grant that it may perfect this good work. Where it has not wholly abolished this inhuman practice, it has certainly abated its severity; for the slaves of Christian masters are privileged beings in comparison with those who were so unfortunate as to be enslaved in pagan countries.

The time, and I fear your patience also, would fail, if I were to be more particular in stating the advantages which civil government derives from the influence of the Gospel.

I will now offer a few remarks on the conclusion which the Apostle draws in my text. Since we have a religion so completely adapted to the condition of mankind, a religion which furnishes such effectual aid to government, and which brings eternal life to individuals, ye do well that ye take heed to this sure word of prophecy, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place.

Perhaps I need not take a moment of the time in cautioning this respectable audience, that they do not conclude, from what has been said, that the principal excellence of this religion consists in its subserviency to the end of government.—Its great Author did not come down from heaven solely, or principally, to regulate the affairs of society; but for a more important purpose—to seek and to save that which was lost.

The Gospel is to be prized, chiefly because God has here given us all things which pertain to life and godliness, through the knowledge of Jesus Christ, who hath called us to glory and virtue. It is commended to our first attention as accountable creatures, because it contains those principles and discoveries which are able to make us wise unto salvation. Still it is a dispensation which embraces all the interests of mankind, in relation both to time and eternity: and since the aid which civil government derives from its influence is at once the most salutary and effectual, it is worthy of our regard in this respect.

If the positions which have been laid down in this discourse be true; and their truth may be ascertained and made evident by comparing the moral state of mankind in Christian and heathen countries; if mankind, under the influence of the Gospel, are made more discreet and conscientious rulers, or quiet and peaceable subjects, better parents, and more obedient children, benevolent masters, and faithful servants: If, I say, the Gospel produces such effects, it claims the regard of political men. Nay more, that man who would weaken or counteract this influence, immediately forfeits the character of a true patriot, and wise politician. He who aims, I will not say to promote the eternal interests of mankind, but the peace and happiness of the community, would not knowingly weaken the influence of one Gospel institution. He would carefully avoid every measure, whether he acts in a public or private capacity, which might lead others to disregard its institutions or doctrines.

I have already observed, that mankind must have religion; and I have the experience of all ages to justify me in the observation. I do not mean to say, that they are born with a holy disposition; that they are willingly subject to the law of their Maker; or that it is their pleasure to honor and serve him. But there are principles wrought into the very frame of their minds, which impel them to seek a refuge in some form of religious worship.

We admit, that there are times when all men do not feel the necessity of divine aid and consolation. This is the case with worldly minds in seasons of outward prosperity and inward quiet. If any, at such times, should suppose it would be as well with them if every principle of religion were extirpated, yet in the moment of impending danger they have other feelings. When the elements around them are thrown into confusion, and threaten destruction, something within impels them to consent to the truth that there is a God who ruleth over all; that it is infinitely desirable to possess his favor, and dreadful to meet his displeasure.

If then mankind have in all ages sought for some medium of intercourse with the Deity, the conclusion is unavoidable that wise men will choose and encourage that system which is best adapted to the condition of the human race, and which meets all their wants and difficulties.

The pious man will cordially approve of the Christian dispensation, as it clearly reveals his duty and supreme interest, and exhibits the desirable medium by which he may secure the divine favor. It administers those friendly warnings which are calculated to awaken him from his slumbers. At the same time promises are exhibited to allay his fears, lest they should drive him to a destructive issue. Here he finds safe ground for a humble hope and trust in the mercy of God. These are discoveries and aids which he cannot find in any other system of religion. When he finds such friendly warnings and instructions in the Gospel, that it contains a remedy for every moral disease, healing for every wound, duties prescribed for all the relations and conditions of life, and safe directions for every case of difficulty and doubt, he sees indications on every page of revealed truth, that it is the will of God, and bestowed, in mercy, on mankind.

But let a man even forget that he is a candidate for eternity; let him lose sight of all his relations, except his relation to society here; and in that case, if he be a friend to the peace and the true interest of the community, he will encourage the institutions of the Gospel; for surely such a man will encourage a religion which has the best tendency to secure the public safety, which opposes the most effectual restraints to the passions, and rectifies the disorders of the heart. He will be influenced, by these considerations, to pay a tribute of outward respect at least, to the institutions of religion, and encourage others also to respect and observe them.

To persuade mankind to abandon all religious principles, would be a fruitless attempt; it would be fatal, if not fruitless. Hence we see, that it is bad policy to counteract and weaken the influence of Christianity; for if mankind could be persuaded to believe that this is not important and essential to their peace, they are not persuaded to live without religion. They have only exchanged that which controls their criminal desires and intentions, for one perhaps more agreeable to their feelings, but inconceivably less safe. If they should be disengaged from the Gospel, they will feel at liberty to choose a system which will encourage them in immoralities, that will prove ruinous to themselves and to the community.—From these considerations, the Apostle’s conclusion in my text has a peculiar force.

We have a system of religion which afforded a refuge to our forefathers in seasons of the greatest peril and distress; a system which we have proved, and we have experienced its beneficial effects. It is to be imputed to the habits which have been formed under the influence of this religion, that we have been favored with civil freedom; and the state of society is more happy in this than in any other portion of the world. It is our interest to take heed to this system, until we can find a better, or at least one as good. It will be our wisdom to encourage the institutions of the Gospel, humbly receive its holy doctrines, and draw from this fountain of unerring wisdom, the principles of our conduct, whether we act in a public or private capacity.

Reflections of this nature must, at all times and under every circumstance, operate powerfully on every considerate mind; but they receive tenfold weight from the peculiar complexion of the present period. The political and the moral state of the world seems rapidly approaching to some momentous issue. The sudden changes which take place among nations astonish and alarm us, although we have hitherto been so happy as to remain distant spectators of the convulsions and distresses which other nations have experienced.

In the sudden vicissitude of human affairs, God is teaching mankind the uncertainty of worldly power. It seems that he will soon make it more manifest than ever, that he ruleth in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth; and that he giveth it to whomsoever he will. He is giving us sensible proof of the truth of Scripture prophecy, by visiting the nations with terrible judgments for their iniquities, as he has threatened.

We know not how soon we may share in the awful calamities which others have suffered. It will be remarkable indeed if we wholly escape. Should the wars and revolutions, which have convulsed Europe, reach this hitherto favored land, the civil government will need the aid of our holy religion, and individuals will need its consolations.

Whatever will be the result of those sudden and astonishing changes which take place in this age, we know it will be happy for those who have God for their friend. He will fix a mark upon his own people, that they shall not be involved in the destruction of the wicked. It will be safe for that nation where God has many true friends. Their prayers shall ascend for a memorial before him. It will, in short, be happy for that community whose members honor the institutions which Jehovah has ordained. He will be to them a covert from the tempest and the storm; for he never raised any expectations in the minds of his creatures which he will not fulfill.

I would not excite any unnecessary alarm, much less would I speak the language of despondence. That same kind providence, which has protected our country in ages past, will still protect us, if we have not forfeited the divine favor by ingratitude and disobedience. The Lord’s hand is not shortened that he cannot save. It has been our privilege to have descended from a race of men who were precious in his eyes; men who took early care to have the Gospel established among them, and made honorable provision for the education of youth.

It is doubtless to be imputed to the effect of institutions, that were so precious in the infancy of our country, that we have had so large experience of divine protection; that knowledge has been so generally diffused; and that there remains so great a degree of social order and happiness. We have been reaping the precious fruit of principles and habits which were planted and nurtured by the pious care of our forefathers.—Let us walk in their steps, and prove ourselves to be sons who are worthy of such fathers.

In these perilous times, let us take heed to that sure word which a gracious God has, in infinite mercy, spoken to us. Let us derive at once our principles and our hopes from the sacred volume. Let us honor its institutions, and be governed by its doctrines and precepts. Then may we hope that God will be our God, as he was the God of our fathers.

I proceed to such an improvement of this important subject, as the present occasion suggests.

We have assembled today, to seek the divine protection for those who are appointed to guard the rights and manage the public interests of the State. It is with pleasure that we see our rulers disposed to call in the aids of religion to the important object of legislation. It gives us confidence that they commence the business of the political year with suitable impressions of the insufficiency of human reason, and the necessity of direction from the Fountain of Wisdom.

We have endeavored to investigate some of the effects of the Christian dispensation on the habits and conduct of mankind; and to point out the degree of assistance which civil government derives from its influence. The general inference which results from this view of the moral tendency of the Gospel, is that which the apostle has exhibited. In whatever situation God in his providence has called us to act, whether rulers or subjects, ministers of religion, or people, it is our interest, as well as duty, to take heed to this holy dispensation as the ark of our temporal and eternal salvation.

When addressing myself to those whom I have represented as ministers of the Most High, I should be indeed inexcusable were I to betray any want of respect. But while I forbear to dictate to the rulers of the people on those topics which appertain to their office, and not to mine, I must not forget that I am set for the defense of the Gospel, and that it belongs to me, on this occasion, to vindicate this dispensation, the richest and the most desirable gift which a merciful God has bestowed on our world, and to recommend it to the regard of all men, whatever may be their rank and condition in life.

I will now apply the subject to the different branches of the government; and first to His Excellency the Chief Magistrate.

Your Excellency will be pleased to accept our cordial congratulations on this new proof of the public confidence and esteem. The providence of God has placed you in that elevated station, where your influence and example will have great weight in recommending to the regard to others that religion from which we have the happiness to believe you derive your own principles and hopes. It could not escape your observation, that the light in which the Gospel exhibits a Christian magistrate, ruling over a Christian and free people, is such as reflects great dignity on his office. His authority is derived from the highest source of power, and it will have a commanding influence over the reason and conscience of every good man. He is a minister of God for good, and therefore he holdeth not the sword in vain. But while this gives great weight to his office, his responsibility to the Supreme Ruler of the universe is proportionably great. The abuse of a power which is so sacred, and derived from such a source, will be followed by consequences greatly to be dreaded.

While an exalted station, like that which you fill, is always attended with trials, and especially in this convulsed age; and while the responsibility of such an office is great; you will feel that it is the more important that you take heed to that sure word of prophecy which the Christian Scriptures furnish; and that you take the principles of your conduct, as well in public as in private life, from the word of God.

Allow me to assure your Excellency, that, taking this unerring word for your rule, it will be a lamp to your feet, and a light to your paths. You will find support, equal to every trial, and safe directions in every difficult case: for though Jesus Christ did not undertake to legislate for mankind, yet he established those principles which are profitable to direct in all the relations of life.

We pray, Sir, that you may be favored with the divine direction, and experience divine support; and that, closing a long life, devoted to public employments, you may be approved as a faithful steward in the household of God, and be established in a state of everlasting rest.

Those who compose the Honorable Council, Senate, and House of Representatives, will permit me respectfully to recommend the religion of the Gospel to their regard, not only as men, but as rulers. I trust, that in the course of this exercise, it has been made evident, that where the principles of the Gospel have been understood and felt, they have given stability and effect to the government; though I will not pretend to have offered anything new.

If this truth, however, has been established; and we wish that everyone would satisfy himself on a subject of such moment, for it does not avoid, but invite, investigation; then the conclusion, which has been already suggested, is unavoidable.

It would be destructive policy, to counteract or weaken the influence of the doctrines and institutions of our holy religion. It would enfeeble the hands of rulers, and paralyze the nerves of government. It would disengage mankind from restraints which alone can reach the source of those evils that government was designed to recify, and leave them at liberty to adopt such system, for themselves, as would encourage them to commit every kind and degree of iniquity. It would, in short, set open the gates through which an overwhelming deluge of fraud, deceit, oppression, violence, profaneness, intemperance, and impurity, would pour in upon us, and lay waste this goodly heritage which our fathers left us.

We feel confident, Legislators, that none of you are disposed to try the desperate experiment. For should you weaken the influence of the Christian dispensation, or persuade mankind to abandon it, you have not persuaded them to abandon all religious principles. Such an attempt would be fruitless. It would be opposed by those hopes and fears which are wrought into the frame of every man’s mind. You only leave them to adopt such principles as will be infinitely less favorable to correct morality, and to the designs of civil government.

It is, then, far more safe, that we cherish the system which made our forefathers a respectable and happy people, and which has maintained among us, even to this day, a good degree of social order and happiness.—What then is the conclusion from these principles? It is obviously this—As men, and accountable creatures, we are all bound to respect the Sabbath, and keep it, and encourage the institution of preaching.

But you are called to act in another relation. An enlightened people have committed to your trust their most valuable temporal interests. In the discharge of this important trust, you will feel bound to take your principles from the oracles of unerring truth.—But this is not all. As political men, you will feel an additional enforcement to give all the efficacy in your power, by your personal example and official influence, to that religion which will strengthen your own hands as rulers, and which begets in the minds of people a confidence in government, and the principle and habit of obedience.

The recollection that you are called to legislate for one section of a community, the most happy and enlightened in the world, will naturally lead you to inquire by what means so much knowledge has been diffused, and so great a degree of social order and happiness has been maintained among us. If, in the result of such an inquiry, you find, as I am persuaded you will, that the happy state of society here, is in a great measure to be imputed to the divine blessing on the means of religious improvement, this will be a powerful inducement to regard and encourage these truths and institutions as the most effectual means to perpetuate our tranquility.

It is our prayer, that you may commence and proceed in the important business for which you are convened, under the divine guidance; that you may enjoy health and happiness; and when every earthly distinction shall be leveled in the dust, may you partake of the final rewards of good and faithful servants, in that Kingdom which will endure forever.

I conclude, with a few words to this numerous assembly.

This day, fellow citizens, exhibits to our eyes a sensible proof that our civil liberties are not yet wrested from us; and that the storm which has overwhelmed nations, and involved millions of our fellow creatures in want and wretchedness, has not yet reached us. The favors by which we are distinguished, demand our unfeigned gratitude to that Almighty Being, who holds in his hands the destiny of nations. Especially it becomes us to be the more thankful, that we are favored with a religion which reveals the whole system of our duty, and which is able to make us wise unto salvation.

I would devoutly hope, that in this assembly of people, who inherit the spirit of freedom, and many peculiar privileges, from pious ancestors, there are but few, if any, who wish that the principles of the Gospel were extirpated. If I were to address a congregation of this description, I would inquire, What advantage can you promise yourselves, should you succeed in your wishes? Would it make one soul more happy, or would it better the moral condition of mankind? Alas! if the Christian system should fall, the only remaining comfort of many would fall with it. I mean, those who are pinched with penury and want, and groaning under oppression, have nothing to make their condition tolerable, but those prospects of rest and peace beyond the grave, which they derive from the provisions and promises of the Gospel.

As to the moral state of mankind, as you weaken the influence of the Gospel, you will give a freedom and momentum to vice, that it will burst through every human restraint, and eventually dissolve the bonds of society.

In this age, infidels themselves begin to tremble at the result of their own work, and acknowledge that mankind must have religion. Public order and personal security require it. They find, that infidelity is an unnatural monster that threatens to devour its own children.

The present age has furnished melancholy proof, that when mankind are disengaged from the restraints of religion, they will go to greater excesses of violence than was expected. It is therefore generally conceded, that personal safety and public order absolutely require that some kind of religious institutions should be maintained. When we obtain such a concession that mankind must have religion, we ask, is it wise, is it consistent with prudence and correct policy, to reject that system which our forefathers received, or withdraw your support from those institutions whose salutary effects have been proved, until you have found some other system which you are sure will be at least equally beneficial and safe? It cannot be wise to hazard the experiment which promises no certain good, but much probable evil.

As you regard your personal happiness, and as you wish that your civil privileges may be perpetuated, let your choice always fall on those men to rule over you, who give evidence that they fear God, and regard his word and ordinances: and having chosen such men, give them your confidence and support.

Especially cultivate an acquaintance with the principles of our holy religion. Honor and observe its institutions. Such public calamities may come upon us, and we may experience such vicissitudes even in the present life, that we shall need all its consolations. In this we shall find a covert from the tempest and the storm. It will be our support under trials, our relief from distress, our hope in death, and our defense and joy in the eternal world.

Sermon – Election – 1808, Massachusetts


Thomas Allen (1743-1810) graduate from Harvard in 1762. He was pastor of the Congregational Church in Pittsfield, Massachusetts from his ordination in 1764 until his death. He twice volunteered as a chaplain during the revolutionary war and took up arms in the Battle of Bennington. The following sermon was preached by Rev. Allen on May 25, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY, JAMES SULLIVAN, ESQ.

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR, LEVI LINCOLN, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONOURABLE COUNCIL,

AND

BOTH BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

ON THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 25TH, 1808.

BY THOMAS ALLEN, A. M.
MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN PITTSFIELD.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY ADAMS AND RHOADES,
PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In House of Representatives, May 25, 1808.
Ordered, That Mr. Wheaton, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Niles be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Allen, and in the name of the House of Representatives to thank him for the Discourse delivered by him, this day, before his Excellency the Governor, the Honourable Council, and both branches of the Legislature, and request of him a copy thereof for the Press.

Copy of Record,
N. TILLINGHAST,
Clerk of the House.
 

ELECTION SERMON.

I TIMOTHY, iv. 8.

GODLINESS IS PROFITABLE UNTO ALL THINGS, HAVING PROMISE OF THE LIFE, THAT NOW IS, AND OF THAT WHICH IS TO COME.

 

True religion is the only foundation of human happiness. The gospel of Jesus Christ contains a system of religious truth and duty, the best adapted to promote personal, domestic, and national good. It affords us the most excellent rules of conduct in every condition of life. The sacred volume gives us the most ample instructions with respect to all social and relative duties; and it points out the design of civil government, and makes known the duty of rulers.

An inspired apostle assures us in our text, that godliness is profitable unto all things; that religious obligation reaches every state and condition of life, even the most exalted. The Christian spirit, when it is possessed, pervades the whole conduct, and is felt through the whole soul.

The nature of godliness, its necessity and importance in the character of civil rulers and of the people, and its usefulness in promoting public happiness will be the topics of discourse on this anniversary. Though frequently touched upon by those, who have gone before the preacher in the offices of this day, the subject has not yet been exhausted; or if it had been, it might be reviewed with advantage.

The preacher is duly sensible of the great respect, that is due to this numerous assembly, and must appeal to a spirit of candor in an age of taste and refinement for the want of those modern embellishments, which advanced years seldom possess. If he can speak with the faithfulness, the subject and the occasion demand, and in demonstration of the spirit and with power, he shall not lament the absence of the recommendations of style.

Godliness comprises the whole Christian character. It embraces the whole Christian system. It receives its doctrines and precepts as of divine origin. It contains in it supreme love to God, and an ultimate regard to his glory, and a subordination of all selfish views to the highest good of the creation. It leads us to obey God and uniformly to fulfill the duties which relate to him and our neighbour at every hazard and loss. It implies a change of heart, the renovation of our souls by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Ghost; a resurrection from the dead to spiritual and divine life, the seed and beginning of life eternal. It consists in the divine likeness, in the moral image of our creator; and contains in it all that is implied in the new creature, repentance unto life, the faith of God’s elect, the sanctification of the spirit, and being rich in all good works. It implies a heart reconciled to God, subjected to him as the Supreme Ruler, and devoted to him as the last end of the universe. The possession of true godliness implies that we are delivered from the bondage of sin, and enjoy the glorious liberty of the children of God: that we are upright before him, and have respect unto all his commandments; and that Christ is in us the hope of glory, that we believe the sufficiency of his mediation, and place our whole dependence upon what he has done for our redemption.

Godliness in the human breast is a precious gift of Heaven, it is an unction from the Holy One, a seal and earnest of the Spirit, a well of water springing up to everlasting life. It triumphs over every selfish consideration, inflexibly adheres to truth and duty, notwithstanding every discouragement, and opens the eyes to see the truth as it is in Jesus. It courts no man’s favor, and fears no man’s censure so as to make shipwreck of a good conscience; and nothing can quench the sacred flame. No dangers, no losses, no sufferings will overcome it. The virtuous principle in man will be supported by the author of it, and he will crown it with glory and salvation.

The usefulness of godliness is asserted in the text. It is profitable unto all things. It is useful in every condition and relation in life. Its natural tendency is to promote our real happiness in this world, as it enables us to prosecute our worldly business to the greatest advantage, by rendering us temperate, industrious, and frugal. It yields the peace of God, which now is, and of that which is to come. God will withhold no good thing from them, who walk uprightly, and all things shall work together for good to them, who love God. Great will be their happiness here, but inexpressibly greater in the world to come. I give unto my sheep, saith our Saviour, eternal life, and they shall never perish, neither shall any be able to pluck them out of my hands.

Let us now consider the importance and usefulness of godliness in the character of civil rulers, as the words are to be understood without limitations.

It is not indeed the only qualification necessary in the character of a good ruler, many pious persons are not qualified for that office. To piety, must be joined a cultivated understanding, a good judgment, a penetrating discernment. But godliness is of primary importance, and sanctifies other talents, and renders them useful. The God and rock of Israel hath said, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And the wisest of mere men, under the inspiration of him, whose understanding is infinite, hath said, When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. In the latter case their interests are betrayed, and unnecessary burdens imposed on them.

Godliness will preserve rulers from those views and pursuits, from that selfishness and partiality, which are of pernicious influence on the public good.

Godliness will preserve rulers from bribery, and corruption, and from that covetousness, which is idolatry. They will not love the wages of unrighteousness, nor bow before the shrine of Mammon. Nothing can purchase their integrity, nothing seduce them from the path of righteousness.

Godly rulers will guard against pride and self exaltation, against that undue love of commendation and applause, which leadeth men astray. If it be more honorable to seek the approbation of a nation of freemen, than that of an individual; yet even here there is danger. The public esteem may be too highly regarded, as it always is, when men do what they believe is wrong in order to obtain it.

Godly rulers will not endeavour to subvert our excellent government, nor to wrest from the people their civil and religious rights by introducing arbitrary power. A principle of religion will teach them ever to respect the liberties of the people, and to become ministers of God for good to them. Neither civil nor ecclesiastical tyranny will ever be countenanced by pious magistrates.

True godliness will preserve rulers from the rage of conquest, and the desire of extending the territories of a nation or its advantages in commerce on the ruins of justice and humanity. National glory does not consist in the terror of arms, in the power to oppress and desolate the earth; but in a sacred regard to the principles of justice and equity, in promoting peace on earth and good will to men. Let it be our boast, that we have found out the untrodden path of national glory, which consists in diffusing happiness, in encouraging everything, which shall tend to the present or future welfare of the members of the community.

Godliness will keep rulers from framing unjust laws, and from violating in their own persons, the laws they have made. When legislators themselves disregard the laws they have enacted, the discordance of their example and their official conduct must have a most pernicious influence on society. On the contrary, if by their practice they enforce obedience to the laws, their example will co-operate with legislative provisions, and greatly conduce to the public welfare.

Godliness will induce magistrates, to whom is entrusted the administration of the laws, to preserve the fountains of justice pure. They will hold the balances with a equal, impartial hand; and no prejudice, nor passion will induce them to pervert judgment.

Pious rulers will be opposed to state establishments of religion, and to the impositions of creeds. They will leave religion, where Christ and his Apostles left it, to be propagated by the force of argument and persuasion, and not by the authority of civil government. They will not assail the liberty of these independent churches.

As godliness will preserve rulers from those measures, which are injurious to society, so it will lead them to seek the promotion of the public good.

They will give the people the benefit of their pure examples. Their veneration for the holy scriptures, their regard to the sacred institutions of religion, their affection for the faithful ministers of the gospel, their fear of God and constant sense of accountableness to him will give a lustre to their characters, which will shine around them.

They will legislate in obedience to God, for the good of the people. They will frame wise and just, and not oppressive laws. They will adopt measures for the general welfare, and not for the advantage of a few.

True religion is not only of happy influence on rulers to make them the greatest blessings to society; but it is equally important among the great body of the people in order to the security of national happiness. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Knowledge, morality, and piety diffused through a nation are a sure pledge of its welfare; while ignorance, profaneness, and impiety forebode its destruction.

Such is the importance, and usefulness of the principles and practice of true religion in the hearts and lives of rulers, and the people in order to national happiness. Lo, this is the way; let us walk therein, and we shall find rest to our souls. Nor can I think of any other course we can take for the restoration of peace and unity, after we have been so long rent by divisions, but by the restoration of living, vital religion. True godliness only can ever make us one again, and as we cannot meet on the ground of uniformity of sentiment, we must meet on that of mutual love, which may exist amidst a discordancy of views. Beloved, let us love one another, for love is of God, and everyone that loveth is born of God, and knoweth God. Without the exercise of this mutual affection, nothing can restore our lost peace.

It is to the principles of true godliness, that we owe the present happiness of our country. These principles brought our first fathers here. The seeds of virtue, which they early planted, have grown, and yielded us their descendants a rich harvest of blessings, which we hope will be continued to our posterity. Our literary institutions have enriched our land with the most exalted and virtuous characters; and it must be our desire, that they may train up our youth in sentiments of respect for our republican form of government, that they may be abundantly useful to our country, and may receive the most liberal encouragement from the legislature.

Though for the present our ships are shut up in our harbours to preserve them from capture by European powers; yet do we enjoy national happiness in a remarkable degree. The general face of our country proclaims, that this is not the abode of wretchedness. Survey the cattle upon a thousand hills and the abundance, which everywhere exists, and say if this be a land of poverty and want? The temples for the worship of God, convenient and elegant, which have been multiplied through the country, are not the monuments of our departed glory; nor do we find evidence of our approaching ruin in the neglect of ministerial support. With but few exceptions where a party spirit has sprung up, pastors are sufficiently supplied for by their flocks.

It is true the ministers of Jesus Christ are not held in such high veneration and awe, nor considered such infallible oracles of truth, as they were formerly. It will be well, if the people will search for the truth with their own eyes, and if they look upon their teachers only as their helpers.

Another proof of our general happiness is the mutual charity, and general harmony, that subsists among different sects of Christians, who are all one in Christ Jesus. It was not so with us fifty years ago. We stood aloof and at a distance from each other. If we were not chargeable with oppression and persecution, if we did not withhold from each other the blessings of social intercourse, nor deprive each other of equal privileges, yet we well remember that churchmen, Baptists, and others differing from us, were excluded from a participation in the services of this day. But godliness has brought us nearer together, and is producing that union, which we in vain look for from any other source.

In addition to these things; the formation of various benevolent nd religious societies, and the flourishing state of religion in various places, exhibit to us some evidence of our growing felicity.

The abolition of the slave trade, that infamous traffic in human blood, is very honourable to our country. We have not stopped, where our fathers left us. We have put an end to persecution for conscience sake. Our jurisprudence has been greatly improved; education has much advanced; colleges and schools have been multiplied; and the pleasures of social life have been increased. If new improvements can be made in the administration of government, or if new discoveries can be made in religious truth, the fear of innovation ought not to impose restraints.

But our happiness is not unmixed. Amidst the great variety of our blessings, there is much to deplore. The gold in some respects has become dim, and the most fine gold is changed. As riches have poured upon us, we have become extravagant and luxurious. The holy Sabbath is not sufficiently sanctified by us according to the rules of our holy religion. Immoralities show themselves in various shapes, and much needs to be corrected.

Will it be improper, while speaking of subjects of lamentation, to allude to the violence of party spirit among us? Wherever there has been a violation of truth, or outrage, let it be condemned; and if men of a party spirit have opposed their rulers without charity, and without regard to the public good, and under the cloak of religion have violated the principles of religion, we may be assured they have not been actuated by the gentle, humble, holy spirit of the gospel, and have made vain pretences to godliness.

We believe that the administration of our general government has been correct, and that the President of our country has for many hears employed his talents in pursuing the public good, and that he has displayed in his life many virtues honourable to his character. We believe that his unshaken regard to the civil and religious liberties of his country, and his wisdom in giving a constitutional direction to our government, and his pursuit of a course of measures best adapted to our prosperity and glory, give a lustre to his character, which no length of time will obliterate. Believing this, and as we know it to be the duty of a people to respect their rulers, we must express disapprobation of all instances, wherein opposition has been shown to what is considered as right, and wherein there has been any violation of a Christian duty.

It is to the gospel of Christ so early planted in this country, to its sacred principles, to its influence on the consciences of men, to its spirit formed in their hearts, and to the smiles of divine providence, that we owe all our blessings, and all the joys of this day. True godliness inspires a regard to the public good, and it was from a regard to the general good, that our constitution of government was formed; and it is owing to the intelligence and virtue of the people that its principles have been preserved, notwithstanding any design of altering its spirit. Our republican form of government depends for its continuance upon the public opinion and the public morals; and it is necessary that the public opinion should be enlightened and not debased by corruption, by luxury, by covetousness, love of pleasure, pride, by desire of conquest and the loss of all sense of honour; and it is necessary that the citizens should be actuated by principles of true godliness. So long as this is the case, we shall remain the envy of nations, and the glory of all lands.

The fathers of our happy republic, his Excellency the Governor, his Honour the Lieutenant Governor, the members of the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives of Massachusetts will accept of our respect and honour. Elevated to places of trust by the people, they repose confidence in your virtue and patriotism, and expect you to be governed by the principles and spirit of the gospel of Christ. The foundation of the noble edifice, on which you stand, is the public opinion expressed in the constitution. As you have assisted in laying the foundation of our state and national governments, and in raising the superstructure, we trust you will not suffer the goodly edifice to fall into ruins. If a rude hand should attack the building, we must look to you to repair its breaches.

At this solemn crisis of national danger and suffering, may He, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to men of understanding, direct your counsels, and inspire you with that wisdom, fortitude, and energy, which the public safety may require.

While the whole country is in suspense, and our national government resting on the only peaceable measure of security, awaits the issue of events, we rely on you to provide against those dangers, which threaten this part of the union.

We trust the honoured fathers of Massachusetts will give their efficient support to the general administration, while it seeks the security of the rights of our citizens, and is endeavouring to preserve our commerce from being destroyed by the enemies of our country. The people of Massachusetts confide in you to support our national government in the wise measures, which it adopts, for the safety of our maritime wealth; and in its endeavours to bring hostile nations to a sense of their injustice towards us, and their outrages upon us. We can have but one voice in the final result, and that voice will be, OUR TRADE SHALL BE FREE, OUR COUNTRYMEN SHALL BE PROTECED ON THE OCEAN.

It can never be, that as an independent nation we should be opposed to principles and measures which have for their tendency the protection of our maritime rights.

If the God of Israel is with us to protect us and save us, we need fear no evil. Strong is the Lord of Hosts, and having the eternal God for our refuge we must be secure. “The name of the Lord is a strong tower; the righteous runneth into it and is safe.”

May true godliness, may private and public virtue overspread our land; may our civil rulers be ever under the sacred influence of religion; and may the people generally be actuated by its principles. Then we shall have a strong city; God will appoint salvation for our walls and bulwarks. Our peace wil be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1808, Connecticut


Nathan Perkins (1749-1838) graduated from Princeton in 1770. He preached in Wrentham, MA shortly after graduation, and at West Hartford Congregational Church (1772-1838). The following election sermon was preached in Hartford on May 12, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-connecticut

THE BENIGN INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND NATIONAL HAPPINESS.—ILLUSTRATED IN

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY

JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Esq.

GOVERNOR:

HIS HONOR

JOHN TREADWELL, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR:

THE HONORABLE THE COUNCIL:

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 12TH, 1808.

BY NATHAN PERKINS, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE THIRD PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN HARTFORD.

 

GENERAL ASSEMBLY, MAY SESSION. A. D. 1808.

In the Upper House ordered, that the Honorable Jonathan Brace, and Ebenezer Faxon, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend NATHAN PERKINS, D. D. for his Sermon delivered the 12th day of May instant, at the General Election, and that they request a Copy thereof, that the same may be printed.

Test,
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.
Concurred in the Lower House.
Attest,

E. STIRLING, Clerk.
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

NATIONAL VIRTUE, AND NATIONAL HAPPINESS

DEUT. XXVIII. 1, 2.

And it shall come to pas, if thou shalt hearken diligently unto the voice of the Lord thy God, to observe and do all his commandments which I command thee this day, that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God.

TO render a nation happy and prosperous, the wise and reflecting will readily admit, is of the highest consequence. The first concern of civil rulers, of those who have the management of the public interests lodged in their hands, should, therefore, be to obtain and secure such a state. And if united in their exertions to accomplish it, as their main object, unquestionably, success would generally crown their labors. There is a way, without doubt, for a nation to be permanently prosperous and happy. A moderate share of true patriotism will lead us to wish that our nation, now in its infancy, and but lately risen to be one among the empires and kingdoms of the world, may be distinguished in the annals of history, for its virtue and prosperity.

Looking over the history of former ages and nations, we have to lament that the way to gain and establish public happiness has been seldom pursued. Concerning this way, a great diversity, likewise, of opinions, has prevailed in the history of the world. Of this diversity of opinions, all history is a proof. We know that wrong measures have been taken. And alas! we also know that most nations, in the past ages of the world, have never been long happy. They have either groaned under tyranny and oppression, been afflicted with famine, or plunged in bloody and expensive wars. The right measures to render a nation happy, have either not been discovered, or if discovered, have not been adopted. It may with high propriety be observed that a people must be free, in order to enjoy the greatest quantity of public happiness. An enslaved and oppressed people, cannot possess the necessary ingredient of national glory. Such a people, as live, or rather drag out their existence, under absolute despotism, where oppressive and unrighteous laws are enacted, and are oppressively and cruelly executed, may be calm, and tranquil; but their calmness or tranquility, is the calmness of the dead sea. The chief excellence of civil liberty, that pleasing and delightful sound, so dear to our citizens, is its tendency to put in motion all the human powers;–it promotes industry, and in this respect, happiness:–produces every latent quality, and improves the human mind; and is the source of riches, literature and heroism. People who live under arbitrary governments, are found to love their forms of government as ardently as those who live in a free state, love theirs; and often more ardently. They are as contented. Perhaps, impatience and discontent are more observable in free than in arbitrary governments. Immense advantages however, result from the enjoyment of a free government. And, in this land, we have a free government. The human race are all born EQUAL and FREE. The true notion of liberty and equality is the prevalence of law and order, and the security of individuals. This is supposed to be a primary source of national happiness. The grand enquiry is, how may a people under a free government, be most prosperous and happy. Virtue is essential to the well being of such a government. The truth contained in the words now read, is, that the GREAT MEANS of obtaining and securing national prosperity and honor, are piety and morality.—By harkening diligently to the voice of the Lord our God, and by observing and doing all his commandments, we are, past all doubt, to understand the whole of revealed religion, the duties of the first and second table of the law, piety and morality.—By God’s promising to set a people on high, above all nations of the earth, and blessing them, we are to understand, public happiness, and national glory and prosperity.

The doctrine of the text is, then, most obviously, this, that piety and morality are the only CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This is a truth of the greatest possible consequence to mankind; is the uniform doctrine of the holy scriptures; and is clearly proved from the reason and nature of the thing, and yet after all has been overlooked by most philosophers and statesmen.

To this important and interesting truth, your attention is now to be directed. And no subject can be more worthy of the attention of civil rulers, and those who have the management of the national counsels and interest, or be better adapted to this great anniversary occasion, when our rulers, and the tribes of the people are assembled before God, to render their homage to him, and devoutly to implore his blessing on the commonwealth. If everyone, whether in public or private life, had a deep impression of this truth, the effect would be most salutary.

What is accordingly proposed, in the subsequent discourse, is,

I. Concisely to explain the nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the CERTAIN MEANS of public happiness.

II. And chiefly, to enquire how it appears that they are the certain means of national glory and prosperity.—And we are to consider,

1. The nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the certain means of public happiness. Little need be offered here. No more indeed will be offered, than may be necessary to present the subject, in a fair light, and to prevent mistakes and misapprehension. The nature of revealed religion is often delineated. It comprehends these two things, piety and morality; and they are put together, in this discourse; because, essentially connected. Morality is not only an important, but necessary part of true religion. No man can be really pious, who is not a moral man; neither can he be a moral man, in the largest and best sense of that word, who is not a pious man. In the words now under consideration, piety and morality are set forth, under the idea of hearkening diligently to the voice of God—and observing and doing all his commandments. To hear his voice, is to believe all the doctrines which he has revealed, and exercise all the affections of the heart towards him, which constitute vital piety. We cannot, with any propriety, be said to hear diligently his voice, if we disbelieve his truths, or omit devotional exercises and offices. To observe and do all his commandments is habitually to perform all moral, as well as religious duties. All revealed religion, consequently, may be considered as divided into these two great branches; piety and morality, or the love of God, and the love of our neighbor.

Piety comprises all the affections and duties, which we owe to God and the Saviour. We are required to love our Maker, with supreme affection. And this supreme love to him is the grand principle of religion, and foundation of all right exercises of heart or duty to him. Here all religion begins; and divine worship, steadily maintained in its several forms, is the chief part of piety. He, indeed, is a neglecter of piety, who does not devoutly engage in the exercises of divine worship, public, social, and private. The fear of God is essential to a pious temper. We are not pious, unless we have a reverential awe of his sacred Majesty. We are to serve, to fear, to adore, and to praise him, as our Creator, Preserver and Benefactor. In every step of our conduct, we are to look up to him as the supreme disposer of events, to feel our obligations of reverence for his names, titles, ordinances and word. The first concern should be to give all glory to him, and render him, as honest minds, all the duties which he requires. No man can be really pious, who habitually and statedly omits the offices of devotion, and holy exercises of heart towards him. A principle of piety will necessarily lead to a trust in his mercy and wisdom—a becoming sense of all his infinite glories—a choice of him as our God—a cordial reception of the Redeemer of a ruined world, in all his saving work and offices, a reliance upon the revealed way of life and forgiveness—the high and mysterious dispensation of grace. It will create in the soul, a holy mourning for all our departures from God and duty, and violations of the divine law. It will dispose us to place him on the throne, as exercising a wise and beneficent government; and as ordering, directing, controlling, and conducting a dependent universe, at his sovereign pleasure, and in the best possible manner, so as eventually to cause the greatest sum of blessedness. In the exercise of pious affections to God, and stated and habitual practice of the duties which we owe him, we choose him for our portion; and say, for this God is our God forever and ever: he will be our guide even unto death.

Morality is the other constituent part of revealed religion. We are to observe and do all God’s commandments, as well as diligently to hear his voice. Our duty to our neighbor, and ourselves is to be uniformly practiced, as well as our duty to God, and a divine Mediator.—Scriptural morality comprehends the constant practice of every civil, social and relative duty. The moral man, according to the inspired volume, is honest and righteous, kind and charitable, compassionate and pure, in his intercourse with his fellow-creatures. He never allowedly oppresses by extortion—acquires property by injustice and fraud, falsehood and hypocrisy. He never habitually takes away the reputation of others by slander and lies; or wishes to destroy their peace by violence and deceit—and is careful to avoid all crimes against society—or sins against others, as malice, hatred, revenge, dissimulation and evil speaking.—His rule of duty is to do unto others as he would be done by, from a principle of benevolence. All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye the same unto them. Scriptural morality is summed up, in the following manner by the apostle Paul.—Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these things.

The moral man, according to scripture, is attentive likewise to all that class of duties, which relates to himself, as well as his neighbor. He uniformly endeavors to exhibit to all observers, strict temperance, continence, sobriety, self-government, and purity in heart, speech and behavior. If at any season of temptation, he wrong his fellow-men in their property, he hastens to make restitution. If in their good name, he honorably makes reparation, if he fall into sins, by the indulgence of passion and prejudice, pride and avarice, ambition and envy, against himself or neighbor, he penitently regrets his folly, and resolves, in future, on amendment. He makes conscience of living in all the ways of holy obedience—of assisting and helping all in his power—of molesting and injuring none.—Such is the nature of scriptural morality: of that morality required and recommended, in holy writ—and which must flow from a right principle, the love of God and our neighbor.—And we ought to remark here, to prevent all misapprehension and prejudice, that this morality cannot exist without piety—but is essentially connected with it.—There may be, we know, and very often is, an outward decorum of manners and conduct, or outward regularity of life, where there is no piety. Nay, where there is a total disbelief of all religion—of the being of God—the immortality of the soul—a state of future retributions, and of conscience. This is, many times, through ignorance, relied on as all the religion necessary to man, and is frequently called moral honesty. But it is totally different from scriptural morality, and is only built upon maxims of worldly convenience—customs of the country—a pretended sense of honor, or some selfish views; it is, however, beneficial to society.

Upon the whole, no man can be a moral man in the scripture sense, who is unjust to God, to himself, or his fellow-men. He, who feels his obligations to God, will feel his obligations to man. He, who loves his Maker, will love his neighbor. He, who reveres the divine Majesty and attributes, will regard the rights of man. We are as inexcuseable, in allowedly omitting the duties of piety, as of morality. The sum of the moral law is to love God with all our heart, and our neighbor as ourselves—on these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.

2. We proceed to the next thing proposed, which is the principal design of the discourse, to enquire how it appears that piety and morality are the CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This most important and interesting truth is strongly expressed, in the words now under consideration. And it shall come to pass that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God. The whole nation was to be thus blessed and protected, defended and prospered, if virtuous. As long as they would be faithful and diligent in serving God, adhering to, professing, and practicing the true Religion, he would bestow temporal advantages—withhold national judgments—raise them, in character, and importance, above other nations, give them a name, and make them a praise in the earth. The religion, which God has revealed unto the children of men, is calculated, to make both individuals and nations happy. This is a point of supreme importance, and as the sons of philosophy, and rulers of the world, have both thought and acted very differently from it, it is eminently worthy to be accurately considered, and firmly established by argument. Had the Empires of the world, and politicians believed and acted upon this single principle, man would, long ago, have reached the highest point of perfection and happiness in society, attainable on earth. But now alas! he is as far from this desired point as ever. After so many nations have perished—so many kingdoms have risen and fallen—so many wars and revolutions, mankind have still to learn that free governments only can secure happiness to the ruled, and that free governments can only be supported by virtue. As long as the body of the people continue well informed and virtuous, freedom may be enjoyed.—The truth now to be established, is that piety and morality are the certain means of national glory and prosperity. And that they are so, will appear first, from a consideration of the origin of civil government, and what is, or ought to be its end or design. The wants of man are unquestionably the first cause or origin of the social compact. In a solitary state, he would find himself totally inadequate to procure what might be essential to his well-being. Every individual has many wants, which he cannot satisfy, is surrounded with evils, which he cannot remedy, exposed to fears, which he cannot remove, and open to dangers, against which he cannot provide. Unable is he of himself to supply his necessities. He wants knowledge to guide and direct him; laws to restrain and rule him; property to support him; food to nourish him; and clothing to cover him. All find themselves encompassed with these wants. Feeling the same wants, men unite, to provide for their own convenience; and by common industry to guard against famine, and to procure, in sufficient plenty, the means of subsistence. They, therefore, form society and government. Man, in his very nature, is social; was made by his adorable Creator, to derive his sweetest happiness from union in society. Man is naturally inclined to unite with man for protection, defense, and the common good. The end of all government, consequently, must be to secure the rights and property of all its subjects. Why should they form society and government, but to promote their own welfare and happiness! As a rational creature certainly this would be man’s object in forming government. Endowed with reason, and capable of reflection, his desire would be to possess the means of being happy. The design of forming government then must be the COMMON GOOD of the whole, and to obtain blessings for all the governed. The original purpose of the institution of government must of course be the best good of the people, at large; not to provide for the ease, and honor of such as might be entrusted from time to time with its management. The people are the source of power.—The design, then, of all government, must be the good of the governed, not the aggrandizement of the individuals, who hole its reins.

If the origin, and end of government, have been justly stated, it is apparent that the blessings sought by the social compact, cannot be attained, without piety and morality—a sense of moral obligation—a belief of a divine existence—of man’s accountability—and the ties of justice and humanity. Each individual should feel responsible to each individual, and to the whole. He must be industrious, that he may not be burdensome to the rest of the community. He is bound to avoid also all those practices, which will injure others, or trespass upon their rights. He must love mercy, as well as do justly, that he may be the most useful to others. All the branches of morality must be observed, that the community may be generally benefitted. No man may live for himself alone, but must look at the things of others, and that the public good may be advanced. But the various duties, which man owes to himself, and his fellow-men, as a part of the public, will not be habitually performed, and with a good conscience, if he feel not his accountableness to a superior tribunal, to an omniscient and omnipresent Judge,–If he have no fear of God—no regard to a future world—and if he, customarily and openly, CONTEMN the duties of piety. The moral duties are essential to the well-being of the community. But they are built on the fear of God, or piety, as their only solid foundation.

In order to cut off all objections and cavils, which those may raise, who disbelieve or deny the necessity OF ANY RELIGION, in order to the greatest national honor and glory, we ought to remark, that when it is affirmed, that piety and morality, are the best means of national prosperity and glory, it is not to be understood that no nations have flourished, except such as were governed by the precepts and doctrines of religion. Some states, which have only partially conformed to its laws, have long flourished, and enjoyed glorious advantages on the theatre of the world; either because their false religion, contained some principles in common with the true; or because in order to induce such people to practice such virtues as are essential to the being of society, success has attended such practices; or because virtue has never yet been fully rewarded, or vice punished in this world. But it will be found, that public happiness is best promoted by an adherence to religious and moral institutions. It is not pretended that this will, in every particular case, ensure the greatest temporal advantages. If an individual will love life and see good days, let him refrain from evil and do good, so if a nation would prosper and be exalted, they must adopt the same wise course. STATE-CRIMES, however, may be sometimes, for a season, successful; and may have been the steps, by which nations may have acquired worldly glory. National justice, moderation, and regard to the rights of other nations, may be sometimes an obstacle to grandeur. But if we consider a nation, in every point of light, and in all its circumstances, we contend, that the more piety and morality are practiced, the more prosperity it will enjoy; and that the more it abandons itself to vice, the more misery, sooner or later, it will suffer, according to the very nature of things, and a wise and governing Providence. If vice for a while seem to exalt, and virtue to abase it, still in the end, vice will be its overthrow, and virtue its exaltation. It is, also, worthy to be observed that by the prosperity or glory of a nation, is not intended what worldly heroes and tyrants consider as such, enlarging its territories by wars and conquests; acquiring power and influence over other nations by fraud and injustice; and becoming a terror and scourge, as executioners of divine vengeance. By national prosperity, I mean the happiness of the citizens at large, in their various orders and classes—attacking an enemy when invaded with courage—defending itself with resolution—negotiating successful treaties—possessing every blessing conducive to public tranquility—and favored with the protection and smiles of the divine Being. We do not suppose that piety and morality will free a nation from calamities. This is an imperfect world. Adversity will be mingled with prosperity. Untoward events are to be expected. There may be unhappy disputes with other nations on account of interfering interest—or a supposed interference. There may be wars—famine—pestilence—and other great and terrible evils. The most virtuous societies, like individuals, may labor under trials and difficulties, and must expect many misfortunes.

A further consideration to evince, secondly, the benign influence of religion on civil government and national happiness, is, that public bodies and communities only exist in this world; and of course, can only be rewarded and punished in this world by Divine Providence. Individuals are to exist in another life, and are capable, consequently, of being either rewarded or punished, in that state of retribution, according to their deeds. But nations or kingdoms can only be blessed or frowned upon in this world, as they have no existence in a future. A Being of infinite holiness and wisdom is at the head of the Universe, and rules among all the nations on earth. And it is infinitely desirable that he should rule and reign among them, as AS HE, in his sovereign pleasure, sees best. He is the disposer of events, and the sovereign Arbiter of the fate of kingdoms. He will let it be known that there is a righteous God in the earth. The honor of his providence is concerned to give ample testimony of his benevolent and righteous character, as ruler of the world. It is of incalculable importance to the interest of his moral kingdom, that he should manifest himself to be the lover of righteousness, and hater of iniquity, to all mankind. The righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance doth behold the upright. The eyes of the Lord are over the righteous, and his ears are open unto their prayers: but the face of the Lord is against them that do evil. Nations, then, will, by him, in his holy government of the world, be blessed and prosperous, generally, when virtuous and pious; and be frowned upon and punished, when vicious and profligate. Public happiness is the reward commonly of public virtue; frowns and divine rebukes follow national sins and immoralities. The wisest and most virtuous nations are usually the most prospered. Virtue walks with glory by her side. God testifies his anger against a people for their wickedness. He turneth a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. If they forsake him, he will forsake them. If they seek him, he will be found of them. He is with them, while they are with him. And Azariah went out to meet Asa, and said unto him, hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him, he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you. Misfortunes and calamities, follow national immoralities and profligacy, as the natural consequence, as well as by special appointment of an all-governing Providence. Could we have, in one view, the reasons of the decline and fall of kingdoms, we should find them to be chiefly national crimes and vices. Idleness, dissipation, luxury, voluptuousness, pride, irreligion and contempt of moral principles have gradually impaired; and, at length, ruined former empires and states. The natural effect of vice, and gross crimes widely diffused among a people is to destroy them. As each individual makes a part of the nation, it is his indispensible duty, to contribute, what in him lies, to the good of the nation; and as his piety will tend to bring down blessings on the state, he is answerable to the public for his conduct as it respects religion. Many philosophers and statesmen, very erroneously conceive that religion is only an AFFAIR BETWEEN GOD AND THE SOUL, and may be necessary to a preparation for future happiness, but that it is of little or no consequence to the state, whether the Christian religion be believed or disbelieved, practiced or not practiced, protected and supported, or reproached, profaned and extinguished. The idea attempted to be disseminated, is, that every citizen is answerable only to God for his reception and practice, or rejection and neglect of it; not that he is, also, answerable at the bar of the public, and to civil society. But such are the effects of religious institutions upon men with respect to their moral character, their political state, and their domestic life; that whoever totally neglects, or impiously contemns them, has to answer for it to his God, to his neighbor, to his country, and to his family. “He partakes with other men in their sins. He associates with the enemies of mankind. He does what in him lies, to undermine the basis, on which the order and happiness of civil society is built. He teaches the false swearer to take the name of his God in vain. He directs the midnight robber to his neighbor’s house. And he delivers into the hand of the assassin, a dagger to shed innocent blood.” Hence it is worthy of remark, that the most of those daring and atrocious offenders, who, by their crimes, have forfeited life, and brought themselves to an untimely death, and the ignominy of a public execution, by their own voluntary confession, have traced their career in vice, to a profanation of the Sabbath, and total neglect or contempt of religious institutions.

We add, as a third argument, to evince the importance of religion to government and civil society, God’s special treatment of his people of old. Out of all the nations, he selected one people, who should be the depository of his revealed will, and towards which his providential conduct was, for ages, to be very singular.

The history of this people is very peculiar, and is worthy of the attentive perusal and regard of rulers, and may afford the most useful lessons to all governments. They were the care of God’s watchful providence. His hand was ever visible in what of good or evil happened to them. He warned and counseled them. He often and abundantly, tenderly and affectionately exhorted and entreated them to fear and obey him, to receive and practice the true religion. If they would be faithful to him, fear and serve him, abstain from idolatry and immoralities, he would bless them, defend them against all their enemies—lift them up on high—make them a great, a flourishing and happy nation—order favorably the seasons, cause the earth to be fruitful, and be their God, their covenant God; but if they refused to obey him, renounced his religion, would commit gross crimes, and fall into idolatry, he would bring upon them his judgments, he would punish and afflict them, give them into the hand of their enemies, distress them by national misfortunes and calamities. He uniformly treated them, as they treated him and his religion. If moral and pious, public blessings were conferred; if otherwise, judgments were inflicted; all their history is a proof of this. God, treated them, in his holy Providence, as they treated his religion. If they forsook him, he forsook them. If they sought him, he was found of them. National piety was followed invariably with national mercies. But they were only a sample of his treatment of all other nations. One grand object indeed in chusing them to be his people, was to shew all mankind, that he rules in the world; disposes of nations; and loves righteousness, and hates iniquity; that national virtue will be rewarded; and national wickedness punished. He, in general, deals with nations, in a similar manner, to what he did with the Jews, as their history fully evinces. The Lord ruleth among all nations. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice. An invisible hand guides and directs, among all nations, and in all ages. They do not rise and fall as atoms float in the atmosphere without his providence. At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it. If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil, that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.

This matter is by the decree of the watchers, and the demand by the word of the HOLY ONES: to the intent that the living may know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men.—The doctrine that an infinitely wise and benevolent Being rules over the kingdoms of men, is a most important doctrine. He raises up one, and destroys another at pleasure. He afflicts and destroys, when a nation becomes awfully corrupt and wicked; and blesses, and prospers, when there is national virtue. Religion has a no less intimate relation to the present life, than to another world. Its beneficial influence affects the happiness not only of individuals, of every temper and disposition, in all circumstances and situations; but, also, of societies and nations. “As the Sun, although he regulate the seasons, lead on the year, and dispense light and life to all the planetary worlds, yet disdains not to raise and beautify the flower, which opens in his beams; so the christian religion, though chiefly intended to teach us the knowledge of salvation, and to be our guide to happiness on high; yet, also, regulates our conversation in this world, extends its benign influence to the circle of society, and diffuses its blessed fruit in the path of domestic life.”

The necessity of religion to aid government, has been felt, and generally owned by wise men, in all ages, and under all forms of government. It is well known by the learned, that the wisest statesmen, in ancient kingdoms and republics, invented and framed a religion suited to their various kinds of government, and INCORPORATED THEM TOGETHER. Their object was to civilize and reduce mankind to order and law. The idea that religion of some kind is absolutely necessary to the existence and well-being of the state or civil government; whatever be its form, especially REPUBLICS, has generally obtained among the nations. Hence in pagan countries, where there has been no revealed religion, a system of false religion has been interwoven in the particular form of the government. The reviler of religion was deemed an enemy to the state. The superstitious rites were celebrated, in much pomp, and at great expense. The design of the whole, was to strengthen the ties of conscience, and by this means to add force to government. The fears of the people were wrought upon; and to be profane towards the PUBLIC DIVINITIES of the nation was considered as an atrocious offence against the laws of the land. It will always be found, even, among the most civilized and polished, and best informed people, on experiment, to administer government, without the ties of conscience is impossible. Hence the origin of kind of religion is necessary to civil society; and where the true was unknown, politicians and impostors have invented and disseminated a false one. Even the city of Athens, learned and polite as it was, obtained this character from an ancient historian, “hospitable to the gods,” but whether by way of reproach or encomium, at this distance of time and place, cannot be ascertained. It grew into a maxim among the wisest men of Greece, “to know no man beyond the altar.”

The SCHEMES of false religion invented by the famous impostors, Zoroaster, among the Persians; Numa Pompilius, among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Peruvians in South America, were all intended to soften and CIVILIZE a barbarous and savage people; or to inspire them with courage; or to make them thirst for the blood of their enemies.—How deep a sense the rulers and statesmen, in ancient lands, had of the absolute necessity of good morals and some kind of religion to the safety and well-being of the state and prosperity of the nation is evident from history.

It may be acceptable to my audience, on this great occasion, to recite from authentic history, a few instances.—These shall be ancient Egypt, Persia and Rome. 1

A fourth argument to prove the benign influence of piety and morality on a free government, and society at large, is their natural tendency or operation.

That order of society is the most happy where all are obliged to be industrious; and where industry has all the benefits of its own care. Every branch of business, by which the nation is subsisted, should be diligently prosecuted, and each citizen protected in all his rights. Religion, in its natural tendency, has a most friendly and favorable influence on this order of society. That the Christian religion has this tendency, in the highest degree possible, deserves to be numbered among its great excellencies, and satisfactory evidences. It however interferes not with POLITICS, or directs to forms of government, but requires such a temper, and such a life and conversation, as will constitute quiet, peaceable, and useful citizens, in any government, and good rulers. It regards the civil and temporal, as well as the spiritual and eternal good of mankind. While this is strenuously maintained, no one can apprehend that the idea of a RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT OR HIERARCHY, as in modern Europe, is either tacitly insinuated, or advocated. In our happy land, nothing resembling, even, in a remote degree, the INCORPORATION OF CHURCH AND STATE, to make one whole body politic, exists. Neither in the state or general government, as that phrase is understood, in modern Europe, and naturally imports, is there any UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE. And I trust never will be. In the various Christian nations of Europe, since the fourth century, Christianity has been variously blended with all the existing governments, let the form be what it might. Out of pious motives, and from a belief of the beneficial effect, of such a scheme of worldly policy, the church and state formed an INTIMATE ALLIANCE, OR UNION. In this way, both civil and ecclesiastical history of the nations of Europe, reciprocally aided and strengthened each other. To this source, it is apprehended, most of the abuses and perversions of, and even errors blended with Christianity, are to be traced. No friend to civil and religious freedom, can suppose, considering the love of power in all men, that the RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS of modern Europe, could be introduced to advantage in this country. The holy scriptures know of no such ALLIANCES. They are the fruit of worldly wisdom. The office of the magistrate, and the office of the minister of Christ are altogether different. CHRIST’S KINGDOM IS NOT OF THIS WORLD. In our free governments, in the United States, we have no religious establishments. Many learned statesmen, however, in Europe, and some in this land, consider this, at least, as an infelicity; and venture to predict, that in the compass of a few years, the gospel will be left unprovided for, and unsupported in this land; and of course, be driven out of it; and the name of Jesus be obliterated in the United States; or an effectual door be opened to all kinds of enthusiasm, and even atheism; and so our free government be overturned. Whether they judge right, time, the great expositor of events, must decide.

It is one of the perfect rights of man, in natural liberty, and which he may never alienate, to judge for himself in matters of religion. But as religious sentiments are very various, how far the magistrate or government ought to interfere, in matters of religion, becomes a question of great importance. While all idea of religious establishments, as understood in modern Europe, is utterly disclaimed—I submit to the hearer, whether the following observations be not built on the scripture, and reason?—The civil ruler ought to encourage piety by his own example, and to endeavor to make it an object of public esteem. Whatever is in general esteem, many will follow. The civil ruler may encourage, and promote men of piety and virtue, and discountenance those, whom it would be improper to punish.—He may and ought, again, to defend the rights of conscience, and tolerate all in their religious sentiments, when not subversive of society, and inconsistent with the rights of others.

“A legislature, may enact laws for the punishment of acts of profanity and iniquity. For however different the religious opinions of the citizens may be, yet all ought to condemn, profanity and impiety—and they ought to be punished as injurious to the commonwealth. Every government has a right to restrain by law and penalties, all acts subversive of itself.—Unquestionably, also, the civil magistrate, or the ruling part of any society ought to make provision for the public worship of God in such a manner as is agreeable to the great body of the society, though all who dissent are at the same time fully tolerated.—Multitudes would never have any religious instruction, or public worship, if the government did not interpose, to provide a way, for respectable ministers of the gospel to be decently supported, while employed in teaching the people. If a parent may and ought to provide for the instruction of his children, then the state may provide for the instruction of the whole family of the state in the great duties of godliness and virtue.” 2—Perhaps, in our own free and happy state, our government has hit upon the golden mean, of not interposing too much or too little in matters of religion. It is one of the chief glories of our civil constitution, or government that it encourages, countenances, and provides for piety and morality;–looks up with reverence to the Christian religion; and interposes for its maintenance. But there is no resemblance of a religious hierarchy in our state, or any improper interference of our government in matters of religion. What it does, in this respect, is fully warranted by the word of God, and perfectly consonant to reason.

The natural effect of religion is to secure and promote the peace, order, and well-being of society, and to give efficacy to the wholesome laws of a free government. The value or goodness of a thing is justly argued from its natural tendency. The advantages of revealed religion, as to this world, are great and interesting. It blesses very society. It sweetens every relation. It exalts every character. Exalt her, and she shall promote thee: she shall bring thee to honor, when thou dost embrace her. She shall give to thine head an ornament of grace, a crown of glory shall she deliver to thee. The community is made up of individuals. A nation is composed of all the families in it. In the same way that a family or individual is to be made happy and prosperous, is the community or nation. Virtue, consisting in the fear of God, and practice of morality, can alone make man happy. If we would, as individuals, be happy in life and death, we must feel the power, and practice the duties of religion. Would we, as a nation, enjoy the blessing of God, and be prosperous, we must fear him and work righteousness. Happy is that people whose God, is the Lord. Yea, happy is that people that is in such a case. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.

The influence of religion to render a people flourishing and happy is most powerful. From being a pious Christian, to a regular and good citizen, the transition is easy. So far as any individual is pious, so far he is happy. The same may be said of a nation. The means of private and public happiness are substantially the same. That which makes one individual or family happy, will make another happy, and the whole body politic. It is as necessary for the public to be honest and virtuous, as for an individual, in order to enjoy a divine blessing. A dissolute, idle, and profligate family must be eventually ruined, and so must a vicious nation. And all these blessings shall come upon thee, and overtake thee, if thou shall hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God.

We will show the operation of PIETY AND MORALITY, in producing public happiness, in a few important instances.—What is the natural effect of a full belief of the being of God on the mind of men? Here all religion begins. He that cometh to God must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder of all them that diligently seek him. A disbelief of him, and his governing Providence, as ever been found, to lead to all manner of wickedness, excess, and dissipation. By necessary consequence, a belief of these will restrain the vile passions of man. He will fear to violate his oath, to commit murder, or robbery, theft, or any other secret or open crime. Conscious that he cannot hide his crimes from an omniscient and holy God, he will dread his anger, and refrain from open transgressions of his law. This belief, in a nation, will necessarily have an astonishing effect to preserve, amid all classes, a degree of order and decorum, and to prevent those heinous crimes, which destroy public happiness, and bring down on a nation the judgments of heaven.

Again; The knowledge of the various divine attributes, both natural and moral, has a direct tendency to produce great effects on the public character of a nation, and by necessary consequence, on civil government. Take away a sense of these, and you remove the very foundation of public morals. A sense of the divine perfections, power, wisdom, universal presence, independence, self-existence, holiness, goodness, justice and truth, leads to happy consequences, both on the mind and life. Realizing these glorious attributes, we shall dread to offend the divine Majesty, and feel our obligations to serve and obey HIM, who is possessed of such transcendent excellencies. Sensible that he is the greatest, best, and wisest of all beings, our Creator, Preserver, Benefactor, Lawgiver, Sovereign Lord of the universe, Disposer of all events, and Ruler among the nations of the earth, we shall continually aim to please him by a life conformed to his will; by a reverential fear; by seeking daily his blessing; by thankfulness for mercies received; by owning his providence and government; and by looking to him for general health, for fruitful seasons, for defense and protection in times of national danger, and public calamities.

Further; A belief of accountableness, and of the retributions of eternity has a wonderful influence on the public mind, to excite both hope and fear, two of the most powerful springs of action in the human frame; the one to restrain from vice, and the other to urge us to virtue. This belief is essential to the Christian religion. And the astonishing influence which it must have on the MORALS of a community, all are competent to understand. The very idea of our accountableness at the bar of a righteous and impartial Judge, insensibly leads to a fear, lest by sin, we offend and provoke him. Knowing, that when we shall have done with time, we must render an exact account of all our thoughts, words, and actions, is one of the most powerful considerations to induce to a regular and sober life. No doctrine is more either solemn or affecting, than that we must all appear, rulers, and ruled, before the judgment-seat of Christ Jesus, and give an account of the deeds done in the body, according to what every man has done, whether it be good or bad. Add to this, the exact retributions of eternity, of endless glory, or endless misery; and no motive can possibly have more weight to induce to a circumspect behavior, to prevent or reclaim from gross wickedness. In another world, ah my brethren! We shall be rewarded, or punished precisely according to our moral and religious character, to our good or evil deeds.—The more good we have done, in our place and station in life, or been the active means of, the more distinguished will be our reward: and the more sins we have committed, and vices, immoralities, and irreligion, we have been the means of others practicing, the heavier will be our condemnation, and the deeper our misery.—How solemn and affecting a doctrine! How well calculated is the full persuasion of it, to produce most beneficial effects on the public mind and morals; on all classes of people! And, of course, to prevent those gross abominations, which lay waste and destroy society. He, therefore, is doing the greatest conceivable mischief to the community, who attempts to rid the mind of the fear of punishment, or to banish the hope of reward, or to render doubtful the accountability of men to a future tribunal, and the immortality of the soul.

It is obvious still, further, to observe, that the constant exercise of divine worship, and the feelings of our dependence on God, and the infinite obligations of gratitude we are under to him for national, as well as personal blessings, have an inconceivable influence on civil government, and the temporal interests of a people. There can be no religion among a people, where the worship of the Supreme Being, public, social, and private, is wholly neglected; and his institutions set at naught. Public worship, at the religious instructions of the sanctuary, and the holy Sabbath are absolutely essential to the very being of Christianity. Every willful and total neglecter and contemner of these, is contributing, although he may think not of it, his proportion of influence to annihilate religion. The prevalence of religious principles, and the practice of religious duties among a people are essential to the morals; and the morals of the people are essential to their national prosperity. The decline, therefore, of religion in a nation, is an awful presage of evil impending that nation. When the worship of God, in its several forms, is disesteemed and neglected, when the dispensation of the word in the sanctuary is in disrepute, when the Lord’s day is vilely abused, hen morality will fail. Industry, learning, education, peace, the social duties, and with them, all public happiness will fail—RULERS will be disrespected—wholesome laws be trampled upon—and unfounded and unreasonable clamors be excited against the government. The institutions of religion, and constant exercise of divine worship, not only tend to harmonize the sentiments of the people, and to promote amity, civility and humanity, but, also, alone support the interests of morality. If a people reverence and statedly attend upon the ministrations of the gospel, feel their dependence on God, on the wisdom, goodness, and bounty of his Providence for general health, fruitful seasons, and success in their lawful pursuits; if they feel their obligations to be thankful for mercies received, and of humiliation and penitence under his frowns and righteous rebukes, they will be disposed to such a conduct as will subserve their highest temporal interest. Nay, I go farther and affirm, that, merely performing divine service, and expressing, in prayer and praise, gratitude to God for all his blessings, national and private, and acknowledging our entire dependence on his providential government, have a happy effect, both on the mind and morals of the public.

Moreover, it is an expressly commanded duty of the gospel to pray for civil rulers, from the highest to the lowest, and for all in authority over us, for the peace of government, for public order and stability, for good laws to be enacted, and that there may be obedience and submission to them, among all classes of people. I exhort that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made for all men. For kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour. How reasonable and benevolent the Christian religion! It requires of all, peace, friendship, faithfulness, good will to man, to all men, and the forgiveness of injuries, GODLINES, AND HONESY. All are to seek blessings for one another, for all orders, and classes, rulers and ruled, that the administrators of government may be guided by wisdom, be kept from wrong measures and counsels, that we may all lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty. Godliness and honesty are united. Piety and morality go together. MERELY PRAYING, in daily addresses to the throne of grace, for all in authority, for civil government—for good laws—for freedom, civil and religious—for a spirit of obedience to good laws—for a wise use of civil liberty has a direct and powerful tendency to honor civil authority, good laws, and good government; and, at the same time, to prevent unfounded jealousies, evil surmises, variance, hatred, calumny, sedition, pestilent ambition, mean and disingenuous artifices and intrigues against government. The gospel, alone, establishes on a due basis, the rights of man, liberty and equality of the rational kind, and fraternal sentiments. The gospel is an enemy to all tyranny and oppression, slavery and arbitrary government. How wise and suitable that we should pray for all men, when our morning and evening oblations ascend to heaven: and that all orders of the community, may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. Would all classes of people comply with this one duty, the effect on government, on society in all its interests, would be most salutary. Prayer has a causal influence in procuring the blessings devoutly implored. Piety is indeed the strength of morality. Take away the former, and the latter will wither and fade, as a tender plant, from which you remove moisture and nourishment.

The practice of moral duties, as already remarked, is an essential part of the true religion. No man can be a really religious man, without morality. There may be hypocrisy, feigned pretences, and external observances of religion, where there is no morality, or even where heinous sins are allowedly committed; but there can be no real heart-religion, without the strictest regard to every moral duty. A man can no more be a Christian, or have the evangelic graces and temper, without morality, than he can be a Christian, without piety, or faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and repentance towards God. Those, therefore, who have attempted to separate piety and morality, or faith and good works, have done an unspeakable injury to religion, and greatly disserved the cause, which they meant to promote. They have, most unwisely and unhappily, crated a prejudice against either faith on the one hand, or good works on the other, and tempted some to disbelieve the usefulness of the gospel as to our present temporal well-being. Moral duties are as obligatory as devotional, and have the most friendly aspect on government, and the general welfare of society. This might be evinced, most clearly, from a large and critical examination of them in detail. All that the limits, to which I am confined, will permit, is briefly to enumerate some of the moral duties, which constitute an essential part of religion, and examine their tendency in respect to the public mind and civil government, in general. The several moral duties, which will be concisely mentioned and argued upon, are truth, righteousness between man and man, humanity and love of enemies, kindness and compassion, meekness, candor and humility, sobriety, temperance and self-government.

The religion, enjoined upon us by an infinitely wise and holy God, who perfectly knew what would be most for our good, in time and in eternity, and who would prescribe no duty to be done by us, which had not a happy tendency on society, requires strict veracity. It teaches us that truth between man and man, with which is inseparably connected faithfulness, is universally biding; obligatory at all times. It forbids all evil speaking and falsehood, from perjury down to all mental reservation, or equivocation. It allows us to depart from truth, on no occasion, even the most pressing, and from no temptation. How important a moral duty this is; and how necessary even to the existence of public happiness, all must be sensible, who give themselves leisure to reflect on the subject. What dependence can be placed, or safety had in the lying tongue, in perfidious treacherous men! When a man is habitually unfaithful, and pays no regard to truth, in his words, we can repose no confidence. There will be no binding power in an oath. In a multitude of cases, right cannot, therefore, be obtained.

Religion, also, requires strict justice, in the various dealings, among men, in every government. This includes, integrity, equity, honesty. The heart must be upright, and the whole of the conduct be regulated y inflexible righteousness. Justice between man and man is the pillar, on which rests the welfare of society. We may never be guilty of injustice and dishonesty to others: never oppress, extort from, or injure them: not in wish or act injure them in their good name, property, or right; all orders and classes of citizens are to observe all the laws of righteousness towards each other. JUDGES, on the BENCH, are to administer, impartially, without favor or affection, justice. The most of the laws indeed of society are to prevent dishonesty, and keep people upright in their intercourse with each other. So selfish, so full of malicious passions, is human nature, that even heavy penalties, exemplary punishment, and courts of justice cannot keep people from deviating from the rules of equity, in their connections in trade and business. A man, who has religion in his heart, will constantly and uniformly aim to walk in all HONESTY, as well as GODLINESS, though he may sometimes mistake the nature of justice; or through a selfish bias, or strength of temptation, be carried away from it. For no man is free from sin. How much to the honor, peace, and interest of the community, justice between man and man is, all must feel. An unjust and dishonest, cannot be long a flourishing and respected people. A national observance of strict equity will tend to prevent wars—bloodshed—and costly disputes; as well as to preserve national respectability, independence, and honor.—In a free, perfectly republican government, recourse by the citizens is too often had to the LAW and COURTS to decide on their claims. A litigious spirit should be discountenanced.

Religion, tends, further, to exalt a people, and to make them prosperous, as it censures and condemns all idleness, dissipation, excess, and vicious amusements; and requires of man INDUSTRY, in some lawful calling. It requires an attention to the duties of our several callings and stations, and a right improvement of all our time, talents, and opportunities to do good. How directly this contributes to wealth, and competency, to peace, contentment, and order, the least reflection is sufficient to convince us. Can a people be happy, or civil government be well supported, where idleness, murmurs, discontent, factions, vicious amusements, dissipation, debauchery, and luxury prevail? If a people or individuals would be either wealthy or virtuous, they must be industrious.—The prosperity of religion is, then, the prosperity of a nation.

We add, again—religion requires of all, humanity, kindness, candor, compassion to the poor, and all THE OFFICES of benevolence and tenderness. We are to be patient and forbearing under losses and injuries,–to be mild and forgiving in our temper,–to be gentle and condescending—to be obliging to all.—Conscious how often we ourselves offend—how liable to mistakes—to unreasonable prejudices, we shall feel how much we need candor from others. We are required, by our holy religion continually to exercise compassion to the poor;–sympathy to the afflicted;–kindness to the unfortunate;–patience to the forward;–humanity to all;–to think evil of no man without a justifiable cause;–to speak evil of no man unnecessarily;–to be bitter, malicious, and envious to no man;–to slander, abuse, oppress, and ill-treat no man: but to extend our good offices to all—and by a patient continuance in well-doing, to seek for glory, honor, and immortality. How happy does the practice of these mild and amiable virtues tend to make society, to sweeten the intercourse, and cherish the civilities and charities of human life!

The gospel, also, no less strictly and solemnly enjoins upon all classes and ranks, ruler and subject, high and low, the moral duties, which relate to self: sobriety, temperance, purity, and the due discipline of the passions. It never allows us to do anything with sobriety—the great duties of temperance, purity, meekness, and humility. The two Christian tempers of meekness and humility, would prevent anger, wrath, revenge, hatred, envy, pride, and all the violent passions; and of course would prevent all murder and dueling; crimes, of a scarlet color, though alas! fashionable, where the fear of God, and the love of a Redeemer have no place, or little influence. It cannot but be apparent to all, that the duties now mentioned, more than is generally conceived, contribute to secure one’s own, and to promote the happiness of others. A larger and fuller elucidation would prove the point before us, the beneficial influence of religion on civil government and national prosperity so as to stop the mouth, one would imagine, of the most bitter reviler of piety, and hardened gainsayer.

It is only subjoined, that religion has a powerful influence on public happiness and civil government, as it nourishes an ardent wish and desire to advance all useful arts, and the sciences. It is auspicious to everything, which can adorn life, or dignify human nature. It cannot be diffused, where there is no civilization or knowledge, or even exist. It, therefore, always consults how human learning may be promoted, and displays its excellence in the education of children and youth. The welfare of a nation rests much on the right education of children. As religion enlarges our views and expands the soul by the grandeur of its objects, and sublimity of its doctrines, so it affectionately regards the education of children.—It devises liberally for the teaching of the rising generation. It is unwearied in exertions for the public good. Peculiarly happy is OUR OWN STATE in having such ample provision for the education of the children of our citizens. And greatly have the legislature honored themselves by their attention to this important OBJECT. We cannot be long either a pious or free people, if this object be neglected.

It was the saying of a great orator and statesman of antiquity, “that the loss which the community sustains by a want of education, is like the loss which the year would suffer by the destruction of the spring.” If the bud be blasted, the tree will yield no fruit. If the springing corn be cut down, there will be no harvest. So if the youth be ruined through a fault in their education, the community sustains a loss which cannot be repaired. For it is too late to correct them, when they are spoiled. 3 Thus, plain is it that religion, free from superstition and enthusiasm, has a direct and powerful influence to secure and promote the public happiness, and to aid and bless civil government.

In the manner above illustrated, is Christianity propitious to the dearest interests of society. It prescribes rules to regulate the conduct and conversation of all, in every station, from the highest to the lowest. Its benevolent spirit wishes well to all; and requires all, to direct supremely their whole strength to promote the public good—to do as they would be done by—and forbids them to make self their chief end, on the pain of the divine displeasure, here and hereafter. What wise instructions does it give to all mankind, whatever be their station, to kings and subjects—to magistrates and people—to citizens and soldiers—to the church and world.—How important that we contemplate and adopt the means, by which free states may be happy. “Of the states called Republics, in ancient or modern times, all have lost their independence or ceased to exist, except the United States of America. As exhibiting to mankind one example of Republican government, we now stand alone on the globe, surrounded by ruins.” Were we to enquire into the decline of free states, we should find it owing to the general prevalence of vice among all classes of people, to luxury, voluptuousness, dissension, corruption in the exercise of the elective franchise, and boundless ambition, to a total disregard of religion.

The declarations of scripture are abundant to this purpose. If any should be inclined to doubt the friendly influence of true religion, an essential part of which are pure morals, on the public happiness, after all the arguments above advanced, they are requested candidly to weigh the proofs from the sacred pages. The text, and all the blessings and curses pronounced, in the verses next following, down to the 45th verse prove the doctrine. Hear the tender words addressed to the people of Israel on account of their neglect of God and his laws. O! that they were wise, that they understood this; that they would consider their latter end! How should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. Agreeably to this are the affecting words uttered by the Psalmist. O! that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways. I should have soon subdued their enemies, and turned mine hand against their adversaries. Their time should have endured forever. I should have fed them also with the finest of the wheat, and with honey out of the rock should I have satisfied them. What a rich promise is made in Isaiah?—Thus saith the Lord thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel, I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee to profit, which leadeth thee by the way thou shoudst go. O! that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! Then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea. Thy seed also had been as the sad, and thy name should not have been cut off, nor destroyed before me. See also the threatenings denounced by Jeremiah against a degenerate and corrupt people. Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not e towards this people; cast them out of my sight, and let them go forth. And it shall come to pass, if they say unto thee, whither shall we go forth, then thou shalt tell them, thus saith the Lord, such as are for death, to death, and such as are for the sword, to the sword, and such as are for the famine, to the famine, and such as are for the captivity, to the captivity. Thou hast forsaken me, saith the Lord, thou art gone backward; therefore will I stretch out my hand, and destroy thee; I am weary of repenting. A people are said to be happy, who have God, for their God. Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord. Righteousness is said to exalt, and sin to reproach a people. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach of any people. The happy effect to a people of virtuous rulers, and unhappy effect from wicked rulers are thus stated. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.—It is needless to recite more proofs from the word of God. Suffice it to say, that a wise and holy God, in his providence, conducts towards a people according to their treatment of him; and that the people of Israel were constantly prosperous or afflicted, as religion flourished or declined among them; and that he deals with all nations, to whom to whom he has revealed his will, in a similar manner. If we were called, to offer an apology for religion, before such an audience, the subject above discussed, would be the BEST: and, indeed, is an ample vindication of it against all the objections and cavils of infidelity. That it hath been, alas! abused to the purposes of superstition, and been employed to support ecclesiastical and civil tyranny, cannot be denied. But what blessing of heaven, has not often, by the corrupt passions of man, been abused?

Men and brethren, preserved by an indulgent Providence, in our various ways and stations, thro’ another year, while many of our friends 4 are removed by death from the theatre of the world, we have the opportunity of assembling on this joyful Anniversary, agreeably to the wise institution of our fathers, DEVOUTLY TO IMPLORE the blessings and smiles of Almighty God on the NATION, of which we are a part,–on OUR STATE—ON OUR RULERS—ON THE LGISLATURE—and ON ALL OUR CITIZENS.

And, let not the truths, to which we have been attending, be with us, mere speculation. Let us endeavor to reduce them to practice. Let us never suffer our political principles to clash with the principles of religion. Let us make it our supreme object to accept of the offered salvation, and obey the precepts of Jesus Christ, our divinely benevolent Redeemer, to believe the doctrines, and conform to the laws of his religion, and always seek the Lord, then he will be found of us: For public happiness is of him. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth. By so doing we shall draw down blessings on our nation, still more valuable, than we have already enjoyed. The blessings which we have enjoyed, are such as ought to inspire us with lasting gratitude to the great Author of every good and perfect gift, the wise RULER among the nations, who setteth up one, and pullet down another. Through the good hand of our God upon us, we enjoy yet our liberties, and a free, equal, republican government. The same spirit of rational liberty, removed far from all licentiousness; the same love of our country, the same desire to enjoy the blessings of both civil and religious freedom; which were so conspicuously manifested, when our independence was established, should still operate with the same vigor. The grand question, which is equally interesting to all, is how may this great nation be long free, prosperous and happy; our rights; civil and religious, be enjoyed by all classes of citizens; our favored republic be perpetuated; saved from the evils, which have overwhelmed all past republics, buried the people under oppression and tyranny, and left them to mourn the loss of that liberty, which they never could again recover. History faithfully records by WHAT MEANS, free states have been ruined. May we have wisdom to receive the lessons of experience. In the United States, we have a free government. Few nations have enjoyed the opportunity of taking up government, upon its first principles, and chusing that form, which is best adapted to their situation, and most productive of their public interests and happiness. The government of the United States approaches the nearest to the social compact of any that history can furnish. It is as well, or better, perhaps, calculated for promoting the happiness, and preserving the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens, than any ever yet framed by the wisdom of man. Placing liberty in the custody of the people, it wisely guards against anarchy and confusion, on the one hand, and tyranny and oppression on the other. It is framed upon an extent, not only of civil, but of religious liberty, unexampled in any other country. The sacred rights of conscience are so secured, that no citizen is molested on account of his religious profession and sentiments. How should this consideration endear it, to its citizens, and induce them to regard it with a veneration and affection, rising even to enthusiasm, like that which prevailed at Sparta and at Rome. Happy people whose lot has fallen to them in pleasant places, and who have a goodly heritage! Happy people! If we have wisdom and virtue to improve aright, the advantages which we enjoy! Blessed be God who hath isited and redeemed his people: who hath called them to liberty, and granted them a free government! We have attempted above, to prove from reason and scripture, what are the certain and infallible means of national glory and prosperity; of establishing and perpetuating public happiness; and these are the prevalence of religious and moral principles, and practices, piety and morality. The great object of civil rulers, of those who make laws, or administer justice, or preside over the public interests, from the chief magistrate to the lowest, should be to render, as far as possible, the state happy, to advance the public good, the order and well-being of society. Consulting the annals of every government and people, we shall find, that arms and wealth, have been considered by most nations, and most politicians as the principal means of securing to a people, national glory and happiness. Piety and morality have been generally overlooked. If the arguments above urged, be conclusive, the civil ruler will feel it his duty, to endeavor to make the people happy, by making them virtuous. Much may he do, by example, by promoting men of good moral and religious principles and lives. We have been happy, in having from the beginning, even to the present day, a series of chief magistrates, who have been not only an honor to the state, but ornaments to our churches. May such a series be still continued, of EXCELLENT MEN, and EXCELLENT RULERS. Not only those clothed with civil offices and power, but the ministers of the glorious gospel of the Son of God, may, in the light of this subject, see their duty. The object of their office is to promote the spiritual and eternal good of man, his well-being in this world, and his future blessedness. Their business is to minister in holy things, avoiding all subjects foreign to their sacred calling. It is our business to study and teach Christianity, and thus to promote the civil, as well as spiritual good of man. What a noble employment! To fidelity and zeal, the motives of religion call us; and, also, motives of regard to our country. From love to religion and the souls of men, from a regard to the prosperity of our state and land, let us diligently study the evidences, nature, doctrines and duties of Christianity, and inculcate them with all plainness, assiduity and perseverance.

A consideration that we have but a short period, in which to labor in the gospel ministry, may well animate us to greater, and still greater zeal. We cannot continue long by reason of death. Since the last anniversary of this kind, several of our brethren in the Christian ministry, in our state, have closed life, and been called off from their labors. Let us drop a tear over their memory, and prepare to follow them to the silence of the tomb! 5

All this numerous assembly are deeply interested in the truths which I have illustrated. Men and brethren—you cannot be happy as individuals, but in the way of piety and virtue. You have not only the motive of eternal happiness, to choose the Lord for your God, but the motives of the peace, good order and happiness of the people, as a body politic, and the general happiness of the state. In a republic, all authority is derived from the people; and such as they are generally, such will be their representatives, legislators and civil authority. In order for the prosperity, and even existence of a FREE GOVERNMENT, there must be virtue and good morals among the great body of the people.—Where the elective franchise is enjoyed, those who rule, will, in character, be the same as the ruled. Let all make it their first and highest concern, to devote themselves to a life of piety, to the fear, love and service of God. And remember, your day of probation is rapidly passing away. Soon, at the longest, you will all be removed from earth, and go down to the dust of death. It is, therefore, of infinite importance that you embrace the gospel, receive a Saviour, who died for you, and prepare for a blessed immortality. How glorious the end of true religion! How desirable its effects!

We are happy, in being now met together in this large assembly, on this great occasion, and, for the first time, in this beautiful, elegant, and magnificent temple of worship, erected at great expense, and by the commendable exertions of this people.—But before the next return of this Anniversary, how many, who are now here, will belong to the great congregation of the dead, and be fixed unalterably in their eternal state! Who—where now in this Assembly are the persons thus destined so soon to another world.—Ah!—we all must travel the same dark road of death. What one individual here present can say he is not one of this number? Are we all prepared for our eternal state? In that state we shall all be soon found, while other busy mortals like ourselves, will take our places on this stage of life.—Never—never shall we all meet together again, till we meet with the assembled universe, before the tribunal of our final Judge.

The God of all grace, enable us so to live, that we may, at that solemn period, be found on the right hand of our Judge, and by the sentence of his mouth, have our portion assigned us with the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven, with the spirits of just men made perfect, with an innumerable company of angels, with Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant, and with God the Judge of all.

Blessing and honor, and glory, and power be unto him that sitteth on the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. By what mysterious art did ancient Egypt subsist, with so much glory during the period of fifteen or sixteen ages? By a benevolence so extensive that he who refused to relieve the wretched, when he had it in his power to assist him, was himself punished with death; by a justice so impartial that their kings obliged the judges to take an oath that they would administer impartial justice, though they, the kings should command the contrary; by an aversion to bad Princes so fixed as to deny them the honors of a funeral; by entertaining such just ideas of the vanity of life as to consider their houses as Inns, in which they were to lodge, as it were only for a night; and their sepulchers, as habitations, in which they were to abide for many ages; for which reason, they united, in their famous Pyramids, all the solidity and pomp of architecture; by a life so abstemious that even their amusements were adapted to strengthen the body and improve the mind; by such a remarkable readiness to discharge their debts that they had a law, which prohibited the borrowing of money, except on the condition of pledging the body of a parent for payment; a deposit so venerable that a man who deferred the redemption of it was looked upon with horror; in a word, by a wisdom so profound that Moses himself is renowned in scripture for being learned in it.—See Diodorus, Siculus, and Herodotus, Liber 2—The Persians, also, obtained a distinguished place of honor, in ancient history, by considering falsehood in the most odious light, as a vice the meanest and most disgraceful; by a noble generosity, conferring favors on the nations they conquered, and leaving them to enjoy all the ensigns of their former grandeur; by an universal equity, obliging themselves to publish the virtues of their greatest enemies; by educating their children so wisely that they were taught virtue as other nations were taught letters. The children of the royal family and of the nobles were at an early period of life, put under the tuition of four of the wisest and most virtuous statesmen. The first taught them the worship of the gods; the second trained them up to speak the truth and practice equity; the third habituated them to subdue voluptuousness, and to enjoy real liberty, to be always masters of themselves and their own passions; the fourth inspired them with courage, and by teaching them how to command themselves, taught them how to rule over others.
The Romans founded their system of policy upon the best and wisest principle, the fear of the gods—See Montague’s Letters, a firm belief of diving superintending Providence, and a future state of rewards and punishments. Their children were trained up in this belief from tender infancy, which took root and grew up with them, by the influence of an excellent education, where they had the benefit of example, as well as precept. Hence we read of no heathen nation in the world, where both the public and private duties of their religion were so strictly adhered to and so scrupulously observed as among the Romans. They imputed their good or bad success to the observance or neglect of these duties, and they received public prosperity, or public calamities, as blessings conferred, or punishments inflicted by their gods. Though the ceremonies of their religion justly appear to us instances of the most absurd and most extravagant superstition, yet as they were esteemed the most essential acts of religion by the Romans, they must consequently carry all the force of a religious principle.—In his book on soothsaying, Cicero the great Roman Orator and Philosopher, speaking of his countrymen says, We neither exceeded the Spaniards in number, nor did we excel the Gauls in strength of body, nor the Carthagenians in craft, nor the Greeks in arts and sciences, but we have indisputably surpassed all the nations of the universe in piety and attachment to religion, and in the only point that can be called true wisdom, a thorough conviction that all things here below are directed and governed by divine Providence. To this principle alone he wisely attributes the grandeur and good fortune of his country. From this principle proceeded that respect for, and submission to their laws, and that temperance, moderation, and contempt for wealth which are the best defence against the encroachments of injustice and oppression. Hence too arose that inextinguishable love of their country, which, next to the gods, they looked upon as the chief object of veneration.—Cicero de officiis, This they carried to such a height of enthusiasm, as to make every tie of social love, natural affection, and self-preservation give way to this duty to their dearer country. Hence proceeded that obstinate and undaunted courage, that insuperable contempt of danger, and death itself, in defence of their country which completes the idea of the Roman character, as it is drawn by the historians in the virtuous ages of the republic. As long as the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans, weakened this principle of religion, and prepared them for the reception of Atheism, which is the never failing attendant on luxury. And thus by their rapid and unexampled degeneracy was brought on the total subversion of that mighty Republic.”

2. Witherspoon’s Lectures.

3. Belknap’s History of New-Hampshire.

4. And one from the council-board; Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, who in point of talents had few equals—who bore a distinguished part in our country’s cause and honors—and over whose memory who would not weep?

5. Five have departed life—Rev. Mr. Brockway, of Columbia. Rev. Mr. Rexford, of Huntington. Rev. Mr. Bray, of North Guilford. Rev. Mr. Eells, of North Branford. Rev. Mr. Enoch Pond, of Ashford.

Sermon – Fasting – 1808, Massachusetts


Thomas Thacher (1756-1812) graduated from Harvard in 1775. He was the minister of the 3rd Church in Dedham, MA beginning in 1780. Thacher was a member of the Massachusetts convention that ratified the U.S. Constitution. This sermon was preached on the annual fast day of Massachusetts on April 7, 1808.


sermon-fasting-1808-massachusetts

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S E R M O N

PREACHED AT THE THIRD PARISH IN DEDHAM,

APRIL 7, 1808.

THE DAY APPOINTED BY HIS EXCELLENCY

THE GOVERNOUR, FOR A DAY OF HU-

MILIATION AND PRAYER, THROUGH-

OUT THE COMMONWEALTH OF

MASSACHUSETTS.

By THOMAS THACHER, A. M.
MINISTER OF THE 3D PARISH IN DEDHAM.

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S E R M O N.

PSALM LXXXI. VERSE 11, 12.

But my people would not hearken to my voice; and Israel would none of me. So I gave them up to their own hearts’ lust, and they walked in their own counsels.

This language of the Almighty to his ancient people may with pertinence be applied to any nation, once eminent for piety, and dignified for the severity and correctness of their virtue, but degenerated into the extreme of impiety and licentiousness. Abandoned by their protector, and the influence of his wisdom being withdrawn, they will be exposed to the ruinous consequences of their passions, and will walk in their own counsel.

This melancholy case was exemplified in the history of the Jews, of whom the sacred records have given us many particulars. The spiritual and temporal benefits, conferred on them by the Supreme Being, the ungrateful returns on their part, the apostacy and declension of their national character, are facts delivered to posterity by the authority of inspiration, for the purpose of conveying instruction and reproof to mankind. From these we are informed that when they had filled up the measure of their iniquity, there were left to follow their own hearts’ lust, and end was made of their political existence; their country, the very soil of which had been sacred by the visits of the Deity and the exhibition of his supernatural power, became a theatre, as remarkable for extraordinary judgment and correction, as before for those mercies, which for a series of ages this nation had both received and abused.

Would to God, my fellow citizens, there were not a “fatal pertinence” in the words of the text to the people of the United States! Can we examine closely into their import without finding our traits and features of national character moral and religious so nearly delineated, that they are a natural picture, rather than a general resemblance? Have we not revolted in principle, as well as practice, against Religion and Morality? Do we not already feel from the effect of our national wickedness, that we are left to follow our own counsel? Are there not those omens of public death to be discerned at this day, which have been the precursor of destruction to other communities, once famous for religion and civil liberty, for arts and arms? Is it not feared, by the most wise and sagacious contemplating the wars and convulsions, which have recently changed the face of all civilized Europe, and reflecting on the danger and ruin, to which we are exposed, that the angel of fate, by command of the Eternal, is now winding up the last threads of our political duration? Doth not the pious and devout mind, observing the history of God’s moral providence, and comparing the same with the profaneness, licentiousness and almost total absence of moral principle, so obvious at this day, behold the handwriting on the wall, shewing how soon our destinies will be completed? Doth not he perceive from the signs of the times, the great and terrible voice of an angry Deity proclaiming through the land “Your end is come, and your days shall not be prolonged?

A short explanation of the text, an application of its sense and spirit to ourselves, inferred from existing facts, will furnish us with such considerations, as are proper and necessary for the solemnities of the day.

This Psalm was composed in the time of David, and it is very probable from several passages, that it was occasioned by some public festival, prescribed in their law, in which their 1 liberation from Egypt was celebrated. The divine goodness is particularly related in that event, in order to contrast it with their ingratitude and obstinacy. The charges made against them seem to be divided into two distinct articles; the first is, My People would not hearken to my voice; the second, though it seems synonymous in common language, yet implies a far higher grade of depravity, Israel would none of me.

The first related to the charge of idolatry, as you will see by the 9th and 10th verses. There shall be no strange God in thee, neither shalt thou worship any strange God. I am the Lord thy God, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt. We may also conceive that it refers to their neglect of the moral, positive and municipal laws of Moses, or in a word, to their violating every condition, on which their national happiness and prosperity was promised.

The second charge, uttered against them is, that Israel would none of me. From the very climax of the sentiment, we think that it implies, not merely coldness, neglect and practical disobedience, but it carries in its sense the very extreme of aversion and malignity. In the Greek translation, this clause may be thus rendered; Israel would give me no manner of attention. The sentiment in our common bible is however still stronger; it implies not only contempt but open hostility. Should the expression be used respecting an individual, it would indicate, that he has not only ceased to pay any respect to religion; but that he had a fixed and rooted hatred to it, and wished to expel it from the earth. So I gave them up to their own hearts’ lust, that they should follow or walk in their own counsels. A brief representation this of the final catastrophe of vice and impiety. Such men were left to suffer the natural and necessary consequence of individual and national crimes; this is a punishment as great, as in this state of things can possibly be inflicted. The Supreme Being has determined in the very laws of nature, that natural calamity shall be the result of moral evil, that an incorrigibly wicked man has an avenging fury in his own heart, awarding him, as the consequence of his sin and folly, evils more terrible than can be produced by any external enemy, however formidable, malignant or persevering.

An awful and affecting lesson is here presented to every member of the community, whether in his collective or individual capacity. While men pride themselves in their imaginary independence of all restraint and discipline, and while they trample under foot religion, virtue and decorum, they are but the executioners of divine vengeance on themselves, they are industriously procuring the wrath of heaven, so often expressed against the profligacy of mankind. In their corrupt and contaminated heart, the seeds of ruin and desperation are first of all originated and sown; the soil is fertile and the harvest will be abundant.

In the further consideration of the subject we shall,

1. Inquire, what duties are so plainly pointed out and enjoined by Heaven on nations, or rather on man in his collective capacity, that they may be properly called the voice of God.

II. Exhibit those marks of national disobedience and depravity, which demonstrate that the divine commands are totally neglected.

Under each of these, we shall intersperse such moral and practical reflections, as may arise on the subject.

1. We shall inquire, what national duties are so plainly pointed out by Heaven, that they may properly be called the voice of God.

1. The great and general obligations of religion are as binding on society, as on individuals. We do not intend by national religion, a system either of rituals or doctrine, prescribed by law, admitting persecution, and embracing intolerance. Nothing is more opposite to real piety, to the rights of conscience, and to the general happiness of man in society, than either pomp and ostentation in the manner of worshipping God, or a connection of religion and its external forms with the honors and the interests of this present world. Still, however we affirm, that the belief of the doctrines of religion is a necessary qualification for the practice of social duties. Associations ought to exist among men for the purpose of united worship; the external institutions of social worship, which men by long use and habit have made a medium for instruction, and for the cultivation of truth and moral duty, should be treated with reverence, and affectionately cultivated and protected. By their violation, the foundations of civil government are shaken, the mutual confidence of individuals weakened, and mankind, stripped of the greatest restraint on their passions, are prepared for the most atrocious crimes. I am aware that objections may be brought against the last named opinion; it will be said – that religion is a contract between God and the soul of every man, – that of this covenant, and fidelity in observing it, every man’s conscience is the sole and sovereign judge. –Men are to give an account of themselves hereafter personally to the Supreme Being for the actions performed in this life-Nations and communities exist only, as such, in the present world, and therefore man, in his collective relations, has nothing to do with religion-Therefore as civil government is confined entirely to objects relating to this present world, it can have no manner of right to enjoin religious duty, or to prescribe any rituals for national worship.

To these objections we briefly reply, that no religion ever did, or ever will exist in the world, but what has in some of its circumstances, required the union of several persons. It is equally certain without external religion, or some symbols of devotion of a corporal nature, that internal worship cannot exist. If then there be an obligation on man to worship God, and he be unable to perform this duty, without union and association; it will necessarily follow that an obligation on man exists as well in his social, as in his individual capacity.

The obligations to national religion are still greater, when we consider, 1st, its beneficent effects on the community; and, 2d, that it is the strongest chain, by which individuals are connected. No credit would be paid to an oath, were the existence of a God entirely disbelieved. Were we to eradicate the idea of rewards and punishments from the minds of men, crimes and enormities of the blackest dye would soon commence, which no human law could describe, nor any human power be able either to punish or detect. Destroy those two grand principles of religion, and neither faith nor honor will be left among mankind sufficient to admit of organized society. For it is not possible to conceive, that even a band of robbers, or a ferocious horde of savages could exist in any social connection, were all ideas of a future state, or of invisible powers controlling human actions entirely annihilated.

2d. To a people professing Christianity, not only the general institutions, but the positive precepts it enjoins, are a subject of such moment, as to be considered the voice of God. The essence of Religion is, we grant, superior to all external circumstances; but it is equally true that, where every form or ritual is abolished, every vestige of religion will be lost. If a tree with a good and deep root were constantly lopped of all its branches, as fast as they grew, it would as certainly perish, as if it were torn up by the roots. Man compounded of soul and body must worship God with each. And if he discard every aid to piety arising from his senses, he will find that none will finally exist in his understanding. The Almighty has told us he will be glorified not only with our spirit, but with our body; for both arise from the same cause, and are the property of the same original.

3d. The cultivation of private and public virtue, particularly those branches of it, which are of the utmost moment to society, is to be considered as an obligation of the first importance, and is therefore to be treated as the voice of God; and the same obligation exists, derived from the same source, that they should repel and discourage vice whether affecting individuals or society. Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is the reproach of any people. And it may here be observed, that every man, just, generous, temperate, industrious, brave and honorable is an important pillar of the community; on the other hand, every man, intemperate and lewd, corrupt and unprincipled, profligate and impious, is an enemy to his country, let his pretensions to patriotism be ever so great, and supposing his political principles are theoretically correct. Taking these last classes of men in the aggregate, they are a moth and a canker, which will greatly deface and injure, and eventually will destroy any free and happy government, in which they reside; more especially will they be able to effect this, if they, by their influence, consideration and example, induce the greater part of society to adopt their own depravity and corruption, and can cause the restraints of law, fear, shame and decorum to loose all their efficacy and moment.

Under the list of public virtues originating from divine authority is the duty of loving our country, commonly denominated patriotism. This consists in a manly, just, and independent spirit, exciting us to place the peace, honor, and prosperity of our proper nation on a level with that of our private fortunes, or should any rivalship or collision of interest exist between private and public good, a real patriot will sacrifice the former to the latter. This noble and benevolent affection, by no means consists in outrageous zeal for party, or intemperate and intolerant attachment to popular opinion; but is displayed by the patriot in a genuine, and constant regard to the best interests of public liberty, order, and a free constitution of government. He has no ambition to promote foreign conquest, nor that his country should rise to opulence and grandeur, by the tears and misery of the rest of mankind; but when his native soil is exposed to war and invasion from any foreign power, he has a head to conceive for the common good, a heart undaunted, and a stranger to fear, and a life to devote for the liberty and sovereignty of the whole.

4thly. Public manners are a care worthy a divine Lawgiver; the preservation of these in a pure and correct state is of such moment, that we find a great part of the political and municipal laws of Moses consisted in prescribing minutely private manners to the people of Israel as the voice of God. That sacred code so blended manners with religious ceremonies, that they can scarcely be separated. The same method and attention has been paid by every wise Legislator acting only by human authority; and it is evident from the history of all civilized nations, that all wise rulers place the importance of public manners on the same grade, with that of their morals and religion. Chastity and simplicity have held the first rank in social duties; pomp and luxury have been discouraged, next to prohibition, in every free Government. Age, fortified by dignity and character, in such societies demands reverence and attention from the young. Youth ought ever to be decorated with the graceful blush of modesty, nor ever to appear audacious and obstreperous, unless acting in the field against the enemies of their country. Private fortunes, obtained by bad arts, should be viewed with disgrace; poverty, contracted by beneficence and patriotism, should ever be an object of affectionate veneration. Monuments of gratitude to public benefactors ought to be erected, nor should the popular influence of envy and worthlessness ever be permitted to defame their memory. That fame and honor offered to those, who, by the sacrifice of life and fortune for their country, have merited permanent applause, is a great incitement to virtue, and is the parent of noble deeds and splendid patriotism in posterity. These are maxims sanctified by the wisdom, and confirmed in a very direct manner by the voice of the Deity. We see from contemplating this part of the subject, that manners are of a more importance than laws, because that the former have a more imperious influence in society.

We shall proceed now to the

II. General head of discourse; to exhibit those marks of national depravity and disobedience, which demonstrate, that the divine commands are both neglected and resisted. Here I take the liberty to premise, that in applying the remarks in the test to our own country, that I wish not to be considered, as designing any party of personal reflections. It has been my constant aim and care to avoid political acrimony; the maxims about to be introduced are of high weight and moment; they existed and have been promulgated to mankind many years before our country existed, and carry with them those marks of truth, which demonstrate their divine original.

I shall not, in attempting to support this proposition, draw a contrast between the present generation and former periods, of our national history, nor occupy your time in inveighing against innocent amusements and recreation, as is customary with some public teachers of religion on this occasion; though I think that in regard to piety, pure morals, simple and industrious virtues we should suffer very much by a comparison with our forefathers; yet they, it must be owned, were disposed to be unnecessarily severe and uncharitable in minute affairs. No rational benevolent man could wish to see that spirit and principle revived, which banisheth innocent, social delights, and places insignificant pastimes in the same grade of moral turpitude, as the vilest crimes committed by man. There is superior evidence of serious and alarming vice, of profligacy, infidelity and irreligion to engage our attention; we shall therefore proceed.

1. To examine the state of religion among us, as it relates to society. Let me then ask if a coldness and indifference to religion, both in its form and essence, be not so plain and obvious a characteristic of our nation, that no man of sense and observation would hesitate to affirm the fact? Has not the same progressed to open contempt and disgust at sacred rituals and institutions? Is it not evident the churches are thinly attended, and the Sabbath treated as an ordinary part of time, I add not unfrequently devoted to labour or amusement? Have not days, set apart for public humiliation or gratitude been openly and ostentatiously perverted to purposes foreign from their design? Have not associations of men for promoting religion and morality been treated both with severe acrimonious opposition, and with scurrilous malignity? We do not assert, but that in such a debilitated state of religion its forms and ceremonies may exist for a small space of time; but, like the names of men inscribed on tombs and monuments, those few and feeble traits will every day be less perceptible, till, to the next generation, they will be known only by history and report.

To all those last named signs of declension and apostacy, should we add, there is a prevailing spirit of profanes and infidelity exciting men to deride the divine authority of revealed religion, and to assault, with virulent abuse and rancorous defamation, the sacred characters, whose lives and actions are recorded in the scripture, what is to be expected will be the fate of religion among us? Are not these subjects treated with indecorous levity on many occasions both by age and youth? Doth not assuming ignorance feel competent to decide on them, without so much as affecting either cool reasoning or an appeal to common sense? Cannot instances be produced, in which religion itself is the song of the drunkard, and the mirth of those obstreperous fools, who make a mock at sin? Will not religion itself, both in form and essence, be soon eradicated, and the community retain no more of it, than their Christian name?

2. From the state of religion, let us next proceed to contemplate our moral character as a nation.

That we may condense and abbreviate, this subject, as much as possible, we shall omit the enumeration of smaller faults, more especially those of a private nature, and examine into our deficiency, in respect to public virtues, and into those crimes and follies, too well known to exist among us, which in their very nature bring confusion and ruin on society. And here we observe first of all, that truth and justice are cardinal virtues, and the exercise of them essential to the existence of society in a happy and civilized condition. We here limit our ideas of truth to that branch of it, in which a nation is most importantly interested, i.e. in relating facts as they really exist; that the same principle be equally observed toward an enemy as a friend; that from no sinister motive should we allow ourselves to violate truth for the sake of degrading a rival or an opponent, nor yet for establishing one, whom we consider as a useful partisan. We define justice, or as it is more commonly called honor (in the restricted sense we here use the word) as consisting in exhibiting candour towards a political adversary; we go further and affirm that the same principle is to be observed towards national enemies, except in cases, where direct self preservation may suspend its exercise. Not only ought all falsehoods to be discountenanced; but in common instances there ought to be fair opportunity given an opponent that he may disavow principles and conduct injustly ascribed to him, nor should we give our assent until facts are proved against him, either by clear testimony, or by such probabilities and inferences, as render the charge supported beyond question.

It will at once be admitted, that in no country on earth has this branch of truth been more grossly and shamefully violated, than in the United States; more especially do I refer to the abominable desperate falsehoods uttered by party in the intrigues of an election. I do not wish to have this applied to one party in particular, but to all. In exercising our highest acts of sovereignty, we are not uncommonly influenced by those, who from sinister motives and party rage, propagate, at the time of election, not only wicked misrepresentation and deception, but bare faced lies, without a shadow of foundation. By these not the political character, but the private morality of an obnoxious candidate is outrageously attacked. When the turn is served and a good man removed from office, the wretch, who was the author, has no other apology to make, than that the end sanctifies the means, that the lie was successful and custom and the depravity of public opinion have ceased to censure the crime, and eventually it becomes a subject not of compunction, but of triumph. May we not expect, that when conduct like this is countenanced, that it will totally destroy the oral sense in all political transactions, that it will eventually excite such ferocious passions in the heart, as will be the parent of civil war, and its concomitant calamities? However men may contaminate their own character, and justify wickedness, from necessity; yet the nature and fitness of things remain the same, the command of God is, that we never should do evil that good may come. Thus saith the Lord, trust ye not in lying words; but speak ye truth every man of his neighbor.

If, in the next place we examine into the state of justice or honesty as relating to individuals, a disgusting picture of our public morals will be presented. How often are debts of justice, honor and gratitude neglected, when no human law compels their payment? How often, from a base mercenary love of pelf, will men take every advantage of their neighbor? Every day we live develops some new base unprincipled wretch, who has lost all shame at vice, as well as all fear of God. Men of this description are at present far worse, than formerly—They then were corrupt and fraudulent in practice, they are now so in principle. The abandoned, after successful villainy, skulked in the corners of our streets, they now walk abroad at noon-day. The number of the guilty, not only prevent them from being excluded from the civilities of life, but even render them a horde too formidable for solitary virtue to oppose.

From the last mentioned evil, i.e. the defect of moral honesty, others have arisen as a necessary consequence; we here refer to the prevalence of luxury, false taste, and expensive amusements; these have pervaded every corner of our country. From whence it has happened, that there is little of moderation visible in private families and common life; the demand of fashion and example obliges every man to such expense, as his private circumstances can very ill admit. Hence it is, that many are clothed in purple and fine linen and fare sumptuously every day at the expense of their creditors, and of truth and honor-that palaces have every day arisen in our populous towns on the site of the humble dwellings of our fathers; from the same source we may trace the ruin and infamy of many individuals as well as families. From the same affection to grandeur and equipage we may place the numerous calamities and infamy occurring both to the old and to the young-to the debtor and to the creditor. How frequent is it that when the head of a family is taken away by death in the midst of life and business, we see so many widows and orphans shedding tears of despair! They once lived elegantly and deliciously, but in one hour are stripped of all comfort and consideration, and pass to the extreme of poverty and dependence. It is from the same madness for acquiring sudden wealth, that the slow and moderate gains of humble industry are despised, that recourse is so often had to swindling and fraud, and that so many young men, possessed of enterprising energetic minds, devote their talents to pursuits, highly infamous, and flagrantly dishonest. We may place to the same account the small estimation, in which good men are held, who have sacrificed their time, happiness and fortune to the public good, and are obliged to recur to some humble condition in society for support. They are despised because they would not become rich by crimes; and their honorable poverty is ascribed to a want of energy and of a knowledge of the world.

Let us next attend for a moment to the circumstances of domestic life, from whence a picture may be drawn of our national manners, dark and deformed. The want of family government and the impetuous temper and manners of the young augur sad and dreary events to our country. The character of many of them at the present day seems to exemplify the last clauses in the text, so I gave them up unto their own hearts lust, that they should follow their own counsel. At how early life do we see children usurping the privileges and assuming the manners of men? Not merely despising, but treading into the dust their aged and venerable parents? Instead of submitting with reverence and fear to their commands, they not uncommonly, by their boisterous passion and manners, force them to many things against their own inclination and judgment. What numbers are there, who appear neither to fear God nor regard man, who very plainly show the connection existing between bad principles and corrupt morals! Of these how many have ruined themselves and their families by intemperance, fraud and dishonorable profligacy! Some of this abandoned class of citizens have brought down the grey hairs of their aged parents with sorrow to the grave. How many do we see young in years, yet old in constitution, who, given up to their own hearts lust, have early progressed to decrepitude and decay!

The spirit of discord and party rage existing at the present day affords to the pious mind another argument, that we are left to follow our own counsel. What a spirit of jealousy, censure and malignity have pervaded every order and grade in society! This furious ungoverned temper has insinuated itself into all the transactions of private life. It has long ago entered the walls of our senate house, and has advanced to all the primary assemblies of the people. Wherever it has been introduced it shuts men’s ears against hearing truth, and blinds, by falsehood and unconquerable obstinacy, their understanding when light and conviction are presented. By this pestilential fiend all benevolence and candour are erased from the minds of good men towards each other when they hold different opinions, she breaks into the recesses of private life, poisons the very source and fountain of domestic happiness, and overturns decorum as well as all the charities of life. These seeds of animosity thus sown, and the plentiful crop already produced are, and ought to be a subject of infinite regret to every true patriot. But when he considers how near our country is approaching to a foreign war, how much are his painful apprehensions increased! I tremble even to contemplate what such an event would produce. What little confidence have the parties in each other, and how many virulent head strong men would prefer the standard of the enemy to that of fighting under an opposite faction? To expose the weakness and divisions of our country would be highly criminal in one of our own citizens, did not the facts appear clear as the noon day sun. If these facts were not confirmed by every diurnal gazette, by every public meeting of the citizens; yet still there are enough hardened, abandoned wretches, who from revenge, from corruption, and the most criminal malignity against their native land, would announce the same to foreign nations. In the language of inspiration, every good man ought to wish that we were wise, that we properly estimated these evils, and would consider our latter end.

The above named evils existing among us, have originated more properly from our own misconduct, than any misfortunes from any foreign cause; but to these may be enumerated the external depredations on our trade, by which all commerce is at an end. We do not mean here to implicate or impeach the conduct of our national rulers. Respect and honor for those, who guide our affairs oblige us to suppose they were driven to the measure by imperious necessity. Still however it must be considered, as a great and terrible calamity. Never, since the Boston post bill in 1774, have our public affairs worn a darker aspect. The transition from the highest degree of national prosperity and private opulence to a total stagnation of business, the sources of wealth excluded from the rich, that of employment from the poor, are circumstances so painful to the benevolent mind, hat it cannot wish to dwell long on the subject. The only consolation of the good man is, that while convulsions shake the natural and moral world, the Lord God omnipotent reigneth; the wrath of man will praise him, and the remainder of that wrath will he restrain. We hope that the foundations of liberty, of religion, of order and human happiness, though convulsed, will never be rooted up from this land either by the rude hand of a tyrant, or by the licentiousness of the people. We cannot suffer ourselves to believe that a country so highly favored of heaven, so protected in various examples, is reserved to glut the wealth, and satisfy the ambition of a despotism encircling the rest of the world. Should it be however the will of the Eternal, that our country must fall, that the knell will be sounded to summon us to the funeral of its liberty and independence, let it be our care, that in addition to the portion of common calamity we receive, we may not have the burden of a guilty conscience; but that each of us may be able to lay his hand on his heart and protest, in the presence of Almighty God, that he has omitted no known public duty, and that he never has, by avarice, ambition, negligence or party zeal, contributed to the debasement and ruin of his country.

While therefore,

On bended knees we invoke the forgiveness of that Deity we have offended, while we ask his blessing on our soil, and a continuance of his former kindness; let us humble ourselves before him for our national sins, and resolve on public reformation; let this day dismiss from our hearts every passion inconsistent with the common good. May a spirit of sagacity direct our public councils; may a sublime patriotism succeed that ferocious zeal for party, which, in this threatening aspect of affairs, is more fatal to our existence, as an independent nation, than a foreign enemy, brave and well armed, consisting of one hundred thousand men. May every member of the community after satisfying his conscience what his duty to his country is, perform it without regard to the fear of man. May our country be the first object of our earthly affection; at its sacred call, may every valuable enjoyment, as well as life itself, be devoted. We will not cease therefore to pray, that God will spare his people, and not give his heritage to reproach; that he will rebuke the Devourer for our sake, nor suffer any impious hand to overturn the beautiful fabric of civil liberty and human happiness erected in this land. For Zion’s sake we will not hold our peace, nor for Jerusalem’s sake we will not be silent, till her light go forth as brightness, and her salvation, as a lamp that burneth.

oliver Ellsworth

Sermon – Eulogy – 1807


The following sermon was preached by Rev. Henry Rowland at the funeral of Oliver Ellsworth – a member of the Continental Congress and a Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court.


sermon-eulogy-1807

A

SERMON,

OCCASIONED BY THE DEATH, AND DELIVERED

AT THE FUNERAL OF THE

HONORABLE

OLIVER ELLSWORTH Esq. L.L.D.

WHO DIED NOVEMBER 26TH, 1807.

IN THE SIXTY-THIRD YEAR OF HIS AGE.

BY HENRY A. ROWLAND,
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN WINDSOR.

A FUNERAL SERMON.

PSALM XXXIX. 9.

I was dumb, I opened not my mouth; because thou didst it.

DIVINE mercies and chastisements are so promiscuously distributed to men in the present state, that we cannot, by their outward circumstances in life, determine their real character.

David, though a man after God’s own heart, was distressed with outward afflictions and inward terrors – yet he resolved he would not utter a word which would appear as a reflection on God and his Providence. After making some observations on the brevity of human life, he resolved to exercise fortitude under every trial, and to seek for happiness, in the enjoyment of God. In order to this he prayed for pardon, and professed submission to the divine will. “I was dumb; I opened not my mouth; because thou didst it.” He was silent as to murmuring or repining against God or his Providence. When he looked to instruments only, he was discomposed and spake unadvisedly. But when he looked upon God, as he sovereign disposer of all things, he was silent.

It is our duty, under all the trials of life to lie in humble submission before God.

This will appear if we consider

I. God is the rightful owner and proprietor of all things.

II. It is our duty to submit when he takes our comforts away.

I. God is the rightful owner and proprietor of all things, and therefore has a sovereign right to dispose of them. By his almighty word he brought the world and all things in it into existence. The earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof. He hath made us and not we ourselves. He supports that life which he has given us – for “in him we live, and move, and have our being; and in him are all our ways.”

It is he who sets the solitary in families, and makes a hedge about their dwellings. His blessing it is, which makes their habitations the residences of peace and happiness. Without it, every relation in life would be a snare, and every blessing would be embittered; we should have no capacity for enjoyment in the fullness of earthly good. When he sees fit, he can, with the utmost ease, draw a melancholy veil over all our worldly prospects, and bring on us such a train of disasters, as will fill our souls with anguish, and cause us to go mourning all our days. God is our rightful owner, because he hath created us. The Creator hath surely a right to the work of his own hands. He upholds us in being; and, therefore, has a right to that which could not exist a moment without his supporting power. He has endowed us with rational souls, which are capable of knowing and serving him. He therefore justly claims our love, gratitude and obedience.

He hath redeemed us by the precious blood of his own Son – and therefore we are not our own, but his; for we are bought with a price.

We have abused our rational powers, and have not known, nor served God aright. Our knowledge and services have been confined to the earth. Our health and ease have been improved to selfish purposes. The glorious Saviour has been refused the dominion of our hearts, and our lives have not been consecrated to God.

As we have forfeited these blessings, God has a right to take them away.

Further – All our outward comforts are from God. It is he who feeds and clothes us, provides for us comfortable habitations, and raises up for us friends and benefactors. It is he who has constituted the nearest and most intimate of all connections, and made them subservient to each other’s happiness. He formed their mutual joy and congratulations in prosperity, the united participation of which increases their delight, and their mutual sympathy, while under the frowns of providence. These tender sensibilities and mutual participations, tend to alleviate the sorrows of life, and to render those adverse scenes tolerable, which would, otherwise, with difficulty be borne. It is he who, in our children, causes us to be born again, makes them a comfort to us, and a blessing to the world. In receiving these bounties of divine Providence, we have considered them as our right, rather than as a free gift, and have murmured that we received no more. We have improved them for our own gratification, rather than to promote our gratitude and piety. We are commanded to remember God in all the common actions of life, and to have an ultimate regard to his glory. “Whether ye eat, or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God.”

Our friends and relatives were given to promote our present comfort and spiritual joy; to help each other in the way to heaven. But how have we forgotten God in these creature comforts, and loved the creature more than the Creator! God is just, then, when he withholds the bounties of his providence, and dries up the streams of earthly comforts. The abuse of his mercies is a just cause for their removal. The great Father of the universe has often merciful designs, when he strips us of creature enjoyments, that we may cease leaning on them, and choose him for our portion.

II. It is our duty to submit to God’s will when he takes away our comforts. As a Sovereign he has a right to dispose of all things according to his own pleasure. He is not obliged to give account of his doings. Though as a Sovereign he has a right to do as he pleases; his infinite justice and equity will cause him to do all things, in the best manner. He will do no injury to his creatures: He will do right. His throne is established in righteousness – justice and judgment are the habitation thereof. We are bound to submit to him as a Sovereign God. This is the requirement of the gospel. The want of it occasions disquietude, leaves us a prey to fierce and turbulent passions, and the reproaches of a guilty conscience.

The opposition of the heart to the divine Sovereignty, occasions all our murmuring and discontent. It is this which keeps us away from Christ, and causes him to withhold the blessings and consolations of the gospel. This stubbornness of heart, if continued, will prevent the salvation of the soul.

Under a sense of our sinfulness, we are willing to receive the comforts of religion, but are not disposed to receive them as a sovereign gift. The heart opposes the divine government in all its operations, whether exercised in temporal, or spiritual and eternal blessings. This is our unhappiness and our guilt. We ought to lie in humble submission before God, be willing that he should order all the circumstances of our lives, continue the blessings which we enjoy, or take them away just as he pleases. When he visits us with prosperity, we should rejoice in him with holy joy, and let the gratitude of our hearts be manifested in the praises of our lips, and obedience of our lives. When he visits us with the rod, and draws a melancholy veil over all our worldly enjoyments, we should be humble before him, repent of our sins, and be anxious to reform what has been amiss in us.

The days of prosperity are but few, and then come the evil days. Our families are for a time flourishing, our children like olive plants around our tables. But soon the scene is reversed – one misfortune treads on the heels of another – sickness and death enter our dwellings – a beloved child, which we fondly hoped would comfort us, or the dear companion of our days is taken away. Our joys are succeeded by sorrows: our pleasing prospects, by melancholy gloom.

In these painful trials, we should be submissive to God. It is he who orders them, and has a right so to order. This is the time for the trial of our submission. There is no trial when things go well with us, and our wills are not crossed. True submission will make us resigned in adversity, as well as in prosperity, when our friends are taken away from us, by death, as well as when they are about us. Of this Christian virtue, we have many scripture examples.

When the sons of Aaron were consumed by fire from heaven, and in an act of wickedness, far from murmuring or faulting the divine dealing, it is said, “Aaron held his peace.” When good old Eli was informed of the ruin which was coming upon his house, he received it with meekness: and in the language of great submission, said, “It is the Lord, let him do what seemeth him good.” He was submissive when the trial came: his faith and patience held. When intelligence was brought him that his sons were slain in battle, though we may well suppose his heart was sorely wounded, he was not overwhelmed. So much greater was his regard for the honor of God, than his own interest, that when he heard that the ark of God was taken, so violent was the shock, he fell backward from his seat and died.

Our regard for the honor of God should outweigh all other concerns. When under the rod, we must feel the stroke: but we may feel deeply wounded and yet submit. Submission does not imply an indifference to earthly concerns, nor a hard, unfeeling heart toward our distressed and dying friends. This is not submission, but a reprehensible apathy. There must be a trial, or there is no room for the exercise of the virtue; nor will the affliction be followed by a religious improvement. It will serve to harden the heart more and more.

Job was heavily afflicted, and most sensibly felt the rod. He appeared to all about him, a forlorn and distressed object, as he really was. And yet under his accumulated load of trials, the loss of his property, the death of his children, the painfulness of disease, he opened not his mouth against God, but submissively said, “Shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil? The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord.”

In a review of this subject we observe, if God has a sovereign right to order and dispose of all things according to his pleasure, how wrong do we to murmur, and find fault with his dispensations! To this sin we are exceedingly prone. We complain when divine dispensations do not agree with our views and feelings. We cannot bear to be crossed. How guilty are we to oppose the government of God! How unwise, also, when our opposition will not alter the divine determinations! God’s government is just, and he will do according to his pleasure. We are weak, short-sighted creatures, and know not what is best: but God is infinitely wise. He not only knows what is best, but the infinite goodness of his nature will lead him to do all things in the best possible manner. We ought, therefore, cheerfully, to trust him with all our concerns, and in our afflictions, to cast our care on him.

Many are the trials to which we are called – many and great the disappointments which we must meet. They are the common lot of humanity, and cannot be avoided. But all will end well, if the temper and disposition of our hearts are right. For, all things shall work together for good to them that love God, and are called according to his purpose.

Dreadful indeed will it be for those who despise God’s chastening, and do not tremble under the rod. They are in great danger of being given up of God to a hard heart and a blind mind.

God makes use of mercies to bring men to repentance. When these do not answer the designed effect, he visits with affliction – and after much long-suffering he sometimes withholds his chastening and says, “Why should ye be stricken any more, ye will revolt more and more.”

Let all who are afflicted be earnestly engaged at the throne of grace, that they may answer the design of the affliction. O ye who are “tossed with tempests and not comforted,” see where your help lies! Are any afflicted, let them pray. Look to God for instruction and comfort. Fly to him as the only rest for your souls. In this way you may derive good, from the evil which you endure.

Have you been called to the painful trial of parting with dear friends? And does the world look gloomy about you on this account? Be silent before God, and open not your mouths, in complaint, because he has done it.

If earthly friends forsake you, make it your great concern to obtain an heavenly friend. His friendship will be sincere and permanent, he will never leave nor forsake you. In him you may securely trust amidst all the storms and tempests of life. Though they beat upon, they shall not move you from your anchor of hope. Through these tribulations, thus improved, you shall enter into the kingdom of heaven.

Before I quit this subject, it will, naturally, be expected that I take a special notice of the holy and afflicting providence which hath called us together this day.

A particular delineation of the character of the deceased I shall leave to some abler hand. The short notice and unusual parochial duties, have rendered it impossible for me to do justice to his character, and to answer your expectations.

All that I shall attempt, will be but a brief sketch of his character.

The Honorable Oliver Ellsworth, whose breathless remains are now before us, was born in this town on the 29th day of April, in the year of our Lord 1745. He graduated at Princeton College in New-Jersey, in the year 1766. 1 Soon after this, he became a Counsellor at Law, and in his profession was highly distinguished. He discovered uncommon genius and deep erudition. He was an able advocate; and when convinced of the rectitude of his cause, he pursued it with unwearied diligence. His arguments were strong and convincing; his language persuasive.

Abilities so distinguished could not be concealed from the public eye. In the arduous and doubtful conflict with England, and when our country was enwrapped in the deepest gloom, the united voice of the citizens called him to act in a more distinguished station – and at an early age he was chosen a member of Congress. At the conclusion of our revolutionary war, when our public affairs wore an aspect of gloom and perplexity, for want of an efficient government, he was again summoned, by the voice of the people, to a Convention for the purpose of forming a constitution of civil government. In this he bore a distinguished part.

In the State Convention, for the adoption of this constitution, he was equally distinguished, and by the force and energy of his arguments, became invincible.

The public mind, too deeply sensible of his worth, to suffer him to enjoy domestic ease, renewed its call to take a distinguished part in the administration of that government, of which he had been so able an advocate, and appointed him a member in the Senate of the United States. Here was a field for the display of his great abilities, and he was generally acknowledged to be one of its most influential members.

Called from this, into the judiciary, and to the chief seat in the Supreme Court of the general government, he displayed a firmness and integrity, which did honor to himself and to his country.

When the public concerns were again perplexed, on account of subsisting difficulties with the French nation, he received the appointment of Ambassador to that country. Though contrary to the feelings of his heart, he accepted he appointment and high responsibility, quitted his family and country, to encounter the hardships and dangers of the seas. The success with which his embassy was attended, all can witness. The treaty which was formed received the public approbation. In this undertaking he laid the foundation for all those distressing infirmities which have with such violence preyed upon him, and enfeebled his constitution. Unable to return to his native land when his negotiation was completed, he was obliged to seek an amelioration of his complaints, in a neighboring kingdom.

Since his return to the land of his nativity, though he has been called to an elevated station in the State Legislature, he declined accepting the chief seat in the Judiciary. His bodily infirmities and distressing pains, together with the death of his eldest son, 2 greatly embittered his comforts. His constitution became gradually weakened, and after a short and painful confinement, death closed the scene.

Mr. Ellsworth received the highest collegiate honors, being admitted to a degree of Doctor of Laws. He was one of the Trustees of the Missionary Society; was honored with elevated stations and important trusts, both in the State, and general governments; in all which he acquitted himself with dignity and reputation.

He was a lover of the peace and order of society; one that respected the public institutions of Christianity; a professor of the religion of Jesus from his youth; a constant attendant on the worship of God in his sanctuary, and on the sacrament of the Lord’s supper.

In private life he was regular and strictly temperate. In his intercourse with men, he was social, easy of access, and from the improvement of his mind, and that fund of useful knowledge which he possessed, his conversation was improving and highly entertaining.

In his last confinement, the severity of disease produced a derangement of mind, and prevented those counsels which his family and friends desired to receive. In this state of mind he concluded his days on earth, and gently fell asleep, we trust, in Jesus, in the 63d year of his age.

If in the death of this great man, the public has sustained a heavy loss, his family and connections have sustained a much heavier. They have reason to mourn. But they mourn not as those who are without hope.

With the solitary widow and fatherless children, we drop the tear of condolence. We feel for you under this heavy bereavement. May you be disposed to adopt the language of Job, under the most accumulated afflictions, “The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away, and blessed be the name of the Lord.” And of the text, “I was dumb, I opened not my mouth; because thou didst it.”

Once you could pray, “Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me.” But that season is gone, and will return no more. All that remains now is to say, “Father, thy will be done,” and make him your refuge in the day of trouble. If you trust in him, and obey his commandments, he will cause light to arise out of darkness, and sweeten your afflictions, with the consolations of his holy spirit. May God kindly mitigate your grief, and wipe away your falling tears. To the great Comforter of the afflicted, we commend you. May he cause this affliction, how severe so ever it may seem, to work for your good. Let the children remember the counsels of love which they have received from the lips of their father. Remember his prayers. And by these, may he, though now dead, yet speak effectually to you. Follow him in all that he followed Christ.

The church of Christ, and the Society usually assembling in this house, are called to mourn the loss of an important member. Seek the Lord that he would raise up others to stand in the place of the fathers, and espouse his cause.

The Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Council of this State will feel their hands weakened, by the loss of one, who was able in counsel. Let them remember, the most distinguished offices and highest honors from men, will not secure from death. Let them be excited to look to God for all needed counsel and direction.

Let all who are afflicted, rely on a gracious God for support. He is the great healer of breaches, and comforter of the afflicted. In him the wretched may find a friend, who will never leave nor forsake them.

Earthly friends are dying comforts, but the Lord liveth forever. Those who trust in him, though plunged in a sea of trouble, and tossed on tumultuous billows, shall find a deliverer. He will carry them safely through, and bring them to the haven of rest and peace. Oh! How comforting the thought to the children of God in their distresses! But those who are not his by a spiritual regeneration, may derive benefit from their afflictions. Come, return to the Lord, he hath “torn, and he will heal, he hath smitten, and he will bind” up your wounds. Loud and piercing are his calls. They have reached your hearts – O, let them melt under the rod and submit. Give yourselves no peace until you can say, “thy will be done.” This is the only peace which you can obtain. It will calm your tumultuous thoughts, and give sweet serenity to your souls. But if you fly from God and seek to drown your troubles in the cares and vanities of the world, you may harden your hearts, but cannot enjoy true peace.

Let this numerous assembly consider themselves addressed in a loud and solemn manner. My brethren, we are all, in this providence, admonished of our frailty. The time of our dissolution is at hand. We shall soon be consigned to the grave. But short will be our slumber there. We shall hear the sound of the last rump and arise! We must stand at the judgment-seat of Christ! Our state will be decided for eternity! How solemn the thought! Awful, if found unprepared! But happy and glorious, if found clothed with the righteousness of Christ! We shall enter the New Jerusalem, and no more go out – and God will wipe all tears from our eyes. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. He was married to Miss Abigail Wolcott, daughter of the Hon. William Wolcott, Esq. of East-Windsor, in the year 1772, by whom he had six sons and three daughters.

2. Oliver Ellsworth, jun. an amiable and promising youth, who after finishing his Collegiate education, accompanied his father in his Embassy to France. Soon after his return his health became impaired, and after a gradual decline, he died in the 25th year of his age.

Sermon – Election – 1807, Massachusetts


This election sermon was preached by Rev. William Bentley in Boston on May 27, 1807.


sermon-election-1807-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

BEFORE

THE GOVERNOR,

THE

HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND

BOTH BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

ON THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 27, 1807.

BY WILLIAM BENTLEY, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE SECOND CHURCH IN SALEM.

BOSTON:

PRINTED BY ADAMS AND RHOADES, PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

1807.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, May 28, 1807.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Jonathan Maynard, William Gray, and Azariah Egleston, Esquires, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. William Bentley, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Discourse delivered by him yesterday, before his Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, and both Branches of the Legislature, and request of him a copy thereof for the press.

Copy of Record,
JNO. D. DUNBAR,
Clerk of the Senate.
AN ELECTION SERMON.

DEUTERONOMY, xxxiii. 3.

YEA, HE LOVED THE PEOPLE; ALL HIS SAINTS ARE IN THY HANDS, AND THEY SAT DOWN AT THY FEET; EVERY ONE SHALL RECEIVE OF THY WORDS.

We refer to the Hebrew scriptures, for political, united with religious reflections, as their government combined these two objects, which the Christian scriptures do not. The religious sentiments of all ages, and the nature of all religious establishments, as well as the example of the primitive settlers of New-England, have concurred in recommending the appropriate devotions of this day. But this authority extends only to received forms of devotion, which are adapted most freely to express the public consent, or may concur to assist it. The less it is a maxim of state to direct ecclesiastical affairs, and the less the state interferes with the private judgment of the man, who exercises such functions, the more surely will an ingenuous man be cautious, that the liberty he enjoys, should be sacred to the prosperity of the state, which protects him. The privileges he possesses, belong not to his opinions, but to his patriotism; not to him as a man, but as a citizen. His freedom of speech belongs to the interest he has in the public happiness, in the laws, and the constituted authorities, and in the power to excite good affections, and to promote generous purposes among the people. The state has a right to avail itself of all opinions, rich in patriotism, as it has of all other contributions for the public welfare, but it is patriotism which gives the highest recommendation. Hence we are deeply impressed with the language, which has become venerable in the character of men, who have been useful in past generations. We dwell with delight upon the ardent love of our country, displayed in the affections of a Winthrop, the prudence of a Leverett, and the patriarchal manners of a Bradstreet. We behold them concurring with the infant strength of our nation. We learn not only the opinions, but the purposes of the age in which they lived. Their success gives them glory. If we change their measures, we retain their principles. We discover their safety, and secure our own.

With these convictions, the children of the Hebrew Patriarchs, in all generations, read the lessons given to their fathers, and in modern ages, we enjoy with rapture, the legacy which, our best patriots, upon a review of their services, and of the public hopes, as the best pledge of their affections, have generously bequeathed to us.

Of this nature is the address of Moses in the text. He reviewed his whole administration at its close. In the name of his God, he declares that its sure guide, was the love of the people. The same spirit which suggested the admonitions of the Patriarchs, and gave the words of wisdom in the past generations, was invariably regarded in all the changes of their political existence. Each had a blessing; all had counsel; all received the same law. Such is the truth which is accepted from the words of the Lawgiver of the Hebrews.

Useful criticism might be employed on the words, as it would develop some antient customs; as it would explain the hopes of private virtue, and as it would suggest that Moses expected to secure his hopes of the political prosperity of Israel, not by the wisest theory, he could propose, but by the consent of the national character to the Institute he had recommended. And upon this account he gave no rules whatever for the political changes, which future ages might introduce. In the words, is an allusion to the patriarchal blessing on the saints, or heads of the families, as may be concluded, from the consent of the Hebrews, in this sense, and from the appropriate use of the term, as applied to the primitive Christians in their scriptures. The oldest version regards the distribution of the last clauses, referring the former to the instructions of the Patriarch recorded by Moses, and the latter of them, to the Lawgiver himself. Each family had its peculiar instructions, but the whole congregation received the law commanded by Moses. While the text discovers that the happiness of the people was the object of the Law, it also assures us, that the private instructions of the families and tribes had contributed to a consent in the national hopes, and upon this consent their highest prosperity did depend. And this sentiment the present discourse is designed to support.

Our enquiry then is, into those circumstances of national character, which concur to support the present Constitution of our Government. That it be well defined, well guarded, and well supported, these things are to be considered when we pronounce of the public liberty. It had been defined and enjoyed in what was called the British Constitution; It had been reformed by the boldest experiments in that nation, and had profited in an age of experiments, by all the information which could meet the wishes of a free people. The history of our settlements will explain in what circumstances, it was adopted, and the American Revolution with what spirit it was maintained. Our Constitutions are the deliberate result of our political wisdom, and our vindication before the world.

The history of our Commonwealth divides itself into three distinct and well known periods. During the old till the new Charter; from the new Charter to the American Revolution. If ever a people were born free, such were the people of this plantation. If they at first submitted to an ecclesiastical dominion, it was a submission to character, not to law, as the event proved in the third generation. Their first measure was to consult their own wishes, and to accommodate themselves to their own condition, whatever might have been dictated by European policy. Even their servants found that their freedom was an easy claim, and a sure privilege. The settlers in the name of freemen, soon took the entire direction of their domestic affairs, and their arrangements were so often varied, that they could leave no prejudices in their favour, when contrary either to their present interest or convenience. The men, who led the settlements, had possessed a superiority of talents, as well as influence, gave an early example of their own independence. They assumed their religious functions, directed by the freedom, they had long sought, and now fully enjoyed. They adopted no confession of faith, which had the authority of any Church, nor did they admit, or name any canons of any Communion. They reserved to themselves no privileges, which could support a separate interest, or an exclusive power. They associated with their brethren in the first honours. They supported no other claims, than their personal reputation, and the public confidence could give them, while they entrusted all the power, which could be given by the association of brethren, to which they respectfully belonged, to any of their society, who were not elected as civil magistrates. And to exercise this power, nothing more was required, than a sincere disposition to find out, and encourage the best wishes of each association. Their civil privileges were greater still. While no civil distinctions did exist, all the ministers by their ecclesiastical maxims were excluded from any claims to represent the freemen, refusing all weight of character in influencing the public elections in their own favour, after a representation of the freemen had been judged convenient. These privileges were carefully maintained throughout the first period of the history. The greatest events arose from the influence, which the character of the ministers had upon the first generation. Such were the affairs of Mr. Williams of Salem, who was friendly to the public liberty. Such the discussions of Mr. Cotton at Boston, and of Mr. Parker at Newbury. But we seek the cause of this influence, not in the power granted to the ministers, but in their character, which gave authority to their opinions. The Synod which was called to give consistency to these opinions, by the manner in which its authority was admitted, has explained the public will; and in a succession of curious facts, has shewn how the superiority of this order of men had locally obtained.

The primitive ministers of New-England will justify an honourable comparison with any who have appeared in succeeding generations, and can maintain an evident superiority to all who profess to follow them in the same dogmas, and in the same course of studies. They were better acquainted with the learned languages, better informed in ecclesiastical history, and more deeply versed in scholastic and polemic divinity. They corresponded with the best men of their times, and had their works printed in Europe under the inspection of the best scholars, and at the best presses, and were acquainted with the private opinions of the leading men in the several communions of the Reformed Church. And many of the best men, who remained in Europe did not conceive it unworthy of their reputation, to entertain hopes of being united with them in the same settlements, for the promotion of Christian knowledge.

A comparison so favourable to them, when made with the generations which succeeded them, might be thought to be peculiarly happy among their own associates. But we should remember, that the display of their zeal and of their talents, was the favourite object of the settlements, while the condition of the society, in which they lived, operated against all the other members, as much as it did in favour of themselves, in regard to all the advantages to be derived from European improvements.

We are not left to uncertain tests of that knowledge which prevailed among their companions. Many might be drawn by interest and by local prejudices to embark for a new settlement, and for new hopes of prosperity. But men engaged by religious systems, and possessed of talents to distinguish their friends, do not hazard all their purposes with such men only. The persuasion was, that the company had common views, and as men of enterprise all the first to search into the truths of religion, as well as to make new experiments in nature, and the age of the arts, is an age of enquiry, that the company had embraced men of sound understandings. In all the rising sects of the Reformation, men of sound minds were found to give a sure direction to the sober minds of their brethren. The period is not so distant as to render it impossible to obtain the proper evidence of these facts. We can reach the occupations, the condition, and improvements of the first settlers, and though the greater part were in common employments, yet they were not without some of the best instructed men of the age. The best books, then known, were found in their possession, and Grotius their contemporary, has been compared to Tacitus himself. They displayed their knowledge as soon as they had occasion for it. They possessed in ship building the knowledge which the French had communicated, and which a late English artist has rendered familiar to his countrymen. They held all the valuable books on the subject. The first publication at Oxford of a contemporary of Vinci, whom Hogarth and the notes of Fresnoy have noticed, was with the first settlers.

The Military tracts which had the fame of the day were in their hands, and the private collections of books were made with good judgment. But they soon found that their condition offered no encouragement to the arts they possessed, and the knowledge of the first generation was succeeded with an education accommodated to their circumstances, and of consequence the arts and sciences were not in the second generation what they had been in the first. The works of the first ministers of Salem, Boston, Ipswich, Newbury, Cambridge, and Roxbury, and of other antient settlements, exist for a fair comparison. They who examine Mr. Ward’s publication and recollect that it contained the true doctrine of the first ministers respecting religious toleration, and compare it with many facts will ascertain that they differed not essentially from the opinions prevalent in Europe. The Synod then did not possess the power they were inclined to exercise, and the condition of the settlement obliged the ministers to correct a zeal which would have been daily encroaching upon the civil constitution. The jealousy which the British nation had of the settlements in America, and the intention to exalt its own power, obliged the ministers to do nothing without the consent of the people. And the persecution, at last obtained a full commission, it had its authority only in the superiority of the ministers and in the general consent of Europe. This superiority would eventually have been fatal, had not persecution been cruel, and enthusiasm extreme. And had not the condition of the settlements, entirely changed the relative importance of character among the people.

The Literary establishments, which from the wisest policy obtained at an early age, had not that strength from great talents, which give them a sovereignty in their influence. Knowledge, not so great with a few, was more equally distributed. The residence of Masters in the Arts in any infant country could not produce such an effect as arose from the habits of Europe, and could not be maintained with benefit to literary institutions without rich endowments. They belonged not to a large school into which the higher instructions could hardly be permitted to enter. And hence in the second generation, the ministers found their influence lessened by every attempt to maintain it, without a visible superiority of talents and character, and themselves reduced to such a share of favour, as they could procure by their usefulness, and their sincere affection to the people.

The character of society had insensibly changed. It was no longer an association in favour of liberty against heresy in religion, but of liberty against all its enemies. And thus every occurrence contributed to check, in the safest manner, any abuses, which could arise out of the public prejudices, and the old charter expired, and the new found us free.

The precedency of the civil to the religious character, might occasion new dangers. But the second period of our history proved as safe as the first. The state of affairs in the English nation, during the first period, had tended to confirm the inhabitants of these settlements in their early love of liberty, by better writings, and more powerful examples than they had before possessed in the times of the Republic. The restoration, while it promised nothing to the ministers, engaged them to prevent the attempts to extend the royal prerogative in America. The Revolution which promised moderation in Europe, promised nothing to the English settlements in America, but a system of dependence. Other settlements in the neighbourhood of our own, in which royal claims were acknowledged, led us to expect a common fate, when the last minister of religion employed in a civil negotiation, returned with a new Charter, an event expressive of the influence of his own order, and of the new dangers of his country.

Here commences a new period.

All the ecclesiastical institutions discover it. The toleration which appeared in the capital, and the changes in the forms of worship admitted in the Congregational churches at the opening of the eighteen century, discovered that a new order of things had begun. The contest now was between the two countries. The means of education had been most profitable, as they always will be, to men, whose talents are demanded by great occasions, and whose associations are strongest with ambition. The chief magistrate, to the antient habits of the people, was a stranger. He was not of their election. The contest then was between the officers of the Crown, and such men as ambition could awaken to defend the people. We look then among men instructed in public business for the great characters of this age. The ministers had not only generously declined civil offices but they had repeatedly consented to give up to the public wishes the instructions of their first institution for public education. The concession was in consent with the national character. The best talents were required in public affairs, but with a sure check from the British administration. Every domestic obligation united to keep in the interest of the people such as had not employments from the British Crown. The history of the Cookes, and of the Governor’s negative may explain the competition of talents and of power. The father and the son maintained the public favour for sixty years, but not without that jealousy which is awakened by the love of liberty. The vigour of the public character was not disgraced by the ambition which preserved any portion of North America from the dominion of any foreign power. The expeditions which distinguish these periods, and the second in which these settlements discovered their military spirit, as well as the last which extended the English dominions, are from the same principles which directed the negotiation, and which have united eventually, in our own times, the discoveries of Raleigh and Drake in the same empire. The times which preceded the American Revolution are well known. The British Constitution embraced the Church and the State, and the jurisdiction of the one might accompany the other. If the ministers had departed from the opinions of the first settlers, and had become more favourable to religious liberty, they had not lost the affections of the people, or the love of their own independence. Their union neither oppressed their understandings, nor lessened their interest. Alarmed at the dangers which threatened them, they made a bold and seasonable defence. The controversy which is in our hands, has rendered dear to us the names of the men who engaged in it. This zeal which consented to the spirit of the times, has given us a list of ministers, whose memory must exist in our history, and whose praises will be recited, as long as our national existence can continue.

We now behold a space great as the first, in which religion had all its honours, the mind all its freedom, while a generous defence of the public Liberty was maintained by the best talents of every class of citizens, and by the best literature of our country, and the cause had all the glory, which national favour could bestow. Such were the springs upon the public mind, when the nation resolved to declare its Independence, to vindicate its rights, and maintain, by the sword, its political existence.

At the commencement of the third period of our history, the most powerful domestic causes combined to assist the public liberty. They were felt in the energy of national character, in the system of education, in the freedom of elections, in the confirmed patriotism of men who filled the first offices of state, and in a good Constitution of Government. We have seen the strength of religious character guarded against the prevailing abuses, by causes which concurred to render the teachers of religion the sure friends of the people. The spirit of the laws, the character of education, and a political necessity contributed to this important end. In the next period, we see all the ambition of patriots corrected and refined by the struggles of men appointed to assert every claim of foreign dominion. The people were taught to reverence their benefactors without concessions unfriendly to their liberty, and to listen to patriots, whose claims on the public notice were, from the guards, they placed against every encroachment on the public liberty.

The energy of the national character was seen, in the full consent to measures, which involved every interest, obliged the greatest personal services, and never presented any rich hopes but in their eventual success. When opinion was irresistible to every plea of wealth and ambition; when habit in domestic, or social, or professional life had no prejudices firm enough to oppose, and when all could perform, more than they promised or expected, this was national strength and glory. And who that contemplates the danger, the struggle, or the event, can deny it to us in the most favourable circumstances of a great revolution.

Every thing contributed to put education under restraints most favourable to the national character. The schools had not been so associated with the State, as to receive any influence, unless by private manners. The laws had left them altogether to the rules of the respective incorporations. The teachers were approved by those who were to be instructed by them. They had not under any pretence departed from this simple character, and it was rendered necessary that our highest institution of public education should have a government directed by the legislative wisdom which ruled the State. And it is a pleasing recollection that at this time, the man who had the greatest influence in the State, was possessed of the highest reputation in the University, and of the most powerful direction of its studies. A circumstance the more memorable, as he was lineally descended from the first Governor Winthrop, 1 and united in himself a portion of all the powers exercised by the consent of the people. In possession of a seat in the Council, and of unrivalled eminence in his professional abilities, he was able to provide confidence in the people, and literary pursuits could remain uninterrupted by any jealousies that they embraced objects not favourable to the public liberty. And thus our University escaped from all the evils of the war.

Our religious institutions were in the same happy consent with the national character. The jealousies of foreign establishments had corrected the strong propensities to an imitation of new forms, so that nothing spoke to the senses in favour of the prejudices of foreign nations. Whatever was thought, could not be silently expressed. And the manner was our own. The teachers of religion held on accountableness to their respective incorporations, and they could not combine against the laws. Their associations were useful to them, only as they rendered the members more worthy of the public affections. No uniformity of ceremonies or opinions had imposed a form of doctrine or discipline. The results of Synods and Councils were consulted rather as precedents than authorities. The State was favourable to this religious education, because it regarded all the means, which a pure conscience may enjoy, a sober life recommend, and a quiet citizen freely accept.

The electors of the State were, at this time, of the highest value, and in their greatest honour. They had dangers, rather than riches to bestow. They required great labours, which they could repay only in gratitude. The reward was in the prosperity of the state, not of the person who performed the richest services. The promise was of fame, but neglect of duty was infamy. At once a host of heroes arose. Great occasions produce great men. We had men wise in counsel, powerful in arms, the deliverers of our country. They who commenced patriots in the revolution, continued their services till peace was restored, so that we found ourselves with the same friends, who engaged with us in the first dangers.

From these advantages resulted our free Constitution. Dr. Franklin said of one of our Constitutions, “I consent to it, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure, that it is not the best!” It is in just consent, with the great civil privileges on which the plantation begun; it profits from the experience of modern times, and is free from the antient prejudices, which constitute parts of the European republics, and is the firm basis of our liberty. It has maintained itself in the public affections, its powers have been exercised with success, and it still lives in the health of the nation. By its own energies, it has restored itself, when it felt the approaches of disease, and it preserves the hopes of a durable existence. The world has long been accustomed to appreciate its own moral advantages. A refined skill has done wonders upon an infirm and vitiated constitution. But severe rules seldom resist long habits. Health is easily nursed, when life is pure, by temperance, by energy, and a free spirit. A sound constitution promises every blessing, and sacred should be the charge to preserve it.

How painful would be the recollection, that they who were the most active to form our constitution of government, were the first to renounce it. That they should not dread the dangers of military power; should not fear oppressive excises; should oppose no established orders in the State, and should consent to change the form of the government. That men who instigated the public resentment against all oppression, should ridicule the patriotism they had excited. Roused by injuries, nations have been called to assert their liberties, but we are invited to our duty in the most favourable circumstances. Whatever can be attributed to habit, to association, to first choice, and best condition for it, obliges it. The love of the public liberty is maintained in the spirit of the General Government of the United States, and while we carry back to the heart, the pure blood of our veins, it is from the powerful action of the heart, life circulates freely throughout the nation. Gratitude bids us to remember our national benefactors. Washington employed our arms with glory, and Jefferson has instructed us in the arts of peace.

It is for the different branches of our Legislature to prove that they deserve to be entrusted with the administration of our affairs in these happy times. They should appreciate their talents in the dignity of their debates, in the wisdom of their resolutions, and in the impartiality of their Laws. Honesty is not less required in public, than in private concerns in a free republic. The branches of the Legislature which arise out of the fears of past ages, and are provided as checks upon the simple theory of government, should counsel with the prudence of age, and consent with the conciliating wisdom of fathers, who delight in increasing happiness. Their care should not enslave liberty, but inspire it. And while our present Governor, retires with a good conscience, and the best wishes of his fellow citizens, we may be confident that a man who has felt our dangers, and shared in the cares of our revolution; who is well informed in our history, and acquainted with our manners and laws; who has held the most important offices in the State, will support the best character of that people, which has bestowed upon him the highest honours. His virtues are to justify their confidence, and his great services to vindicate their choice, and then his fame will be immortal in his own wise administration.

Our experience might lead us to institute a plan of national education, connected with all the public instruction, from the known influence of education upon the purposes of moral and civil society. But till such designs are approved and accomplished, the condition of all public institutions should be carefully examined, and their purposes known, so that adequate means may be provided, all deficiencies supplied, and all abuses corrected. The friends of our University and other seminaries will secure the public favour by a full consent in the design of their establishments. In the city of the Republic from which our first settlers emigrated to America, the University therein established, the first in age and talents, was the first in patriotism, and free enquiry, and could boast of the most able friends of the public liberty. With the same reputation our University would enjoy its best subordination, its most ample resources, and the best praise in a full concurrence with the great ends it proposes, in our greatest prosperity.

Our experience may assure us also, of the best advantages from the instructions of the ministers of religion. Had Mr. Williams, who was the first to conceive what was great, in the State, though deceived in the character of private associations, extended his doctrine of exclusive associations of religion, to civil society, he must have dissolved all its ties. He gave full liberty to every freeman, but religious association not to character only, but to opinions. He conceived them inseparable. He attempted to follow the order of common life. This admits a sacred choice in the family, and an innocent freedom in the world. But all errors of judgment or life cannot dissolve the family. So far he must deserve our commendation, as he did not make the religious association interfere with civil liberty, and was bold enough to declare it.

The arts and genius may attach themselves to an obstinate superstition. We are not necessarily well informed in everything. The population may require indulgence to endless prejudices, born in the varied education of man, and the existence of all civil liberty may depend upon freedom from all prosecution in religion. The state must not then fix bounds to enquiry into religion, more than to any other researches of genius. The strength of the religious character should be most strongly united to the best character of the citizen, and he should be considered as the best minister who is most happy in preserving and uniting them. The Priesthood of Moses, very limited in its offices, was so disposed that we have no history of its opposition to the Laws. The establishments of the East are upon the same principles. If the laws are of a mild character, they are in more full consent with the benevolent religion, which is the just name of the Christian faith.

May we find those happy times in which our national character will confirm all our best hopes for liberty and peace. May no event disturb the kind succession of prosperous days in our history, and may tradition speak in all ages, of the same character, which has been to us a fair inheritance. A rest, O Lord, to the many thousands of Israel,

Thou loving Father of the people.

 


1.Hon. John Winthrop, Esq.

Sermon – Election – 1829, Vermont


The following election sermon was preached by Charles Walker in Montpelier on October 8, 1829.


sermon-election-1829-vermont

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT MONTPELIER,

BEFORE

THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF VERMONT,

ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

OCTOBER 8, 1829.

BY CHARLES WALKER,
PASTOR OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH, EAST RUTLAND.

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE LEGISLATURE.

 

IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY,

October 10, 1829.

Resolved, that a committee of two members be appointed, to wait on the Rev. Charles Walker, and return him the thanks of this House for his Election Sermon, delivered before both branches of the Legislature, on the 8th inst. And request a copy for the press.

On this resolution Mr. Warner of Sudbury, and Mr. Wooster were appointed a committee.

T. MERRILL, Clerk.

 

Rev. Charles Walker,

Sir,–In pursuance of the foregoing resolution, we have the honor of tendering to you, the thanks of the House of Representatives, for your Election Sermon, delivered before both branches of the Legislature, on the 8th inst. And request a copy for the press.

JOSEPH WARNER,
BENJAMIN WOOSTER,
Committee.

 

SERMON.
Daniel VI. 10. “Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, he went into his house; and his windows being open in his chamber toward Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his God, as he did aforetime.”

THE piece of history of which this text forms a part is peculiarly interesting and instructive. It is interesting on account of the standing and character of the actors, and on account of the plot and its development, in which goodness and wickedness are opposed to each other, and virtue is rewarded and vice punished. It is instructive because it shows us, by an example taken from real life, how, in certain circumstances, we may regulate our conduct so as to meet the approbation of God, and secure his favor—how He will frown on the disobedient and reward the obedient.

Daniel, on account of the excellence of his character, enjoyed the confidence of the king of Chaldea, and notwithstanding he was a foreigner and his people captives, he was raised to the office of highest dignity and authority in the gift of the monarch. Thus elevated, he became the object of the envy and malice of other rulers in the kingdom, and they commenced a most unjust and cruel persecution against him. His mantle of integrity and robe of innocence did not secure him from the malicious attacks of those who envied his prosperity and shrunk from the blaze of his goodness. They could not endure that a foreigner, a Jew, one who belonged to a captive race, should occupy a seat of honor and power above them. And they were especially offended that one whose religion was so different from theirs, who despised their Gods and worshipped Jehovah; and whose holy life was a constant reproof of their loose principles and vicious practices, should be raised to a station from whence the lustre of his virtues shone in high conspicuity, and revealed the dark depravity of those around him.

They determined on his destruction. To accomplish this, it was necessary either to shake the confidence which the king had reposed in him, or to render him, by some act of his own, obnoxious to the laws of the kingdom. But how could this be done? How could they impeach one whose official doings were ever regulated by the strictest principles of integrity and faithfulness, and whose whole life was adorned with whatsoever is pure and honest and lovely, and of good report? That they felt this difficulty is sufficiently evident from the language of the sacred historian.—“Then the presidents and princes sought to find occasion against Daniel concerning the kingdom; but they could find none occasion nor fault, forasmuch as he was faithful, neither was there any error or fault found in him.” They saw but one way in which they could find a plausible pretext for his impeachment, and this was to make his religion the occasion of his downfall, and to lay a snare which his piety would not permit him to avoid. They said among themselves—“We shall not find any occasion against this Daniel, except we find it against him concerning the law of his God.”

Having observed the regularity with which he engaged in devotional exercises, and knowing that he discharged these duties of piety from principle, they rightly judged that he would not omit them. If, therefore, they could prevail on the king to make a law that no man, during a certain space of time, should pray, they believed that Daniel might be detected in violating this law, and that thus an accusation might be brought against him which would ensure his condemnation. With this malicious object in view, they did prevail on the king to sign a decree, ‘that whosoever should ask a petition of any God or man for thirty days, save of the king himself, should be cast into the den of lions.”

The king was not aware of the purpose of those who obtained his signature to this unrighteous decree. He did not know that a plot was laid, and now sanctioned by his own hand and seal, to destroy his most trusty and approved servant. Flattered, perhaps, with the idea that he should be the only being, to whom the people, throughout his vast dominions, would present petitions or prayers for thirty days—thus elevating himself, as it were, to the place of God—he signed a writing which was intended to be the death-warrant of the man whom he prized above all others. The decree having obtained the royal signature, was irrevocable—according to the laws of the Medes and Persians, it altered not.

And now what will Daniel do? Will he yield to the machinations of his enemies and cease to worship God? Will he give up his devotional exercises, which are enjoined by the divine law, and tremble and turn pale and submit to a human mandate which counteracts the authority of Heaven? Will he let evil men triumph over his defection from his religion? Will he violate his conscience to save his life?

What did he do? Just what his enemies supposed he would. They knew the integrity of his character and the firmness of his principles. They knew his unconquerable attachment to religious duties and his sternness of purpose to obey God rather than man. They knew that, though he might not e afraid to violate an unnecessary and unrighteous human law, there was a Power that he dared not disobey—there were laws which he would not violate. They expected, therefore, that he would disregard the law which they had caused to be made; and it was this expectation which urged them to procure the wicked decree.

He hesitated not. His views of duty were maturely formed and strengthened by holy habit, and they were not now to be given up. What followed, therefore, as related in the sacred narrative, was a matter of course—“Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, he went into his house, and his windows being open in his chamber toward Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his God, as he did aforetime.” It made no alteration either in the manner or frequency of his devotions. While, on the one hand, he did not seek to enrage his enemies nor pour contempt on the royal authority, by a more open or frequent performance of religious services; neither, on the other hand, did he seek to gain the favor of his persecutors or avoid the operation of the iniquitous law, by a more retired or less constant attendance on the duties of divine worship. The former would have been unnecessary bravado; the latter, considering that he was determined to worship God, would have been hypocrisy. From both, the course he pursued clearly exempted him. He simply continued in his former habits, doing exactly and only “as he did aforetime.”

It was of course soon known that the first officer in the kingdom paid no regard to the monarch’s decree. The history says—“Then these men assembled and found Daniel praying and making supplication before his God.” Now their object was accomplished—they had an accusation against him. To the king they went; and according to the letter and penalty of the impious decree, they had the malicious satisfaction of seeing Daniel, at the going down of the sun, cast into the den of lions.

The events which followed—the safety of this servant of God in his perilous situation—his deliverance, and the utter destruction of those who plotted against his life—though exceedingly interesting and instructive, it does not come within the compass of my present design to notice.

The history, as far as we have pursued it, shows us the conduct of a good man and of a distinguished civil ruler, in such circumstances as are fitted to develop moral character, and will afford a foundation for some profitable reflections, not inappropriate to the present occasion.

1. We have, in this historic record, a sublime example of moral courage.

We see a man who, in the discharge of duty, fears nothing but the God who made him. We see a man who, having regulated his principles and shaped his course by the standard of divine truth, refuses to be turned aside from the path of obedience by the command or the force of the mightiest power on earth. He dares to act as his conscience dictates. He dares to be singular, and, in the midst of an idolatrous nation, surrounded by opposers and enemies, to maintain the worship of Jehovah. In full view of the den of lions, and with the certain prospect of a horrible death, he dares to violate the king’s decree, and hold fast his allegiance to God.

He had adopted the principle, the correctness of which is generally admitted in theory but too seldom reduced to practice, that “we ought to obey God rather than man.” On this principle he was determined to act, whatever might be the consequences. He felt that it might not be necessary for him to live; but it was necessary for him to obey God.—This was true courage—courage, not excited by ambition, nor fed by applause; not like the courage of the warrior, roused to deeds of daring by the notes of fame’s loud trumpet; not like the courage of the conqueror in whose eyes the world’s diadem glitters and who is intoxicated with the lust of dominion; but cool, collected, and sustained by its own noble and unearthly principles. It was courage which had its origin and derived its strength, not from earth, but from heaven—not from “looking at things seen and temporal,” but from contemplating “things unseen and eternal.”

Worldly policy, I know, would condemn the conduct of Daniel. It would say that he unnecessarily exposed his life—that he might have neglected his devotions for thirty days, or have performed them only in secret. He thought otherwise—God thought otherwise, for He approved of the conduct of his servant.—The spirit of every divine command is—obey, and leave the event with God. This is the path of duty; it is the only path of safety. But to go undeviatingly and unshrinkingly forward in the path, in the circumstances we have contemplated, required the moral courage of a martyr. It demanded a courage to which many a soldier, who can breast a cannon’s mouth, is a stranger. It called for a courage as much superior to the heedless daring of those heroes whom the world applauds, as the motive which inspired it is superior to worldly ambition.

2. We see, in the example before us, how a human law ought to be treated which requires men to violate the laws of God.

The decree of the Chaldean king was directly opposed to the law of God. Men are commanded by the divine law to worship their Maker daily—to “pray without ceasing.” By the decree in question, they were forbidden to pray at all for thirty days. To obey both was impossible. He of whom the text speaks obeyed the divine law and violated the human edict. And he did right. His conscience approved his course; and his God approved it. The decree, as it counteracted the laws of God, ought not to have been obeyed. No man had a right to obey it. And no human power had a right to require obedience.

Not often, in civilized and Christian lands, have governments enacted laws which clearly and openly opposed the commands of God. But they have sometimes done it. An instance of this kind exists in the history of our own national government—in the law which requires the transportation and opening of the mail on the Sabbath. This law, being a violation of the commandment of God, ought not to be obeyed. And the man who should conscientiously refuse to obey it—though he might be rejected from office or otherwise punished for his disobedience—would stand justified at the tribunal of heaven, in regard to this act, as certainly as Daniel was justified in refusing to obey the wicked decree of the Chaldean king.

I know it is said by many, that the pecuniary interests of our country render it expedient to continue the business of the mails on the Sabbath. But I have yet to learn that such expediency, provided it exists, is a sufficient excuse for setting aside a divine commandment. Are we never to obey God when our obedience will be attended with any pecuniary sacrifice? Are we never to make an offering to God of anything but of that which costs us nothing? But does the alleged expediency exist? How happens it to exist in this country, when in the commercial emporium of the world—the city of London, there are no mails sent forth, nor is the post-office opened on the Sabbath? Does not God know what is expedient for the subjects of his kingdom? And has He not, by a positive commandment, clearly decided that it is expedient for man to rest from worldly business one seventh part of the time? And is not the wisdom of this appointment satisfactorily demonstrated by the experience and history of all Christian nations?

I know, also, when petitions were sent to Congress praying that the law, requiring the business of the mail to be attended to on the Sabbath, might be repealed—it was said, by those who opposed the petitioners, that Congress had no right to legislate concerning the Sabbath. Granted; so the petitioners thought, and they simply asked that Congress would not make laws touching the Sabbath—that they would repeal the law which required its violation. They did not ask for a statute obliging men to keep the Sabbath holy and inflicting a penalty in case of transgression. They did not ask—“as they be slanderously reported and as some affirm that they did”—that Congress would order every mail-contractor and post-master, every stage-driver and stage-passenger to keep the Sabbath, on penalty of its high displeasure. All they sought for was, that the government would no longer command men to attend to secular business on the hours of holy time.

I know, moreover, that it was said in the report of the committee of the Senate, to whom the petitions had been referred, that if Congress complied with the prayer of the petitioners, it would be deciding a disputed theological question—which day is the Sabbath—and that, as there was a difference in the views of the people on this point, government had no right to decide it. This has been regarded, by many, as a master-stroke of unanswerable argument and enlightened liberality, and as such has been praised from one end of the nation to the other. But it is nothing but a piece of sophistry, which has, in a hundred instances, been exposed and refuted. Congress has already decided which day is the Sabbath, by not holding its sessions on the Lord’s day, and by exempting that day from days of business in its courts of judicature. All that the petitioners desired was that government would be consistent with itself, and exempt that sacred day also from days of business in regard to the mails.—If a Jew or a Sabbatarian were appointed a member to Congress, would that body adjourn over Saturday to accommodate him? Must a nation’s Sabbath be disregarded because a mere handful of individuals in that nation happen to think differently from the whole body of the people? Such pretended argumentation is scarcely worthy of an answer.

I am happy in being the citizen of a State, where the divine law of the Sabbath is regarded by the public acts of the civil rulers. 1 And it is with no small degree of pain, that I have felt myself called upon by duty, to censure the conduct of the national government in relation to the Sabbath mails. I love and honor the government of my country; and in all things which do not require me to violate the laws of God, consider myself bound to obey its statutes. But no government can have a right to require its subjects to violate the laws of God. And no law, directly requiring such violation, ought to be obeyed by any citizen.

3. We see, in the example brought to view in the text, that extensive business and the multiplied calls of office do not necessarily preclude a regular attention to the duties of religion.

Few men have ever been in circumstances requiring a more constant and untiring attention to the duties of his station than he, whose history we have contemplated. He was the prime minister of a great nation—had no powerful friends to sustain him—had nothing but his reputation, growing out of his unremitting attention to the duties of his office, to recommend him either to the public favor or to the patronage of the king. And as his official conduct, even by the admission of his enemies, was above suspicion, he must have been devotedly occupied with the business of his station. And yet he found time for a strict attention to the duties of religion. Regularly, three times a day, he had a season of devotion and “prayed and gave thanks before his God.”

How this fact puts to flight many excuses that are offered for neglecting the duties of religion. How it ought to put to shame many a man, who pleads his worldly engagements as an apology for not attending to devotional exercises. This plea is often hears, The man says that the calls of office, or of business, are so constant that he has no time to spend in the daily worship of God. No time! Can this be true? Who gives you all the time you spend on earth? And is it too much that He requires some portion of what he gives to be devoted exclusively to Him? Have you time for meals and sleep, and no time to serve Him whose blessing alone can cause either to be refreshing and invigorating? Have you time to attend to the wants of your body, which is soon to moulder into dust, and no time to attend to the interests of your soul, which is to exist forever? Have you time to spend in conversation with your friends, in relaxation from toil and in amusement, and no time to spend in communion with God, in seeking salvation and laying up a treasure in heaven?—For what purpose was time given? Was it to afford an opportunity to gather a little golden dust which will be blown away by the tempest of the last day, or to collect a few wreaths of worldly honor which will wither and perish; or was it not rather given to afford an opportunity to seek durable riches, honors that never die, crowns of unfading glory in the presence of God and of the Lamb? No time to pray! No time to serve God in the daily exercises of devotion? For what, then, have you time? Were not the days and hours of this world intended principally to afford a season of preparation for eternity? For what is time really valuable, but for this? No man ought to feel that he has time for anything else, till the duties of devotion are performed. This was the grand object for which God gave us time. And, oh! let no man who lives; who measures out his existence by a succession of days and nights which God gives him; who feeds on the divine bounty, sleeps under the divine protection, moves by the divine support—let no man says that he has not time to acknowledge these benefits in daily acts of devotion.

The plea is vain. Others, who have been as busily employed as any of us can pretend to be, have been constant in their attention to religious duties. Daniel, with a principal share of the responsibility in the government of a mighty empire, was an eminent example of constancy in domestic devotion. And our own beloved Washington, than whom no man was ever more devoted to the calls of office, either in the cabinet or in the field, always found time for daily devotional exercises. All men, whose hearts are right with God, have frequent seasons of private and domestic worship. And no man, who has time for anything, can truly say he has no time for these duties. He, who gave us our being and our days, demands of us the homage of habitual thanksgiving and prayer, and no plea for neglect can be admitted before his tribunal.

4. We learn from the example before us, that patriotism alone, in the popular signification of that word, is not sufficient to secure salvation and eternal life.

The man, whose character and history we have contemplated, was a patriot. His untiring application to the duties of his office, and his singular wisdom and integrity as a ruler, are manifest and striking proofs that he sought the best interests of the country which he served. And probably if ever there was a man, who might have claimed the rewards of heaven on account of the extent and usefulness of his efforts for the public welfare, he was the man. Yet he thought it necessary to super add to the virtues of patriotism those of piety. He did not expect to obtain forgiveness and salvation on account of having consecrated his services to the public good. He sought for a seat in heaven by daily prayer and a religious life.

Doubtless he judged right. Such views accord with the standard of divine truth. While every man is bound, by the highest obligation to seek the welfare of his country and the good of his fellow men, he is bound also, by the same obligation, to honor God by discharging the peculiar duties of religion. Nor will the most devoted attention to the former excuse the neglect of the latter. The same divine authority, which commands—“Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s,” commands also—“And render unto God the things that are God’s.” Will an obedience to the one do away the obligation of obeying the other? A man has served his country—Very well; and has he also served his God? A man has been useful as a patriot—Very good, we will give him due credit and honor; but has he been useful too as a Christian? Is not the latter as important as the former? Look into the Bible and say—which will weigh most in the balances of eternity.

But notwithstanding the plainness and positiveness with which the scriptures decide, that a life of piety and prayer is the only evidence of a title to heaven, many cherish the notion, that the man who has served his country well and faithfully will receive, on that account, the reward of eternal life. We can excuse heathen poets and orators, who were destitute of a written revelation, for always sending their departed heroes and statesmen up to a dwelling among the gods. But how can we excuse poets and eulogists and historians, called Christian, when they manifest a similar dark and heathenish disposition to exalt patriots, on account of their patriotism, to a seat in heaven? Yet this, in despite of truth and of the Bible, is often done. Thus when certain distinguished American patriots have died, a hundred writers from the formal eulogist to the newspaper scribler, have given them a place in paradise. Now I pretend not to decide concerning the eternal condition of those departed statesmen. This must be determined by their Almighty Judge. But, in the name of the Bible and of Christianity, I protest against the principle, extensively cherished and often directly avowed, that the patriotism and public services of those men entitled them to the happiness of heaven. If they were Christians and pious men, they are happy: if they were not, there is, of course, no place for them in those mansions which Christ prepared for his followers.

I honor the man who has usefully devoted his life to the service of his country. Let him have deserved praise. Yea, let him “have his reward,” the reward he sought. If he sought the “honor that cometh from man,” let him have it, up to the full measure in which it is due. If he sought the “honor that cometh from God only,” then, and only then, let him be accounted worthy of the reward, which the scriptures promise to the disciple of Jesus Christ.

I have already alluded to Washington. To illustrate the point now under discussion, I mention him again. I love to repeat his revered name. Whose patriotism was ever of a purer and more elevated kind than his? Whose devotedness to a country’s welfare was ever more entire, useful and disinterested than his? If patriotism and public usefulness could entitle any man to the happiness of heaven, was not Washington that man? But he had no such views. He sought, it is true, a dwelling in heaven; but he sought it as a sinner at the feet of his Saviour, and not as a reward for his patriotism. Some striking facts in his history will exemplify this. His servant, who waited on him during the long period in which he led our armies and presided in our councils, told a Christian minister, a few years since, that when he entered his master’s room, as he was directed to do, early in the morning, he frequently found him on his knees, pouring out his desires in fervent prayer before God. This, we have reason to believe was his habitual practice.—An original anecdote of the father of his country, recently published, gives another pleasing testimony to the genuineness of his piety. “While the American army under the command of Washington lay encamped at Morristown, N. J. it occurred that the service of the communion was to be administered in the Presbyterian church in that village. In a morning of the previous week, the General, after his accustomed inspection of the camp, visited the house of the Rev. Dr. Jones, then pastor of that church, and after the usual preliminaries, thus accosted him—‘Doctor, I understand that the Lord’s supper is to be celebrated with you next Sunday, I would learn if it accords with the cannons of your church to admit communicants of another denomination? The Doctor rejoined—‘Most certainly; ours is not the Presbyterian table, General, but the Lord’s table, and we hence give the Lord’s invitation to all his followers of whatever name.’ The General replied, ‘I am glad of it; this is as it ought to be; but as I was not quite sure of the fact, I thought I would ascertain it from yourself, as I propose to join with you on that occasion. Though a member of the church of England, I have no exclusive partialities.’ The Doctor reassured him of a cordial welcome, and the General was found seated with the communicants the next Sabbath.”—Such a man was Washington. He sought for a place in heaven, not by relying on his public services, but by obeying the precepts of his Saviour. He sought the favor of God by habitual prayer and by attending devoutly on the ordinances of the gospel. And eternity will tell to which his country is most indebted, his skill in arms and his wisdom in council, or to that spirit of humble piety and prayer by which he obtained the favor of God in all his enterprises. And now let me ask—whose patriotism will save him, if Washington’s would not?

5. We see, in the example furnished by the text, how rulers may promote the interests of religion without directly legislating on the subject.

Whatever may have been the authority with which the Chaldean ruler was clothed, it is plain that the circumstances in which he was placed prevented his establishing, by law, his own religion. He was among a nation of idolaters, and any official act on his part, designed to destroy idolatry and establish the Jewish religion, would doubtless have been resisted, and the loss of his office and probably of his life would have been the consequence. Still, however, he exerted a powerful influence in favor of true religion—an influence which even his enemies felt, and which, we have reason to believe, was widely useful among the people. This was done by his example. He was a living epistle of the truth, known and read of all men. And it is certain that even to the present day his example, as recorded by the pen of inspiration, sends forth a healthful influence, and is among the means by which the world is benefitted and men are saved.

The civil rulers of this State are not permitted by the constitution to enact laws regulating the creed or the form of worship of the inhabitants. They cannot dictate, by statute, how, or where, men shall worship God, or whether they shall worship him at all. These matters are left to be decided by every man’s conscience and to be answered for by every man’s accountability to God. This is as it should be. We are glad that is so.

But does it follow, because our civil rulers cannot legislate concerning the modes of religion, that they can do nothing in favor of Christianity and of the immortal interests of their constituents? Certainly not. You can, Honored Rulers, do much to promote the eternal welfare of your fellow men and to send the streams of salvation through our beloved State. Do not the offices you hold by the choice of your fellow citizens, show that you are men of high standing and influence? Are not your opinions, feelings and movements felt, in their effects, throughout the State? By imitating then the example of that ruler, whom the text places so prominently before us, you may recommend piety as the richest of all personal possessions—you may lead many, in the ways of truth and righteousness, up to the seats of holiness and the bliss of heaven.

And now, Respected Rulers, when you invited me to meet you on this occasion you did not expect from me a lecture on the science of legislation. On such a subject, were it needful for my usefulness, the station you occupy would seem to be proof that I might sit at your feet and take lessons of instruction from you. But you invited me, as a minister of Jesus Christ, to proclaim His messages and urge His commandments—In the name, then, of my Lord and Master, I come, and ask you all to love and obey Him. This is His will. To show how you may comply with his requisitions, I have placed before you the example of one ruler, whose character and conduct He approved, and who is now with Him in the world of glory. Will you imitate the example of that ruler in worshipping and serving God? Will you engage heartily in the work of obeying the Saviour’s commandments? Will you piously discharge all the duties of religion? Oh! do it, and Vermont shall be blessed. Do it, and though our mountains may not be greener or our vallies more fertile, a moral beauty, pleasing to the eye of God, shall be thrown over our State. Do it, and you will awaken the voice of thanksgiving and the voice of prayer in a thousand dwellings scattered over our territory. Do it, and the news that all the rulers in the State have become obedient to the Son of God, shall cause new “joy in the presence of the angels” on high. O do it, and you will comply with the message of my Lord and Master, Jesus Christ. Nothing less than this will please him or satisfy his demands.—And need I tell you that you are bound to obey Him? Is he not your Lord and King?

He has erected a tribunal before which we must all shortly appear. Soon the trumpet will sound and we shall stand before the Son of man. Then all these human distinctions will be done away and the ruler and the subject stand on the same level. Then these heavens shall pass away and this earth shall be burnt up. And then shall every man be rewarded according to his works. “Be wise, therefore, O ye kings; be instructed ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but little. Blessed are all they that put their trust in Him.”

 


Endnotes

1 A particular instance may be mentioned.—The law, passed some years since, requiring the courts, in our several counties, to commence their sessions on Monday, was found to subject the Judges and other gentlemen attending courts to the necessity of traveling on the Sabbath, in order to pass from county to county, or to assemble from distant parts of the same county, at an early hour on Monday. Of the operations of this law, our honorable Judges and many other gentlemen, who conscientiously regard the sacredness of the Sabbath, complained. The Legislature, on hearing these facts, with a promptness for which they ought to be honored by every good citizen, altered the day of commencing the courts from Monday to Tuesday.

Sermon – Pilgrims – 1827


Lyman Beecher (1775-1863) graduated from Yale in 1797, having studied theology with Timothy Dwight (the president of Yale). He was ordained in 1798. He preached at: the Presbyterian Church in East Hampton (1799-1810), the Congregational Church in Litchfield, CN (1810-1826), the Hanover Street Church in Boston (1826-1832), and the Second Presbyterian Church in Cincinnati (1832-1842). Beecher also served as president of Lane Seminary in Cincinnati (1832-1852).


sermon-pilgrims-1827


THE MEMORY OF OUR FATHERS
A SERMON

DELIVERED AT PLYMOUTH

ON THE TWENTY-SECOND OF DECEMBER

1827

BY LYMAN BEECHER D.D.

DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS………TO WIT:

District Clerk’s Office

Be it remembered , that on the twenty fourth day of January, A.D. 1828, in the fifty second Year of the Independence of the United States of America, Theophilus R. Marvin, of the said District, has deposited in this Office the Title of A Book, the Right thereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit:

The Memory of our Fathers. A Sermon delivered at Plymouth, on the twenty-second of December, 1827. By Lyman Beecher D.D.

In conformity to the Act of the congress of the United States, entitled “An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing a copies of maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned:” and also to an Act supplementary to an Act, entitled, An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned; and explaining the benefit’s thereof to the arts of designing , engraving and etching historical and other prints.”

JNO. W. DAVIS, Clerk of the District of Massachusetts

PLYMOUTH, DEC. 25, 1827

Rev. and dear Sir, —-

At a meeting of the Third Church in this place, on the last evening, it was

“Unanimously Resolved,

That our Pastor be requested to thank the Rev. Dr. Beecher, in the name of this Church, for the Discourse delivered at their request, on the anniversary of the 22nd December, in commemoration of the Landing of the Fathers; and to request a copy of the Discourse for the Press.”

In communicating the above extract from the minutes of the Church, permit me to add,–we feel assured that the Discourse is well calculated to be of extensive utility to the cause of true patriotism and Christianity; and therefore hope that you will not hesitate to gratify our request.

With great respect and consideration,
yours, in the Gospel of Christ,
Frederick Freeman,
Pastor of 3rd Ch. Plymouth.

Rev. Dr. Beecher.

This Discourse was first delivered before the Legislature of Connecticut, and printed at their request. It was re-written and delivered at the Anniversary of the Landing of the Pilgrims, as the only tribute which at that time the writer could pay to the Memory of our Fathers. This departure from the ordinary course, was known and approved by the Committee who made the application, and was the more readily acquiesced by the writer, as the Discourse contains a discussion of just those topics which he regarded as most appropriate, and which he preferred to have associated with that most interesting anniversary.

 

SERMON.
Revelation 21:5

AND HE THAT SAT UPON THE THRONE SAID, BEHOLD, I MAKE ALL THINGS NEW.

The history of the world is the history of human nature in ruins. No state of society, which corresponds with the capacity of enjoyment possessed by man, or with his conceptions and desires, has been permanent and universal. Small portions only of the human family have, at the same time, enjoyed a state of society in any considerable degree desirable; while much the greatest part of mankind have, in all ages, endured the evils of barbarism and despotism.

It is equally manifest, that his unhappy condition of our race has not been the result of physical necessity, but of moral causes. The earth cis as capable of sustaining a happy, as a miserable population; and it is the perversion of her resources and of the human faculties, which has made the misery of man so great. The human intellect has given proof of vigor and ingenuity sufficient to bless the world; and powerful efforts have been made in every age, by afflicted humanity, to surmount this downward bias, and rise to permanent enjoyment. Egypt, in her monumental ruins, affords evidence of a high state of the arts. In Greece, a vigorous intellect and favoring clime thrust up from the dead level around her, a state of society comparatively cultivated and happy; but the sun of her prosperity blazed upon surrounding darkness, to set in a night of ages. Rome fought her way to dominion and civilization, and furnished specimens of mental vigor and finished culture; but the superstructure of her greatness was reared by the plunder of a devastated world. Commerce, which gave to cities a temporary eminence, elevated but a little the moral condition of the multitude; and science, which was restored to modern Europe at the Reformation, and commerce and the arts, which have followed in her train, have not, to this day, disenthralled the nations.

From these experiments so long and so hopelessly made, it appears, that, in the conflict between the heart and the intellect of man, victory has always been declared on the side of the heart; which has led many to conclude, that the condition of man, in respect to any universal abiding melioration, is hopeless. The text throws light upon this dark destiny of our race. It is a voice from heaven announcing the approach of help from above. “He that sitteth upon the throne saith, Behold, I make all things new.”

The renovation here announced, is a moral renovation which shall change the character and condition of men. It will be partial in its influence, like the sun shining through on clouds on favorite spots; but co-extensive with the ruin. Nor shall its results be national glory which gilds only the palace, and cheers only the dwellings of the noble. It shall bring down the mountains, and exalt the valleys; it shall send liberty and equality to all the dwellings of men. Nor shall it stop at the fire-side, or exhaust its blessings in temporal mercies; it shall enter the hidden man of the heart, and there destroy the power which has blasted human hopes, and baffled human efforts. Nor will the change be transient; it is the last dispensation of heaven for the relief of this miserable world, and shall bring glory to God in the highest, and upon earth peace, and good will to men. Many have doubted whether such a renovation pf the world will ever be accomplished; but, He that sat upon the throne, said, ‘it is done;’—i.e. it is certain as if it had come to pass.

I shall submit to your consideration, at this time, some of the reasons which justify the hope, that this nation has been raised up by providence to exert an efficient instrumentality in this work of moral renovation.

I observe then, that, for the accomplishment of this renovation, great changes are required in the civil and religious conditions of nations.

1. The monopoly of the soil must be abolished. Hitherto the majority of mankind, who have tilled the earth, have been slaves or tenants. The soil has been owned by kings, and military chieftains, and nobles, and by them rented to landlords, and, by these, to still smaller dealers, and by these again, it has been divided and subdivided, until the majority, who paid the rent, have sustained in the sweat of their brow, not only their own families, but three or four orders of society above them; while they themselves have been crushed beneath the weight, and have lifted on the borders of starvation; the sickness of a week, and often of a single day, rendering them paupers.

This same monopoly of the soil has sent another large class of the community into manufacturing establishments, to wear out their days in ignorance and hopeless poverty; and another to the camp and navy, where honor and wealth await the few, and ignorance and an early grave, the many.

The consequence of excluding such numbers from the possession and healthful cultivation of the soil has been ignorance, improvidence, reckless indifference, turbulence, and crime. Tortured by their oppressions, and unrestrained by moral principal, they have been prepared for desperate deeds. Such a state of society cannot be made happy: the evil is radical, and can only be remedied by giving a new direction to the physical, moral, and intellectual energies of men. We might as well as well band with iron the trees of the forest, and expect their expansion; or throw upon them in stinted measure, the light and the rain of heaven, and expect their luxuriant growth, as to cramp the human mind by unequal institutions, and expect the development of its resources, in a happy state of society. Room for action must be afforded, and light must be poured upon the understanding, and motive pressed upon the heart. Man must be unshackled and stimulated. But to accomplish this, the earth must be owned by those who till it. This will give action to industry, vigor to the body, and tone to the mind; and, by the attendant blessing of heaven, religion to the heart. From agriculture stimulated by personal rights, will result commerce, science, arts, liberty, and independence.

The attraction of gravity is the great principle of motion in the material world; and the possession of the earth in fee simple by the cultivator, is the great principle of action in the moral world. Nearly all the political evils which have afflicted mankind, have resulted from the unrighteous monopoly of the earth; and the predicted renovation can never be accomplished, until, to some extent, this monopoly has passed away, and the earth is extensively tilled by the independent owners of the soil.

2. To effect the moral renovation of the world, a change is required in the prevailing forms of government.

The monopoly of power must be superseded by the suffrages of freemen. While the great body of the people are excluded from all voice and influence in legislation, it is impossible to constitute a state of society such as the faculties of man allow, and the word of God predicts. While the few govern without responsibility, they will seek their own elevation and depress the multitude. To elevate society, and bring out the human energies in a well ordered state of things, the mass of mankind must be enlightened and qualified for self-government, and must yield obedience to delegated power.

3. Before the moral renovation of the world can be achieved, the rights of conscience must, also, be restored to man.

Few of the millions that have peopled the earth have been qualified by knowledge, or permitted by the governments under which they lived, to read the Bible and judge for themselves. The nominal religions of this world have been supported by governments, who, of course, have prescribed the creed, and modelled the worship, and controlled the priesthood. From such a state of things, what better results could be expected, than that ambitious men should be exalted to the sacred office, while religion itself was despised and persecuted? Governments and ecclesiastics, then, must cease to dictate what men shall believe, and in what manner they shall worship God. The church must be emancipated from worldly dominion, and enjoy that liberty wherewith Jesus Christ has made her free.

Is it to be expected the kingly governments shall cease, and the republican form become universal? I shall not stop now to discuss this question. I would only suggest the inquiry, whether monarchial governments can be sustained without a nobility and an established religion; and whether these privileged orders can exist without that monopoly of the soil, and of political influence, and of the rights of conscience, which are destructive to a religious and happy state of society. That governments will change their name, or their ancient forms, become so popular in their spirit, as that the political power shall be in the hands of the people, cannot be doubted.

It has been contended, that Christianity cannot exist in this world without the aid of religious establishments. But, with more truth it might be said, that, from the beginning of this day, it has existed in spite of them. It took possession of the Roman Empire in the face of a formidable establishment of false religion, and has survived the deadly embrace of establishments nominally Christian, and now, bursting from their alliance, finds in them the most bitter opposition in evangelical doctrine and vital godliness.

To accomplish these changes in the civil and religious condition of the world, revolutions and convulsions are doubtless indispensable. The usurpation of the soil will not be relinquished spontaneously, nor the chains knocked off from the body and the mind of man, by the hands which for ages have been employed to river them. He that sitteth upon the throne must overturn and overturn, before his rights and the rights of man will be restored. Revolutions of course are predicted, such as shall veil the sun, and turn the moon into blood, and shake the earth with the violence of nation dashing against nation; —until every despotic government shall be thrown down, and chaos resume its pristine reign; until the spirit of God shall move again upon the face of the deep, and bring out a new creation. The day of vengeance is no doubt begun, and will no doubt continue, until He that sitteth upon the throne shall have made all things new.

But to the perfection of this work a great example is required, of which the world may take knowledge; and which shall inspire hope, and rouse and concentrate the energies of man. But where would such an experiment be made? Africa required for herself the commiseration of the world, and in Europe and Asia, it would have required ages to dig up the foundations of despotism, and remove the rubbish, to prepare the way for such a state of society as we have described: this too must have been done in opposition to proscription and organized resistance. There was also such a mass of uninformed mind, accustomed to crouch under burdens, and so much was required to prepare it for civil liberty, that little hope remained that he old world, undirected, and unstimulated by example, would ever disenthrall itself. Some nation, itself free, was indeed, to blow the trumpet and hold up the light. But in England, though she enjoyed to some extent the blessings of civil liberty, there was so great a monopoly of the soil and of power, and so much overturning feared and needed, which should with a fearless heart and powerful hand, push on the work. But where could such a nation be found? It must be created, for it had no existence upon the earth. Look now at the history of our Fathers and behold what God hath wrought. They were such a race of men as never before laid the foundation s of an empire; athletic, intelligent and pious. But how should this portion of a nation’s population be uprooted and driven into exile? They were not permitted to remain at home. In that age of darkness, and land of bondage, they had formed some just conceptions of civil and religious liberty; and would fain have modified the civil government and the church of God according to the Gospel. But the reformation from popery, superintended by government, and regulated by policy, stopped short of what the pious expected and desired. The Puritans could not in all things conform, and were not permitted to dissent; and thus they were driven into exile, and compelled to lay as a foundation of a new empire. And now, behold their institutions; such as the world needs, and, attended as they have been by the power of God, able to enlighten and renovate the world. They recognize the equal rights of man—they give the soil to the cultivator, and self-government and the rights of conscience to the people. they enlighten the intellect, and form the conscience, and bring the entire influence of the divine government to bear upon the heart. It was the great object of our Fathers to govern men by the fear of the Lord; to exhibit the precepts, apply the motives, and realize the dispositions, which the word of God inculcates and his Spirit inspires; to imbue families, and schools, and towns, and states, with the wisdom from above. They had no projects of human device—no theories of untried efficacy. They hung all their hopes of civil and religious prosperity on the word of God, and the efficacy of his Spirit. Nor was theirs the presumptuous of grace without works. It was by training men for self-government that expected to make free men; and by becoming fellow workers with God, that they expected his aid in forming Christians; while by intellectual culture, and moral influence, and divine power, they prepared men to enjoy and perpetuate civil liberty.

The law, with sleepless vigilance, watched over the family, the church, the state; and a vigorous and united public opinion rendered its execution certain and efficacious. Every family was required to possess a Bible, every district a school, and every town a pastor. The law protected the Sabbath, and sustained the public worship of God, and punished immorality; and with mild but effectual energy, ruled over all. The great excellence of these institutions is, that they are practical and powerful; the people are not free in name and form merely, but indeed and in truth. Were all these forms blotted out this day, the people would be free, and other forms of civil freedom would arise. The governments are free governments from the foundation to the top stone, and of such practical efficacy as to make free men. The family, embodying instruction and government, was itself an embryo empire. In the school district, the people were called upon to exercise their own discretion and rights, and in the ecclesiastical society, to rear their place of worship, elect their pastor and provide for his support; and all under the protection and guidance of law. The towns, in their popular assemblies, discussed their local interests and administered their own concerns. In these, originated the legislature, and from the legislature emanated the courts of justice. In the states, as they are now recognizes in our nation, all which is local and peculiar, is superintended with a minuteness and efficacy, which no consolidated government could possibly accomplish. The people have only to ascertain from experience what their convenience or interests demands, and their wish becomes a law; and still, in the national government, there is all the comprehension of plan, and power of resource, and unity of action, which are required for the highest degree of national energy and prosperity.

It has been doubted, whether a republic so extensive as ours, can be held together and efficiently governed. But where there is this intellectual and moral influence, and the habitual exercise of civil and religious liberty from the family upward; we see not why a republic may not be extended indefinitely, and still be the strongest, and most effective government in the world.

The history of our nation is indicative of some great design to be accomplished by it. It is history of perils and deliverances, and of strength out of weakness. The wars with the savage tribes, and with the French, and at last with the English, protracted expense, and toil, and blood, through a period of one hundred and fifty years. No nation, out of such weakness, ever became so strong; or was guided through such perils to such safety. “If it had not been the Lord who was on our side, now may Israel say; if it had not been the Lord who was on our side, when men rose up against us: then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us: then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul: then the proud waters had gone over our soul.” These deliverances, the enemy beheld with wonder, and our Fathers with thanksgiving and praise. But, in the whole history of the world, God has not been accustomed to grant signal interpositions, without ends of corresponding magnitude to be answered by them. Indeed, if it had been the design of heaven to establish a powerful nation, in the full enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, where all the energies of man might find scope and excitement, on purpose to show the world by experiment, of what man is capable; and to shed light on the darkness which should awake the slumbering eye, and rouse the torpid mind, and nerve the palsied arm of millions; where could such an experiment have been made but in this country, and by whom so auspiciously as by our Fathers, and by what means so well adapted to that end, as by their institutions? The course which is now adopted by Christians of all denominations, to support and extend, at home and abroad, religious and moral influence; would seem to indicate the purpose of God to render this nation, extensively, the almoners of his mercy to this world.

For two hundred years, the religious institutions of our land were instituted by law. But as our numbers increased, and liberty of conscience resulted in many denominations of Christians, it became impossible to secure by law the universal application of religious and moral influence. And yet, without this mighty energy the whole system must fail; for physical power, without religious and moral influence, will not avail to sustain the institutions of civil liberty. We might as well rely on the harvests which our Fathers reared for bread, as to rely on the external forms of liberty which they established, without the application of that vital energy, by which the body politic was animated and moved. But, at the very time when the civil law had become impotent for the support of religion and the prevention of immoralities, God began to pour out his Spirit upon the churches; and voluntary associations of Christians were raised up to apply and extend that influence, which the law could no longer apply. And now we are blessed with societies to aid in the support of the Gospel at home, to extend it to the new settlements, and through the earth. We have Bible societies, and Tract societies, and associations of individuals, who make it their business to see that every family has a Bible, and every church a pastor, and every child a catechism. And to these have succeeded Education societies, that our nation may not outgrow the means of religious instruction. And while these means of culture are supplied, this great nation from her eminence begins to look abroad with compassion upon a world siting in darkness; and to put forth her mighty arm to disenthral the nations, and elevate the family of man. Let it be remembered also, that the means now relied upon, and precisely those which our Fathers applied, and which have secured our prosperity. And when we contemplate the unexampled resources of this country in men, soil, climate, seacoasts, rivers, lakes, canals, agriculture, commerce, arts and wealth, and all in connexion with the influence of republican and religious institutions; is it too much to be hoped that God will accept our powerful instrumentality, and make it effectual for the renovation of the world?

The revivals of religion which prevail in our land among Christians of all denominations, furnish cheering evidence of the presence of evangelical doctrine, and of the power of that Spirit by which the truth is to be made efficacious in the salvation of mankind. These revivals are distinguished by their continuance through a period of thirty years; by their extent, , pervading the nation; by their increasing frequency in the same places; by their rapidity and power , often changing, in a few weeks, the character of towns and cities, and even of large districts of country. An earnest of that glorious of that glorious time when a nation shall be born in a day, they purify our literary institutions, and multiply pastors and missionaries to cheer our own land, and enlighten distant nations.

They are without a parallel in the history of the world, and are constituting an era of moral power entirely new. Already the churches look chiefly to them for their members and pastors, and for that power upon public opinion, which retards declension, and gives energy to law and voluntary support to religious institutions.

These revivals then, falling in with these antecedent indications, seem to declare the purpose of God to employ this nation in the glorious work of renovating the earth.

If we look at our missionaries abroad, and witness the smiles of heaven upon their efforts, our confidence, that is the purpose of God to render our nation a blessing to the world, will be increased. In talents, and piety, and learning, and doctrine, and civil policy, they are the legitimate descendants of the Puritans. Everywhere they command high respect, and have been distinguished by their judicious and successful efforts. In Ceylon, and Hawaii, and among the natives of this country, they are fast supplanting idolatry by Christian institutions. Revivals of religion cheer and bless them; and churches, and all the elements of Christian civilization are multiplying around them.

Let this nation go on, then, and multiply its millions and its resources, and bring the whole under the influence of our civil and religious institutions, and with the energies of its concentrated benevolence send out evangelical instruction; and who can calculate what our blessed instrumentality shall have accomplished, when He who sitteth upon the throne shall have made all things new.

If Swartz, and Buchanan, and Vanderkemp, and Carey, and Martyn, and Brainerd, could, each alone, accomplish so much; what may not be expected from the energies of such a nation as this? Fifty such men as Paul the Apostle, unaided by the resources of systematic benevolence, might evangelize the world. What then might not be accomplished by a nation of freemen, destined in little more than half a century to number its fifty million?

If we consider also our friendly relations with the South American States, and the close imitation they are disposed to make of our civil and literary institutions, who can doubt that the spark which our Forefathers struck will yet enlighten this entire continent? But when the light of such a hemisphere shall go up to heaven, it will throw its beams beyond the waves—it will shine into the darkness there, and be comprehended; it will awaken desire, and hope, and effort, and produce revolutions and overturnings, until the world is free.

From our revolutionary struggle, proceeded the revolution in France, and all which has followed in Naples, Portugal, Spain, and Greece; and though the bolt of every chain has been again driven, they can no more hold the Hellespont vexed with storms. Floods have been poured upon the rising flame, but they can no more extinguish the fires of Etna. Still it burns, and still the mountain heaves and murmurs; and soon it will explode with voices, and thunderings, and great earthquakes. Then will the trumpet of jubilee sound, and earth’s debased millions will leap from the dust, and shake off their chains, and cry, “Hosanna to the Son of David.”

Before we conclude this discourse, let us attend to some of the duties to which we are called by our high providential destiny.

1. To cherish with high veneration and grateful recollections the memory of our Fathers. Both the ties of nature and the dictates of policy demand this. And surely no nation ever had less occasion to be ashamed of its ancestry, or more occasion for gratulation in that respect; for while most nations trace their origin to barbarians, the foundations of our nation were laid by civilized men—by Christians. Many of them were men of distinguished families, of powerful talents, of great learning, of pre-eminent wisdom, of decision of character, and of most inflexible integrity. And yet, not unfrequently, they have been treated as if they had no virtues; while their sins and follies have been sedulously immortalized in satirical anecdote. The influence of such treatment of the Fathers is too manifest. It creates and lets loose their invaluable institutions the Vandal spirit of innovation and overthrow; for after the memory of our Fathers shall have been rendered contemptible, who will appreciate and sustain their institutions? ‘The Memory of Our Fathers,’ should be the watchword of liberty throughout the land;–for, imperfect as they were, the world before, had not seen their like, nor will it soon, we fear, behold their like again. Such models of moral excellence, such apostles of civil and religious liberty, such shades of the illustrious dead, looking down upon their descendants with approbation or reproof, according as they follow or depart from the good way, constitute a censorship inferior only to the eye of God;–and to ridicule them is national suicide.

The doctrines of our Fathers have been represented as gloomy, superstitious, severe, irrational, and of a licentious tendency. But when other systems shall have produced a piety as devoted, a morality as pure, a patriotism as disinterested, and a state of society as happy, as have prevailed where their doctrines have been most prevalent; it may be in season to seek an answer to this objection. The same doctrines have been charged with inspiring a spirit of dogmatism and religious domination. But in all the struggles of man with despotic power for civil liberty, the doctrines of our Fathers have been found, usually, if not always, on the side of liberty, as their opposite have been usually found in the ranks of arbitrary power.

The persecutions instituted by our Fathers, have been the occasion of ceaseless obloquy upon their fair fame. And truly it was a fault of no ordinary magnitude that—sometimes, they did persecute. But let him, whose ancestors were not ten times more guilty, cast the first stone, and the ashes of our Fathers will no more be disturbed. Theirs was the fault of the age. And it will be easy to show, that no class of men had at that time approximated so nearly to just apprehensions of religious liberty; and that it is to them that the world is now indebted for the more just and definite views which prevail. More exclamation and invective has been called forth by the few instances of persecution by the Fathers of New England, than by all the fires which lighted the realm of Old England for centuries, and drove into exile, thousands of her most valuable subjects.

The superstition and bigotry of our Fathers are themes, on which come of their descendants, themselves far enough from superstition, if not from bigotry, have delighted to dwell. But when we look abroad, and behold the condition of the world compared with the condition of New England, we may just exclaim, ‘Were to God that the ancestors of all the nations had been not almost, but altogether such bigots as our Fathers were!’

Their strictness in the family, and in church and state, has been complained of as too rigid. But they were laying the foundations of a nation, and applying a moral power, whose impulse should extend through ages; and who that beholds the rapid and appalling moral relaxation of the present day, can believe that they put the system in motion with too much rigor? In proportion as their discipline had been less strict, our present condition had been more alarming, and our future prospects more desperate.

Our Fathers have been ridiculed as an uncouth uncourtly generation. And it must be admitted, that they were not as expert in the graces of dress, and the etiquette of the drawing room, as some of their descendants. But neither could these have felled the trees, nor guided the plough, nor spread the sail which they did; nor braved the dangers of Indian warfare, nor displayed the wisdom in counsel which our Fathers displayed. And, had none stepped upon the Plymouth rock but such effeminate critics as these, the poor natives never would have mourned their wilderness lost, but would have brushed them from the land, as they would brush the puny insect from their face; the Pequods would have slept in safety that night which was their last; and no intrepid Mason had hung upon their rear, and driven into exile the panic-struck fugitives.

2. We are called upon to cherish and extend our religious institutions.

Religion was the power on which our Fathers relied—the power which has made us what we are, and which must guarantee the perpetuity of our blessings. Every other influence has been tried and has failed, while this has been tried with ample promise of success. The application of religious and moral influence id, therefore the great duty to which, as a nation, we are called. On this influence depends our rise or fall—our glorious immortality or our hasty dissolution. Everything but this may be safely left to the operation of existing causes. Ambition will secure the interests of education and science; the love of gold will push agriculture and commerce and arts; and the pride of liberty will arm the nation and render it invincible. All these things, the nations who have preceded us have been able to do. but there was a sickness of the heart which they could neither endure nor heal;—and with this same disease this nation is sick, and intellectual culture, and civil liberty,, and national wealth will not heal it. There is but one remedy; and that is the preaching of the Gospel, with the Holy Ghost sent down from on high. But to render the Gospel effectual , the religious education of the family, and the moral culture of our schools and colleges must be secured; and the Sabbath must be rescued from profanation . The Sabbath is the great organ of the divine administration—the only means provided by God to give ubiquity and power to his moral government. The intellectual culture of a nation requires schools and literary institutions; and that the subjects of instruction shall be brought under their influence. Let the fascinations of pleasure, or the demands of labor withdraw the children and youth from the power of intellectual culture, and ignorance will ensue; in like manner, let the stream of pleasure and of worldly cares bear away the population of the land from the house of God, and from the duties of devotion on the Sabbath; and ignorance of God and of his laws will with equal certainty ensue; irreligion will prevail, and immorality and dissoluteness, to an extent utterly inconsistent with the permanence of republican institutions. Europe can never enjoy civil liberty until she shall do more homage to the Sabbath of God; and we shall enjoy it but a short space after we have ceased to render to God his right in that sacred day: for, all the millions who violate the Sabbath will draw themselves from the moral power of the divine government, deprive their families of a religious education, and abandon them to the power of their evil hearts and their own bad example. In the meantime, the secular interests of men are so indissolubly connected, that the stream of business, put in motion by the wicked on the Sabbath day, not only pains the eye of the virtuous, but, as it deepens, and roars, and rolls onward its turbid waters, it draws into itself by the associations of business, a large, and still larger portion of the community; until it spreads unresisted over the land, obliterates the government of God, and substitutes covetousness and pleasure and dissoluteness, instead of godliness and the morality of the Gospel.

The present undoubtedly, is the generation which is to decide the fate of this great empire, by deciding whether the Sabbath of God shall be preserved or blotted out; for the temptations of the seaboard and of canals are immense, and are increasing most fearfully; and, unless public sentiment and law shall make a stand soon, we may as well attempt to stop the rolling of the ocean, or the current of our mighty rivers.

The universal extension of our religious institutions is the only means of reconciling our unparalleled prosperity with national purity and immortality. Without the preserving power of religious and moral influence, our rapid increase in wealth will be the occasion of our swift destruction. The rank vegetation of unsanctified enterprise, thrown into one vast reservoir of putrefaction, will send up over the land desolation and death. No nation will be so short lived as ours, unless we can balance the temptations of our prosperity by moral power. Our sun has moved onward from his morning to his meridian, with a rapidity and glory which has amazed the world. But, unless we can extend the power of religious institutions through the land, dark clouds will soon obscure his glory, and his descent to a night of ages will be more rapid than his rising.

When we were colonists, or unallied states, the law could make provision for the creation and application of moral power. The law could compel men to desist from secular employments and vain amusements on the Sabbath. The law could compel men to support the Gospel, and attend the public worship of God—and civil officers could see ti it, that every town should in due time settle a minister, and that every family should possess a Bible and a catechism. But these means of moral influence the law can no longer apply; and there is no substitute but the voluntary energies of the nation itself, exerted by associations for charitable contributions and efforts, patronized by all denominations of Christians, and by all classes of the community who love their country, We may boast of of our civil and religious liberty, but they are the fruit of other men’s labors into which we have entered; and the effect of institutions, whose impulse has been felt long after the hands that reared them have moldered in the grave. This impulse too, is fast failing, and becoming yearly, more and more disproportioned to the mass that is to be moved by it. Our religious institutions must be invigorated, or we are undone. They must move onward with our flowing emigration to the Mississippi—must pass the Rocky mountains, and pour their waters of life into the ocean beyond; and from the north to the south, they must bear salvation their waves. In this way the nation can save itself; but unless it can be roused to this mighty work , it will ,like the man among the tombs, become exceedingly fierce, and turn upon itself its infuriated energies, and pour out its own life blood by its self-inflicted wounds. 1

3. We are called upon to give a quickened and extended impulse to our charitable institutions.

These are the providential substitutes for those legal provisions of our Fathers, which are now inapplicable by change or circumstances. In these the nation must enroll itself spontaneously, and the spirit of the Puritans be revived, for the preservation of their institutions. And now is the time. With our growing prosperity, the fascinations of pleasure increase, and the means and temptations to voluptuousness. Now, unless the salt of the earth contained in Christian institutions can be diffused through the land, the mass will putrify. The tide of business and pleasure, bursting from our cities, rolling on our seacoast, and flowing in our canals, will soon sweep away the Sabbath, unless a vigorous public sentiment, by the preaching of the Gospel, and the power of the Spirit, can be arrayed for its preservation; while Bibles, and Pastors, and teachers are multiplied, till the knowledge of the Lord covers the land, and his saving health id extended to all the people.

4. All Christian denominations are called upon to co-operate for the preservation of religion.

It is idle to expect, and folly to desire the amalgamation of all denominations into one. The papal effort at universal comprehension has shown , what a vast, unstimulated, stagnant uniformity will accomplish ; and God, no doubt, has permitted some varying winds of opinion to move upon the face of the deep, to maintain motion, purity and life. We may say however, that jealousies and ambitious collisions between religious denominations should give place to Christian courtesy, and the magnanimity of an hearty co-operation for the glory of God, and the salvation of the world. It is in vain to expect, and it would be sinful to desire the extinction of any one denomination of real Christians. There is room for all—and work for all; and there is ample reason why each should hail the other as an auxiliary in the work of the Lord. Religious principle must be applied throughout the nation, and no one denomination can do it. The work demands the ceaseless action of each in its own peculiar way, and the magnanimous co-operation of all, for the preservation of the great principles of our common Christianity. Nor will such concert of action be in vain. It will form, extensively, a public opinion which shall accord with the morality of the Gospel—whose sanctions, expressed in the votes of virtuous freemen , shall elevate to influence and power, men of pure morality, , and consign the irreligious , immoral, and dissolute, to merited contempt:–a law which the wicked cannot repeal, and whose penalty they cannot evade. All denominations, united, and directing their suffrages to that end, can check the violation of the Sabbath; can arrest the contagion of intemperance ; can punish duelists in high places, who with shameless notoriety, set at defiance the laws of God and their country, bringing upon us the contempt of the world, and the just judgments of heaven.

5. In this great work of national preservation and universal good will, our civil rulers are, particularly, called upon to co-operate; not, as once, in convoking synods, and approving and recommending creeds; and not in coercing by law, attendance upon public worship, or the support of religious institutions. The day is gone by, in which such interposition is required, or can avail. The God of our Fathers, having giving to us a practical illustration of the efficacy of religious institutions, sustained by law during our minority;—now, in our manhood, puts the price into our hands to be preserved or abandoned spontaneously on our own responsibility. Nor are the church and the state to be so identified, as that the qualifications for civil office must be the same as for membership in that kingdom which is not of this world. Our civil rulers owe to God and their country now, the same illustrious piety, the same estimation of the doctrines of God’s Word, the same attendance upon the ordinances of the Gospel and co-operation for their support, and the same strict and pure morality, which rendered the civil Fathers of our land so illustrious in their character, and so benign in the power of their example upon their own and upon other generations. The example of men in official stations is among the most powerful moral caused which afflict or bless a community. If it be good, it descends with cheering power, like the gentle rain upon the earth; but if it be evil, from its “bad eminence,” it comes down upon the community like the mountain torrent, sweeping away landmarks. The righteous mourn under their sway, and the wicked creep from their hiding places, and walk on every side, setting their mouth against the heavens, and their foot upon all that is sacred and holy. The time has come, when the experiment is to be made, whether the world is to be emancipated and rendered happy, or whether the whole creation shall groan and travail together in pain until the final consummation: and the example of the rulers of our nation will throw decisive weights into the scales, for or against the world’s last hope. If they pour contempt upon the Bible, its doctrines and institutions—if they take in vain the name of God, or profane wantonly his holy day—if they concentrate in the capitol, and spread abroad through the land, the infection of their bad example; the whole nation will feel it, and die under it, unless the indignant virtue of an insulted community shall throw off the body of death, and , by a well-directed suffrage , call to its aid men of talents and of pure morality.

6. To perpetuate our national prosperity and hold up our light to the world, our citizens must ban party spirit, and regulates the suffrage of the nation with reference to the preservation of its moral purity.

The temporary collisions of local interest and of ambition can never be excluded from such a nation as this, and are not to be feared. It is those deep-rooted and permanent divisions, extending through the land, arousing the feelings and arraying the energies of one part of the nation in keen collision with the other, and perpetuating prejudice and strife from generation to generation, which threaten the existence of our republican institutions . Through one such fiery trial we have passed undestroyed though by no means uninjured; and no patriot of the present generation would willingly, I trust, behold our country placed in such jeopardy again. Despotic governments may pass in safety through popular commotions such as would shake down the pillars of a republic. The mobs of England, which, in the presence of a military power, are but the gambols of a kid within the scope of the lion’s paw, would be, in this country, as the letting out of waters. There is no possibility of freedom in this bad world, without so much intelligence and moral principle among the people, as shall create an efficient people sentiment in favor of law and good order. But party spirit prostrates everything within the sphere of its commotion, which is venerable and scared. It directs the attention of the people from their own common interests, to the means of gaining objects to which prejudice and passion may direct them; and the attention of the government from the public good, to the means of its own perpetuity and ascendancy. It renders a wise and comprehensive policy impossible; for party spirit has no magnanimity, no conscience, no consistency, to withhold it from resisting a steadily what is wise as what is unwise, and its victories are too transient to admit of much prospective wisdom. It is eminently hostile to the laws which watch over the morals of the nation;–for who will execute them, when patrizans on both sides fear that they may feel the consequences of fidelity at the next election. Too often, from the nearly balanced state of parties, the most worthless portion of the community actually hold the sway in the elections, even in a state of society comparatively virtuous,–occasioning impunity in the violation of law, and clothing with political consequence, and too often surrounding with adulation, men whom our Fathers would have expelled from good society. It tends to destroy in society, all distinctions of moral character, talent, and learning ,as qualifications for office; while it reconciles the people, upon the plea of necessity, to such preposterous sacrifices of conscience, and common sense, as they would never consent to, unstimulated by its madness. Indeed, in all but the name, it rears beneath the forms of freedom, a real and most horrific despotism. For every party has a soul,–some master spirit, who, without a crown and a scepter, governs with absolute sway. He is surrounded by a nobility, each of whom is commissioned to govern the public opinion within his sphere, and bring his retainers to the polls, to subserve implicitly the interests of the king and of the aristocracy. It needs only to kindle the watch-fire, and every clansman is at his post; and argument might as well avail against bullets in the day of battle, as in these determined contests of parties. There is no remedy for this state of things, but that intelligence which qualifies the people to understand their rights, interests and duties; and that calmness of feeling to which the mind, undisturbed by patrizan efforts, will not fail to come; and that deep conviction of the importance of moral purity, which shall turn the expectations of the people from party men and party measures, to the application of moral power, by the institutions of religion, and the interposition of the Holy Spirit.

Multitudes of Christians and patriots have long since abandoned party politics, and, not knowing what to do, have almost abandoned the exercise of suffrage. This is wrong. An enlightened and virtuous suffrage may, by system and concentration, become one of the most powerful means of promoting national purity and morality;–as the suffrage from which the influence of conscience is withdrawn, cannot fail to be disastrous. While then, as freemen, we remove one temptation to hypocrisy, by dispensing with a profession of religion as a qualification for office , and exclude all occasions of jealousy, by bestowing our votes without reference to Christian denomination; let all Christians and all patriots exercise their rights as electors, with an inflexible regard to moral character; and let the duelist, and the Sabbath-breaker, and the drunkard, and the licentious, find the doors of honor barred, and the heights of ambition defended against them by hosts of determined freemen, and the moral effect will be great. The discrimination by suffrage will exert upon the youth of our country a more salutary restraint and upon dissolute and ambitious men a powerful reforming influence. Let every freeman, then, who would perpetuate the liberty and happiness of his country, and transmit to his descendants of distant generations the precious legacy which our Fathers have sent down to us, inquire concerning the candidate for whom he has solicited to vote,–is he an enemy to the Bible, or to the doctrines and institutions of the Gospel;—is he a duelist, or an intemperate man, or a Sabbath-breaker, or dissolute, or dishonest?—and if, in any of these respects, he be disqualified, let him withhold his vote, and give it to a better man—and it will go far to retrieve the declensions which have taken place, and to render righteousness and peace the stability of our times.

And now, what shall we say to these things? Are they the dreams of a fervid imagination, or are they the words of truth and soberness? Will our blessings be perpetuated, or shall ours be added to the ruined republics that have been? Are we assembled today to bestow funeral honors upon our departed glory, or with united counsels and hearts to strengthen the things that remain? Weak indeed must be the faith that wavers now, and sinks and waves less terrific, and prospects more cheering, than any which our Fathers ever saw. Were it dark even as midnight, and did the waves run high, and dash loud and angry around us, still our faith would not be dismayed: still with our Fathers we would believe, “Qui transtulit sustinet;” and still would we rejoice in the annunciation of Him that sitteth upon the throne, “Behold I create all things new.” Our anchor will not fail –our bark will not flounder; for the means of preservation will be used, and the God of our Fathers will make them effectual. The memory of our Fathers is becoming more precious. Their institutions are commanding a higher estimation. Deeper convictions are felt of the importance of religion ; and more extended and vigorous exertions are made to balance the temptations of prosperity by moral power. Christians are ceasing from their jealousies, and concentrating their energies. The nation is moved, and beginning to enroll itself in various forms of charitable association, for the extension of religion at home and abroad. Philosophers and patriots, statesmen and men of wealth, are beginning to feel that it is righteousness only which exalteth a nation; and to give to the work of moral renovation their arguments, the power of their example, and the impulse of their charity. And the people, weary of political collision, are disposed at length to build again those institutions, which, in times of contention, they had either neglected or trodden down. Such an array of moral influence as is now comprehended in the great plan of charitable operations, were never before brought to bear upon the nation. It moves onward, attended by fervent supplications, and followed by glorious, and unceasing effusions of the Holy Spirit. The god of this world feels the shock of the onset, and has commenced his retreat; and Jesus Christ is pressing onward from conquering to conquer: nor will he turn from his purpose, or cease from his work, until he hath made all things new.

1. In many of the discourses and orations which commemorate the deeds of our Fathers, their character, as the apostles of civil liberty, is especially eulogized; while their doctrines, their piety, and the other peculiarities of their religious institutions, are passed off with cold commendations, or perhaps palliated and excused as the defects of the age. But no historical fact is more completely established, and that their peculiar doctrines and views of experimental religion and church order were dearer to them than life; and that it is these, which, for more than one hundred and fifty years, applied the religious and moral influence under which New England was formed, and which has made her what she is. Let the children of the Pilgrims never forget this; and let the eulogists of their patriotism cease to spread before our eyes such a glitter of style and eloquence, as shall place their civil exploits in the fore-ground, and throw their doctrines, and church order, and eminent piety in the back-ground. The religious and moral causes which have blessed New England, and are now rolling the tide of salvation to the West, can never be concealed; and can never be successfully, misrepresented. As well may the Newtonian philosophy be concealed, as the system of our Fathers—it is out, and known, and read of all men. We are the more called upon to regard this subject with deep interest, from the fact that the attempt is now openly made to destroy the religious and moral energy of the churches which our Fathers planted, by perverting their doctrines, changing the qualifications for membership, and taking from them their immemorial and sacred rights in the election of their own pastors, in the enjoyment of which, their moral power must fail. We have no apprehension that the children of the Pilgrims, when the subject shall be fairly understood, will, by adding injustice to ingratitude, sanctions such innovations.