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Sermon – Election – 1807, Massachusetts

This election sermon was preached by Rev. William Bentley in Boston on May 27, 1807.

SERMON,

BEFORE

THE GOVERNOR,

THE

HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND

BOTH BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

ON THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 27, 1807.

BY WILLIAM BENTLEY, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE SECOND CHURCH IN SALEM.

BOSTON:

PRINTED BY ADAMS AND RHOADES, PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

1807.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, May 28, 1807.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Jonathan Maynard, William Gray, and Azariah Egleston, Esquires, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. William Bentley, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Discourse delivered by him yesterday, before his Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, and both Branches of the Legislature, and request of him a copy thereof for the press.

Copy of Record,
JNO. D. DUNBAR,
Clerk of the Senate.AN ELECTION SERMON.

DEUTERONOMY, xxxiii. 3.

YEA, HE LOVED THE PEOPLE; ALL HIS SAINTS ARE IN THY HANDS, AND THEY SAT DOWN AT THY FEET; EVERY ONE SHALL RECEIVE OF THY WORDS.

We refer to the Hebrew scriptures, for political, united with religious reflections, as their government combined these two objects, which the Christian scriptures do not. The religious sentiments of all ages, and the nature of all religious establishments, as well as the example of the primitive settlers of New-England, have concurred in recommending the appropriate devotions of this day. But this authority extends only to received forms of devotion, which are adapted most freely to express the public consent, or may concur to assist it. The less it is a maxim of state to direct ecclesiastical affairs, and the less the state interferes with the private judgment of the man, who exercises such functions, the more surely will an ingenuous man be cautious, that the liberty he enjoys, should be sacred to the prosperity of the state, which protects him. The privileges he possesses, belong not to his opinions, but to his patriotism; not to him as a man, but as a citizen. His freedom of speech belongs to the interest he has in the public happiness, in the laws, and the constituted authorities, and in the power to excite good affections, and to promote generous purposes among the people. The state has a right to avail itself of all opinions, rich in patriotism, as it has of all other contributions for the public welfare, but it is patriotism which gives the highest recommendation. Hence we are deeply impressed with the language, which has become venerable in the character of men, who have been useful in past generations. We dwell with delight upon the ardent love of our country, displayed in the affections of a Winthrop, the prudence of a Leverett, and the patriarchal manners of a Bradstreet. We behold them concurring with the infant strength of our nation. We learn not only the opinions, but the purposes of the age in which they lived. Their success gives them glory. If we change their measures, we retain their principles. We discover their safety, and secure our own.

With these convictions, the children of the Hebrew Patriarchs, in all generations, read the lessons given to their fathers, and in modern ages, we enjoy with rapture, the legacy which, our best patriots, upon a review of their services, and of the public hopes, as the best pledge of their affections, have generously bequeathed to us.

Of this nature is the address of Moses in the text. He reviewed his whole administration at its close. In the name of his God, he declares that its sure guide, was the love of the people. The same spirit which suggested the admonitions of the Patriarchs, and gave the words of wisdom in the past generations, was invariably regarded in all the changes of their political existence. Each had a blessing; all had counsel; all received the same law. Such is the truth which is accepted from the words of the Lawgiver of the Hebrews.

Useful criticism might be employed on the words, as it would develop some antient customs; as it would explain the hopes of private virtue, and as it would suggest that Moses expected to secure his hopes of the political prosperity of Israel, not by the wisest theory, he could propose, but by the consent of the national character to the Institute he had recommended. And upon this account he gave no rules whatever for the political changes, which future ages might introduce. In the words, is an allusion to the patriarchal blessing on the saints, or heads of the families, as may be concluded, from the consent of the Hebrews, in this sense, and from the appropriate use of the term, as applied to the primitive Christians in their scriptures. The oldest version regards the distribution of the last clauses, referring the former to the instructions of the Patriarch recorded by Moses, and the latter of them, to the Lawgiver himself. Each family had its peculiar instructions, but the whole congregation received the law commanded by Moses. While the text discovers that the happiness of the people was the object of the Law, it also assures us, that the private instructions of the families and tribes had contributed to a consent in the national hopes, and upon this consent their highest prosperity did depend. And this sentiment the present discourse is designed to support.

Our enquiry then is, into those circumstances of national character, which concur to support the present Constitution of our Government. That it be well defined, well guarded, and well supported, these things are to be considered when we pronounce of the public liberty. It had been defined and enjoyed in what was called the British Constitution; It had been reformed by the boldest experiments in that nation, and had profited in an age of experiments, by all the information which could meet the wishes of a free people. The history of our settlements will explain in what circumstances, it was adopted, and the American Revolution with what spirit it was maintained. Our Constitutions are the deliberate result of our political wisdom, and our vindication before the world.

The history of our Commonwealth divides itself into three distinct and well known periods. During the old till the new Charter; from the new Charter to the American Revolution. If ever a people were born free, such were the people of this plantation. If they at first submitted to an ecclesiastical dominion, it was a submission to character, not to law, as the event proved in the third generation. Their first measure was to consult their own wishes, and to accommodate themselves to their own condition, whatever might have been dictated by European policy. Even their servants found that their freedom was an easy claim, and a sure privilege. The settlers in the name of freemen, soon took the entire direction of their domestic affairs, and their arrangements were so often varied, that they could leave no prejudices in their favour, when contrary either to their present interest or convenience. The men, who led the settlements, had possessed a superiority of talents, as well as influence, gave an early example of their own independence. They assumed their religious functions, directed by the freedom, they had long sought, and now fully enjoyed. They adopted no confession of faith, which had the authority of any Church, nor did they admit, or name any canons of any Communion. They reserved to themselves no privileges, which could support a separate interest, or an exclusive power. They associated with their brethren in the first honours. They supported no other claims, than their personal reputation, and the public confidence could give them, while they entrusted all the power, which could be given by the association of brethren, to which they respectfully belonged, to any of their society, who were not elected as civil magistrates. And to exercise this power, nothing more was required, than a sincere disposition to find out, and encourage the best wishes of each association. Their civil privileges were greater still. While no civil distinctions did exist, all the ministers by their ecclesiastical maxims were excluded from any claims to represent the freemen, refusing all weight of character in influencing the public elections in their own favour, after a representation of the freemen had been judged convenient. These privileges were carefully maintained throughout the first period of the history. The greatest events arose from the influence, which the character of the ministers had upon the first generation. Such were the affairs of Mr. Williams of Salem, who was friendly to the public liberty. Such the discussions of Mr. Cotton at Boston, and of Mr. Parker at Newbury. But we seek the cause of this influence, not in the power granted to the ministers, but in their character, which gave authority to their opinions. The Synod which was called to give consistency to these opinions, by the manner in which its authority was admitted, has explained the public will; and in a succession of curious facts, has shewn how the superiority of this order of men had locally obtained.

The primitive ministers of New-England will justify an honourable comparison with any who have appeared in succeeding generations, and can maintain an evident superiority to all who profess to follow them in the same dogmas, and in the same course of studies. They were better acquainted with the learned languages, better informed in ecclesiastical history, and more deeply versed in scholastic and polemic divinity. They corresponded with the best men of their times, and had their works printed in Europe under the inspection of the best scholars, and at the best presses, and were acquainted with the private opinions of the leading men in the several communions of the Reformed Church. And many of the best men, who remained in Europe did not conceive it unworthy of their reputation, to entertain hopes of being united with them in the same settlements, for the promotion of Christian knowledge.

A comparison so favourable to them, when made with the generations which succeeded them, might be thought to be peculiarly happy among their own associates. But we should remember, that the display of their zeal and of their talents, was the favourite object of the settlements, while the condition of the society, in which they lived, operated against all the other members, as much as it did in favour of themselves, in regard to all the advantages to be derived from European improvements.

We are not left to uncertain tests of that knowledge which prevailed among their companions. Many might be drawn by interest and by local prejudices to embark for a new settlement, and for new hopes of prosperity. But men engaged by religious systems, and possessed of talents to distinguish their friends, do not hazard all their purposes with such men only. The persuasion was, that the company had common views, and as men of enterprise all the first to search into the truths of religion, as well as to make new experiments in nature, and the age of the arts, is an age of enquiry, that the company had embraced men of sound understandings. In all the rising sects of the Reformation, men of sound minds were found to give a sure direction to the sober minds of their brethren. The period is not so distant as to render it impossible to obtain the proper evidence of these facts. We can reach the occupations, the condition, and improvements of the first settlers, and though the greater part were in common employments, yet they were not without some of the best instructed men of the age. The best books, then known, were found in their possession, and Grotius their contemporary, has been compared to Tacitus himself. They displayed their knowledge as soon as they had occasion for it. They possessed in ship building the knowledge which the French had communicated, and which a late English artist has rendered familiar to his countrymen. They held all the valuable books on the subject. The first publication at Oxford of a contemporary of Vinci, whom Hogarth and the notes of Fresnoy have noticed, was with the first settlers.

The Military tracts which had the fame of the day were in their hands, and the private collections of books were made with good judgment. But they soon found that their condition offered no encouragement to the arts they possessed, and the knowledge of the first generation was succeeded with an education accommodated to their circumstances, and of consequence the arts and sciences were not in the second generation what they had been in the first. The works of the first ministers of Salem, Boston, Ipswich, Newbury, Cambridge, and Roxbury, and of other antient settlements, exist for a fair comparison. They who examine Mr. Ward’s publication and recollect that it contained the true doctrine of the first ministers respecting religious toleration, and compare it with many facts will ascertain that they differed not essentially from the opinions prevalent in Europe. The Synod then did not possess the power they were inclined to exercise, and the condition of the settlement obliged the ministers to correct a zeal which would have been daily encroaching upon the civil constitution. The jealousy which the British nation had of the settlements in America, and the intention to exalt its own power, obliged the ministers to do nothing without the consent of the people. And the persecution, at last obtained a full commission, it had its authority only in the superiority of the ministers and in the general consent of Europe. This superiority would eventually have been fatal, had not persecution been cruel, and enthusiasm extreme. And had not the condition of the settlements, entirely changed the relative importance of character among the people.

The Literary establishments, which from the wisest policy obtained at an early age, had not that strength from great talents, which give them a sovereignty in their influence. Knowledge, not so great with a few, was more equally distributed. The residence of Masters in the Arts in any infant country could not produce such an effect as arose from the habits of Europe, and could not be maintained with benefit to literary institutions without rich endowments. They belonged not to a large school into which the higher instructions could hardly be permitted to enter. And hence in the second generation, the ministers found their influence lessened by every attempt to maintain it, without a visible superiority of talents and character, and themselves reduced to such a share of favour, as they could procure by their usefulness, and their sincere affection to the people.

The character of society had insensibly changed. It was no longer an association in favour of liberty against heresy in religion, but of liberty against all its enemies. And thus every occurrence contributed to check, in the safest manner, any abuses, which could arise out of the public prejudices, and the old charter expired, and the new found us free.

The precedency of the civil to the religious character, might occasion new dangers. But the second period of our history proved as safe as the first. The state of affairs in the English nation, during the first period, had tended to confirm the inhabitants of these settlements in their early love of liberty, by better writings, and more powerful examples than they had before possessed in the times of the Republic. The restoration, while it promised nothing to the ministers, engaged them to prevent the attempts to extend the royal prerogative in America. The Revolution which promised moderation in Europe, promised nothing to the English settlements in America, but a system of dependence. Other settlements in the neighbourhood of our own, in which royal claims were acknowledged, led us to expect a common fate, when the last minister of religion employed in a civil negotiation, returned with a new Charter, an event expressive of the influence of his own order, and of the new dangers of his country.

Here commences a new period.

All the ecclesiastical institutions discover it. The toleration which appeared in the capital, and the changes in the forms of worship admitted in the Congregational churches at the opening of the eighteen century, discovered that a new order of things had begun. The contest now was between the two countries. The means of education had been most profitable, as they always will be, to men, whose talents are demanded by great occasions, and whose associations are strongest with ambition. The chief magistrate, to the antient habits of the people, was a stranger. He was not of their election. The contest then was between the officers of the Crown, and such men as ambition could awaken to defend the people. We look then among men instructed in public business for the great characters of this age. The ministers had not only generously declined civil offices but they had repeatedly consented to give up to the public wishes the instructions of their first institution for public education. The concession was in consent with the national character. The best talents were required in public affairs, but with a sure check from the British administration. Every domestic obligation united to keep in the interest of the people such as had not employments from the British Crown. The history of the Cookes, and of the Governor’s negative may explain the competition of talents and of power. The father and the son maintained the public favour for sixty years, but not without that jealousy which is awakened by the love of liberty. The vigour of the public character was not disgraced by the ambition which preserved any portion of North America from the dominion of any foreign power. The expeditions which distinguish these periods, and the second in which these settlements discovered their military spirit, as well as the last which extended the English dominions, are from the same principles which directed the negotiation, and which have united eventually, in our own times, the discoveries of Raleigh and Drake in the same empire. The times which preceded the American Revolution are well known. The British Constitution embraced the Church and the State, and the jurisdiction of the one might accompany the other. If the ministers had departed from the opinions of the first settlers, and had become more favourable to religious liberty, they had not lost the affections of the people, or the love of their own independence. Their union neither oppressed their understandings, nor lessened their interest. Alarmed at the dangers which threatened them, they made a bold and seasonable defence. The controversy which is in our hands, has rendered dear to us the names of the men who engaged in it. This zeal which consented to the spirit of the times, has given us a list of ministers, whose memory must exist in our history, and whose praises will be recited, as long as our national existence can continue.

We now behold a space great as the first, in which religion had all its honours, the mind all its freedom, while a generous defence of the public Liberty was maintained by the best talents of every class of citizens, and by the best literature of our country, and the cause had all the glory, which national favour could bestow. Such were the springs upon the public mind, when the nation resolved to declare its Independence, to vindicate its rights, and maintain, by the sword, its political existence.

At the commencement of the third period of our history, the most powerful domestic causes combined to assist the public liberty. They were felt in the energy of national character, in the system of education, in the freedom of elections, in the confirmed patriotism of men who filled the first offices of state, and in a good Constitution of Government. We have seen the strength of religious character guarded against the prevailing abuses, by causes which concurred to render the teachers of religion the sure friends of the people. The spirit of the laws, the character of education, and a political necessity contributed to this important end. In the next period, we see all the ambition of patriots corrected and refined by the struggles of men appointed to assert every claim of foreign dominion. The people were taught to reverence their benefactors without concessions unfriendly to their liberty, and to listen to patriots, whose claims on the public notice were, from the guards, they placed against every encroachment on the public liberty.

The energy of the national character was seen, in the full consent to measures, which involved every interest, obliged the greatest personal services, and never presented any rich hopes but in their eventual success. When opinion was irresistible to every plea of wealth and ambition; when habit in domestic, or social, or professional life had no prejudices firm enough to oppose, and when all could perform, more than they promised or expected, this was national strength and glory. And who that contemplates the danger, the struggle, or the event, can deny it to us in the most favourable circumstances of a great revolution.

Every thing contributed to put education under restraints most favourable to the national character. The schools had not been so associated with the State, as to receive any influence, unless by private manners. The laws had left them altogether to the rules of the respective incorporations. The teachers were approved by those who were to be instructed by them. They had not under any pretence departed from this simple character, and it was rendered necessary that our highest institution of public education should have a government directed by the legislative wisdom which ruled the State. And it is a pleasing recollection that at this time, the man who had the greatest influence in the State, was possessed of the highest reputation in the University, and of the most powerful direction of its studies. A circumstance the more memorable, as he was lineally descended from the first Governor Winthrop, ¹ and united in himself a portion of all the powers exercised by the consent of the people. In possession of a seat in the Council, and of unrivalled eminence in his professional abilities, he was able to provide confidence in the people, and literary pursuits could remain uninterrupted by any jealousies that they embraced objects not favourable to the public liberty. And thus our University escaped from all the evils of the war.

Our religious institutions were in the same happy consent with the national character. The jealousies of foreign establishments had corrected the strong propensities to an imitation of new forms, so that nothing spoke to the senses in favour of the prejudices of foreign nations. Whatever was thought, could not be silently expressed. And the manner was our own. The teachers of religion held on accountableness to their respective incorporations, and they could not combine against the laws. Their associations were useful to them, only as they rendered the members more worthy of the public affections. No uniformity of ceremonies or opinions had imposed a form of doctrine or discipline. The results of Synods and Councils were consulted rather as precedents than authorities. The State was favourable to this religious education, because it regarded all the means, which a pure conscience may enjoy, a sober life recommend, and a quiet citizen freely accept.

The electors of the State were, at this time, of the highest value, and in their greatest honour. They had dangers, rather than riches to bestow. They required great labours, which they could repay only in gratitude. The reward was in the prosperity of the state, not of the person who performed the richest services. The promise was of fame, but neglect of duty was infamy. At once a host of heroes arose. Great occasions produce great men. We had men wise in counsel, powerful in arms, the deliverers of our country. They who commenced patriots in the revolution, continued their services till peace was restored, so that we found ourselves with the same friends, who engaged with us in the first dangers.

From these advantages resulted our free Constitution. Dr. Franklin said of one of our Constitutions, “I consent to it, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure, that it is not the best!” It is in just consent, with the great civil privileges on which the plantation begun; it profits from the experience of modern times, and is free from the antient prejudices, which constitute parts of the European republics, and is the firm basis of our liberty. It has maintained itself in the public affections, its powers have been exercised with success, and it still lives in the health of the nation. By its own energies, it has restored itself, when it felt the approaches of disease, and it preserves the hopes of a durable existence. The world has long been accustomed to appreciate its own moral advantages. A refined skill has done wonders upon an infirm and vitiated constitution. But severe rules seldom resist long habits. Health is easily nursed, when life is pure, by temperance, by energy, and a free spirit. A sound constitution promises every blessing, and sacred should be the charge to preserve it.

How painful would be the recollection, that they who were the most active to form our constitution of government, were the first to renounce it. That they should not dread the dangers of military power; should not fear oppressive excises; should oppose no established orders in the State, and should consent to change the form of the government. That men who instigated the public resentment against all oppression, should ridicule the patriotism they had excited. Roused by injuries, nations have been called to assert their liberties, but we are invited to our duty in the most favourable circumstances. Whatever can be attributed to habit, to association, to first choice, and best condition for it, obliges it. The love of the public liberty is maintained in the spirit of the General Government of the United States, and while we carry back to the heart, the pure blood of our veins, it is from the powerful action of the heart, life circulates freely throughout the nation. Gratitude bids us to remember our national benefactors. Washington employed our arms with glory, and Jefferson has instructed us in the arts of peace.

It is for the different branches of our Legislature to prove that they deserve to be entrusted with the administration of our affairs in these happy times. They should appreciate their talents in the dignity of their debates, in the wisdom of their resolutions, and in the impartiality of their Laws. Honesty is not less required in public, than in private concerns in a free republic. The branches of the Legislature which arise out of the fears of past ages, and are provided as checks upon the simple theory of government, should counsel with the prudence of age, and consent with the conciliating wisdom of fathers, who delight in increasing happiness. Their care should not enslave liberty, but inspire it. And while our present Governor, retires with a good conscience, and the best wishes of his fellow citizens, we may be confident that a man who has felt our dangers, and shared in the cares of our revolution; who is well informed in our history, and acquainted with our manners and laws; who has held the most important offices in the State, will support the best character of that people, which has bestowed upon him the highest honours. His virtues are to justify their confidence, and his great services to vindicate their choice, and then his fame will be immortal in his own wise administration.

Our experience might lead us to institute a plan of national education, connected with all the public instruction, from the known influence of education upon the purposes of moral and civil society. But till such designs are approved and accomplished, the condition of all public institutions should be carefully examined, and their purposes known, so that adequate means may be provided, all deficiencies supplied, and all abuses corrected. The friends of our University and other seminaries will secure the public favour by a full consent in the design of their establishments. In the city of the Republic from which our first settlers emigrated to America, the University therein established, the first in age and talents, was the first in patriotism, and free enquiry, and could boast of the most able friends of the public liberty. With the same reputation our University would enjoy its best subordination, its most ample resources, and the best praise in a full concurrence with the great ends it proposes, in our greatest prosperity.

Our experience may assure us also, of the best advantages from the instructions of the ministers of religion. Had Mr. Williams, who was the first to conceive what was great, in the State, though deceived in the character of private associations, extended his doctrine of exclusive associations of religion, to civil society, he must have dissolved all its ties. He gave full liberty to every freeman, but religious association not to character only, but to opinions. He conceived them inseparable. He attempted to follow the order of common life. This admits a sacred choice in the family, and an innocent freedom in the world. But all errors of judgment or life cannot dissolve the family. So far he must deserve our commendation, as he did not make the religious association interfere with civil liberty, and was bold enough to declare it.

The arts and genius may attach themselves to an obstinate superstition. We are not necessarily well informed in everything. The population may require indulgence to endless prejudices, born in the varied education of man, and the existence of all civil liberty may depend upon freedom from all prosecution in religion. The state must not then fix bounds to enquiry into religion, more than to any other researches of genius. The strength of the religious character should be most strongly united to the best character of the citizen, and he should be considered as the best minister who is most happy in preserving and uniting them. The Priesthood of Moses, very limited in its offices, was so disposed that we have no history of its opposition to the Laws. The establishments of the East are upon the same principles. If the laws are of a mild character, they are in more full consent with the benevolent religion, which is the just name of the Christian faith.

May we find those happy times in which our national character will confirm all our best hopes for liberty and peace. May no event disturb the kind succession of prosperous days in our history, and may tradition speak in all ages, of the same character, which has been to us a fair inheritance. A rest, O Lord, to the many thousands of Israel,

Thou loving Father of the people.

1.Hon. John Winthrop, Esq.

Sermon – Election – 1807, Connecticut

Amos Bassett (1764-1828) graduated from Yale in 1784. He was pastor of a church in Hebron, CT (1794-1824) and in Monroe, CT (1824-1828). This election sermon was preached by Rev. Bassett in Hartford, CT on May 14, 1807.

ADVANTAGES AND MEANS OF UNION
IN SOCIETY.

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

HARTFORD,

May 14th, 1807.

BY AMOS BASSETT, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Hebron.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1807.

ORDERED, That the Honorable Henry Champion and Mr. Asaph Trumbull, present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend AMOS BASSETT, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the 14th day of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM CXXXIII. 1.

Behold how good and how pleasant it is, for
brethren to dwell together in unity!

THIS Psalm, it is thought, was composed and sung on occasion of the reunion of the twelve tribes of Israel after a distressing civil war of eight years. However this may be, it is probable that the inspired author of the pleasing and excellent sentiments contained in it, had on some occasions witnessed the numerous blessings arising from union in society. He had also, without doubt, had frequent opportunities invites them to “behold how good and how pleasant it is, for brethren to dwell together in unity.”

Though the term brethren, in its primary import, is applied to descendants of the same parents; yet, it is also used in the sacred scriptures, and in the general language of mankind, with some variety of signification. While the scriptures treat those as brethren, in the most exalted sense, who, in addition to other bonds of union, possess the holy image of the living God, they call those, also, in a more general sense, brethren, who, from their local situation, ought to consider themselves connected together for mutual benefit, and ought to aim for the promotion of the common good. ¹ Of the last description are the members of a neighbourhood—a town—a state—and, indeed, of every civil community however extensive.

Of brethren of every description, and probably there are brethren of all the above descriptions present, it may truly be said, that it is “good and pleasant for them to dwell together in unity.” The favour of your candid attention is therefore requested, while an attempt is made to point out, with special reference to a civil community,

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

II. Means for promoting this union.

I. Some of the advantages of union among brethren.

The union, now contemplated, is very different from a selfish combination of partisans. Such a combination contains the seeds of dissolution within itself. Drawn together at first by self interest and self gratification men may unite for a season. But such cannot, they will not long “dwell together in unity.” The basis of their union is essentially defective. The more they know of each other, the more their mutual jealousy will increase. The same unjustifiable motives that drew them together at first will invariably produce discords and contentions: and wretched is that society which must sustain the conflict.

Nor will this discourse contemplate that union, if anyone choose to call by this name, a mere quiet, enforced by the arm of a despot, who is subject to no law—controlled by no principle of virtue.

What is now advocated is the union of a free people in unfeigned regard for the public good—in benevolent, virtuous affection for each other—and in harmony of sentiment relative to the leading measures which are to direct their public concerns. Where the two first properties of a salutary union prevail, the last will be attained without great difficulty. Erroneous information will not be designedly given. Confidence may be placed in the opinions of the ablest members; and the disinterested, candid and diligent enquirer will be able to ascertain, to a sufficient degree, the men whose superior merit entitles them to promotion.

The advantages to be derived from such an union among brethren are numerous. The first that will be mentioned is peace—peace in society, resulting from the prevalence of pure principles, and from an universal attachment to them. This is among the richest blessings of divine providence. The benevolent Creator, in the promise of good things to be enjoyed in the present life, includes peace, as being one of his greatest favours. Yea, it is one of the blessings which constitute the perfect state of enjoyment in the heavenly world.

Another advantage of this union is strength. The union of a people, in real regard for the common good, powerfully braces and strengthens the public arm. Society can now avail herself of the united talents of her most able and respectable members. Her union presents also a firm and stable bulwark against violence from abroad—a far better defence than artificial mounds and ramparts erected without her walls, while the community within is confused with discord, and distracted with party divisions, frequently more opposed to each other than even to a common enemy. Infinite wisdom has declared “every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation, and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand.” The declaration of the destructive tendency of discord applies with peculiar force to a people enjoying a republican government. How many miserable examples of the truth of this declaration have even our own times produced! They fell—they were brought to desolation, and their enemies divided the spoil; because they were disunited, and of course destitute of strength. Behold, and consider them well: look upon them, and receive instruction.

Again—while “brethren by dwelling together in unity” are thus rendered powerful, another advantage is gained in a consciousness of security, both public and private. This consciousness of security attaches a value of great importance to all their possessions and to all their enjoyments. They tremble not with apprehensions of falling a prey to foreign enemies. Neighbours also, dwell securely by the side of each other.

How much does it abate, and oftentimes, how entirely does it destroy the enjoyment of blessings, to consider that they are entirely insecure from the violence of man? The enjoyment in such a case, is like that of the person mentioned in history, attempting to regale himself at a rich entertainment; but beholding at the same time a sword suspended over his head by a single hair. Need much be said to a considerate people upon this subject?

Who, in surveying and forming an estimate of the blessings with which he is surrounded, would not find his pleasure unspeakably abated did he know that his enjoyment of them was suspended upon the uncertain events of changes and revolutions,–upon the mercy of some foreign tyrant,–or upon the capricious humours and frenzy of irritated partisans. To-day he is surrounded with the dearest friends, and favoured with a tranquil enjoyment of his possessions. To-morrow he is doomed, perhaps, to behold those friends bleeding around him, and those possessions falling a prey to lawless invaders.

Happy is that people, who, “in union, dwell together,” and in security enjoy their liberties and their privileges. Happier still, when favoured by heaven with wisdom to prize, and resolution to preserve them.

Again—in a union thus constituted the pleasures of friendly intercourse are enjoyed in the highest degree. Each one is made happy by beholding the happiness of his neighbour and of the public. Where friendship is cordial and benevolence sincere, the prosperity of a neighbour can be beheld, not only without envy, but with delight. The eye of the beholder will not be evil because divine providence has been good.—nor because the favours of God have been distributed, in that proportion which seemed best to infinite wisdom.

Where even two or three are thus cordially united, in benevolent affection, the pleasure is great. The happiness is increased in proportion as the subjects of this union become numerous. Extend, then, this union, to neighbourhoods, to towns, to a whole community. Contemplate them,–all in harmony—all seeking the public good—all observing the duties of their respective stations—all engaged in offices of mutual kindness, wishing well to each other, counseling, warning, assisting and instructing each other in love. Notice their mutual civilities, their unsuspecting confidence, their numerous charities;–each person taking pleasure in the happiness of others, and endeavouring to his utmost to promote it.

If the mind be truly benevolent, the sight must be highly grateful: and while the heart of the observer expands with sensations of the sincerest joy, he adopts, as his own, the excellent sentiments of this psalm; “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity. It is like the precious ointment,”—(made in those days of the most rich and costly materials)—“like the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon the beard, even Aaron’s beard; that went down to the skirts of his garments;” not only refreshing and delighting with its fragrance, the whole assembly that were present; but perfuming the names of the twelve tribes, written upon the garment of Aaron; and representing thereby the advantages that might be derived to the whole nation, from that “unity” which true virtue produces. It is “as the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion.” How different is the origin of this from the origin of discord. This, like the dew, descendeth from heaven. Discord cometh up from beneath, accompanied with hatred, envy, and bitter revenge,–unhallowed, malignant passions, that mingle a portion of gall with the most valuable ingredients of our happiness.

The benefits attached to society are lost, and its enjoyments destroyed, in proportion to the prevalence of the malignant passions. “A fire devoureth before them, and behind them a flame burneth: the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.”

The peaceful and cordial friend of his fellow creatures, deprived now, of the sweet enjoyments which before had rendered society so desirable, and pained to behold the sufferings and wretchedness of those around him, will feelingly adopt the words of the Psalmist, on an occasion very opposite to that which produced the text: “I mourn in my complaint, because of the voice of the enemy, because of the oppression of the wicked. My heart is sore pained within me. Fearfulness and trembling are come upon me, and horror hath overwhelmed me. And I said, O that I had wings like a dove! For then would I flee away and be at rest; I would hasten my escape from the windy storm and tempest.”

The virtuous and upright union of brethren cometh down from heaven. Like the dew that distilled on Hermon and on the mountains of Zion, it is gentle, sweet, and mild in its influence. And, as the dew is most refreshing and fruitful in its effects, causing the earth to “yield her increase, and the bud of the tender herb to spring forth;” so, the seeds of public happiness shall abundantly spring up,–flourish—and issue in a joyful harvest; where “brethren dwell together in unity.” Instead of the thorn, shall come up the fir tree, and instead of the brier, shall come up the myrtle tree; and the happy inhabitants “shall go out with joy and be led forth with peace.”

To cultivate such an union by all proper means, must, surely, be an object worthy the attention of every wise people, and especially of that people who are favoured with a free government. Let the attention, therefore, of the good citizen, be directed,

II. To means for promoting this union.

And here two means present themselves, as being of primary importance, information and virtue.

1. Correct and liberal information is highly to be prized. Great pains ought to be taken to diffuse this, as far as is practicable, among the body of the people; for it deservedly claims a high regard in the public patronage. At the same time it ought not to be forgotten, that, without the prevalence of virtuous principle, the union of a free people cannot be preserved by mere information, however extensive. It is indeed a very valuable price put into the hand of man; but it may and will be abused by a corrupt heart. Extensive knowledge and great abilities, without virtue,–without principle—are dangerous in the extreme. The truth is suggested as necessary to be kept in view in all arrangements made for education; not as an objection against promoting and diffusing knowledge as far as is practicable. The only valid objection is against the abuse. Information is dangerous in the hands of the vicious only. Place it in the hands of a free and virtuous people, and it becomes of immense advantage to them. Hereby they are assisted to understand their privileges—to set a just value upon them—judiciously to defend them—to distinguish between what will contribute to preserve, and what will tend to destroy them—and to have a correct discernment of characters qualified to be their rulers.

Let information, then, be extended to every class of the community, by all proper means, and especially by the institution of schools and seminaries of learning, and let them receive the liberal patronage of government.

And further, as it is of indispensable importance that information be connected with virtue, and as youth are almost the only persons who are members of these institutions, it becomes peculiarly necessary that the instructors who are to superintend them be cautiously chosen. Our children are our hope and our joy. Whoever is engaged in corrupting their minds is doing them and us an injury which he can never repair. A person of vicious conduct, and who is zealously engaged in disseminating principles which tend to vice, is clearly disqualified to be a teacher of youth, whatever may be his learning.

Many are the unhappy dupes of vicious artifice, even among those who are arrived at manhood. Much more are youth liable to imposition. It is not difficult for an artful man to take advantage of their inexperienced years—to avail himself of the prevalence of passion in that early period of life—and, instead of giving them just ideas of what is practicable, and consistent with the being of well ordered society, to bloat them with pride, and excite in them an extravagant ambition. It is not difficult, by fostering their irregular propensities, to fill them with an impatience of control, to persuade them to despise the restrictions of moral virtue, and to engage them in a warfare against every wholesome and necessary restraint.

But, to do thus, is to train up a generation for slavery here, and perdition hereafter. Should our youth become thoroughly and generally abandoned,–should the gratification of vicious propensities become their supreme object—what can be expected from them in manhood? Will they hesitate to sell themselves and the liberties of their country for their favourite indulgences? No. The spirit of a people abandoned to vice is the spirit of slaves. While, as individuals, they are tyrannical to those who are under them, they can easily cringe and fawn around a despot without any material change of feeling.

Is a government attempting to promote the public union and happiness by means of schools and colleges? Let them not destroy with one hand what they attempt to build up with the other.

To improve the minds of your children by correct and useful information, is to do them an immense favour; but to confirm them in principles of virtue, is to do them a favour unspeakably greater: unite them both, and you bequeath to them the richest inheritance. When you are about to depart from the state of action, and to be gathered to your fathers, you may bid them adieu, with the pleasing prospect that they will be free and happy.

2. In every advance that is made in illustrating the subject under consideration, the essential importance of virtue becomes more and more evident.

The past and present experience of mankind authorizes the declaration, that virtue, including that morality which is the fruit of it, is the only sure and permanent bond of public union. Banish this from a people, and the blessings of union and freedom depart with it. It is impossible that the tranquility of a vicious people should be preserved long, except by means which will destroy their liberty.

Are any disposed to call this in question? They are requested, candidly to compare the nature and effects, both of virtue and vice, with the valuable objects of a free government. Are they still unsatisfied, and, at the same time, free from a criminal bias upon their minds? Let them next repair to history, sacred and profane, and they must be effectually convinced, that vice is the reproach and ruin of a people—that it alienates their affections from the public good—and tends to discord with all its train of miseries.

Virtue—living, operative virtue, which always includes pure morals, has such a decided influence in promoting “unity among brethren,” that it merits a further and more particular consideration.

A view will now be taken,–first, of the influence of morals,–secondly, of the nature of that virtue which will produce and preserve them.

(1.) Of the influence of morals. A practical view is now designed, which will be contrasted with a view of the tendency of their opposite vices.

Upon every good citizen, a conviction of the importance of morals to the welfare of his country, as well as motives of a higher consideration, will have a practical influence. In all his intercourse with society, he will maintain truth and integrity. He will take heed that he offend not against truth or justice with his tongue. This member, under the influence of an envious and malicious heart, frequently becomes “a fire, a world of iniquity. It setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell. It is an unruly evil, full of deadly poison. Behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth.” By malicious falsehoods, the nearest friends are often set at variance, and the most peaceable neighbourhoods are distracted with contentions. Envy and strife are excited: and “where envy and strife are, there is confusion and every evil work.” The fairest character cannot escape, and the most undeviating rectitude cannot shield the citizen, when envy and ambition aim their darts at him secretly.

In all the dealings of men with each other—in the transaction of every kind of business, let the same regard to truth and integrity be maintained. Thus, neighbours may “dwell together in unity.” Peaceful and secure, they will put confidence in the declarations and engagements of each other.

As in private intercourse, so, especially, in public communications, a sacred regard ought ever to be had to integrity. That man who has the public good at heart, will see, that all his communications are founded on truth. The means will be consistent with the motive. To practice deceit, by design, in information professedly given to the public, is to embarrass the public mind; and, so far, to deprive a people of the means of their security. Such conduct may proceed from a variety of motives; but it can never be dictated by a regard to the common welfare. It is an insult offered to the public, which deserves to be reprobated by every upright man.

Further—The true patriot, who wishes to preserve purity of morals, and, by means of them, to share in the union and happiness of a free people, ought carefully to guard against party spirit. Party spirit and discord are plainly the same; and whoever imbibes and indulges this spirit subjects himself to many dangerous temptations. This spirit never fails to injure the morals of a people. Passions of the most dangerous kind obtain the ascendency over reason, and the moral sense is gradually weakened;–the moral sense—which ought ever to be feelingly alive to the essential difference between virtue and vice. Destroy this, and you reduce the public body to a wretched mass of corruption. No longer will such a people experience, under a free government, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.” They cannot dwell together at all, without some government; and for forlorn expedient must now be a despotism. There are but two ways in which order is preserved among mankind, when they “dwell together.” The one is principle—the other is force. In proportion as the former prevails, the latter becomes unnecessary. Extinguish the former, and the latter must be applied in the fullest degree.

FURTHER—A temperate, yet faithful execution of the laws enacted for the suppression of vice and the preservation of order, is of great importance as a guard to the morals of a people. The best regulated society is liable to be disturbed by individuals who have not moral principle to restrain them from crimes injurious to themselves, destructive to moral and civil order, and, of course, subversive of the public union, peace and security. Law and government therefore become indispensably necessary. They are ordained by that Being who is perfectly acquainted with the state and dangers of our race. He has pointed out the objects of them,–and also, those qualifications which he requires civil officers to possess. Such officers, if they are faithful to God and man, will see that the laws are executed for the suppression of vice. The “oath of God is upon them;” they will endeavour to be “ministers of God for good” to society.

WHAT, then, shall be thought of the fidelity of civil officers, in places where Sabbath-breaking and riotous collections are publicly known, and yet meet with no legal censure? What of their fidelity, who by improper forbearance, give countenance to places employed as retreats for intemperance and various species of disorder? To pass by such places and not censure them is to sanction them.

You will suffer yourselves, in this place to be detained for a moment, by some remarks on the excessive use of spirituous liquors—an alarming, and, in some places, it is to be feared a growing evil; and that which needs the correction of executive authority. A great part of what is consumed is, in particular instances, worse than thrown away. Through the frantic influence of these spirits, rational beings are transformed into furies,–the peace of society is broken, and many crimes are wantonly committed. To procure this liquid poison, families of the poor are deprived of their necessary food and clothing; and not a season passes, in which many victims of intemperance are not registered in the bills of mortality. The excessive use is indeed confined to comparatively few, and therefore it is less impracticable to prevent it. There is no necessity of suffering individuals to consume, annually, from 50 to 70, and perhaps an hundred gallons of ardent spirits. Let the civil officer appointed to take cognizance of this, as well as of other crimes,–when he attends one and another of these wretched victims to their graves, lay his hand upon his heart, and be able to declare, as in the solemn presence of God, “I have done my duty,–I am free from the blood of this man.” Let retailers of spirits, and keepers of public houses be able, also, to make the same declaration.

FURTHER—among the things favourable to morals may be reckoned industry.

PERSONS engaged in some reputable, industrious calling, endeavouring to “provide things honest in the sight of all men,” are found, more usually than the idle, to be friends of morality and order. They have property to be protected. They wish for that security which is attached to union in society where all are engaged in seeking the public good.

A STATE of idleness, on the contrary, exposes to many temptations. It tends to extravagant expense—to poverty—to discontent—to envying others, and coveting their possessions—and, in many instances, to that turbulent conduct which endangers the public welfare.

The view, which has now been taken of the opposite tendencies of morality and vice, is thought sufficient to furnish decisive evidence of the importance of the former, as a means of union in society.

The inference is obvious. A wise republic will guard the morals of her citizens with the most assiduous care. No labour or expense, requisite to guard these, will be deemed too great, no watchfulness too strict; fully convinced, that to neglect or abandon them is to give up the public happiness, and to render insecure every valuable blessing of social life. She will take heed, also, that the same sentiment does feelingly and practically evade every branch of her government.

Apprized of the almost unbounded influence of the examples and sentiments of men in public stations, she will watch over her elections with a jealous eye, and guard against bribery, corruption and intrigue with persevering zeal. Knowing that the progress of degeneracy among a people, once virtuous, is commonly gradual, proceeding from small beginnings at first; she will “look diligently, lest any root of bitterness, springing up,” spread its malignant influence, till “many be defiled” With her, it will be a first principle, sealed with her seal, a principle which no man, on any pretence, may reverse; that all those who are elevated to public and important stations must be men of sound, approved virtue.

It becomes important to ascertain, as was proposed,

(2.) The nature of that virtue which will effectually produce and preserve morals.

It is here desirable to obtain a true description comprising the whole of virtue, in principle as well as practice. To neglect this, in the consideration of the present subject, would occasion a material defect. It is also desirable and necessary to find, if possible, a system of religion, which not only speaks of morals; but effectually influences mankind to practice them. Where then is this to be found? Shall we go to the heathen moralists? They have, indeed, written many valuable truths relating to virtue and morals; but they have failed in essential things: they cannot furnish what is now sought. Shall we repair to the modern infidel philosophy? The world has already tried enough of the bitter fruits of this philosophy to ascertain the nature of the tree. The wretched situation of those nations, who have “experimented” on the principles of this philosophy, forbids us to adopt it. Turn your eyes to these nations. The principles of Voltaire preceded the destruction and misery in which they are now involved. “Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this world?” Do they experience, in the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom and happiness, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity?” Far from it. “Destruction and death can only say, we have heard the same thereof with our ears.” That Being who alone possesses infinite benevolence and unerring wisdom has put into our hands “a sure word,” comprising a complete and perfect system of moral virtue,–including everything that is now sought—and accompanied with “promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.”

As it has been much disputed by some whether it is of advantage to civil government to patronize the Christian religion; the subject under consideration authorizes me to state some of the first principles of this religion, that it may be seen how far they comport with the justifiable objects of a civil community.

The existence and perfections of God are at the foundation of all true virtue. Begin, then, with the character of the Deity. This religion reveals to us a Deity rendered glorious and perfect by such attributes as commend themselves to every enlightened conscience. Infinitely just, holy, wise, powerful, merciful and faithful, he is necessarily the unchangeable friend of virtue, and the determinate enemy of vice.

It is, surely desirable to know the original cause of the vices and distresses of the nations. The sacred scriptures point it out. It is the apostacy of our race from God.

In the same scriptures, a law of moral virtue is stated to us, which, in its strictness and purity, resembles God. Holy, just, and good, it leaves not to every man to say what is virtue and what is vice, but both, as will presently appear, are truly and accurately defined.

No vicious propensities are fostered by this law or palliated. The pride of no person whatever, high or low, is flattered with any prospect, that it will or can be abated, in the least, on his behalf. But, a way is revealed in which God can be just and yet justify the penitent and reformed sinner, thro’ faith in Jesus Christ the son of the Highest who, by becoming a sin offering, has magnified the law and made it honourable. Thus, the divine law is supported, and moral virtue secured.

Not only does this religion shew to man the origin and nature of his moral disorder, but, different from all other religions, it makes effectual provisions for his cure, in a radical and total change of heart. In this change, “a new creature” is formed, by the power of the Holy Ghost, and a thorough, permanent principle of moral virtue is given. Men are “created unto good works,”—formed to act with fidelity in every situation of life.

This religion having thus formed men for moral virtue, proceeds to furnish them with instructions relative to duty in every condition of life. The law of God is continually placed before them, for their study and practice. A summary of it is given in these words, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength:–and—Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self.” This is true virtue. A transgression of this law is sin,–is vice.

This summary, so far as is necessary, is traced out into its several branches. The disciple of Christ is taught to “deny ungodliness and worldly lusts; and to live soberly, righteously, and godly:” soberly, as it respects personal duty, exercising temperance, modesty and humility;–righteously, in his intercourse with his neighbour, “doing to others as he would that they should do to him;”—and godly in his treatment of the Deity, honoring him in all his institutions, and having a supreme regard to his glory in every transaction of life.

The religion of the Bible commands the public worship of the Deity. It enjoins the observation of the Sabbath, and, on this holy day, it forms a public school of moral virtue. While men stand in the holy presence of their Creator, a sense of his attributes is awakened,–they are reminded that they must be like him,–that they must “love one another, and live in peace.”

Men are taught, by this religion, their duty, in all their relative stations. The ruler finds his duty pointed out,–the subject finds his. The ruler is taught that he is to be a “minister of God,”—sent by him to be a “terror to evil doers and a praise of them who do well.” The subject is taught “to obey magistrates, and to submit to every ordinance of their appointment for the Lord’s sake.” If the citizen be favoured with the privilege of electing his rulers, the characters to be chosen are plainly pointed out to him. They are to be “just men, men of truth, haters of covetousness, fearers of God.” In the important transaction of choosing a ruler, the person cannot disregard the “oath of God” and be guiltless; for, even in the common concerns of life, he is not to abandon religious principle, but “whatever he does, is all to be done to the glory of God.”

Masters and servants—husbands and wives—parents and children—all find appropriate directions, relative to the duties of their respective stations. Every vice is condemned. Every social virtue is enjoined.

The religion communicated in the sacred scriptures having taught men that in this life they form their characters, and fix their destination for eternity, places before them the eternal retributions. Nothing can be so dreadful as the punishments that will assuredly be inflicted upon the vicious,–nothing so glorious as the rewards that will be bestowed upon the virtuous. They both infinitely exceed all that human laws can pretend to. The laws of Christ extend to every motive of action. They take cognizance of crimes which neither the law nor the eye of man can reach. They enjoin many acts of kindness and humanity which are not to be known till “the resurrection of the just.” They follow the workers of iniquity into every place of darkness where they may attempt to screen themselves from human view; assuring them that they are “naked and opened” to the penetrating eye of an almighty avenger, always present, always noticing their conduct for the purpose of a future judgment,–thus “placing by the side” of every crime an adequate and certain punishment.

To the consciences, and not to the passions of my audience is the appeal now made. Cannot this religion be of service to civil government?—In the consequence of every intelligent hearer, the answer is ready,–and it is the same.

Let it be added, that the period is advancing when there shall be the fullest display of the salutary influence of this holy religion upon civil government. “The kingdoms of this world shall become the kingdoms of the Lord and of his Christ: for the mouth of the Lord of hosts hath spoken it.”

Previous to this period, there are to be dreadful desolations in the earth; men having, by their great wickedness, become ripe for the execution of divine vengeance. These desolations are signified to us in scripture by the representation of “an angel standing in the sun, crying with a loud voice, and saying to all the fowls that fly in the midst of heaven, Come and gather yourselves together unto the supper of the great God; that ye may eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of captains, and the flesh of mighty men, and the flesh of horses, and of them that sit on them, and the flesh of all men both free and bond, both small and great.”

If the time referred to in this representation be now commenced, the next important event will be the binding of Satan, and the ushering in of the millennial day.

“Behold, I come as a thief,” saith the glorious judge. A careless, unbelieving world will not know his judgments, nor consider the operation of his hand, in the passing events.

Blessed are those servants, of all descriptions, who watch, and are found, of their Lord, faithfully performing the duties of their respective stations.

Civil Rulers, exalted in the providence of God to decree and administer justice, will feel themselves addressed by the subject. While they bestow due praise upon those who do well, they will be a terror to evil works.

Duly impressed, also, with a sense of their obligations to the most High, they will adorn their honourable stations by “adorning the doctrine of God their Saviour.”

The Lord commanded the ruler of his people to pay great attention to the divine law. “It shall be with him,” saith the command, “and he shall read therein all the days of his life; that he may learn to fear the Lord his God; that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren; and that he turn not aside from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left.”

The same general reasons for cultivating an intimate acquaintance with the word of God must ever exist. The commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening the eyes.”

“God is not a respecter of persons,” but of moral character. May the honoured and respected rulers of this state, ever be influenced by the most High, to honour him, and become blessings to his people, by maintaining a religious, firm, upright deportment. “Them that honour me I will honour,” saith the Lord.

Ministers of the gospel are reminded, by the subject under consideration, of the duties, which they, in their proper spheres, are required to perform to God, to their country, and to the souls of men.

When we engaged in the sacred office, my brethren, though we did not give up our rights as citizens, yet the chief employment assigned to us was to promote virtue, and bear testimony against sin. We are to beseech men, in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God. We are also to bear testimony against sin. When the voice of every friend of God, and of mankind ought to be lifted up against the vices that destroy the peace of society and the souls of men, let us not keep undue silence.

It is our acknowledged duty also, continually to intercede with the Most High for our common country, and for the churches of the Saviour, that he would “spare his people and not give his heritage to reproach.”

If we may be the happy instruments of promoting that love to God and man, and that pure morality which the gospel of our Lord and Saviour enjoins, we shall do an essential service, not only to the souls of men, but also to our country.

The chief design of the gospel is to fit men for the eternal enjoyment of God in heaven. And, in doing this, it necessarily enforces those principles and that conduct in the present life, which cannot fail to produce the most benign effect on civil society. The great duty of love or charity which the gospel enjoins is the strongest bond of union in society of any that can be named. Short is the period of duty in the present world. The recent and numerous deaths ² of our brethren in the ministry remind us that “the time is short.” Let us “give all diligence in making full proof of our ministry. There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave.”

The Freemen of the State have also a real and important interest in considering and understanding the subject suggested by the text. God has entrusted with you, fellow-citizens, the protection of your rights and privileges. Be thankful to him for the favour. Let no flattery entice, nor the gratification of any sordid passion allure you to part with the sacred deposite. Rising superior to every partial and degrading motive, and looking steadily at the common good, labour to strengthen the bonds of that “unity,” which causes it to be “good and pleasant for brethren to dwell together.” Virtuous principle is the basis of your government and must be the pledge of your security.

God, through the influence of his religion, has blessed your native state with a very high degree of prosperity, for more than a century and a half. Is not this a sufficient proof of the excellency of the plan on which the settlement was formed? “Consider the years of many generations: ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee.”

It is not a vain thing to preserve your institutions,–“it is your life.”

“I beseech you in Christ’s stead, Be ye reconciled to God.” Bring up your children for him. Let their minds be enriched with knowledge, and their hearts with the love of their Creator. Labour to secure, for yourselves and for them, the protection of the Almighty; and you need not fear. Your enemies, however numerous, shall not overwhelm you; if the Lord do not deliver you over into their hands.

From the very beginning of the settlement of this state, to the present day, Jehovah has been acknowledged by the people, and by the government, as their “strength, their refuge, their deliverer, and the horn of their salvation.” Still do both appear openly on the side of Christ, and publicly patronize his cause.

This anniversary reminds us all of our obligations to praise and bless the God of our fathers, who “sheweth mercy unto the thousandth generation, of them that fear him and keep his commandments.”

Appearing, this day, as his messenger, in the revered and beloved assembly of the Governors, the Counselors, the Representatives and the Judges of this free and happy republic; and uniting in my wishes with my brethren the ministers of the Saviour; I close, in conformity to the tenor of this discourse, by “putting the name” of Jehovah, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, upon this assembly, as including the sum of all blessings.

“The LORD bless thee and keep thee: The LORD make his face to shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee: The LORD lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace.”

AMEN.

Endnotes