Categories: Sermons

Nathan Strong (1748-1816) graduated from Yale in 1769, was ordained in 1774, and became pastor of 1st church in Hartford. He served as chaplain in the Revolutionary Army, ran the “Connecticut Evangelical Magazine” from 1800 to 1815, and was one of the founders of the Connecticut Missionary Society.

At a General Assembly of the State Of Connecticut, in America, holden at Hartford, on the Second Thursday of May, A. D. 1790.
ORDERED, That Colonel Thomas Seymour and Captain Jonathan Bull, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Nathan Strong, of Hartford, for his Sermon delivered at the General Election, on the 13^th Day of May 1790, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec.

Render therefore to all their dues: tribute, to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honor to whom honor.
Owe no man anything, but to love one another: for he that loveth another hath fulfilled the law.
For this, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not bear false witness, Thou shalt not covet; and if there be any other commandment, it is briefly comprehended in this saying, namely, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.

This passage, which is a summary of the laws of Religion, may also be considered as a summary of those political and social duties, by which a nation is made happy.  The chapter in connection is the best political dissertation that was ever penned.  Without entering into a comparison of the several kinds of government, which men have erected, the writer confines himself to general truths and duties, which are necessary in all of them, are founded in the nature of society, and approved by reason and experience.

He begins the chapter with asserting the divine origin of civil government.  The powers that be are ordained of God, whoever resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God.  Infinite wisdom suffers us to chuse our own form of government, and designate the instruments by whom it shall be executed; but the ordinance is still the Lord’s, and to refuse obedience is sinning against heaven.—Nor hath any man a right to complaint, as the institution was designed for human good, and there is an easy way of reconciling our own interest with all the powers of a well regulated government.  For rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil.  Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power?  Dost thou desire it to be a blessing and not an evil to thee?  Do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same.  For he is the minister of God to thee for good.  Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath but conscience sake.

After asserting the divine origin and the necessity of civil government, in some of the kinds practiced by men; the Apostle recapitulates, in our text, the principal duties by which society is united, protected and made happy, and sums up his description in these words, And if there be any other commandment, it is briefly comprehended in this saying thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.—If there be any political duty, not otherwise expressly commanded, we may find it in the great law of Christian love; this law directs rulers and subjects in every possible connection, and will make them faithful in their respective places.  On reviewing the connection of the chapter, it appears that the Apostle designed our text, as a collection of political maxims, by which society may be preserved, and the great end of government be promoted under whatever form or constitution it subsists: and on further attending to the same maxims, we find they are the essential laws of religion, which were early given to men as a rule of duty, and of their present and future well being. I think this is a clear proof, that religion and a well regulated civil government are subjects which cannot be separated.  A good ruler or a good subject will not suffer these laws to go out of his view.  Happiness is the great end designed by all social institutions; for this, the laws and duties of religion are enjoined on creatures by the wisdom of their maker; for the same end men have organized government, and defined its powers and duties; both have relation to the social capacities and enjoyments of connected minds, and aiming at the same end, must in a considerable degree procure it by the same means.  So far as religion and government deviate from each other, one or the other of them deviates from the nature of men, and the effects of their social relation.

Happiness cannot subsist without love and justice, between those who are brought into connection by the supreme providence.  The blessedness of a perfect world, and the perfection of divine government, are represented to us by the abundance of these virtues.  We have no reason to suppose that systems of virtue or law, essentially different, are necessary for the good government of the heavenly and earthly societies; as they both aim at the same thing, the happiness of rational minds in union with each other.  There is not an idea, in the world, more dangerous to society, or more debasing to civil government, that this, that it stands on a basis of human wisdom and will, apart from those great religious obligations, which direct the manner and duties of intercourse in all worlds.

Religion, or love, holiness and righteousness, the names by which it is commonly called in the sacred oracles, is the constitution and law of the supreme government, by which the Almighty is glorified, and his creatures connected in blessedness; and the nature of intelligent beings admits not a safe introduction of other principles; depart from these and we act no longer like reasonable men or like Christians.

Our apprehensions of a perfect and glorious society must be defective, as we have not the aid of experience; but in accounting to ourselves for the blessedness and stability of its orders, we always conceive the perfect exercise of religion, as a cause sufficient for the effect.  If the laws of religion are sufficient to render the divine government most glorious and happy; and if the practice of religion will give a future perfection to the heavenly life, why are not the same principles and practice, the strength and safety of men’s government in this world.  The Lord our God governs according to the nature of things, and his administration always ends well; and are not men, when they act for him in the temporary authorities of the world, most like to succeed, to support their own dignity, and be a blessing to others, when they adopt in their administration and act from the same principle.

A ruler needs religion much more than his unofficered brethren, to support his mind under trials, and to guard him against temptations.  When the respectable citizen rises from private into public life, he must expect to exchange quietness for trouble; honor, though alluring, has its bitterness and its dangers; enemies before unknown, will rise up; the jealous will sift all his actions, and what man can be so guarded as to have all his behavior escape censure?  The ambitious, thinking him in the way of their own progress, will be his enemies.  To support the mind under these evils, and lead it into the exercise of prudence and patience, religion is necessary.

To hold great power and places of confidential trust is a state of temptation, which every man cannot resist, and those who are wise will not accept a call to public service, until by examination, they find in their hearts fixed principles of fidelity.  A bad man may seek elevation, but it is only a good man who can bear it; many shine in adversity, which cools the appetites and unsocial passions; but to shine in prosperity; to be humane and just in the circle of a court; to be true and honorable in the treatment of all mankind; to be righteous and honest when power gives opportunity for oppressing, the assistance of fixed religious principles are certainly necessary.  If religion be necessary to assist us in the common duties of life, it is more necessary where duties are multiplied and enlarged.

Political elevation is generally esteemed honorable, but it is not always attended with honor, for this depends not on the elevation itself, but on the principles and conduct of the person who is raised.  What is true honor but the esteem and love of mankind on virtuous reasons?  He who renders to all their dues—who preserves himself from a transgression of God’s laws, by injuring the purity, interest or reputation of others, and performs the political and brotherly duties enjoined in the command—thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself; he hath an honor which enemies cannot long stain, nor time wipe away.  But a profusion of knowledge, and the glare of great abilities, without fixed principles of love to God and men, are like a song, the sounds die away and the pleasing surprise of the mind departs.

Having made these general remarks on the usefulness of religion in civil society, and in the character of one who rules men; that we may see its efficacy in the clearest manner, let us more accurately trace its nature and effects in the mind.

We are now to consider the formation of a character, which will be uniformly supported thro life, and where a steady practice evidences some habitual dispositions, that cannot be subverted by every slight temptation.

The great end of political associations is best answered where there is the most perfect union, and those principles are most essential to government, which have the greatest tendency to produce union.  The interests of individuals, are by the emergencies of time thrown into many situations.  We live with many others whose passions are complicated, various and pointed to their own personal ends.  Every lesser district, very family, and individual in the family, hath interests of its own.  If these private interests have a supreme influence the utmost evils will ensue.  It is the business of government to hold the balance between them, to check the overbearing and point them to a common good, and for this it needs the assistance of some pervading social bond, and this bond can be no other than religion.

But few minds are so enlightened in the institution of nature and the supreme wisdom which formed it, as to see that a pursuit of the general good will be an eventual advancement of each man’s private good; and where there is this enlarged understanding if the heart be corrupt, the passions will rebel.

In all rational society there needs some cementing principle of the heart, by which the minds who compose it may be united, have one interest, one common good, and one happiness.

Many philosophers, and politicians of renown in their times, have enquired for this bond of union without success, and seduced by their own reasoning, have substituted art, corruption or power.

Christian love in its comprehension of virtues, is the supreme tie of social connexion.  This is the same as the Apostle means, when he says –owe no man anything, but to love one another—and if there be any other command, it is briefly comprehended in this saying, thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.—He that loveth his neighbour hath fulfilled the law; he will exercise all the varieties of love as they are modified in the actions of justice, truth, integrity and beneficence; he will render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, and honor to whom honor; he will reverence the property, peace and reputation of all mankind; and by his divine love he will be made happy in doing good to others.—Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, with all thy strength and with all thy mind, and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, are the two greatest laws of an enlightened policy, in every community of reasonable creatures; this is religion in the heart, and the visible practice of it is that religion in life, by which a man becomes a good ruler, or a good subject, according as God is pleased to place him.  These first laws of religion are as excellent for earth as for Heaven; and as good a directory in civil administration, as in Christian living.

I would not be understood that the holy scriptures are a code of civil law, nor that they superceed its necessity, nor that the religion of Christ determines the most proper constitution of nations.  The divine law and gospel have in view a more comprehensive object, the government, the glory and happiness of the creation; still they embrace those moral and religious principles, in all their varieties, on which the happiness and stability of lesser societies must depend.—Public peace is the fruit of union—union is the result of Christian love and religion.  When every man regards the welfare of his brother and of the whole, the political body is strong, full of energy and happiness.

These are the most permanent and safe principles on which society can be organized, and all others are liable to an easy dissolution.  Power may constrain a kind of order in the state, but its very appearance is gloomy, and it is destitute of happiness.  Fear which awes cannot sweeten the heart and feelings of mankind; the subject compelled to quietness by a dread of severity, at the same moment wishes revolt, and the pleasant amities of living are all denied.—The selfish passions may be variously addressed, and a system of human art constructed; but to how many casualties it is subject and how often annihilated in a moment, the history of empires is full of witness.  Justice, truth, righteousness and mercy are the solid basis of empire, and these are but branches of religion or Christian love.  To these permanent principles of society nothing may be opposed, and the necessity which men sometimes urge is but a delusion.  All the virtues of a pious and good life, ought to be the object of national encouragement.  These reconcile the heart of the subject to the welfare of the whole and of his brethren.  They make a ruler the friend and father of his country; and might the heart of every citizen be inspired with these principles, the art and exercise of government would become extremely simple, and each one would be influenced by his feelings, to act in the sphere of his duty.  Coercion or an artful address to the passions of different orders of men would fall into disuse, for it is only thro human degeneracy, that these subsidiary aids can produce any benefit.

I am sensible that human nature must be taken by the civil governor as he finds it, and that there is not in the world a sufficiency of true religion to effect so happy a state as is described; but still he ought not to let these great principles of society go out of view, and if he doth, will certainly injure the public.

It is not uncommon for some, on observing men’s corruption, to embrace dangerous opinions on this subject.  Aiming at a wise and deep policy, they substitute collusion, intrigue, and an artful address to the passions and interests of parties, in the place of love, justice and truth.  They insinuate that religion and its institutions have nothing to do with government and civil policy, and that the moral obligations which may be a fit subject for the exhortation of a clergyman, cannot be very strictly consulted by those who manage the civil interests of mankind.  When any collection of people are so corrupt, that they will not bear reproof and the corrective restraint of government, that people ought to be disbanded and feel the correction of their own vices; and that which ought to be done the natural operation of things will speedily effect.  Such representations as I just mentioned, may sometimes proceed wholly from corruption of heart; an ambitious man, who knows himself destitute of religious principles, must be unwilling to have their usefulness in society generally acknowledged; but very often I believe they proceed from an ignorance of human nature, and the nature of society.  Tho the arts of corruption may succeed with a man for a few times, a loss of public confidence will put it out of his power to repeat them often.  Let him that ruleth over men be just; ruling in the fear of the Lord, is a law of perpetual usefulness, and derives its fitness from the nature of society; indeed religion is the best bond of society, and being such is the best support of government.

Tho a distinction is made in the state, between the civil and Ecclesiastical departments, neither of them is independent of the other.  Civility and the good order of political regulations are a great advantage to religion; religion and its institutions are the best aid of government, by strengthening the ruler’s hand, and making the subject faithful in his place, and obedient to the general laws.

Tho the author of our holy religion assumed no temporal authority, and gave no opinion on the several kinds of government, or the temporal jurisdictions of men; yet he established as first principles in his church, those laws which are essential to the peace of every state; on which every kind of authority must stand, which can be a blessing to the people; or which nerve the hand of government and protect the liberties of mankind.  Hence we find that wherever a just understanding of Christianity hath obtained, and its duties been practiced, they have had a benign influence on the liberty of nations:  And where a contrary effect hath been aided by what men called religion, as was the case in the Papal Hierarchy, it was owing to a subversion of the true principles of Christianity.  A spurious superstructure was raised by the corruption of men, falsely called by the name of religion, and not calculated to refine either the affections or practice of the people, but to aid a secular power by terrifying men, while those who were first in church and state shared their spoils.

The religion of Jesus, with no weapons in its hand but those of truth and love, silently subverts oppression; makes the people regular in discharging their duties, and rulers upright and humane in their administration; and there needs no other means to subvert the tyrannies of the world, than the universal spread and practice of this religion.

When as subjects, we find that religion assists us in doing all enjoined duties, and reconciles us to the interest of the public and our neighbours, we must suppose, that it will give equal assistance to those whom God appointeth to be in authority over us; and that their manners ought to be adorned by obedience to the divine law.  We feel sure that religion will guard them against temptations—lead them to a sound policy—to liberal feelings—to a paternal regard of the people, and an undaunted support of justice.

If there be not a mistake in these leading propositions, the following important conclusion must be received; that without religion no society whatever can long subsist in peace, or those who are members of it have reason to rejoice in the connexion.

The supreme will commands religion, for its usefulness to his connected creatures.  He saw that by this, the minds he created would become happy, and be joined in a communion, that makes the advantage of each one, matter of joy to the whole, and the dignity and perfection of the whole, an object of delight to each individual.  He saw that thus the intelligent kingdom would have one spirit, one interest and one happiness.  On what other foundation can rational and useful union subsist in this world?  In both cases the subjects are the same and have the same powers, faculties and capacities.  Do not those persons therefore act unnaturally, and against the laws of existence, who attempt the establishment of any society on other principles beside those of religion?  Are not their expectations of its permanency without reason?  Have we not always found the spirit of religion our best assistance in the duties and connexions of life?  Have we not found our families happy, in the same proportion, as its spirit and orders reigned in them?  Or looking back on the civil state, can we recollect a single instance of public injustice, or the semblance of it, or the extraordinary prevalence of any immorality, which was not followed with great evils?  The law of God and nature can never be repealed.

The conclusion extends itself still further; First, that it is the right; and Secondly, that it is the duty of civil rulers to protect religion.

First, it is their right.  It is a plain maxim of reason, that the civil state is vested with all necessary powers of self-preservation.  If it be lawful for mankind to combine in a political union, they have right to perpetuate the establishment; and as the passions of men are, there can be no comfortable living without such establishments.  To deny civil government the right of protecting religion, and suppressing irreligion, is denying it the most essential means of self-preservation.  All kinds of vice militate against the state, and religion in the modification of its virtues are its safe-guard.  To organize the civil state, and appoint a number of the people to be rulers; to commit the public to their charge and make them responsible for its well-being; and then to deny them the means and power of protecting and encouraging religion, is a severe requirement.  If any man accepts the charge, under this restriction he promises beyond human performance.

Secondly, It is the duty of rulers to protect and encourage religion, and of the people to assist them in doing it.  The public weal is the most sacred of all earthly betrustments.  Every man when called to office, hath an opportunity to refuse this care, if he thinks himself incapable, or finds that his heart is not honest enough to do it with fidelity; but when the trust is accepted, the obligations to a faithful performance are most sacred.  No light causes will excuse either the civil, or religious minister of the public, for unfaithfulness in the duties of his office.  The happiness of an individual is dear, and the forfeit of it more bitter than can be described; how much more dear the aggregate happiness of the public body?  Entering into society, we deposit our property, lives, friends and happiness, in the hand of the public; the public recommit this trust to the care of rulers, and give them a right and power to see it inviolably preserved.  If religion and its institutions be the most certain means to preserve, is it not their duty to protect and encourage virtue and piety?  Or can any man be called faithful in his appointment, who hath neglected to give this encouragement, both officially and in the private example of his life?  He hath had the visible dignity, but with a consciousness of unfaithfulness, can he feel honorable to himself, or be so vain as to suppose that he is respected in the hearts of the people?  Under a conviction of the truth I have urged, can he look back upon himself with a peaceful conscience?  The parent who hath been a fearer of the Lord, and a faithful subject and citizen, when he sees his family corrupted by such irreligion as the state ought to suppress, hath reason to complain, that his expense and allegiance have not been repayed by that guardian care, which he had a right to expect from the civil power, which alone can stop the sources and punish the instruments of corruption.

May I be suffered to suggest another serious truth.  The government is the Lords; men are the instruments of providence in arranging its powers and duties, and appointing proper persons to execute them; the government is still the Lord’s.  He commits his creatures to such of their brethren, as are supposed to have most wisdom and discreetness.  The whole earthly state, is designed as a school of instruction, and correction to mature such virtues, as will make men perfectly happy in another life.  This is one end of government, for we cannot disconnect time and eternity.  This great people are placed in the hands of their rulers, by Almighty God their tender Father and Saviour.  He sits supreme King and expects fidelity from all; every care and exertion that such religion be encouraged, as will secure present and eternal happiness.  Could we keep alive a sense of divine things, and the connexion between this and another world, these truths would make a deep impression on all our hearts.

By commending religion to the protection of the state, and the practice of its leading characters, I do not mean to urge an intolerant and persecuting spirit, which is very different from a tender care of piety.  Many differences of opinion in a land of Christian light, are concerning the non-essentials and the ritual of religion.  Several of these matters, the great head of the Church when he was on earth, did not think proper to determine.  Their propriety often depends on local or temporary circumstances, or on the particular construction and feelings of different minds.  Such differences when conscientiously maintained, have not a dangerous effect either on the essentials of religion, or good order of the state; and government may tolerate them with safety.  If we look thro the Christian sectaries, who differ in ceremonies and words, candor will perceive, that the greatest number of them unite, in the weighty matters of faith, piety, religion and justice, towards God and towards men.  A diffusion of knowledge is now advancing a liberal spirit.  May the Great Head of the Church hasten the period, when those who think alike, concerning a divine love, justice, faith and truth, may join their hands and hail a future meeting in Heaven, where ceremonies and modes of expression will not separate brethren.  Experience hath taught, that tolerancy in these things is the most powerful means of union; and a conscientious government will find little difficulty in determining when to encourage and when coerce.

But while we speak of a liberal spirit, let not immorality and irreligion think they have a right to our tenderness.  Liberality is a divine affection of the heart, a love of the truth and of men, and cannot be pleased with vice.  True liberality is Christian love, and delights in God and in all the virtues he commandeth, and is most mistaken by such persons, as triumph in vice over the social obligations:  If there be who speak with lightness of a most perfect and glorious providence; if there be, who think they may treat the religion of their brethren with lightness; if there be a few, either so odd or weak in their way of thinking, as not to see in our sacred books, truths most favorable to society, and a most glorious description of Almighty, his justice and goodness; if there be, who live wicked and immoral lives, they ought not to think it consistent either with the dignity or safety of the state to protect their sins.  A delirious man is to be pitied, but for his sake a nation cannot change its institutions:  An immoral man is a subject of our forgiveness and prayer as Christians, and of our neighbourly offices as citizens; but must not expect, that the venerable public, will suffer him to sport with the principles of their existence.

Our subject admits a variety of practical inferences, on which I may not enlarge.  It instructs us all how to be good citizens:  Every man is a member in the political body; and every member hath a place in which it may be useful.  If any are not useful, it is their fault; for divine wisdom hath so organized the body, there is a place, a business and a duty for all.  The man who doth his duty, be his service what it may, deserves well of the state.  No order, profession or employment, may say to another, there is no need of thee.  All will do well if they respect the great principles of religion, if their hearts possess divine love, and their practice be in obedience to the law of God; and without these a man’s character will be defective, whether he move in a high sphere, or hath a humble place in the state.  Religion will make us contented with such place and employment as providence appointeth, and authorize us to think of ourselves we are not useless.  The want of religion, if it doth not make a person entirely useless, yet in a great measure destroys him to mankind; and our rising admiration of his useful accomplishments, dissolves in tears of sorrow for degenerate human nature.

Our subject reproves all those vices injurious to society, and none is more so than party spirit.  Partial affection for local districts and their interests, must breed opposition, and the general good will be forgotten in interested altercation.  But of all party intrigue, that is the most open insult on the dignity of a free state, and most threatening to its happiness, when offices are bartered for emolument, and dignities divided by private influence.  Such things religion forbids, and decency with a sigh turns her face from the scene.

Religion forbids, and when it prevails among a people will prevent, the cruel practice of privately slandering the reputation of elevated characters.  To wound in the dark is an easy thing, and a small capacity influenced by a bad heart can do it effectually.  Unfounded jealousies, are as dangerous to the public as to those who suffer them, and by being often repeated, shake the foundation of government, and place the worthy and unworthy, on the same level of confidence in the minds of the people.

Religion is the best friend of men’s liberties and properties.  Under his influence, government will be just to all its engagements, and the interest of every citizen stand secure, on the basis of equity and justice.  Where the spirit and practice of religion reigns, the sigh of oppression will cease, and men no longer groan under the power of their brethren. A great part of the happiness of the world, must be attributed to the humane influence of the religion of Jesus, and the remainder of oppression is a witness how imperfectly his doctrines are understood, and how little there is of his spirit, even in the countries which are called Christian.  On the ground of prophetic assurance we expect a day, in which this religion shall fill the earth, and when it happens, there will be no traffick in the bodies and souls of men; oppression and slavery will cease and the image of the Creator in reason and understanding, will be allowed as evidence of a right to the privileges of his family.

Our subject recommends to the rulers of the state, an encouragement of all those institutions, by which religion and science are diffused among the people.  It is the manner of divine wisdom, to work by means regularly established.  When the institutions of religion fall into disrepute, we have no right to expect, that the spirit of piety will prevail among the people.  The visible orders of religion are an enclosure, which holds its friends together; and under an idea of tolerancy many have run into an opposite extreme of opinion, that in all cases where men pretend conscience, they ought to be exempted from the direction of law.  To argue much on these matters may not be salutary, but I think a little attention will determine the point; for when we look on those districts within the United States, in which all legal protection hath been denied to the institutions of religion, we can easily trace the political evils, jealousies and confusion which have ensued.

Science is friendly to religion and good order, and on this ground claims protection from government.  The expences of education are the most economical deposit which can be made for the liberties of our offspring.  Men of information will neither forfeit, nor quietly submit to the loss of their civil rights; but the ignorant are ensnared by their brethren.  Much therefore is due to the minds of our youth, who will fill the first offices in the state and in the church and be the only pillars of order, when a few years have laid this honorable and pious Assembly in the dust.

If religion and science are the strength of the state, and the preservation of public liberty, we ought to reflect with gratitude on the goodness of God, in furnishing so many characters eminent in both.  When we look on this collection, it calls to our remembrance many of our fathers, who, by their piety and wisdom, were pillars in our Israel; and who now receive a more permanent reward than men can give.  It is but a small return, which even a grateful people can make to the fidelity of their rulers; but tho we cannot reward, an acknowledgement of the obligation is beautiful, and must encourage their hearts in doing us good.  The chief officers of the state, who are gathered before the Lord on this occasion, to bless his name and ask his presence, have a right to our dutiful address.

The God of our fathers who hath all power and dominion, hath been pleased to put an important trust into your hands, and select you as the instrument of exercising his government, and dispensing his favor to this people.  Tho an elevated station among men, cannot divest you of the weaknesses of humanity; tho we make no doubt, but in the presence of a higher ruler you feel in yourself all the imperfections of a creature; yet you will indulge us in returning our thanks, for many benefits you have rendered to the state, and especially for the undeviating testimony you have borne in favor of religion, both by your precept and example.  Much is in the power of your excellency; tho the Gods of the people must die like men, and be soon reduced to a level with their brethren, yet they have a weighty influence on public opinion and practice, and the happiness of many, perhaps even for another world, stands or falls with them.  Impressed with this truth, we look to our first Magistrate to do more than any other man can do.  You stand in the place of the Lord to this people—they consider you cloathed with an authority from Heaven—they have confidence in your singular art of presiding with united firmness and moderation—well as an inclination men have to imitate the great, they will be strongly impelled by your example.  While subordinate orders of men in the state have their sphere of duty and influence, we look to you, Sir, to be the most decided and powerful friend of that religion and righteousness, which is the true wisdom of government, and will establish our prosperity on a permanent basis.  To our rulers, and chiefly to your care, we have committed everything that is dear to us on earth; our lives, properties, liberties and happiness, hoping that by a mild administration, you may be able to preserve the betrustment; but if severity be at any time necessary, to restrain the invasions of vice, we shall pray without ceasing, that the God of Heaven will give you wisdom to use the sword he hath put into your hand.  The honor of being first among many is great; but much greater is the honor of being faithful to God who hath given this appointment, and of exercising it like a good man; and while we gratefully acknowledge the dignity of your station, we beseech the most high to make you a Christian indeed, and fill your heart with the comforts of undefiled religion.  The reward which we cannot give, your Excellency will find in living near to God, in feeling your dependence on his grace thro the Redeemer, and in adoring his holiness.  When wearied with the cares of State, in the retirement of devotion you will feel and say, it is good to be here.  And when Almighty God takes you from this people and the honorable trusts he hath given you on earth, may you dwell forever in his love.

May I likewise be permitted to express the public regard and expectations, to the Honorable Lieutenant-Governor, the Council, and House of Assembly.

This annual presentment before God, of the Rulers and chief Estates of the land, is an event which must interest the feelings of a pious mind.  It cannot fail to enkindle in us a reverent devotion, when we behold the princes, the heads of families and representatives of the people, addressing our heavenly King for his blessing and direction.  This anniversary of worship is a solemn engagement before God, that the government shall be according to his will; that a respect for his institutions shall be maintained, and religion encouraged.  If you, who are the honorable of the land, countenance virtue and justice; if piety is conspicuous in your lives; if industry, temperance, justice and a fear of God, are patronized by the laws you enact; if you appoint persons of wisdom and discreet goodness to execute the laws of the State; good order will prevail and vice be ashamed:  But without this aid from you, Honorable Gentlemen, there is reason to expect that licentiousness will break over every barrier, dishonor God who hath so often protected this people and their fathers, and induce a general wretchedness.  The experience of all people witnesses the sacred truth, that righteousness exalteth a nation; and it is also a truth as certainly known, that the manners of a people, do in a great measure take their complexion from public measures.  When we consider how much your respectable body can do for God, and the eternal interest of men, we must earnestly solicit your care, to preserve the purity of the people, to encourage good living, and reward by your confidence in them, such men as fear the Lord and obey his law.

The local situation of your honorable body, in every part of the State; your opportunity for personal observation of the manners in every district;–the force of your example, united with legislative authority, will essentially aid you in doing what is requested.  The harmony of the people and peace of the land follows the harmony and union of their Rulers; and when the citizens see that every kind of vice is discountenanced by those in dignified stations, it will be a powerful guard of their principles and manners.  To stand the guardians of public happiness is a solemn situation, and one in which every man needs to be divinely assisted.—Honorable Gentlemen, may the God of wisdom make you skillful to govern and wise unto eternal peace.

The sons of Aaron are also before the Lord.  The sanctity of their profession, and its near connection with my subject, naturally calls my address to them:

The duty incumbent on all Christian citizens, piety towards God, and righteousness and love to men, is doubly incumbent on us.  We are consecrated to the service of religion, and under the most solemn vows.  There is every reason, that we use a greater diligence than other men, in promoting a divine knowledge of God and his Son, love, faith, vital piety, experimental religion and a good practice.  If those who act in the civil department, are judged guilty for spiritual negligence; how much greater is the criminality of a gospel minister, who is expressly set apart as a watchman for the souls of men.  From the advantage to be derived in this life, we have the same inducement as other men, to urge the power and practice of godliness; national prosperity is a motive which will animate the heart of every good man.  Tho not cloathed with civil power, we are connected with the state.  Wise men of every profession, know the salutary influence of an enlightened and pious clergy, on the civil system, and therefore much is expected from us; and much may be done to advance justice and peace, encourage obedience to the laws, and strengthen the hand of government.  But more weighty considerations are drawn from another world.  The souls of this people are to be happy or wretched forever, and of this happiness or misery we are the messengers.  To describe the perfections and will of God; to assert his government, and declare his wrath against sin; to publish the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and explain its peculiar doctrines, which are full of holiness and love; to urge a Christian faith and practice; to encourage men by the glory promised to godliness, and awaken them by the terrors of the Lord prepared to avenge iniquity; to be an example to the church in humility, sobriety and every grace, are our peculiar duties; and we cannot excel in them without much labour and prayer.  For the right performance of these duties, there is a peculiar necessity that we take much care of our own hearts, and be personally warmed with love to God and men.  Whatever assists us to love religion, will furnish us with ministerial accomplishments, especially to abound in prayer, will comfort, enlighten and assist us in every duty, and give us a happy preparation, thro divine mercy, for that immortality which we preach to others.  Let us be united in a fervent charity, and in supplication for an out-powering of the spirit, on us and on our churches, and when our Lord cometh he will make us perfect unto eternal peace.

My Brethren of every character, let us resolve here before the Lord that we will serve him.  Blessed are the righteous; but one sinner destroyeth much good, and disturbeth his land.  This honorable legislature are the anointed ones of the Lord; it is our duty to pray that they may be endowed with wisdom, to give them reverence, and to honor all the Judges and ministers of justice in the land.  Our political happiness in a great degree depends on our own conduct, for a vicious people cannot be a happy one.

Especially let us endeavour by faith and patience, by charity and good works, to obtain the promises, and secure to ourselves a habitation not made with hands, eternal in the heavens.  How precious are these moments of time, and who can describe how much depends on a right improvement of them?  The soul which remains in sin shall die; but for the pure in heart, there is reserved an inheritance, incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away.  Amen.

Josiah Bridge (1739-1801) graduated from Harvard in 1758. He was pastor of a church in Sudbury (1761-1801). The following election sermon was preached by Bridge in Massachusetts on May 27, 1789.

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency JOHN HANCOCK, Esq.

GOVERNOUR;

His Honor BENJAMIN LINCOLN, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOUR;

The Honourable The

COUNCIL, SENATE AND HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF

MASSACHUSETTS

MAY 27, 1789.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By JOSIAH BRIDGE, A. M.
Pastor of the church in East-Sudbury.

Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS.
In SENATE, May 27, 1789.

ORDERED, That Ebenezer Bridge, Cotton Tufts, and Benjamin Austin, jun. Esq’rs. Be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Josiah Bridge, and thank him in the name of the Senate, for the SERMON delivered by him this day, before his Excellency the Governour, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and also to request of him a copy thereof for the Press.

Attest.
SAMUEL COOPER, Clerk.

Election SERMON.

PSALM LXXXII. VERSE I.

GOD STANDETH IN THE Congregation of the Mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.

This passage of inspired scripture may well possess the minds of this numerous and respectable audience, with reverence and a sacred awe, before him, who is greatly to be feared in the assembly of his saints; and who will be sanctified in all them that come nigh him: It is particularly adapted to arrest the most serious attention of our honoured Rulers; at whose invitation we are assembled in the House of God on this auspicious anniversary,–to supplicate the Divine Presence with them, and his smiles and blessing upon the special business of the day; and their administration of government the ensuing year; and to enquire of him from his word, agreeable to the laudable practice of our pious Progenitors, from the first settlement of the country, to the present period.

Our text has a primary reference to the Rulers of God’s ancient covenant people. But as this passage of scripture is of no private interpretation, it will as fitly apply to our civil fathers now before God, as to the Jewish Sanhedrim of old.

The words before us, will naturally lead us—‘To make some brief and general observations on government.’—The propriety and usefulness of an assembly, for conducting the important affairs of it.—The sublime characters rulers sustain.—The Supreme Ruler present with them, as an observer, and judge; ready for their assistance and support, when acting up to their character; and carefully noticing whenever they lose sight of the great end of their appointment: And the powerful influence, the consideration of his presence and inspection must have, to engage them in a conscientious discharge of the duties of their exalted stations. May I be indulged your serious and candid attention, while I attempt to dilate a little, upon these several particulars; all obviously contained in, or easily deducible from our text. GOD standeth in the Congregation of the Mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.

That our text applies to the supreme government of a community, and involves the various departments of it, is readily seen by looking into the Psalm before us; where we find this congregation of the mighty, reproved for the improper use of their power, and a different mode of conduct enjoined upon them. “How long will ye judge unjustly, and accept the persons of the wicked? Defend the poor and fatherless: Do justice to the afflicted and needy: Deliver the poor and needy, rid them out of the hand of the wicked.”

Civil government is both a dictate of nature, and revelation; and is accordingly indifferently denominated, the ordinance of God, and the ordinance of man. Man was originally formed for society, and furnished with faculties adapted thereto: Faculties for the improvement of which social intercourse is indispensably necessary. Some of the most important duties, and refined delights of human life are of the social kind.

In order to obtain the benefits of society, civil rule is essentially requisite. Those lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, are so prevalent in this apostate world, that they are obliged to form compacts and combinations, for mutual assistance and support. And there is perhaps no people no earth, however uncultivated and barbarous, but who have adopted some kind of civil polity.

The light and law of nature, which uniformly urges to this mode of procedure, may well be accepted, as an expression of the divine will: For God addresses the human mind in divers manners; and he does it by the voice of reason, as well as revelation.

The providence of God is particularly concerned, in elevating man to post of honour and dignity; and giving them a seat among the congregation of the mighty. “For4 a promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge: He putteth down one, and sitteth up another.” “By me (says wisdom, or that glorious Being who is the wisdom of God) by me kings reign, and princes decree justice. By me princes rule and nobles, even all the judges of the earth.” And in the New-Testament, we have the same idea held up, in terms equally express. “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power, but of God. The powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake; whether it be to the King, as supreme, or unto Governors, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God.”

These declarations apply to civil government in general, which is indispensably necessary to social felicity and safety. But they are by no means to be extended to every mode of government that has obtained among mankind. Not certainly to a despotic and lawless domination. This is not the ordinance of God. Nor indeed any other government, but such as protects the subjects in the peaceable possession of their just rights, properties and privileges.

The particular form of government and mode of administration, that shall obtain among the various nations of the world, heaven has not seen fit to prescribe. This seems to be referred to the wisdom of each community to determine for themselves. And a great variety has in this respect, actually taken place; in consequence of the different genius, sentiments and situation, of different people, in different ages and climes.

In some constitutions, the supreme authority hath been vested in one man. In others, a few are selected for the purpose. Others still have submitted it to many. The particular mode of government that has obtained the preference with the people of this land, directs our attention to the latter of these three. And so does our text. The congregation of the mighty.

There seems an evident propriety in committing the management of the interesting and important affairs of government, to a number selected from the whole.

Power is of an intoxicating quality; and for a single individual to be vested with foreign rule, is subjecting him to a temptation too strong for human virtue. A desire of pre-eminence is natural passion, and when properly restrained, may prove highly beneficial to society. But when it has a full free course, and attains the summit of its wish, and feels itself without control; the subject of this undue elevation, is apt to be puffed up with pride, to become intolerably supercilious and tyrannical; and to trample upon those rights of the community, and individuals, which it is the prime design of government to protect.

Wherever the will of a despot is the supreme law, the great end of government is usually perverted. This is sufficiently attested by facts: And it is no other than what might justly be expected from the nature of man.

There are, it is true, advantages arising from vesting the administration in the hands of one man, or a few; when they are well furnished with wisdom and fidelity; advantages from the decision and dispatch, with which affairs of State may be transacted; and which in particular emergencies, may be peculiarly beneficial. But they are so counterbalanced by the ills that result from arbitrary rule, on the one hand, and the safety that arises from good advice on the other, that there seems a manifest propriety that a number should be selected for the business.

“Where no council is (says the wise Solomon) the people fall: But in the multitude of counselors there is safety.” So limited is the human mind in all its perceptions and operations, and so diffuse, difficult, and many times perplexed are human affairs, especially the important ones of government, that they elude the comprehension of an individual; and demand the combined wisdom of a number, to conduct them with propriety. In free and judicious debates, there is frequently much light reflected upon intricate subjects. What escapes the observation, or recollection of one, may occur to another; and the minds of all be ripened for a result, by means of the light mutually reflected in their consultations. Affairs of State, thus carefully canvassed, may doubtless be conducted with greater propriety, by an assembly of the wisest and best men in a community, than by a single individual, however improved and judicious he might be.

Such further is the immense weight of government, that it is too heavy for the shoulders of an individual: A congregation of the mighty, will find the burden equal to their united strength. Thoughtless and inconsiderate people, may fondly conceive, that the business of a Ruler is as easy as the character is honourable. But those who know the circle of their duty, and the various difficulties that attend it, are fully sensible, that it is an office, laborious, extensive, and greatly exercising to all the powers of the body and mind.

Whatever refers to the public safety and happiness, demands their attention. The good and wholesome laws, that are in being, are faithfully to be executed; and proper persons sought out to carry them into effect. Laws unexecuted, however good in themselves, and beneficial in their tendency, answer no valuable purpose; and may really prove injurious, by lowering the general influence of authority. If men may violate one law without any animadversion; why not another? There is nothing inspires the public mind with so general a veneration of government, as an undoubted expectation, that every penalty incurred, shall be inflicted. New laws are from time to time to be framed, accommodated to the temper, genius and circumstances of a people, and the exigencies of state: And to be so framed that it may not be easy to elude their meaning, or evade their force. Justice, distributive, penal, and commutative, must have a free uninterrupted course in a community: This seems to be the very corner stone of its happy existence. Useful literature is to be encouraged, that youth may be trained up in knowledge and virtue, and fitted to serve God, and their generation, according to his will. Religion pure and undefiled, before God and the Father, so indispensably necessary to secure the favour and blessing of heaven, is particularly to be patronized. They must guard with a vigilant eye, against the numerous evils which threaten the body politic, whether from external violence, or internal convulsions; and attend to whatever serves to promote public prosperity. The commerce, agriculture, and manufactures of a people should particularly be put under the most judicious regulations; to encourage honesty industry, and banish idleness: The former as beneficial, as the latter is baneful. The one, continually prompting to vice and sedition; the other engaging to a quiet and peaceable life.

Great and arduous is the labor requisite for so extensive a sphere of action as this; some outlines of which, we have but hinted at. And the difficulties of it are sometimes greatly enhanced, by the peculiar embarrassments in which a people are involved. The cumbrance of a great community is hard to be borne; but their strifes render the burden still more grievous.

When Jethro, that wise Prince, and priest of Midian, observed Moses attending this duty from morning to evening, he makes this just remark.—“The thing that thou doest is not good: Thou wilt surely wear away: This thing is too heavy for thee: Thou art not able to perform it thyself alone.” And the excessive labour and fatigue, and various vexations of the service, effectually convinced Moses of the propriety of his observation. Though he was eminently furnished with every qualification requisite for a good ruler, and successful administration;–such as learning, wisdom, meekness, patience, and the most perfect patriotism; yet worn down with painful services, and ready to sink under the burden, we find him pouring out his complaint to God, in these expressive terms,–“Wherefore hast thou afflicted thy servant? And wherefore have I not found favour in thy sight, that thou layest the burden of all this people upon me? Have I conceived all this people? Have I begotten them, that thou shoudst say unto me,–carry them in thy bosom as a nursing father carrieth the sucking child.—I am not able to bear all this people alone, because it is too heavy for me.”

Upon this earnest application to heaven, God was pleased to alter their form of government. Moses is directed to select out of all the people, seventy men of their first characters: Men known and noted as such, to be joined with him in the administration. These composed the great Sanhedrin, and are that Congregation of the Mighty,–those earthly Gods, to whom our text most probably hath a primary reference.

It is a divinely glorious character they sustain. The mighty, and according to the Hebrew dialect, Gods. These terms express their dignity, and point out the necessity of suitable qualifications for the discharge of the duties of their station.

The dignity of rulers, has by some been improved, as a subject of flattery; and their minds have been immoderately puffed up, by the high strained compliments of fawning sycophants; till they have conceived themselves something above human. But they bear the image of God’s authority, and are illustrious by the rays of his majesty, for a very different purpose:–That they might imitate the justice and beneficence of that glorious Being they represent; and exercise the authority with which they are vested in providence, to the great and good ends, for which they are raised above their brethren. When the public good engrosses their attention, and engages their unwearied exertions: When they lay themselves out for the encouragement of whatever is virtuous, commendable and praise worthy, and for the suppression of everything of a contrary nature and tendency: When they improve all the powers of their minds, and all the advantages of their preferment to these ends:–Then do they act up to their honourable character; they fill with dignity their exalted stations, and may be fitly denominated Gods, and workers together with God.

To be equal to this important character and employ, it is necessary that they be persons of good natural abilities, and acquired accomplishments. The former of our bodies and the father of our spirits, has been pleased to exercise, both his “wisdom and sovereignty in the different make of men. To some he giveth wisdom and understanding exceeding much; and largeness of heart, even as the sand that is on the sea shore,” whereby they are able to discern both time and judgment, and are ready for every emergency. The powers of others seem formed upon a lesser scale, and evidently point them to a lower line of duty. Education serves to keep up the natural diversity in the human composition. The situation and circumstances of some, in the course of providence, is peculiarly favourable for improvements in those useful sciences which enlarge and ennoble the mind, and qualify it for extensive usefulness. While others are necessarily destitute of those advantages, and consequent improvements. Providence, as with a sun-beam, points out the former of these, as persons proper to be vested with ruling powers, in preference to the latter. Their qualifications bespeak it; the public good demands it; and the word of God directs to it. “Provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness, and place such over them.” Able men—men possessed of wisdom and knowledge; of sense and substance, or fortitude and firmness; neither enervated by debauchery, or effeminated by dissipations, equal to the cares, fatigues and burden of government; and of “attending continually on this very thing.” Their religious and moral qualifications are directly subjoined, and are equally desirable in those who rule over men. Such as fear God, are really religious, in principle and practice; Men of truth—of inviolable integrity; who maintain a sacred regard to their engagements: Hating covetousness; not only free from that turbid source of corruption; but detesting the low principle that centers wholly in itself.

Such characters collected from a large community, for the purpose of conducting its important public concerns, compose a truly respectable assembly: A Congregation of the Mighty: God’s vicegerents. They exhibit a faint resemblance and representation of the source of all power; and are ministers of the providential government of the great Supreme.

Our text represents the great Jehovah as present with them; and taking cognizance of their conduct. God standeth in the Congregation of the Mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.

Infidel minds, and those who by their conduct, have made it for their interest, either that there should be no God, or that he should be regardless of their behavior; have sometime flatly denied his superintending human affairs. At other times endeavoured to argue themselves into skepticism upon the subject. The ancients of Israel, in the days of Ezekiel, had the confidence to assert, that “The Lord had forsaken the earth.” Others of a still more ancient date are represented as querying—“Is not God in the height of heaven? And behold the height of the stars, how high they are—How doth God know? Can he judge through the dark cloud? Thick clouds are a covering to him, that he seeth not, and he walketh in the circuit of heaven.” Others still have said in their hearts, secretly whispered to themselves, when rebuked by their consciences for their criminal conduct; not daring to utter aloud the impious thought: “God hath forgotten, he hideth his face; he will never see it.”

Our inward feelings revolt at such blasphemous suggestions, and assertions. And the word of God throughout, reprobates the shocking imagination; and represents it, as the fruitful source of all the over-flowings of impiety and immorality, which prevail, in the most degenerate places and periods of time.

The most high God, the possessor of Heaven and Earth, is uniformly revealed in his word, as an immense, an infinite Being; omnipresent and omniscient. His universal presence and inspection, are necessary to the administration of his providential government now; and to a righteous distribution of rewards and punishments, in the judgment of the great day.

He is present in the Congregation of the Mighty as an attentive observer:–A powerful assistant: A righteous Judge.

Though he has given the earth to the children of men, and imparted of his authority to his Vice-gerents below; yet he still holds the reins in his own hands, and hath the government on his shoulders; and critically observes the conduct of those, who by being exalted to rule, are brought especially nigh to himself.

He beholds with approbation those wise and faithful servants who conform to the moral character of the Supreme Ruler, and make his administration the pattern and standard of theirs. He observes their unwearied endeavours to possess their minds with political wisdom, that they may fully comprehend the duties of their station; and their uncorrupted fidelity for the discharge of them; their careful attention for the removal of every needless burden, and the redress of every real grievance. He sees their solicitude to remove whatever obstructs the free course of justice; their assiduous endeavours, that it may be impartially administered, to all of every rank, and in every part of the community. He observes the firmness and fortitude with which they oppose themselves against evil doers, and the workers of iniquity; with what zeal and ardour, they labour for the suppression of vice and immorality, so utterly ruinous, both from its natural tendency, and the righteous judgment of God. He regards their meekness, self-denial and patience, their prudence, paternal affection and public spirit; and that philanthropy and God-like benevolence which animates to the noblest exertions for the public good.

He particularly notices the serious reference they cultivate to his all seeing eye; and the habitual influence this has upon the temper of their hearts, as well as the discharge of the duties of their exalted stations.

A lively sense of an ever present God, must powerfully arrest every mind that is the subject of it; and beget that fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom: Which is so essential and important a branch of religion, as to be frequently substituted for the whole of it. This important principle is indispensably necessary, for every man, who wishes to approve himself to God. It is the greatest ornament to a Christian Ruler; and of the happiest influence to the uniform discharge of every incumbent duty. Whenever it exists and exerts itself, Heaven regards it with approbation. It renders the services and sacrifices of all who possess it acceptable, and well pleasing in his sight. The Congregation of the Mighty thus qualified, disposed and employed; will secure and enjoy the approbation of the Supreme Ruler.

But the great God not only takes notice of all their exertions for the honour of his name, and the good of society; but is present with them for their assistance and support.

Civil Rulers are honoured as ministers and instruments of his providential government; and they are favoured with his providential presence, that the ordinance of Heaven in this respect, might not be rendered void; but that they may accomplish that which the Supreme Ruler pleases; and prosper in the station which he has assigned them.

When God has such a favour for his people, as to afford their Rulers his gracious presence; his right hand and the light of his countenance will do great things for them, and cause all things to go well with them.

Are they involved in darkness, or embarrassed with difficulties? The fountain of light, will illuminate their minds, and irradiate their paths, and make their duty plain before them.

Are they beset with threatening dangers? He that is with them, is more, and mightier, than all that are against them; and can easily deliver from the strivings of the people within; and external violence from abroad.

The presence of the Supreme Ruler, in the congregation of the mighty, as a sun and a shield for their direction and defence, is at all times desirable; and upon some emergencies of the highest importance. Such difficulties may perplex their minds, and embarrass their paths, as that they may really not know what to do. But the Father of light, if graciously present with them, can easily point out to them, the path of duty and safety. He has an immediate access to the human mind, and an entire command of it. As the rivers of water, he turneth it which way soever it pleaseth him. He can suggest such a train of thought, and mode of conduct, as shall lead them out of the labyrinth, set their feet upon a rock, and establish their goings.

Does a spirit of sedition arise, and the contagion catch from breast to breast; do the clouds collect and blacken, the clamor wax louder and louder, and direct its course, against the constitution and guardians of the State: Is it ready to burst out in contention, confusion, and every evil work? Oh how desirable is the gracious presence and powerful influence of the Supreme Ruler, at such a period, with those who act under him.

Such seasons of danger and distress are not ideal. They have been realized under every form of government; though more frequently perhaps under those of the most liberal complexion. It is not the best system of civil rule; or the most faithful and judicious administration, that is a certain security from such evils.

Under the , where God himself condescended to be their King; enacted their laws, civil as well as sacred; resided among them, exhibiting continually, a visible appearance of his presence; conducting the affairs both of Church and State, by the ministry of Moses;–of whose appointment to office by Heaven, his qualifications for it, and fidelity in it, they had the most undeniable proofs. Yet under all these advantages for a quiet administration, and obligations to a due submission; Korah and company, had the address to effect a most dangerous insurrection. They first attach to their interest, a number of leading characters; then raise their posse, and prepare their charge.

But what charge could hold, against so eminent a Ruler as Moses? Whom has he defrauded, or oppressed? Not a single individual. He declares before the heart-searching God, he had not. “Respect them not (says he, in his solemn address to the Deity) I have not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them.”

What is the terrible grievance, or pretended grievance, that enables these sons of sedition, to raise the whole Congregation against Moses and Aaron? It is pride and imperiousness. Strange that this of all things, should be the charge, when we are assured, from sacred record, that “the man Moses, was very meek, above all men which were upon the face of the earth.” But what of that? The charge takes, and that answers the purpose. “Ye take too much upon you, (they complain) seeing all the Congregation are holy, every one of them: Wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the Congregation of the Lord?

This daring rebellion was severely rebuked by the righteous Governour of the World. The authors of it, and leaders in it, were partly consumed by fire from the Lord: And for the rest, the earth opened her mouth, and they went down quick into the pit.

But such a malignant effect had this insurrection upon the minds of the people, that even this awful interposition of the great God of Heaven, was not sufficient to quell it. The very next day there is a fresh rising, and a new charge exhibited. Moses and Aaron are impeached with killing the people of the Lord.

Gracious Heaven! Is it possible, that when those sinners against their own souls, were cut off by the hand of God, in the open view of thousands and ten thousand witnesses; and by his creating a new thing too; causing “the earth to open and swallow them up, with all that appertained to them,” that the whole Congregation should directly charge Moses and Aaron, with the murder of those pious good people?

This was too much for infinite patience to endure. “Get ye up from this congregation (says the Lord to Moses, prostrate before him as an humble fervent intercessor for them) that I may consume them in a moment.” And though Moses and Aaron stood in the gap, and at length turned away the anger of God: Yet it was not till fourteen thousand seven hundred, were made monuments of the divine displeasure; besides them that died about the matter of Korah.

These things happened to Israel of old for ensamples; and they are written for our admonition on whom the ends of the world are come, and they admit of a profitable improvement. We do not indeed in the present age expect miraculous interpositions; yet when God is graciously present with his servants, he does sometimes by a surprising coincidence of events, work out their salvation: So that “whoever is wise and observes them, may understand the loving kindness of the Lord.” To proceed with our subject.

The great Governor of the world, is not only present with those in authority, as an observer of all the good they do for his people; and to afford every assistance and support, as circumstances require:–But as a righteous judge, who critically observes the deportment of the whole, and of each individual, and takes cognizance whenever they lose sight of the great end of their appointment. He judgeth among the Gods.

That all-piercing eye which pervades the universe, and penetrates every disguise, sees who constitute the Congregation of the Mighty. He perfectly knows the various views they have; and the different improvement they make of their talents and opportunities. They are raised above their brethren; not that they may shine in affluence, and fare sumptuously every day; much less, that they may indulge to inglorious ease and sloth; and least of all, that they should pervert judgment and justice; but that having a more extended circle of duty, they may be more extensively useful. If however there are any who neglect the business of their station, who permit their talents to lie by them useless, as though folded up in a napkin, if content with the honors or profits of preferment, they leave the duties to be performed by others: He who stands in the midst of their assembly observes it. If through their delinquency, “judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off: If truth falleth in the street, and equity cannot enter,” the Lord sees it. “If they forbear to deliver them that are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to perish; if they say, behold we knew it not: Doth not He that pondereth the heart consider it? And He that keepeth their soul, doth He not know it? And shall He not render to every man according to his works?”

Whatever pleas any may substitute for the neglect of their duty, every omission is noticed by the righteous Judge; and noted down in the book of his remembrance. The abuse of their trust, exposes them to the just resentments of those, who have confided their interests to their care; and to the present rebukes of that God who judgeth in the earth. But whether they fall under the effects of these now, or not—a severe reckoning and an awful doom awaits them at the great day: “Cast ye the unprofitable servant into outer darkness, there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth.”

And if mere indolence and inattention to duty, be thus resented by the Supreme Ruler; those who are chargeable with direct and positive breaches of their trust, will not escape his observation. If they judge unjustly, and accept the persons of the wicked: If mischief be framed by a law, in effect and constructively, however covertly done, and men are turned aside from their right—He who is higher than the highest regardeth such violent perversion of judgment and justice. When this is the case, “all the foundations of the earth or land, are out of course,” as it is expressed in our context: For when justice is perverted, what good can be expected? “The omniscient God sees, and shall he not avenge such injustice as this? Hear that declaration of our blessed Lord, which will apply to the point, and deserves the serious attention of those who abuse their trust; “But if that evil servant shall say in his heart, my Lord delayeth his coming; and shall begin to smite his fellow-servants, and to eat and drink with the drunken; the Lord of that servant shall come, in a day when he looketh not for him, and in an hour that he is not aware of, and shall cut him asunder, and appoint him his portion with the hypocrites.”

And now will not the consideration of the divine presence in the assembly of political rulers, most powerfully engage them to a conscientious discharge of the duties of their exalted station? If their minds are possessed with a lively sense of his immediate inspection; they will, they must attend to the important affairs that come before them, with great solemnity of spirit.—Every matter that is suggested, or submitted to their consideration, will be impartially examined; and nothing suffered to pass merely upon the account of its plausible appearance. In every debate the enquiry will be, not what measure will most contribute to my popularity; to secure my present station; or advance me to an higher? Nor, what will be most for my personal interest, or the advantage of those with whom I am particularly connected? But what is fit, and right in itself, and in the view of my most calm and retired thoughts, divested as much as possible of passion and prejudice? What will stand the awful trial of the Supreme Governour, and meet his final approbation?

A lively sense of an ever present God, habitually impressed upon the mind, will happily influence the general temper and conduct; and it will prove peculiarly beneficial in pressing public emergencies: It will raise above that fear of man which bringeth a snare; and lessen, if not utterly destroy the force of temptation, from whatever quarter it originates. It will make them stedfast, immovable, abounding in the work of the Lord. It will expand the human heart, and inspire with a laudible ambition, to secure his sacred sanction. In short it will form a principle of action, which viewed in its proper connexion and extent, is one of the noblest and best that can possess the Ruler’s breast.

There are it is true, other principles that have their use, and are often improved by Providence to produce good effects: Such as a benevolent disposition:–A quick sense of honor:–ambition of being distinguished as of consequence in the State; and the like. But the influence of all these lower principles, is very uncertain, especially in times of great trial and temptation. If present interest, and present duty interfere, as they sometimes may, what is there but a serious reference to the invisible God, that will enable the ruler to hold fast his integrity? This indeed will engage him to go through honor and dishonor, good report, and evil report; resolutely to surmount, or charge through every difficulty and opposition that he meets with in the line of duty. The testimony of his own conscience affords him a constant support, a continual feast. “The work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever.”

Faithful Rulers, acting uniformly under the influence of this most excellent principle, have the fairest prospect of securing the acceptance and approbation of their fellow-citizens; and thereby of protracting the period, and enlarging the sphere of their usefulness. But whatever returns are made them, by an ungrateful world or perverse generation; God is not unrighteous to forget their work and labour of love. That peace of his which passeth all understanding, shall possess their hearts, and prove their support under every present pressure. And in the nearest views of dissolution, the testimony of their consciences, that they have walked before God, with a perfect heart, and have done that which was right in his sight, will inspire a hope sure and stedfast. And great shall be their reward in Heaven.

Will not the subject, thus considered, naturally lead us to reflect, with the most pleasing sensations, and sincerest gratitude to Heaven, upon our own happy constitution of civil government. Emancipated from British domination, freed from that exorbitant claim to a right to bind us in all cases whatever; which like a horrid vortex threatened to swallow up all that was dear and sacred in our view; and to reduce us to a state of absolute servility: Freed from these evils, we have had the singular privilege of forming and establishing a frame of government for ourselves: And, to render it the more perfect, of availing ourselves of the examples and maxims of the sacred writings, as well as the wisdom of all preceding ages. The thought that it is our own is a pleasing recommendation. The treasure and the blood we have been obliged to expend in order to its acquisition, must enhance its value. But especially the broad basis it lays for equal liberty, civil and religious; the security it gives to all our rights as men, and Christians; the favourable aspect it has upon our peace and prosperity in this life; and the advantages if affords of securing a good foundation against the time to come; all conspire to raise our esteem even to veneration. Strangers are not permitted to rule over us. “Our nobles are of ourselves: And our Governour proceeds from the midst of us.” Our best characters, it is our privilege and our duty to select, out of all the people, and from every part of the Commonwealth, to conduct our interesting affairs: And, not by will or caprice, but fixed fundamental rules, which they are under the oath of God to maintain sacred and inviolable. And if experience should convince us that amendments or alterations, are eligible, or necessary; a constitutional mode is pointed out, in which they may be effected, without exposing us to those intestine jars and convulsions, which usually attend alterations, and especially revolutions in other States. Happy, thrice happy people, have we but wisdom to know, and virtue to improve, so excellent a system.

What thanks should we render to God most high, to God who performeth all things for us, for the favourable dispositions of his providence, which opened the way for, and has enabled us to secure so excellent a constitution! Our present situation is by no means the result of chance. The revolution that introduced it was replete with brilliant events; such as engaged the attention and admiration of distant nations; and will shine with distinguished lustre in the faithful page of history. The hand of Heaven has been conspicuous, in raising up eminent characters for council and war, in uniting so extensive a territory in a common cause; in giving us favour in the eyes of foreign powers, and influencing them to afford us essential aid; and especially in a variety of marvelous interpositions of his providence, in periods of greatest perplexity, darkness and danger. How did the Supreme Ruler ride forth upon the Heavens for our help; and in his Excellency upon the skies! How often did he make bare his arm on our behalf, and exert the saving strength of his own right hand, till we obtained the completion of our wishes; peace with established independence; upon terms too, as honorable to America, as they were humiliating to Britain.

To hint at these interesting events, will not be deemed improper at this time, as it serves to touch the secret springs of gratitude, and draw forth our whole souls in love to him, to whom we are so infinitely indebted. And at the same time, may remind our civil Fathers of the confidence the community repose in them, by committing the Supreme powers of the constitution, both Legislative and Executive, to their care: And the sacred obligations they lay themselves under by accepting the trust.

His Excellency will consider his renewed call to the first seat of government in this Commonwealth, by the voice of the people, as a decided proof of their continued attachment to his person, and grateful acceptance of his past services: And the confidence they still repose in his abilities and disposition for future exertions in their favour.

His Honor the Lieutenant-Governour elect: The Honourable the Senate, and the Honourable House of Representatives, advanced to their respective important stations by the suffrages of their fellow-citizens, have now an happy opportunity of improving the large share of public confidence they possess, in contributing to the peace, order and felicity of the whole community. To this great end, they will direct their united attention and exertions.

In filling up the vacancies in the Legislature, and furnishing out a Council, for the Supreme Executive, their eyes will be upon the faithful in the land, upon men of known and tried abilities.

In all the business that comes before our Honoured Rulers, they will keep in view the public good, as the great end of their appointment to office. By a strict conformity to the principles of the constitution, they will if possible, cut off all occasion for murmuring and complaint: And where any really exists, effectually and expeditiously remove it.

They will keep a vigilant eye upon those restless spirits, who either from an aversion to the necessary restraints of government, discontent at their own situation, or embarrassments in their personal interest, through their own folly, extravagance or unsuccessful speculations, are continually plotting mischief, exciting the fears and jealousies of honest people, insinuating that their liberties and privileges, are invaded, or in danger, &c. Such men are the pests of society: They should be narrowly observed, and whenever their factious disposition discovers itself by overt acts, seasonably and severely animadverted upon; that others may avoid their crimes as they would their fate. Inattention to evils of this kind in their rise is dangerous, and may prove fatal.

To contribute to public happiness our civil Fathers will give every encouragement to industry, so indispensably necessary to bring forward to our aid, the numerous resources with which our country is blessed. By good laws and proper encouragements, they will endeavour to improve our agriculture, fisheries, commerce, arts and manufactures. These extensive fields will furnish out full, and profitable employ for all parts of the community. And industry in the improvement of these advantages, attended with proper economy, would enable us to emerge from our embarrassments, discharge our debts, feel our independence, and appear to advantage upon the great Theatre of the world.

To answer the great end of their appointment, our Rulers will patronize learning and the liberal arts. They will encourage our Schools and Academies, and especially our University, so illustrious for the renowned characters it has already produced: And to which the Commonwealth will still direct her eye for “strong rods for the scepter of them that bare rule;” to her own sons nurtured in that seat of learning, will she look for prophets, and to her young men for Nazarites, to take her by the hand, and lead her in the way she ought to go.

They will moreover endeavour the impartial distribution of justice and judgment. “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spoke: He that ruleth over men, must be just.” Would they approve themselves to the Supreme Ruler or answer the prime design of government; they must conscientiously attend to this cardinal virtue. All their acts and laws must be founded upon this sure basis. And all their promises and engagements, held sacred and inviolable.

Their promises, their plighted faith for the payment of the public debt, does in a particular manner solicit their most serious attention. The creditors of the public, attached to the interest of their country, in the most critical juncture, cheerfully stepped forward, and exposed both their persons, and their fortunes, to the most threatening dangers, on her behalf. While some jeoparded their lives in the high places of the field, and endured all the fatigues of a severe and long continued war; through various perils, many times in cold and nakedness, hunger and thirst, yea “in deaths oft.” Others risked their interest at the earnest call of their country, in the support of the common cause, relying upon the public faith. Have they forfeited their right to their interests, either from loan, or services performed? Britain perhaps, had her arms been successful, might determine they had; for their treasonable attempts against her authority. And those among ourselves, who have been uniformly inimical to the American cause, may be pleased with the cruel mortification to which they see them subjected. But is there an individual friendly to the revolution, and possessed of the most moderate share of judgment and integrity, who does not view them as highly meritorious?

The decided part they took in favour of their much injured country, and in periods too of its utmost perplexity and danger, is greatly to their honor. They asserted her rights and supported her cause, not by a mere profusion and flourish of words; but by actions, which admitted of no duplicity of sense or meaning. They risked their dear-earned interest, and their still dearer lives for the freedom of their country. Heaven directed and assisted the noble exertions, and crowned the arduous attempt with glorious success. Had they not a right to expect, that government would honor themselves, by paying a sacred regard to their engagements? Did not sound policy, justice, honor, gratitude and every ingenuous principle which actuates the human mind, urge to this? Can specious promises, under the names of certificates, indents, facilities, due-bills, &c. couched in the fairest terms, while covering the grossest deception, be considered as an honorable discharge of the public engagements? Is this class of citizens, to look and expect till their eyes and hearts fail them with waiting? Have not many already been as effectually ruined by their dependence upon the public faith, as if their substance had been consumed by the flames? Have not many, urged by sad necessity, been obliged to part with their public securities, for a very trifling consideration? And must not more directly share their severe fate, unless the justice of government interpose? Some appear averse to this interposition, because it must now come too late with respect to many. But if through the delinquency or delay of the public, many of her faithful and tried friends, who have rendered her the most essential service, are ruined; is this a good reason why they should make thorough work, and dispatch the whole body of them?

“To turn away a man from his right, or subvert him in his cause, the Lord approveth not,” in any case whatever. But are there not in the case before us some circumstances, which give a peculiar colouring to the injustice done, to a part at least, of the public creditors, by withholding their due?

When David while in the strong hold, exclaimed,–“O that one would give me water to drink out of the well of Bethlehem; and three of the thirty chief, break through the host of the Philistines, and drew it, and brought it to him; he would not drink of it. My God forbid it me, that I should do this thing (says he.) Shall I drink the blood of these men, that have put their lives in jeopardy? For with the jeopardy of their lives they brought it.” In this view of the case, and as far as it will fairly apply to our army,–is there an individual, who would withhold from them their due; and deprive them of that bread they have acquired a righteous claim to, at the peril of their lives? Again.

The aged and helpless, and particularly widows and orphans, may be viewed as another class of public creditors. These, incapable of vindicating their rights, have a special claim to the patronage and protection of authority. Injustice offered to these, and especially to the latter, is ever considered as greatly aggravated. And some of the most pointed threatnings in the whole book of God, are directly leveled against this sin. Says the Supreme Ruler of the universe,–Ye shall not afflict any widow, or fatherless child. If thou afflict them in anywise, and they cry at all unto me; I will surely hear their cry, and my wrath shall wax hot, and I will kill you with the sword, and your wives shall be widows, and your children fatherless.”

There is other property, of which the community have availed themselves in the late contest, the with-holding of which, and especially the perversion of it, from its original design, is perhaps carrying injustice to its highest pitch. I mean that which has been devoted to God: Consecrated to charitable uses: The pious donations to our University: The funds for the benefit of Churches, and other societies: The provision made in one place and another, for the relief of the aged and necessitous, the widow and orphan. What is an invasion of this kind of property, but down-right sacrilege? A crime that scarce admits of excuse or extenuation. “If one man sin against another, the Judges shall judge him: But if a man sin against the Lord, who shall plead for him?”

Shall these claims upon the public be still suspended to give scope for speculation? Shall they be vacated, or in any degree mutilated, because the discharge of them is not to be effected, without laying a burden upon the community? And this when we are assured, they are entirely competent to the annual discharge of the interest, and lowering the principal, with a tax no heavier in proportion to the present number, than was commonly paid before the war? Would such pleas avail between man and man? Would they with good men and true, in a Court of Justice? Should an individual endeavour to get rid of his debts by such means, would it not consign his character to perpetual infamy? Can any plead for it then in a community; especially when the example it exhibits is so detestable in itself, and so destructive in its tendency, and abominable in the eyes of a righteous God, who declares, “I hate robbery for burnt sacrifice.”

Permit me only to add here, Our honoured Rulers among all their other exertions for the good of the Commonwealth, will pay a particular attention to the interest of Religion. Is it their governing aim to approve themselves to God? They must personally think of, and practice, the graces and virtues of the Christian character, without which it is not possible to please God. If they have the interest of religion at heart, they will give it their determined support: Not by instituting articles of faith, or forms of worship, or in any manner infringing the rights of conscience; but by promoting none to places of power and trust, but persons of good moral characters; by countenancing and encouraging the ministers of religion; by a faithful execution of the laws for the suppression of profaneness, immorality and impiety; and especially by an exemplary attendance upon public worship, and gospel institutions. Examples, and particularly of those in higher life, have a prevailing victorious force; and by them good Rulers may eminently subserve the interests of piety and virtue.

“Godliness is profitable to all things; having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.” It ensures the favour and blessing of heaven. It contributes to public happiness, by engaging all orders of men to an upright discharge of their several duties. Rulers possessed of religious principles, will approve themselves “Ministers of God for good,” to their people. And subjects under similar influences, will yield due obedience; not merely for wrath, or through fear of punishment; but from a far nobler principle,–“for conscience sake.” Religion in this view is so far from being a vain thing, that it is our life.

To these articles, and indeed to the whole circle of the duties of their elevated stations, our honoured civil Fathers will view themselves as under sacred obligations to attend. It is fit and reasonable in itself, that you do so. Heaven requires it of you; and the public good, in which your own private happiness, and that of your dearest connections is involved, demands it. But there is no consideration can have a more commanding force, than that which our text holds up to view. May you all feel its fullest effect. God standeth in the Congregation of the Mighty. The Supreme Ruler, before whom the most exalted intelligences of the upper world, prostrate with veiled faces, is present with you. He knows you all by name. Your principles, your views and the inmost recesses of your souls, are all naked and open to his inspection. He is at hand for your assistance. If you devoutly implore it, he will graciously afford it. And if you have it, and improve it; we may hope for clear evidence, from your happy and successful administration, that He is with you of a truth.—He judgeth among the Gods. He carefully notices your conduct, with a view to a righteous retribution. “Though you are called Gods, yet you must die like men;” and like your brethren of the dust appear before his dread tribunal, without any remains of your present civil distinctions. Actuated by this solemn thought; conducting with serious reference to the broad eye of heaven, and the recompence of reward; you will have the fairest prospect of acquitting yourselves with honour, of being approved of God, and accepted by the multitude of your brethren. Yea, it will give you boldness in the day of Christ Jesus. Having been faithful in a few things, he will make you rulers over many; and admit you to the joy of your Lord.

How solicitously concerned does it become us all to be, that we avail ourselves to the utmost of our present inestimable advantages; and especially that we do not forfeit and forego them, by our own folly and perverseness!

Our advantages are much every way. The lines are fallen to us in pleasant places; and we have a goodly heritage. The land we possess, like the chosen residence of God’s favourite people of old, is “a land of hills and vallies, and drinketh water of the rain of heaven. The eyes of the Lord our God are always upon it, from the beginning of the year even unto the end of the year.” It amply repays the toils of the industrious husbandman; yielding a rich supply of the necessaries, and most substantial articles of life; and a good surplusage for the purposes of commerce. Our fields, the uncultivated wilderness, the fisheries, the trade, and numerous arts and manufactures, offer business and bread, to every industrious individual; business suited to every different genius; and a decent support, and what in other countries would be called luxurious living.

Our land is a “valley of vision.” We are blest with the bright beams of gospel light and grace, which afford the highest advantages, for securing an inheritance in a better, in a heavenly country, when our connections with this are over.

The establishment of the new federal system, so favourable to a firm, and at the same time free government; so well adapted to brace the nerves of civil authority, through the whole frame; “to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity:” The consideration which our firm bond of union will give us among the nations of the earth: The bright and pleasing prospect of enjoying the fruits of all our exertions and expense for liberty and independence, under the wise councils, and judicious regulations, of those eminent patriots, from the various parts of the union, which compose our national government: and especially under the presidency of that illustrious Chief, in whom we all concenter our views with an unanimity as desirable, as it is unexampled.

These advantages we now possess, are great in a separate view; but combined, are they not singular, and unparalleled, by any part of the whole habitable world? May I not with the utmost propriety, as well as warmest emotions, congratulate our honoured Rulers, this respectable audience, and our whole land, upon our present promising situation? More particularly upon the new era so happily, so auspiciously commenced. The tranquil easy advance to this new stage of political existence; and all the pleasing scenes which providence is opening to our view. Have we not the most flattering presages of realizing all that felicity so beautifully pictured out by the sweet Psalmist of Israel? “That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner-stones, polished after the similitude of a palace; that our garners may be full, affording all manner of store; that our sheep may bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our streets; that our oxen may be strong to labour; that there be no breaking in or going out; no complaining in our streets.” Happy is the people that is in such a case; yea happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

Says an ingenious foreigner with respect to these United States;–“It is impossible not to wish ardently, that this people may attain to all the prosperity of which they are capable. They are the hope of the world. They may become a model to it. They may prove the fact, that men can be free, and yet tranquil. They may exhibit an example of political liberty, of religious liberty, of commercial liberty, and of industry. The asylum they open to the oppressed of all nations, should console the earth. The ease with which the injured may escape from oppressive governments, will compel Princes to become just and cautious. And the rest of the world will gradually open their eyes upon the empty illusions with which they have been hitherto cheated by politicians.”

With all these advantages, greater perhaps than providence has ever committed to any one people “since the transgression of the first pair;” with all our own raised expectations, and that of others; should we through our folly and perverseness, miscarry, alas how contemptible shall we appear! How criminal and wretched hall we be!

And is there not really danger sufficient to suggest the idea? To put us upon our guard, if not to alarm our fears? Virtue is justly represented, as the spirit of a republican government. Have we a sufficiency to animate ours? If the spirit be departed the form will be of but little worth. Had the people of these States, in fact, possessed those measures of public and private virtue, which the confederation gave them credit for; that might have proved a foundation for many generations. Experience has given the most unequivocal proofs, that it did not possess energy sufficient for us. And though we promise ourselves much from the National Constitution, so happily effected, organized and commenced; yet we may by no means expect to be happy under it, without our own consent and co-operation too.

If we are not prudent and cautious in our elections to important public offices: If we are impatient of the necessary restraints and expense of good government: If we indulge to mean groundless jealousies and suspicions of those in authority; and give a loose rein to the vices too prevalent in the present day; and especially if we get beyond the restraints of religion, and bid adieu to the fear of God: Have we not every reason to expect, that our most pleasing prospects will soon be closed, and succeeded by the deepest gloom?

May we unite in guarding against this danger; and exert ourselves for the support of order, peace and good government; which is really no other than our own support, and that of our nearest and dearest interests. Let us endeavour to derive a blessing upon the administration of government, by addressing ardent prayers, supplications, intercessions and thanksgiving, to the throne of Grace, for all who are in authority. Let us cultivate a condescending, benevolent, pacific and public spirit: And especially by repentance and reformation, and a careful practice of the various graces which constitute the Christian character; let us strive to conciliate the favor of Heaven. This will have the happiest aspect upon our tranquility. “If God giveth quietness, who then can make trouble? But if he hideth his face, who can behold him, whether it be done against a Nation or a man only?”

To conclude, let us all of every character, seriously remember, that the all-seeing eye of the Supreme Governor and Righteous Judge of the world, is not confined to the congregation of the Mighty. It runs to and fro through the whole earth, beholding the evil and the good. It critically observes the temper of our hearts, and the tenor of our lives: how we conduct in our several stations; whether we improve, or neglect, the talents committed to our trust; whether we make his approbation our governing principle, or live as without God in the world. We have each our station and work assigned us by our common Lord; and are under a sacred injunction to occupy till he comes. Come he most certainly will; and every eye shall behold him: And everyone receive an irreversible award from his mouth, according to the deeds done in the body. Let this solemn awful thought have its due weight on all our hearts, and it will have the best effect. It will make us such manner of persons as we ought to be in all holy conversation and godliness. Thus may we pass with improvement the varying scenes of this mortal life; and finally be admitted to a kingdom that cannot be moved; to a city that hath foundations whose maker and builder is GOD.

Josiah Whitney (1731-1824) preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 8, 1788.

A

S E R M O N,

Preached in the Audience of His Excellency

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

Governor and Commander in Chief;

His Honor

OLIVER WOLCOTT, Esq.

Lieutenant-Governor,

And the Honourable The

Counsellors and House of Representatives

Of the

STATE of CONNECTICUT,

At Hartford, on the Day of the

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 8th 1788.

By JOSIAH WHITNEY, A. M.
Pastor of the first Church of Christ in Brooklyn.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, 1788.

ORDERED, That the Hon. William Williams, Esq. and Capt. Ebenezer Scarborough, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Josiah Whitney, for his Sermon, delivered before the Assembly on the 8th Instant, and request a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined, by
George Wyllys, Sec’ry.

EXODUS, xviii. 21.

Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them.

THAT there is a living, intelligent author of universal nature, a Being called God, is a truth, which shines gloriously in the splendor of the sun — vegitates in every plant — lives in every animal, and diffuses itself throughout all nature.

That this glorious Being does according to his will, in the army of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth; and that his dominion is absolute, yet wise and reasonable, are also truths agreeable both to natural and revealed religion.

Absolute dominion, doing according to will and pleasure belongs only to him.

Men are not fit for it. When any have assumed it, their government has ordinarily soon become tyrannical and intolerable.

The stock of corruption in men, discovers itself as soon as there are objects to call it forth: hence none ought to be trusted with absolute power, because it gives vicious inclinations their full play, which before were cramped, and confined within narrow bounds.

Men do not mistrust themselves, because they are ignorant of what is in them.

Many who would say in a private station as Hazael did; What is thy servant a dog, that he should do this great thing? Yet like him, have done the very thing when raised to sovereignty, which before they were shocked with the tho’ts of.

There is but one Being in the universe fit for absolute rule: This one is God, in whom all perfections to meet as to form the most perfect character.

Though he is an absolute sovereign, yet his perfections prescribe the measures of his providence, so as most to promote the welfare and happiness of his creatures.

In his providential government, there is a great variety, so great that we cannot fully comprehend it, nor reduce it to rules and measures.

Hence some who suppose it a reflection on their understandings, not to be able to solve all difficulties, and account for everything, are ready to think, that the course of things is without a wise, intelligent direction.

But wiser are they, who when they feel their inability, to investigate some of the ways of Providence, believe that all are guided and issued by a divine hand.

Often when particular events take place, we cannot at first tell, whether they are the effects of the favour, or displeasure of the world’s great Ruler: Time, the great expositer of events can only satisfy us—Nay perhaps we never shall have satisfaction as to some: Yet from a belief of a supreme providential guidance, we rest assured that things are ordered, or permitted in such a manner, as that in the issue, all will see and own God to be an infinitely wise, just and good governor.

Striking instances there are in every age, of a superintending Providence: human affairs are conducted thereby to their proper periods; all which to minds enlightened and enlarged from on high, are full of harmony and beauty.

That God influences and directs human affairs, is most evident from the sacred writings; these declare, That the kingdom is the Lord’s—That he is the governor among the nations—That he judges the people righteously, and governs the nations upon earth.—The living may know that the MOST HIGH ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will.—The heavens do rule. But how does God govern the world?—By instruments? Or by his own immediate influence? It may be a sufficient answer, to say, that though the scriptures just quoted speak of none but God, as governing the world, and though he needs not the aid of any of his creatures, yet to keep them busy and active, he has assigned them work, according to the talents given them. Some he wills should move in higher, and others in lower spheres—Some are to govern; others are to be governed. He raised up Moses and Aaron to give law to Israel—lead them out of Egypt, and guide them towards the land of promise. This indeed is attributed to God, but not without the instrumentality of these his dignified servants. Thou leadest thy people like a flock, by the hand of Moses and Aaron.

Moses, in our text was directed by his father-in-law, the priest, or prince of Midian, to appoint some under him, to be rulers over the people. Should it be said this was not divine, but human counsel, therefore not obligatory: it may pertinently be replied, that it was counsel which probably wanted not a divine sanction. Jethro was sensible that God’s approbation was necessary, in order to Moses’s following his advice; therefore said, If thou shalt do this thing, and God command thee so. The government the Israelites were under, was a Theocracy; and it cannot be reasonably, supposed that Moses would have made so considerable an alteration in it, without divine leave. No doubt God directed him to follow the advice. Nay, may we not add, that it is advice so evidently reasonable, that there lies an appeal to common sense, that it must be agreeable to the will of God.

In our text we have several requisites, necessary to from the character of good magistrates. These will be distinctly considered, after premising a few things, which it is hoped, will be neither foreign to the subject, nor unacceptable to the audience.

Society is necessary, to the comfortable subsistence of mankind, in the present state.

Man is evidently formed for society. When God made the first man, he saw it was not good for him to be alone; therefore made an helpmeet for him. He formed him for society, and disposed him to enter into it.

Should we suppose one placed in Paradise, where were all outward good things, in the greatest variety and plenty, but without social intercourse with his fellow creatures—could he be happy? No, misery would be his portion.

Man alone is insufficient for his happiness—Alone, he is liable to innumerable evils, which he can neither prevent nor redress—full of wants, which he cannot supply.

Hence may be argued, the expediency and necessity of uniting in society, for mutual delight, help and defense.

To speak in the language of inspiration—Two are better than one, because they have a good reward for their labour; if they fall, one will lift up his fellow: But woe to him that is alone when he falleth; for he hath not another to lift him up. If one prevail against him, two shall withstand him, and a threefold cord is not easily broken. Mankind in every age have been so sensible of the necessity of civil combinations, that they have formed kingdoms, commonwealths, counties, towns and the like, for their mutual convenience, and for the preservation of their lives, liberties and properties.

Let it be further premised, that civil government is absolutely necessary to the support and well being of society.

As society is necessary to the well being of mankind; so government is no less necessary to the support of society. Nay, good government is the very life and soul of society.

Should a number lie together without government, and every one do what is right in his own eyes, what must the consequence be in such a lapsed, disordered world as this? Why, they would soon prey upon, and devour each other. Neither life nor property could be secure. The earth would be filled with violence. Rather would a considerate person fly to the wilderness, where he might be in safety, though alone, than remain with sons of rapine and violence.

Not a few of mankind are impatient under the restraints of government: They abhor it and the necessary expenses for its support. They ardently wish to be rid of both.

Wickedness, shocking to relate, prevailed in Israel when there was no government there, and everyone did that which seemed good to him. So would it be with others, left destitute of government as they were. They would soon disband and crumble to pieces.

It is sad to have a bad government, but a government in some, nay many respects bad, is better than none. It is impossible for things to go well where there is none.

Hence, we ought further to premise, that it is the will of God, that some form of civil government should be established among mankind.

What the particular form shall be, whether monarchical, republican, or aristocratical, he has not told us.

Nations or states are left to choose and adopt such as are most agreeable to their genius and circumstances.

Some natural rights are to be given up into the hands of one, or more, for the preservation of the rest.

One form may be best for one people, and a different one for another. In general, that ought to have the preference, which best secures the lives, liberties, and properties of men.

But some form, God wills every people should have to promote, and establish the interest of society, which is the great, and sole end of government.

His will it is also, that there should be some persons vested with authority, and placed over a people. And when properly designated to places of trust, and confidence, they are to be considered as ordained of God to their office, they receive not their commission immediately from him, but mediately. They who have the right of electing them to places of rule, and vesting them with civil power, are the instruments by which God conveys the power to them; and when they are thus vested with it, they are his ministers, and are to be acknowledged as such, as long as they do his will, and well discharge the duties of their place. While they do so they are entitled to respect, and should be obeyed.

But should they cease to be ministers of God for good — should they do evil, neglect the public interest, and have no higher, better object than the gratification of pride, ambition, and selfish regard, then the obligation upon people to respect, and obey them, also ceases.

Indeed no small degree of implicit confidence ought to be placed in rulers, a trust being committed to them, implies it.

They who call them to places of trust, should consider them as fallible, liable to do wrong in some instances. Errors they expect will be found in their administration, because these attend the best; hence they should make proper allowances for human frailty. They must be more than men, who err not. Judicious persons consider unreasonable jealousy of rulers, as mean and mischievous: therefore carefully guard against it themselves, and use their influence that others might not be troubled with this evil disease, which makes all under its dominion cruel as the grave.

But should rulers abuse their power and authority, turn oppressors and tyrants—Should they subvert the public welfare; then their right to command ceases: And it is not only lawful to oppose them, but depose them.

No government is to be submitted to, at the expence of that, which is the sole end of all government, viz. the common good and safety of society. Neither reason nor religion require submission to those who subvert this end: they ought to be discarded and hissed out of their places.

The title ministers of God, only belongs to them while they do the will of God, by exercising a just and reasonable authority, and ruling for the good of men.

These remarks are agreeable to reason, and revelation.

It might be affrontive to this respectable, enlightened audience, to intimate a suspicion, that they disbelieve them, or consume the time in a labored proof of things so level to common sense.

The requisites to form the character of good rulers, mentioned in our text, will now be attended to.

Moses was advised to provide out of all the people, able men, for rulers.

Ability is an essential requisite in the character of good rulers. “Able men, i.e. as a learned expositor says, men able to endure labour;–or men who are not needy, but rich and wealthy;–or men of parts;–or men of courage; for it may refer to any of these, especially the last, such as did not fear potent persons, but God alone.” According to this, they should be men of such health and strength as to be capable of bearing the burdens and fatigues of their office.—They should be men of so much interest or wealth, as shall raise them above the temptation of transgressing for a piece of bread.—Men of parts, of such natural and acquired accomplishments, as to understand well the constitution and laws of their country; as well as the duties of the place to which they are raised. The want of these would expose them to the artifices of party tools, and render them dupes to men of intrigue. Meanness of character, strangely lessens the dignity of rulers.

As ability which respects the faculty is necessary, so is courage, the proper and vigorous application of it to public duties.—Without this the best abilities will be useless. Rulers who know not their duty, or who have not resolution enough to do it well, will never have that respect, which is paid to well exercised authority—they will be despised by the giddy and thoughtless, while the reflecting good citizen, will drop a tear over prostrate authority, knowing that the consequence of its being trampled upon, will be faction, and every evil work, all which may be presented by rulers, who know their duty, and with a steady even hand dare to do it.

Thus essential is ability, to persons clothed with authority. Yet unless it is well directed, it may be injurious to society.

Therefore that able men may be useful men, our text nextly directs, that they should be such as fear God, i.e. religious persons.

Religion is often expressed in the sacred writings, by some eminent grace, or exercise of it, either by faith in God — or by the love of God — or by the fear of God, as in our text and many other places. Such as fear God in the sense of our text, are men truly religious; who make a profession of religion, and pay a practical regard to its laws and duties.

That rulers should fear God, is evident from scripture. — The man who was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel, with an inspired soul tells us, what God said to him.—The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake unto me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

Jehoshaphat, a pious king gave the following charge to persons, who were designated to places of trust, Take heed what ye do, for ye judge not for man, but for the Lord; wherefore let the fear of God be before you.—Nehemiah, a devout governor gave Hananiah charge over Jerusalem, because he was a faithful man, and feared God above many. These things which were written aforetime, were written for our learning, that we should have our eyes upon men of religion, in the choice of rulers.

We cannot find in the Bible, a ruler characterized as good, but who shewed a regard to God, and the things of God.

We cannot certainly determine who are truly religious, the internal character of others is out of our sight. But they who profess religion, and are visibly governed by its laws, are to be treated and confided in as religious. Rulers never should be ashamed of honouring God, by an explicit dedication of themselves to him, and by a personal and constant attendance upon his public worship, and ordinances.—Can they who do not thus honour God, reasonably expect to be raised to places of trust?—or if raised thereto, can they with equal reason expect to be honoured, and obeyed by a religious people, as religious rulers can? I trow not.

Good natural abilities, improved, and polished by education, and rightly directed, make persons publicly and extensively useful; but would not these enlarged, and aided by religious motives, make them much more so?

Irreligious rulers are not so likely to be extensively useful, as the religious—The examples of the latter will have an happier influence upon mankind,–Even their public devotions, may not only be acts of homage to the Deity, but of utility to men, as examples of piety.

Dominion is not founded in grace, nor is every religious man fit for a ruler; yet such a man, (other things being equal) is better qualified for public trust, than the irreligious.

The religion which rulers should have, and by which their lives and conduct should be governed, is the religion of Jesus, which eminently teaches the fear of God.

The gospel of Christ invites all to behold him, seated on the right hand of the majesty on high, exalted far above principalities and powers, and to believe that he will come the second time, to judge the world in righteousness. The government is on his shoulder—dominion and fear are with him—His voice is full of majesty to the rulers of this world—Be wise now,–be instructed—kiss the son, lest he be angry—serve the Lord with fear.

The temper which his religion recommends, wrought in the soul, by the divine spirit, restores it, to its primitive rectitude—directs its actions to the best ends—and extends its views, far beyond the limits of time, even, to the city which hath foundations whose builder and maker is God.

This discovered in rulers, demands reverence to their persons—attention to their counsels—and obedience to their laws.

Happy are such rulers, and happy they who are under their rule. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice.

The next requisite is truth, men of truth, i.e. honest upright men, above the meanness of deceit themselves, and careful to detect, and punish it in others—their words may be taken and relied upon with unsuspecting confidence—they neither violate truth by their words nor actions; their words are the true interpreters of their minds.—They punctually perform every private, and official engagement, unless unavoidably prevented, as may sometimes be the case.—The public faith they consider as sacred, and they mean to maintain it, notwithstanding the menaces of the mighty, or the murmurings of the multitude.—They abhor artifice and dissimilation—ambiguity in their discourse, whereby others might be imposed upon, they carefully avoid.

When called to judge in doubtful matters, they diligently search out the cause which at first they knew not, and having found the truth, are resolved to support it.

The last requisite to form the character of good rulers, mentioned in our text, is hating covetousness.

Which means a noble, and generous contempt of the world, and intimates that rulers should “not be greedy of money” but abhor bribery, and every dirty method of gain.

Covetousness, is an ill-looking vice, odious in itself, and pernicious in its effects. No vice perhaps more eradicates every virtuous, and social quality.

When it leads to riches, for no other end, than to look upon them, or to answer the demands of luxury, in both cases the true end of riches is defeated, and the consequence is, a forfeiture of integrity.—It leads the rich to oppress—the poor to great and petty larceny,–It hardens the parent against his offspring, makes the master cruel to his servant, and disturbes the peace of families, and communities.

A person under its dominion, is a stranger to the fervours, and pleasures of devotion, and to aspirations for Heaven, its refined, exalted delights, he has no taste for; if he was there, he would feel no joy, unless he should find that figurative description of the place literally true. The street of the city was pure gold, and could make the same use of gold there, as he has here.

Rulers under the dominion of this vice, will be mischievous to the State, by frustrating the measures which ought to be taken for its benefit, and turning them to their private emolument.

Avarice, where it is a ruling principle, silences the voice of reason, religion, honour, and public spirit; and where their voice is not heard, what effectual check can there be upon the greedy great, to control their unbounded insatiable desire of gain?—If the place they are in is lucrative, they are resolved to make the most of it, though the public might be greatly injured.

Men who hate not covetousness, are not fit for rulers, for their love of money will expose them to bribery, and to the violation of the sacred obligations they are under to fidelity.

They, whose god is either a golden, or silver, or, which is worse, a paper one, will sacrifice the public interest at the shrine of this sordid deity.

Should they be prevented enriching themselves at the public cost, by the vigilance of others, the disappointment might lead them to meditate mischief; for disappointed avarice, kindles faction. Wants, fears, hopes, and wishes terminating in selfish regard, at once check the efforts of generous public principle.

Avarice, enervates the force of government, and frustrates the most patriotic measures.

Public spirit, a liberal generous temper, springing from benevolence, stands opposed to this vice. They who have the former, hate the latter.

Though their charity begins at home, yet it ends not there, as it does in the avaricious. They wish well to all, and according to their abilities and opportunities, do good. They are faithful in things committed to their trust, rejoice in others prosperity, and happiness—embrace all opportunities to promote the public interest, and seek not their own profit, to the detriment of the public.

They hate covetousness.

The character formed by these requisites, tells civil rulers what theirs should be, and must be, to answer the end of their advancement.

Government will be poorly administered by rulers, who are destitute of these requisites. It cannot be expected that things will go well, when persons of vicious principles, and loose morals are in authority. If they are unfaithful to God, and their own souls, will they probably be faithful to the public? Every friend of virtue says no. They want something sufficient to control their lusts. Without the aids of religion, and virtue their best motives will be feeble, and inconstant.

Devout acknowledgements are God’s due, for the institution of civil government.

Some may consider it as a burden, rather than a blessing, as the invention of the ambitious, to raise themselves to the honors and profits of the world; and not as the institution of God, for the good of all—They must be wrong—for government under God, is the guard, and security of our peace, religion, lives, and properties; nay, of everything in this world, for which it is worthwhile to live in it.

Hence, submission to good government, and good rulers, is the duty of a people.

Government cannot exist, nor its advantages be felt, without proper submission, proper submission I say, not absolute, unlimited subjection, for this is fit for brutes only, not for men.

The people of this State, have an excellent form of government, and have been favoured with a succession of rulers, in whom the preceding qualification, have been eminently exemplified. Perhaps no ancient, nor modern State, in these respects has been happier.

Names, distinguished for ability, piety, and integrity grace the annals of our State. And it affords no small pleasure to believe, that Gentlemen in general of like complexion, at present fill the legislative and executive departments. And it is devoutly wished, that such may be the character of those, who may be either continued in office, or a new called thereto this day, by the suffrages of the freemen.—And also, that in future elections, persons of the same character may be the objects of their choice.

Our remaining a happy flourishing people, depends upon our having such rulers.

The discourse turns into addresses usual on this Great Anniversary occasion.

Custom, and decency, lead me in the first place, respectfully to address Governor Huntington, who, by divine providence is placed in the first chair of government.

May it please your Excellency,

As your command has brought me to perform the present service; you will allow me to put you in remembrance of the requisites, which form the good ruler’s character, though you have long known them, and are established in the present truth.

Your gradual rise on the scale of promotion, till you received the highest tokens of respect, and honor, in the power of the State to bestow, shews the public opinion of your ability, and integrity; which tokens you will be pleased to accept, as testimonials of their esteem, and gratitude, for your prudent, upright conduct, at the council-board, and on the seat of justice—For your patriotic conduct, in the federal council of the States, very especially at that most critical era, when the immortal act passed, which constitutes the Independence of these sovereign States—By which a Nation was literally born in a day, and your name, and the names of the rest of that august body, will be transmitted with applause to posterity—and for discharging afterwards, with dignity, and to universal approbation, the office of President of Congress.

Since you have been our first magistrate, you have been acceptable to the multitude of your brethren. And should you again be called to be so, we trust it will be your unremitted, unwearied care, to seek and promote the welfare of this people.

You cannot be insensible Sir, that they who have entrusted you, with this large portion of authority, have a right to expect this.

We doubt not the rectitude of your intentions, nor call in question the sincerity of your desires, to discharge the trust reposed in you, to the acceptance of this people, and what is ore, to the acceptance of God, before whom, you as well as we must stand, and be judged.— The fear of God, or religion (which we trust has a commanding influence upon your heart, and life) will best prepare you for every duty—afford the most effectual aids in doing it—diminish fears in times of danger—and raise you above the frowns and flatteries of time.

We can wish your Excellency no greater felicity, than the union of fervent piety, with a strong public affection; these united, and aiding each other, will make you eminently useful, afford peace in your own breast, such peace as the world cannot give, nor take away—administer the best supports in the article of death—and accompany you to the General Assembly, and the church of the first-born, which are written in Heaven, into which illustrious assembly, may an entrance be administered unto you abundantly, after you have served your generation, by the will of God. Amen.

The discourse nextly turns to Honor Lieutenant Governor Wolcott, the honourable Counsellors, and house of Representatives.

Honored, and much respected Gentlemen.

We esteem ourselves happy in having rulers, and Representatives, who proceed from the midst of us; and will therefore more naturally care for our State.

Your time, abilities, and authority, by your acceptance of public trusts, are consecrated to the community, and cannot without manifest injustice, be withheld therefrom.—And by your official oaths, you will feel an additional obligation, to promote the public welfare.—No solicitude to promote it, would be to violate your sacred honour, which you have pledged, and to incur the displeasure of God, unto whom you have lift up your hands.

When your attention in past sessions, has been called to national and State matters, difficulties neither few, nor small (by reason of the inefficiency of the consideration) have met you. It is hoped that future ones may not be so many, nor so formidable, if that Constitution of Government should be established, which the honourable convention of the States have recommended. The wisest and bestof our citizens, esteem this Constitution, though not perfect, yet as very replete, with temperate, energetic, political wisdom—They rejoice that seven of the States have accepted it, and earnestly wish that it may soon have the approbation of ALL—at least two more to complete the number required for its establishment.

Could its establishment, have been announced by the Chaplin of the day, with singular pleasure he would have congratulated your honours,–this respectable assembly, his fellow citizens, and countrymen, upon the auspicious event.—But though he cannot, yet is pleased with the prospect, that the Preacher on the next anniversary election, may have the satisfaction of doing it.

Meanwhile, may you Gentlemen, find no insuperable embarrassments, but be able to discover, and adopt adequate remedies, for every complaint.

To restore and maintain the public faith, and credit in pecuniary matters—do justly to creditors—promote peace and order—suppress vice—reprove and reform Sabbath-breakers, and the neglecters of public worship-=-patronize the interest of learning—and countenance religion,– the fear of the Lord, are things, most important, and will employ your thoughts, after the elections of this day are over.

Arise Fathers, these things belong to you.—The virtuous citizens of the State will be with you; and what is more, God will be with you—Be of good courage and do them.

The examples of rulers, have great influence upon the manners of the people.

We expect, and have a right to expect, religious ones from you, these will more effectually recommend, and enforce the practice of religion, than any laws you can make, these, beheld not only in your public administrations, but also in private life, will be the most forcible laws—the most effectual means of persuading others to fear God, and keep his commandments.

Our text not only requires, that you should be able men, but also such as fear God.

The best preaching will ordinarily be but to little purpose, if rulers in general by their practice say, the fear of God is not before their eyes. Gentlemen, we are persuaded better things of you, and things that accompany salvation, though we thus speak. Under the influential guidance of that wisdom, which is from above, may you shew yourselves able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and may you receive the reward of faithful servants, when removed from the present sphere, and verge of mortality. Amen.

My fathers, and brethren of the Clergy, will candidly accept a few words, addressed to them, if fitly spoken.

Reverend Sirs,

Our office is important, its duties difficult, who is sufficient for these things? Aided by our Divine Master, our ministry will not be in vain; his grace therefore, let us devoutly solicit, that we may be serviceable to mankind.

Countenanced by civil rulers, we may successfully recommend obedience to lawful authority—the observance of the wholesome, and necessary laws of the State—reprove vice and immorality—shew the ruinous tendency of discontent and faction—and the salutary effects of leading quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness, and honesty.—If at proper times we judiciously treat these subjects, and influence others, to pay a practical regard to them, we shall be essentially useful to the commonwealth.

Our profession has been treated with contempt, and insult.

An Hume felicitated his times, and boasted, that “the clergy had lost their influence”—But ought it ever to be a matter of boast, that a learned virtuous clergy have lost their influence?—May not one, though of the order, be allowed boldly, yet decently to affirm, that when the clergy, and that religion which they faithfully preach, have been most honoured, and respected by a nation, then things went best among them, and they were most honoured, and respected by nations around them.

This State from its beginning has been happy under the influence of Christian Bishops of the above complexion; and does it not much concern us, the present Bishops of the churches, that we are good ministers of Jesus Christ? Certainly it does. Convinced of this, let it be our invariable aim, to promote the civil interests of the State, in the ways just mentioned.

But we are not to stop here—the spiritual and eternal good of those committed to our charge, should most of all engage our attention, and employ our time and talents—We are to declare all the counsel of God, respecting the recovery of our sinful race, from the ruins of the apostacy, through a Glorious Christ. To testify repentance towards God, faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ—to explain, and urge that holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord.—To affirm constantly the connection between the means of religion, and its existence—This derogates not from the grace of God, for his grace is not more exalted by precluding all beneficial tendency of means, than by allowing it, since the means, and their operation are from him. Means are appointed; but if of no service, why were they appointed?

In our preaching let us keep close to the word of life, and declare its truths, in their native purity, and simplicity.

Abstract reasonings, metaphysical speculations may amuse some, but cannot profit any, like the plain, easy, and simple truths of Christianity; these, will afford solid, lasting comfort to devout souls hovering on the verge of life, while those, in this solemn hour, will pass away as a vision of the night—In a word, let us preach the essential fundamental truths of the gospel, the unsearchable riches of Christ, and tell all, both high and low, rulers, and ruled, that unless they repent, and believe, and follow after holiness they cannot be saved.

The time to fulfill our ministry is short, we like the priests of old, are not suffered to continue by reason of death—presently, we know not how soon, we must go the way whence we shall not return—the way which our departed fathers, and brethren have gone—the way which those truly respectable, and eminent ministers of Christ ¹ have gone, who have died since the last Election.

May we be diligent, and faithful, that we may be found in peace, without spot, and blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.

An address to the Assembly at large closes the discourse.

Men, Brethren, and Fathers.

The requisites to form the character of good rulers, have been laid before you, let them have place in your memories, that those persons may have your suffrages, in future elections, who are able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness. They who are deficient in these, or are vicious, and immoral, are at once to be reprobated. One of these requisites, viz. the fear of God, or religion is the one thing needful for everyone, of whatever age, or character. Happiness in time, and through eternity depends upon it.—This, we neither should have mentioned, nor urged had we meant, to court the applause of those, who value themselves as being too polite, to be religious.—This is their language—“To suppose persons of fashion, swayed in their conduct, by a regard to religion, is an affront to the delicacy, and refinements of a modest taste”—Hence, they deride the ordinances of Heaven—the day set apart by the law of God, and their country, for worshipping the deity is treated as a vulgar, obsolete institution—should you recommend to them, that family devotion which began the mornings, and concluded the evenings of their pious ancestors, you would become the objects of their pity, if not contempt. Had our object been the ratification of these persons, we must have apologized for the rudeness, of even hinting at religion as necessary, for anybody. But knowing we must speak not as pleasing men, but God who trieth our hearts, we are bold in asserting, the necessity of religion, and in saying, that such modest ones ought never to be raised to posts of honour, and trust—nay, should any after being raised thereto, be found such, let them speedily be removed as utterly unworthy the public confidence, and left to herd with their like, in irreligion and vice.

Should indifference, as to the character of rulers ever become fashionable, or the preference given those who cast off the fear of God—make light of Christ—his religion—laws and ordinances—that it would become those who speak in the name of the Lord, on such occasions as this especially, to urge with pathos, the necessity of rulers having the second requisite contained in our text—And they would be faulty if they did not.

Excellent, my fellow-citizens is the Constitution of our State, with a great sum it was obtained by our worthy Forefathers, and at the expense of much blood, and treasure it has been defended, and preserved—The footsteps of a kind, almighty Providence are to be traced, in uniting, and defending these States, when involved in the horrors of war,–raising them to freedom, and independence, restoring Peace, and hitherto continuing it—and also in the prospect, of soon having an energetic government established. May our gratitude for the great, and good things which have been done for us, be evidenced by a wise, and discreet improvement of our constitutional privileges.

The right of electing rulers and representatives, is ours. We cannot reasonably wish to elect them oftener than we do.

When called to elect representatives, let men be the objects of our choice, who have the requisites recommended in our text: They who have them, will not need the instructions of their constituents, to regulate their votes in General Assembly.

By a proper use of the right of electing rulers and representatives, we may obtain the redress of any real grievance.

Hence recurring to arms and staining our hands with blood, is quite needless—Nay, it is a crime which deserves the severest vengeance, in the power of a State to inflict.

The last year’s outrages opposition to government, in a neighbouring commonwealth, viewed in its nature, and tendencies, should lead us to abhor faction, and its promoters, and abetters. Whether the lenity of government towards the leaders of that rebellion, is consistent with good policy, is a question, which by and by will be faithfully answered by Time, the best expositor of events.

The disappointed, and restless, persons of broken fortunes, and characters, will at times excite, and foment disturbances; and under the guise of patriotism, call for the redress of pretended grievances, with a view to gratify their avarice, or ambition. These, when formed into little political clubs, and allowed to lead others, as uneasy, and mischievously inclined as themselves, are always troublers of a State, and should be treated as pests in society.

What Heaven’s will is concerning persons of this complexion, is manifest from that edict of its great ruler, to all his loyal subjects—Take us the foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines, for our vines have tender grapes. q.d. “diligently look after these mischievous ones, take them in their early craft, check them in their beginnings, while they are yet little foxes, small whelps; knowing their craft and subtilty [artifice], windings and turnings, shifts and evasions; timely guard against them, detect their frauds, use every effort that they might be taken and kept from doing further mischief.”

Thankful, let us be for our privileges, and careful to cultivate and cherish the virtues of civil life—Let us encourage the hearts of rulers, and strengthen their hands, by appearing in their defence and for their support, while they shew themselves ministers of God for good to us.

By industry and frugality let us aim to improve what we are already possessed of to the best advantage, that we may keep what we already have, as well as acquire more. Aided by these, agriculture, manufactures, and traffick will flourish; and we shall be able in due time, to have the necessaries and conveniences of life in such plenty and variety, as to render the importation of them from foreign nations, less necessary.

Diligence in our callings, retrenching unnecessary expenses—living within, and not beyond our incomes—avoiding extravagance, and dissipation, will make us an opulent happy people.

All whether high or low, rich or poor, have work to do. Let none eat the bread of idleness.

Let not America’s daughters, however affluent their circumstances may be, think it disreputable, to seek wool and flax, and work willingly with their hands, by applying them to the spindle, or with them holding the distaff. And to enforce this, let it be remembered that no less a woman than the mother of king Lemuel did so, or recommend it.

Let us, respected hearers, do all the good we are capable of doing. A large reward awaits all who do much good.

The connection between time, and eternity, is real, and important.—The intellectual endowments, and moral pursuits of those of our race, who partake of the rest which remains for the people of God, are doubtless, analogous to those they had in this world.—The measure of their bliss there, is apportioned to their improvements in virtue here—pleasing thoughts these, to contemplative, devout minds; and should raise desires for the sublimest knowledge, in the improvement of intellectual powers; and serve to regulate moral pursuits, by the strictest virtue: in doing so, we may with reason expect capacities there, wonderfully enlarged, and fitted to operate with the utmost facility, in most extensive spheres.

The joys of Heaven, consist not in epicurean indolence, nor stoical apathy, nor enthusiastic raptures, nor in the sensual gratifications of the Koran—But in conformity to the image of God—doing his will, and enjoying him.

The rewards of eternity, were of old much confined by ethnic pride, or policy, to celebrate conquerors, and legislators.

But Christianity announces blessedness, to the virtuous of all nations, capacities, stations, and ages; it assures all the devout followers of the lamb of God, moving either in the higher, or lower walks of humanity, that the crown of life, shall be theirs, that in the Great Rising Day, they shall be happy in their whole persons, happy in proportion to their place, on the scale of goodness here.

But not so, shall it be with the ungodly, those who would not that Christ should reign over them—endless sorrow will be their portion.

Is the present life thus connected with the future? Does religion lead to happiness? Irreligion to misery? Then let us chuse and practice the former, and guard against the latter, that our future existence may be happy. By religion, not only our spiritual, and eternal interest will be promoted, but our temporal also; for it serves to render us useful, and ornamental members of society.

Such, let us invariably aim to be, so long as it shall please God, in whose hand our breath is, to continue us in this world.—But let us not chiefly look to the things which are seen, and are temporal: for our chief, our greatest interest lies in a better country, that is, an heavenly, to which may our souls, on the wings of faith, and contemplation often soar. While on earth, may our conversation our citizenship be in Heaven. And may we have the testimony, the first of the human race had, who went not downwards to the sky” which was this, That he pleased God. Our ambition can fly at no higher, nor better mark than the pleasing that Being, who made us, and will judge us. Though it would be presumption, to expect such a passage from earth to Heaven, as Enoch had; yet if we have a like testimony, that we please God, we may rest assured, that when our earthly tabernacles shall be dissolved, we shall find the building of God, the house not made with hands, eternal in the Heavens.

Now unto him that is able to keep us from falling, and to present us faultless before the presence of his glory, with exceeding joy; to the only wise God, our Saviour, be glory, and majesty, dominion and power, both now, and ever.

A M E N.

Endnotes

¹. Rev. Mess’rs Little-Trumbull-Whittlesey-Williams.

Elizur Goodrich (1734-1797) graduated from Yale in 1752. He was a tutor at Yale (1755-1756), a pastor in Durham, CT (1756-1797), and prepared over 300 students for college. Goodrich gave this sermon in Connecticut on May 10, 1787.

A

S E R M O N

Preached Before His Excellency

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

Governor and Commander in Chief,

And the Honorable the

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT.

Convened at Hartford, on the Day of the

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 10th, 1787.

By ELIZUR GOODRICH, D. D.
Pastor of the Church of Christ in Durham.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1787.

ORDERED, That the Hon. James Wadsworth, Esq. and Capt. Simeon Parsons, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Dr. Elizur Goodrich, for his Sermon, delivered at the General Election, on the 10th of May Instant, and request a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec’ry.

JERUSALEM IS BUILDED, AS A CITY THAT IS COMPACT TOGETHER.

JERUSALEM was a city, defended with strong walls, the metropolis of the kingdom of Israel, and the capital seat of the Hebrew empire.—It’s inhabitants were not a loose, disconnected people, but most strictly united, not only among themselves, but with all the tribes of Israel, into a holy nation and commonwealth, under Jehovah their king and their God.—And as Jerusalem was the place, which he was pleased to honour as the seat of his royal residence and government, it was most truly the city of the Great King. Hence both by divine appointment, and the common consent of the nation, it was established as the local centre of communion in all the privileges of their civil and sacred constitution. There were the thrones of judgment, the thrones of the house of David, and the supreme courts of justice, and of the public administration: There were the Levites, waiting in their courses, and the Priests, ministering in their offices, before the Lord: There was the testimony, the ark of the covenant, the temple, and the solemn services of religion: And there all the tribes and scepters of the people, assembled three times in the year, to present national homage to Jehovah, their king and their God.

In all these respects, whether Jerusalem be considered in a natural, civil or religious view, its strength and beauty consisted, in being builded “as a city, that is compact together.” Hence the Psalmist’s affection for Jerusalem expressed in this Psalm was not a mere partial and local fondness; but had in view, and was excited by the most noble objects. These were the exaltation of Jehovah, the king and God of Zion—the honour and happiness of the nation—the preservation of the true religion, and the peace and best good of all the tribes of Israel. Religion therefore, and public spirit were untied in the ardent affection of the pious Israelites, toward Jerusalem, which they preferred above their chief joy.

We have also a Jerusalem, adorned with brighter glories of divine grace, and with greater beauties of holiness, than were ever displayed, in the most august solemnities of the Hebrew-temple-worship; and presents, to our devout admiration, gratitude and praise, more excellent means of religion and virtue, peace and happiness, than ever called the attention of the assembled tribes of Israel. We enjoy all the privileges of a free government, the blessings of the gospel of peace, and the honours of the church of God. This is our Jerusalem.

The safety and preservation of it depend, under God, on the friendly agreement of its citizens in all those things, necessary for its honour and defence, happiness and glory. Without this agreement, it cannot be “builded as a city, that is compact together.” There will be no peace within its walls, nor prosperity within its palaces: It can have neither strength or beauty, nor administer protection to its inhabitants; but it will be as a city broken down, and without walls.

The text therefore, and the great occasion, on which we are assembled in the house of God, justify a discourse on the great principles and maxims, of civil union—the importance of a good, public administration, to answer the great ends of government—and the necessity of the joint exertions of subjects, with their rulers, in promoting the public peace and happiness.

I am then, in the first place, to point out some of the great principles and maxims, which are the foundation and cement of civil union and society.

The principles of society are the laws, which Almighty God has established in the moral world, and made necessary to be observed by mankind; in order to promote their true happiness, in their transactions and intercourse. These laws may be considered as principles, in respect of their fixedness and operation; and as maxims, since by the knowledge of them, we discover those rules of conduct, which direct mankind to the highest perfection, and supreme happiness of their nature. They are as fixed and unchangeable as the laws which operate in the natural world.

Human art in order to produce certain effects, must conform to the principles and laws, which the Almighty Creator has established in the natural world. He who neglects the cultivation of his field, and the proper time of sowing, may not expect a harvest. He, who would assist mankind in raising weights, and overcoming obstacles, depends on certain rules, derived from the knowledge of mechanical principles, applied to the construction of machines, in order to give the most useful effect to the smallest force: And every builder should well understand the best position of firmness and strength, when he is about to erect an edifice. For he, who attempts these things, on other principles, than those of nature, attempts to make a new world; and his aim will prove absurd and his labour lost. No more can mankind be conducted to happiness; or civil societies united, and enjoy peace and prosperity, without observing the moral principles and connections, which the same Almighty Creator has established for the government of the moral world.

Moral connections and causes in different circumstances produce harmony or discord, peace or war, happiness or woe among mankind, with the same certainty, as physical causes produce their effect. To institute these causes and connections belongs not to men, to nations or to human laws, but to build upon them. It is no more in the power of the greatest earthly potentate to hinder their operation, than it is to govern the flowing and ebbing of the ocean.

The great and most universal principle and law of rational union and happiness, is the love of God and of our neighbour: This in the moral, is like the great law of gravitation and attraction in the natural world, and its tendency in human society, is to universal good. The first maxim derived from it, is that divine precept in the gospel, “whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye also the same unto them.” Hence religion and virtue are the great principles on which the happiness of human societies must be built; and from these principles must be derived the knowledge of all laws, which determine the order of that benevolence, we owe to one another, and point out the means of attaining the greatest good.

If this were a state of so much innocence and perfection, that the law of reason and of love directed and influenced all the views and actions of mankind, there would be no necessity for the coercion of civil government. But in the present depraved state of human nature, the various dispositions and differing pursuits, the jarring interests, and unruly passions, the jealousies and misapprehensions of neighbours would spoil their harmony and good agreement; and, when disputes arose, there would be no common judge, to whom they might refer their differences; but everyone would be an avenger of his own wrong: This would soon end in a state of hatred and war; and destroy all human peace and happiness. To prevent this mischief, and to secure the enjoyment of rational liberty, which summarily consists in the unmolested privilege and opportunity of “leading a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty,” is the great end of the institution of civil society and government.

The end therefore, and nature of civil government imply that it must have for its foundation, the principles and laws of truth, justice and righteousness, mercy and the fear of God; or it can never advance the happiness of mankind. For that mankind by uniting into society, and putting themselves under a common government, can promote their true interest, otherwise than by observing these laws, is as contrary to reason as, that a machine may be of great and beneficial use in human life, when its whole construction is contrary to all the principles, by which the world of nature is actuated and kept together.

There can be no beneficial union among the members of a community, where these great principles of righteousness and truth integrity and the fear of God, are not maintained, both among themselves, and towards all mankind. Any number of men, confederated, both among themselves, and towards all mankind. Any number of men, confederated together in wickedness and injustice, can have no strength, but what they derive from being faithful to one another. Such a combination may exist among robbers and pirates: but their agreement ought not to be dignified by the name of civil union: it ought rather to be esteemed a wicked conspiracy against the rights of mankind, which can never be justified by number, nor on any pretence of public good.

These moral principles and connections are moral laws, not only, as they point out a fixed order of events respecting moral ends, in which view the mere politician, who has no fear of God before his eyes, may consider them; but to the enlightened and religious mind, they are moral laws, in a higher sense—laws of our creator, for the conduct of our life and manners. They cannot therefore be transgressed, without offending against his will and authority—without incurring guilt in his sight, and rendering ourselves obnoxious to his wrath and displeasure, as the great and righteous governor of the world. “The Lord is in his holy temple, the Lord’s throne is in heaven; his eyes behold, his eye-lids try the children of men. The Lord trieth the righteous; but the wicked and him that loveth violence, his soul hateth. Upon the wicked he shall rain snares, fire and brimstone and an horrible tempest. This shall be the portion of their cup. For the righteous Lord loveth the righteous, his countenance doth behold the upright.”

If we can find what are the laws and rules, which men, as rational creatures, must observe, that they may arrive at the greatest happiness and perfection of their nature, these are the laws which they must observe, when united in political bodies, in order to promote the common good of society. The same virtue and integrity, truth, justice and honour, which, we venerate in a private character, must be found in the public administration, and generally prevailing among a people, or a state, cannot be united, peaceful and happy in itself, and respectable in the world.

Hence in all well regulated civil communities, laws of natural, universal and unchangeable obligation hold the first rank: They are such fixed means of union, peace and happiness, that no other can or ought to be substituted in their room. It may however be observed, that the force of civil society cannot extend to all laws of this kind; but only to such upon the observation of which the common quiet of mankind entirely depends. To do to our neighbour as we would that he should do to us is one of the planest dictates of reason, and a law of universal equity and obligation. It comprehends the whole of social duty, and extends to kindness, humanity and mercy, as well as to truth and justice. But although it is the great rule of our conduct and the bond of society, it cannot in its whole extension have the force of a civil law in commonwealths. Controversies about the violation of it would be perplexed and intricate: Litigious suits would be infinitely multiplied: The good and virtuous would be deprived of the most valuable part of their character: and the state would be torn with intestine division and discord.

But, tho’ all the laws of nature cannot be enforced with civil sanctions, yet every righteous state adopts those, which are necessary for the preservation of the public peace, and for an equal and impartial distribution of rewards and punishments. The good and virtuous, who are influenced to do well out of reverence to God, and sincere love to mankind, must be protected and encouraged; and the wicked and disorderly, restrained by the dread of punishment. The great laws of justice must be armed with a civil force, and never allowed to be transgressed with impunity. Such, for instance, is that statute of Jehovah, the God and King of Israel, “Ye shall do no unrighteousness; in judgment, in mete-yard, in weight or in measure. Just balances, just weights, a just ephah, and a just hin, shall ye have.” This law must be admitted into every civil state; but, that it may have force in society, the public standard must be fixed; the most convenient weights and measures, determined; the manner of their being tried, ascertained; and an awful penalty annexed to transgression. These are circumstances, which are not determined by the law of nature; but must be adjusted by civil regulations suited to the condition of particular commonwealths.

The principles and laws of justice are fixed and unchangeable—they depend not on human authority; but the particular regulations, by which they have force in society, as civil laws, not being determined by the law of nature, may be changed, when they are found inconvenient and hurtful to the community. Hence the legislative authority of a state, extends to the repealing of old, as well as the making of new laws.

Nevertheless, great care should be taken in framing laws, that they may be suited to the peculiar state of a people, and have an equal and uniform operation for the public good. New and different circumstances require new and different regulations in society, fitted to the occasions which produce them: But the fundamental laws, by which a people are compacted together, like the laws of the natural world, must have a fixed consistence and duration. Such, in general, are laws relating to personal liberty, the privileges of the subject, and the powers of the magistrate—to private property and the execution of justice—to the punishment of evil-doers and the preservation of the public peace—to marriage, education, religion, and the rights of conscience—to the public forms, and order of government—and to the revenues and taxes, by which the state is supported. Frequent changes even in the external appendages, much more an unfixedness in the laws, and a want of stability in the public administration, diminish he energy and dignity of government, and will be attended with uneasiness and discord.

I shall only add, that as the best and most useful laws can be of no use, unless subjects be trained up and educated in a manner of living conformable to them, every wise state will pay great attention to the education of children, and to all such regulations, as are necessary for the instruction of the people in the principles of piety and virtue. The best security men can have, of living together in harmony and love, is from the prevalence of true religion, and a due regard to the will and authority of the supreme being. Religion and virtue, are the strongest bond of human society, and lay the best foundation of peace and happiness in the civil state.

I proceed, in the next place, to consider the importance of a good public-administration of government, to the peace and happiness of a people.

All the qualifications of a good administration may be summed up in two heads, the ability and faithfulness of those, who are entrusted with the weighty concerns of the state: To one or the other of these two things may be referred, whatever can be desired or expected in a good ruler. These qualifications are of the highest importance, in every administration. A free people, under God, may justly put confidence in such an administration, and not find themselves disappointed, as they must unavoidably be if they commit themselves into the hands of weak or wicked men. The former, though they mean never so well, are unable to do good; the latter may improve their great talents, to do mischief: Neither of them are fit to be entrusted with the great affairs of state. Who, on the one hand, would willingly trust his whole interest to the power and disposal of a man of the greatest abilities, but destitute of honour and conscience; or on the other hand, who would undertake a dangerous voyage, on the boisterous ocean, under the command of the most upright and honest man, who had no knowledge of the art of navigation, nor any acquaintance with the seas. In common affairs no honest man will undertake any business for which he knows he is unfit, though he should be solicited to do it: The same should be observed by men, invited to serve the public. When a people have raised men of weak abilities to posts of honour, it may seem hard to neglect them; and it must, indeed, be ungrateful, if in any good degree, they maintain the dignity of their stations, and advance the public good; and especially, if the posts they hold, were un-sought, and conferred without solicitation. Nevertheless it should be considered, that those, who undertake the affairs of the public, are as answerable for their abilities, as the soldier for his courage, when he enlists into the service of his country. The safety of the public is to be preferred to the honour of an individual.

Here I might delineate more fully the character of an able and faithful administration; but I will not enlarge, and shall say only in a few words, that the principal lines of it, are knowledge, wisdom, and prudence, courage and unshaken resolution, righteousness and justice, tempered with lenity, mercy, and compassion, and a steady firmness of public measures, when founded in wisdom and the public good, together with inflexible integrity, the fear of God, and a sacred regard to the moral and religious interests of the community. These are the great characteristics of an administration, which will procure respect and confidence; and has the best tendency to promote the happiness, union and strength of a people, and to render them as a “city, that is compact together.”

If a virtuous people venerate rulers of this character, and unite their endeavours with them in advancing all the noble ends of society, they will have the fairest prospect of peace and prosperity; which was the last thing, I proposed to be considered.

Let the first object, exciting the attention of a free people, be the character of those, whom they introduce into public offices; and, the next, that they reverence the worthy magistrate, support him in his office and dignity, and shew a ready obedience to the laws of the state.

Not only may a people be delivered into the hands of tyrants, as the rod and scourge of heaven for their impiety and madness; but through their own folly, “children may be their princes, and babes rule over them.” Such a “people shall be oppressed every one by another, and every one by his neighbour.”

Happy the free and virtuous people, who pay strict attention to the natural aristocracy, which is the institution of heaven; and appears in every assembly of mankind, on whatever occasion, thy are met together. Happy the people who have wisdom to discern the true patriot of superior abilities, in all his counsels ever manifesting a sincere regard to the public good, and never with a selfish view attempting to deceive them, into hurtful measures; and happy the people who distinguish him from the designing demagogue, who, while he sooths them in their vices, and flatters them with high notions of liberty, and of easing their burdens, is plunging them into the depths of misery and bondage.

How idle are all disputes about a technical aristocracy, if people disregard that divine injunction, given by Moses, to the free electors of Israel, when he was about to appoint some assistants in government. “Take ye wise men and understanding and known among your tribes” for their great abilities and good deeds, “and I will make them rulers over you.”

Such an aristocracy is founded in merit and designed by the God of government and order, to direct a free people in the choice of their judges and public magistrates. Riches are so far necessary as to raise the judge and counselor above the temptation of transgressing for a peace of bread, nevertheless this aristocracy is derived from merit and that influence, which a character for superior wisdom, and known services to the commonwealth, has to produce veneration, confidence and esteem, among a people, who have felt the benefits, and enjoy the advantage of being under so happy a direction.

This influence of character in the language of the Roman republic, was called Auctoritas partum, and the veneration paid to it by the people, Verecundia plebis. It is essentially necessary in all good governments, but especially the life and spirit of a happy, free and republican state, which subsists on the virtues of its citizens, and can never, while any sound wisdom is left to direct the public choice, by design commit the civil administration into the hands of men destitute of political abilities, or who are the patrons of vice.

It is therefore, of the highest importance to the being, happiness and peace of free republics, to shew a fixed and unalterable regard to merit in the choice of their rulers: The next thing is to discover a deference and submission to authority, obedience to the laws, a spirit of righteousness and peace, and a disposition to promote the public good.

Honor and respect are due to rulers: The order and good of society require external marks of distinction, and titles of eminence to be given them. This is due to their office; an honour paid to the institution of government; but there is a further honour due to them, when they are faithful in executing the trust committed to them, and direct all their actions to advance the true interest of the state. In this view, good rulers alone can be honoured, because they alone deserve esteem and respect. We owe obedience and subjection to all rulers in the execution of their office, according to the laws of the land; but, as to cordial affection, veneration, esteem and gratitude, these are due only to the worthy magistrate;; and the debt will be paid by all virtuous citizens, although he should be blasphemed, arraigned, and condemned by the factious and discontended, who wish that there should be no righteous government in the world.

If we willfully transgress the laws of society and resist the just commands of civil authority, we do an injury not so much to the magistrate, as to the community, and expose ourselves to the high displeasure of Almighty God, whose authority is above all human constitutions, and can never be annulled by the decrees of kings and nobles, the consults of senates, or the joint consent of a people.

This is the sentiment of a great and good man, who well knew the rights of human nature, and the privileges of a subject, which he had the courage to plead before kings and magistrates; I mean the apostle Paul, who, illuminated with the knowledge of Christianity, and inspired with the benevolence of the gospel, the slave of no party, in the greatest transports of zeal, spoke only the words of truth and soberness. The doctrine he delivered was not the effect of servile flattery and shameful cowardice: It proceeded not from the spirit of fear, but of love and a sound mind: It is so expressed as at once to declare the great end of civil government, the duty of the magistrate, and the reasonableness of the subjects obedience. It contains both an effectual guard against supporting tyranny and oppression, and a most serious and solemn warning against lawless rebellion, anarchy and confusion: It is delivered as a divine injunction upon Christians, in a letter to the saints at Rome, and is profitable for all ages, and especially seasonable for the present. “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. For there is no power but of God. The powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive judgment to themselves. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wouldst thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. For he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou dost evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath, upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. For, for this cause pay ye tribute also: for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour.”

When a constitutional government is converted into tyranny, and the laws, rights and properties of a free people are openly invaded, there ought not to be the least doubt but that a remedy consistent with this doctrine of the apostle, is provided in the laws of God and reason, for their preservation; nor ought resistance in such case to be called rebellion. But who will imagine, that God, whose first law, in the world of nature and reason, is order and love, has commissioned men of a private character, with a lawful power, on every pretence of some public mismanagement, to enflame and raise the multitude, embroil the state, and overturn the foundations of public peace.

Civil society can exist no longer, than while connected by its laws and constitution: These are of no force, otherwise than as they are maintained and defended by the members of the commonwealth. This regular support of authority is the only security, a people can have against violence and injustice, feuds and animosities, in the unmolested enjoyment of their honest acquisitions: Hence the very end of civil society demands, that the orders of government be enforced; the fountains of justice, kept open; the streams, preserved pure; and the state, defended against all internal and foreign violence. These ends can never be attained, under the most excellent constitution and laws, but by means of an able and faithful administration, and the concurring zeal and assistance of all good and virtuous citizens.

Although some exclude religion and the profession and worship of the gospel from having any concern in the happiness of civil society and in the choice of rulers among a free people, yet without religion, a people happily united in all other respects, want the bond, most essentially necessary to preserve the union, and to excite everyone to faithfulness in his station.

The chief glory of the Gospel is, that it opens the way of salvation to a fallen world, and contains the words of eternal life: And were not this its great and distinguishing excellence, it would be of so much less importance to mankind, as the concerns of eternity are greater than those of time. It does everything for our happiness in this world, which can be effected by the most excellent precepts of morality, and by instructing us in all the duties, we owe to God, our neighbour and ourselves: At the same time, it binds us to the most unremitting diligence and perseverance in all good works, by the solemn account we must give to our righteous judge, for all the deeds done in the body.

The blessed Gospel is therefore the best privilege which a people can enjoy; and were its precepts duly observed, the civil state would be in the best order, and in the most excellent condition. Persons of all ranks, according to their abilities, would be blessings to the community. The foundations of our Jerusalem would be laid with polished stones, and the city of our habitation be built up without the noise of saws and hammers. The stone would not cry out of the wall of public fraud and oppression, nor the beam out of the timber answer it; but our officers would be peace, and our exactors righteousness; our walls would be called salvation and our gates praise, and no wasting violence and destruction would be heard in our borders.

Having pointed out the principles and maxims, on which civil union and happiness depend, and considered both the character of a good administration of government, and what is required of the subjects and citizens of a free state, I proceed to address and exhort the several orders of men present, that in their several places they use their best and most faithful endeavours for promoting the public peace and prosperity, that this and the United States, may, after the model of Jerusalem, be “builded, as a city that is compact together.”

In the first place, duty requires, that with the greatest respect and reverence the public exhortation be addressed to his Excellency, Governor Huntington, the Chief Magistrate of this free State.

May it please your Excellency,

While I congratulate my fellow-citizens, on the return of this joyful anniversary, I beg leave to address your Excellency, with the honours of the day, and the thanks of a grateful people for all the peaceful blessings of your administration.

The many faithful and important services rendered to your country, in the most difficult and interesting affairs of this and the United States have distinguished you with honour, among the patriots of America—enrolled your name, in the immortal list of those great and noble personages, who in the most heart-searching times, sealed the independence of America, adventured to sit at the head of the national council—and added you to the bright constellation of the illustrious Statesmen and Governors of this free commonwealth.

How different is the station of a chief magistrate in a free government, who lives in the hearts of the people, from that of the arbitrary despot, who has many slaves, but not a loyal subject? All seem to adore the tyrant, and tremble at the least motion of his eye, while they sigh for a change; and at the first blow, the idol is pulled down, and trampled under foot. The confidence and esteem of a virtuous and free people are derived from known and approved merit, and have a lasting foundation. The chair of state is marked with this motto, FOR THE BEST AND THE WORTHIEST CITIZEN.

I SINCERELY with your Excellency, the most pleasing satisfaction, in the esteem, veneration and gratitude of your citizens; but I persuade myself, you look to an higher source of joy, and to a greater witness of integrity, than the most unanimous approbation of a sensible and grateful people: I mean the witness of conscience, appealing to the great searcher of hearts, that in the whole of your public conduct, and in all the private walks of life, you have considered yourself, as the servant of the Most High God, and devoted all your abilities, ultimately to the honour and service of the eternal king.

This is that rectitude of intention and endeavour, which is able to give calm peace through all the changing scenes of life, and all the uncertainties of earthly greatness; and even in the view of approaching death, and the prospect of the appearing and kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. It cannot therefore, fail of affording your Excellency serene joy, while with an unreproaching heart, you look round on the assembled commonwealth; and with an unruffled mind, meet the great event of this day.

Should the providence of God, and the voice of this free people continue your Excellency in the first feat of government, I would with the deepest humility and respect, honoured sir, beseech and even charge you, in the presence of the supreme judge and this great congregation, to look to the grace of the eternal Jehovah, that you may be furnished for, and be found faithful in the high employment. You will not think it, beneath your exalted dignity, to be exhorted by one of the meanest of Christ’s servants, to acknowledge the infinite source of wisdom, in all your ways, and to ask direction of heaven, in all your paths, that truth and integrity may ever guide you; and righteousness and mercy be the girdle of your loins.

I am persuaded, that the peace and happiness of this, and the United States, cannot be built up and established, but upon the maxims I have pointed out and recommended. You, Sir, are a master-builder on the walls of our Jerusalem: Let not these walls be daubed with the untempered mortar of injustice, jealousy and discord; but may they be cemented by the uniting principles of justice, benevolence and public spirit.

The post assigned your Excellency, in divine providence, is high and honourable,–the employment, great and weighty, the objects in view, beautiful and glorious, and the motives, such as may well inspire a noble and generous breast, with the warmest zeal, the most unshaken fortitude, and the most unremitting perseverance, in the most faithful endeavours, to answer the great ends of the exalted station, you hold in this commonwealth. Some of these objects, motives and ends are the exaltation of Jehovah, the King and Governor of the universe—the high importance and dignity of government, the great foundation of peace and quiet—your own honour in being furnished by God with great abilities of eminent usefulness—the loss or preservation of public liberty, and the rights of a free people, on which depends the happiness of thousands, or the misery of millions,–the cause of religion and virtue, and the consequences of them on the present and eternal interests of mankind—the peace and best good of civil society, and the honour and safety of this, and the United States,–and finally the joys or the sorrows of that great and glorious day, when dignity and power will be no defence; but the highest potentate, and the meanest slave, will stand without distinction before the supreme and eternal judge, and receive the solemn, and decisive sentence from his mouth.

These, Sir, are weighty considerations, which I humbly address to your constant attention, that under the influence of them, you may be found faithful, and met the final approbation of your Lord. In the weight of government, you will be encouraged and assisted by good men and virtuous citizens; whose continual and earnest prayer will be that the blessing of Almighty God may attend and render your administration successful for the honour of God, the advancement of piety and virtue, the true interest of this and the United States of America, and the general good of mankind.

May your Excellency long live, the ornament of your country and the church of Christ.—May you be happy in the consciousness of faithfully serving God and your people; and have the unspeakable joy of beholding them safe, virtuous and free.—And, when the Supreme Disposer of all events, shall dismiss you from the services of this world, whether you shall then be in public life, and the chief magistracy over this people, or free from public cares in the serene retirements of a peaceful old age, may you experience the solid supports of the Christian hope, share in the rewards of grace, and shine with unfading glories, in the kingdom of the Redeemer.

Let the public exhortation in the next place be acceptable to his Honour, Lieutenant-Governor Wolcott, the Honourable Councellors, and the Respectable Representatives of this State.

Honoured Gentlemen,

How happy will it be if the Magistrates and Representatives of this State shall enter upon public business, with a noble spirit of true patriotism, having no narrow and private interests at heart; but seeking the good of our Jerusalem, build it up on the great foundations of truth and righteousness. Then peace will be within our walls, and prosperity within our palaces.

A SELFISH and contracted spirit in any member of society is a great blemish; but in a chief ruler—in a senator—in the representative of a free people, it is vile—it is odious, and unpardonable. Let this spirit be banished from public counsel; or it will destroy all harmony of sentiment, and lead into the narrow by-paths of private ambition and self-exaltation: The builders will not understand each other’s language; scenes of confusion ensue, and the public resolutions shew more the complexion of party-attachment, than the public good.

If the leaders of a people are not united in the great maxims of government, and maintain not steadiness in the public administration, the people never will, nor can be easy. And when a community is rent by the animosities and different views of their principal leaders and citizens, a republic is verging towards an ochlocratical [mob rule] state, in which the prevalence of a party, is no sure token of truth. In this situation, justice may be overborne by the violence of misguided passion, blind to the true interest of the people and, the best means of safety. An Aristides through envy, was banished by his citizens; and Cicero, the friend of liberty, of the laws and constitution of his country, for his wise and vigorous measures in defeating and crushing the Catalinarian conspiracy and rebellion [an attempt by Lucius Sergius Catilina to overthrow the Roman Republic, 63 BC], under the administration of a furious tribune was driven from Rome: But, when the fire of party had subsided, and the people were recovered to their senses, they recalled him, with every mark of public honour; and styled him the father and preserver of his country; an honour never before conferred, on a Roman citizen.

Never was union in counsel and in public exertions, more necessary in America, than at the present day. If we improve the advantages, which Providence has put into our hands, we may be a great and flourishing people, happy and united among ourselves, and our name be respectable among the nations. But, if we forget the God of our salvation, and neglect the means of virtue and religion, with which we are favoured above any people on earth—if we are divided, and contend about every plan devised for strengthening the national union, and restoring the national honour and safety—if the several states, losing sight of the great end of the confederation, are influenced by mere local and partial motives, and if, in their respective and distinct jurisdictions, they forsake the paths of righteousness, we shall become the scorn and contempt of foreign nations, a prey to every bold invader; or fall by intestine divisions, till we sink into general ruin, and universal wretchedness.

If anyone doubt this, let him consult the history of nations, and especially of Israel: Let him look into the book of the Lamentations of Jeremiah. There, the Hebrew Prophet and mourner appears a man of sorrows, and compacted with grief’s: He breaths in sighs, and speaks in groans: Complicated scenes of horror and distress strike all our senses, while we hear the lamentations of his broken heart, mourning the ruins of Jerusalem, the cruel slaughter, and captivity of the people, the desolation of the temple, and that “from the daughter of Zion, all her beauty” was “departed.”

I THEREFORE, persuade myself, Gentlemen, that in full confidence of your zeal for the public good, I may with all deference and freedom, recommend to your attention, the honour and safety of the confederate republic, as being of the same importance to the happiness and defense of the several states, as the peace and prosperity of Jerusalem, were to the several tribes of Israel.

If the national union, by concentrating the wisdom and force of America, was the means of our salvation from conquest and slavery—if the existence, liberty and independence of these states, and their national character, importance and glory depend still upon their united firmness and strength—if this union be necessary for the decision of controversies, which might otherwise engender wars among themselves, and be the only probable means of their safety and defense against foreign nations,–and if without it, the American commerce and intercourse can never be respectable, safe and extensive in the various parts of the world.—If these things are true, which I leave, Gentlemen, to your own consideration, certainly there are no objects of greater magnitude and importance, more loudly calling the attention of America, than the national union, the necessity of supporting the national honour, and to give the federal government energy at home, and respectability abroad.

I WOULD, Gentlemen, beg leave to ask, whether to neglect the great interest of the whole, and to imagine that each state can singly preserve and defend itself, be not absurd, as if several men, at an amazing cost, should lay a costly foundation, and erect the mighty frame of a most magnificent palace; and then, before the expense be paid, from a fondness of finishing, each one, his own room, and enjoying the pleasures of his separate apartment, they should fall into such contention and division, as not only to leave the frame neglected, uncovered and exposed to continual decay and ruin, but the whole undertaking liable to that curse, pronounced in the book of God. “Woe unto him, that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbours service without wages, and giveth him not for his work.”

I OWN, Gentlemen, I am concerned for the national honour and happiness; and were I to consult only my own feelings, I might hold up to your view, the dying languors of the national union, as foreboding ruin, division, or some dreadful convulsion, to these states. But perhaps, my fears are grounded not in the state of the nation, but in the want of an extensive knowledge of public affairs. You will, however, give me leave to hope, that the greatest attention will be paid to all just and reasonable measures, for supporting and maintaining the liberty and glory of the American states, and republic.

I only add, Gentlemen, on this subject, my most sincere prayer, that heaven would guide all your deliberations, and collect and unite the wisdom and patriotism of America, in the proposed convention of the states, in some just and equal system of federal subordination, effectually securing the internal liberty and sovereignty of the states, and giving such dignity and authority to the federal government, that it may be the means of securing the peace, and prosperity of the whole; and the benefit of it reach to the most distant ages, and increase from generation to generation to the latest posterity.

I persuade myself, Gentlemen, you will have a watchful regard to the rights and privileges of this people; and in all reasonable ways, ease their burdens and relieve their sorrows. You are too well acquainted, to need any information of the uneasiness, discontent and complaints, which prevail in the state. I will not presume to say, how far, these complaints are without any just foundation—how far, they arise from the real distresses and burdens of the times—how far, they are founded in any real, or supposed mistakes, in the public administration—or how far they have been nursed and cherished, by men of power and influence; whose office required them, to quiet the voice of murmuring, instead of inflaming the public, in order to answer their own ends, and procure self exaltation, or to prevent that of others. But, from whatever different and opposite sources, these complaints arise, you cannot do your people more essential service, than to apply the most faithful counsels and prudent means, for the removing and healing them.

If any of the evils, the people suffer, have been occasioned by their own imprudent conduct, you will nevertheless pity them; and afford all the relief in your power. This is to act the part of a kind and tender father, who would not by unreasonable severity, push his children on to ruin and despair. But, though you pity and study to relieve them in trouble, you must not support them in vice and disorder. As a faithful physician will sometimes use palliatives, but will never gratify a sick patient to his destruction: So as far as may be confident with the great rules of righteousness: you will suit the public conduct to the infirmities of the people, but you cannot consent to measures of iniquity, which will work ruin and misery to the state.

Hear all the equitable petitions of the people; but should they ask you to be unrighteous, stop your ears: Be merciful and compassionate; but maintain a conduct consistent with the dignity, faith and honour of government, and with those fixed rules and everlasting maxims, by which it is to be administered. It is a day, in which trimmers and time-servers are very unfit to direct the affairs of state. I wish, none such may be found among the honourable personages, whom I now address. If any of you, Gentlemen, for acting the dictates of an upright conscience, should fall under the displeasure of the people, you will have infinitely greater support and consolation in the rectitude of your own minds, than the highest applause fellow-mortals can give. Superior dignity and virtue, in these circumstances of trial, appear to the best advantage, and shines with the brightest luster; and will meet the approbation of the great judge in the presence of an assembled world. The frowns of a misguided, and the resentments of an ungrateful people, cannot bend the true patriot to meanness; nor the loss of honour and public station, tempt him to iniquity, and to consent to such measures, as in his fixed opinion and judgment, will end in public shame and ruin.

Remember, Gentlemen, that while you are examining the rights of individuals, and their claims on one another, or on the public, you drop the character of legislators, and should act by the same fixed rules of law and equity, as the judge on the bench. In causes of a judicial kind, your high character of sovereignty will not excuse an arbitrary decision, or denial of justice, any more than the same may be excused in the lowest executive court. In granting favours, you have only to consider, whether they are equitable and consistent with the good of the community; but in doing justice, you have no sovereign discretion. No wise man thinks his life and estate safe in the hand of a tyrant, bound by no restraint of law: Excuse me, Gentlemen, when I add, that the discretion of a popular assembly, acting by no fixed and known rules of equity, is a different expression, but the same in effect, as the arbitrary will of a despot. Sovereign power should never be perverted to acts of unrighteousness: Let not therefore the notion of omnipotence, and of being above control, insensibly insinuate itself into your deliberations, and lead to a different determination, from what you would give in a different character. With deference to your high stations, I am warranted with all freedom to assure you, in the fear of God, the almighty and eternal Judge, that the consideration of not being accountable to an higher court on earth, should be one of the most forcible motives, to engage you to the greatest uprightness and impartiality, not only between subject and subject, but especially the subject and the public. Remember, that as in this world, there is an appeal from a lower to a higher court, so when the most sovereign and uncontrollable court on earth, gives an unrighteous sentence, and wickedly perverts judgment, there is immediately entered in the high court of heaven, an appeal, which, in the great day of general assise, will be called, and must be answered. Then you, my honourable Auditors, and all the kings and judges of the earth shall appear, and give an account for your conduct, while you acted in the character of Gods, on earth.

I have not pointed out, wherein the difficulties and embarrassments of the present day consist; nor what political measures are best to extricate the people from them: These things, Gentlemen, belong to you, and demand the exercise of your superior wisdom and prudence; but I am confident of the real advantage of those principles and maxims, I have insisted on as the great foundation of the happiness and strength of civil society. In this, I think, I have kept within my own limits, and can therefore with an humble freedom, commend them to your attention and consideration. To you it belongs to build upon them, and to improve all your dexterity, zeal and authority to compact us together. To you we look to heal our wounds, to appease our disquiet, to rectify our disorders, and to apply those bands and ligaments, which shall hold us together, and prevent our dissolution and ruin. This is the righteous expectation of God, and the desire and hope of all good men. Be not like the ten spies, who brought up an evil report of the good land of Canaan, and discouraged the hearts of their brethren: but like Joshua and Caleb, who endeavoured to still the people with the assurances of good hope, that under God they were able to surmount the difficulties before them.

Notwithstanding the darkness of the present day, and the public difficulties we labour under, be of good courage, and the Lord be with you: Though the earth and it’s inhabitants be dissolved, hold up the pillars thereof; and never let this state be removed from the foundations of righteousness and truth. If these foundations have by any means received a shock, and seem to be in a tottering condition, let your wisdom and courage give them stability. If the pillars of public faith and justice, judgment and equity have been bent and twisted, like the limber osier, give them that strength and firmness, that they may hereafter stand unshaken as the aged oak: and let this people, and all the world know, that you man to be a righteous legislature; and wish to rule over a righteous people.

I shall add only in a few words, that while in all other ways, you endeavour the good of this people, and expect from them a reverential regard for magistracy, and a peaceable behavior in the state, you will Gentlemen, appoint men of virtue and religion on to all important offices of executive trust: And be yourselves the best examples of righteousness and the fear of God. Shew yourselves friends to religion and virtue—to the church of Christ, and the worship of God—to the ministers of the gospel—and to the great and important interests of education and learning in the state: By this you will do honour to yourselves, and essential service to your country, merit the esteem and gratitude of good men, and meet the approbation of God. If religion and good manners be legible, not only in your laws, but in your lives, rendering you conspicuous for piety and mercy, justice and sobriety, your authority will be strengthened, and your administration supported. The attractive force of your examples, will engage your people to that behavior, which is necessary to the peace and prosperity of the state; and the endeavours of good citizens will be united in procuring and advancing the noble and beneficial ends of society. Thus you will be the lights of the world, the ornaments of mankind; and having with eminent usefulness served your generation according to the will of God, may you finally enjoy the rewards of faithful servants.

The public exhortation and address now turns itself to the Ministers of the Gospel.

My Fathers and Brethren,

We are members of civil society, equally interested in it’s peace and prosperity, with the rest of our fellow-citizens; and especially “because of the house of the Lord our God,” we are bound “to seek” it’s “good.” The immediate ends of the magistracy and ministry are different, but not opposite: They mutually assist each other, and ultimately center in the same point. The one has for its object the promotion of religion and the cause of Christ; the other immediately aims at the peace and order of mankind in this world: Without which, there could be no fixed means of religion; nor the church have a continuance on earth, but through the interposition of a miraculous providence, constantly displayed for its preservation. Hence the church of Christ will have no fixed residence, where there is no civil government, until he, whose right it is, shall take to himself his great power, and reign King of nations, even as he is King of saints.

How thankful then should we be for the ordinance of civil government, which is a token of divine forbearance to a guilty world; and will continue till the designs of the Christian ministry, are accomplished. How many have no higher conception of the Christian ministry, and the wisdom and goodness of God in appointing it, than as relating to this world? Hence, while they pride themselves in civil privileges, and perhaps, allow the morality of the gospel to have some good influence on the happiness of society, they have no idea of the glory of the Christian scheme of salvation, and despise the gospel, the ministry and the church of God. And yet, were it not, that the gospel might be preached, and the church have a being on earth, civil government would cease among men.

To preach the gospel of the Redeemer, to open his salvation, to explain and urge his precepts, and to represent the motives of the religion taught by him, together with the administration of the ordinances, which he hath appointed, are the immediate end; and the peculiar work of the Christian ministry. This is the part, my Fathers and Brethren, assigned to us, on the walls of our Jerusalem; and whoever is faithful in this divine employment, will at once advance the temporal and eternal interests of mankind.

To this work, therefore, let us attend with all diligence and faithfulness, and use our utmost endeavours to promote the designs of redeeming love, in recovering sinful, guilty and miserable men, to the image and favour of God, in bringing them to a life of holiness, and to the practice of all righteousness and virtue. In doing this, we shall be the happy instruments of advancing the best good of society, by leading them to the diligent practice of all the duties of the social and Christian life; and render them, most useful in their respective places: But, more especially, we shall be happy, in being made instruments, under the sacred influence of our divine Lord, of plucking them from the jaws of destruction, and the power and tyranny of Satan, of raising them to the greatest dignity and perfection of their nature, and of preparing them for the new Jerusalem, the city of our God, “wherein dwelleth righteousness.”

While we look to our civil fathers for their kind countenance and protection, it will be our constant care to strengthen and encourage them, in the great and weighty concerns of government, by our prayers, by our public instructions, and by our examples, not only of civil subjection and obedience, but of all virtues, which adorn the Christian profession and ministry, and conduce to the peace and prosperity of the commonwealth.

In this let us strive to excite, and unite all our endeavours. What is more necessary, than union among the ministers of Christ? What gives the enemies of religion more advantage, than the discord, which has prevailed among Christians? Or what stabs the cause of the Redeemer, with deeper wounds, than the contention of his ministers? Let us not look to the coercive power of the civil sword, to heal these wounds; but to our divine and almighty Saviour, to give us one heart and one way; and let us study his gospel, which contains not only the doctrines we are to teach, and the duties we are to inculcate; but the most forcible motives of mutual love, kindness and forbearance. If we drink at this pure fountain of benevolence, and imbibe the spirit of the meek and lowly Jesus, it will cleanse away our envy, pride and ambition, the great sources of ministerial contention. We shall love one another, and strive together in our endeavours, and in our prayers for the success of the gospel, and the peace of churches.

Brethren, our time is short: Our fathers many of them are gone: Every year makes breaches upon our order. May God sanctify the heavy strokes of the year past, upon the churches, and the ministry, that we may be quickened to greater zeal and diligence in our important work. He that is faithful to the death, shall receive the crown of everlasting life and love, in the kingdom of our heavenly Father.

An Address to the numerous audience present, on this joyful occasion, shall conclude my discourse.

Friends and Fellow Citizens,

A CONSTITUTION of Government, which gives a people the liberty of choosing their own rulers, and of being governed by laws, established by common consent, while they make a wise use of it, is a privilege more valuable, than the gold of Ophir, and of greater importance to public happiness, than the rich mountains of Peru. What shall you do to render this privilege, a blessing to the present age, and hand down the joys of it to future generations? Make it your constant aim to choose able and faithful men, who fear God and hate covetousness, to be your rulers; honour and encourage them in all their endeavours to make you a virtuous, prosperous and happy people, and apply yourselves with diligence to your own business, that in your several stations, you may contribute to the public good.

The burden of government at all times, and especially at the present, is very great: We may so behave as to render it, far greater and more difficult, by our misconduct and disorderly practices; and prevent the best fruits of the most wise and righteous administration. We may discourage the hearts and slacken the hands of the most worthy magistrates, by an unruly and discontented spirit, and by an opposition to all their designs for the public good. How many endeavour to enervate and avoid the force of the most wholesome laws of society; and use every art to make the people discontented, and to promote factions in the state.

I THINK it my duty on this solemn occasion, to warn my fellow citizens, against all such vile and wicked practices, which tend to the ruin of magistracy, and the destruction of peace and order. I wish, my Fellow-Citizens, all had a due sense of the high importance of civil government, and the protection afforded us by the laws of our country. Whatever security and peace, we enjoy by day or night, at home or abroad, in the house, in the field, or by the way, are by means of civil union and society. Without this bond, and the restraint of civil institutions, no one would be safe in his person or property. The weak would be continually exposed to the oppression and injustice of a more powerful neighbour. Civil government therefore, well constituted, and impartially administered, is one of the most important blessings, a gracious God has bestowed upon a guilty world; and the laws and constitution of our country are our best inheritance, which we should defend at the hazard of our lives and fortunes.

If any real or supposed grievances should arise in a republic, they may be examined and redressed, without having recourse to arms, and opposing the government of the people, in the hands of the constitutional authority of the state. Good rulers will esteem it, an honour that the public conduct should be examined, and the errors of administration rectified: And if rulers appointed by the people abuse their authority, they may be displaced. A republic has the means of redress within itself; and cannot be oppressed, but by its own fault and neglect.

But while in a free government, the public conduct is open to inspection and discussion, there is a great difference between the reproof of friendship, and the reproach of an enemy; much more between personal slander and abuse, and a candid examination of public mistakes and grievances, that they may be rectified and redressed. The latter is the right of the people and may be encouraged; the former is to be detested, nor can its venom be hidden, or justified, under the cloak of public good. Its tendency is to introduce an embittered party-spirit, and to promote factions and disturbances: It favours, not of that wisdom from above, pure, peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy, but of that which is earthly, sensual, devilish: It is not a cement, having the least tendency to add strength to the foundations, beauty to the walls, or peace and prosperity to the palaces of our Jerusalem.

I SINCERELY condole with my country, under the heavy burden lying on the people. If a considerable part of this burden has been brought upon ourselves by imprudent conduct, we ought not to complain to our rulers, and think ourselves hardly used, if the foundations of justice be not removed for your sakes. If any part of it be occasioned by unnecessary expenses in government, and by salaries and rewards, too lavishly bestowed on those, who serve the public, we have right to complain, and to expect redress. And if the claims of any men on the public, or other burdens in the state, be unjust, we may boldly apply to our rulers for relief: For to execute judgment, to do justice, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke, is the great end of their institution and office: Surely then, a righteous Legislature will hear all our reasonable complaints, and ease our sorrows.

But if these burdens are just, the price of our liberty, and of all the privileges which we enjoy, what can our rulers do, but encourage us to be a righteous and industrious people, and contrive the best, most easy and effectual measures for discharging the public debt?—They cannot deny that we have had an army—hired soldiers, and carried on a long and expensive war, in which through the signal interposition of a wonder-working Providence, we have been gloriously successful—that we are indebted to France, Holland and Spain, in sums to a large amount—and that thousands of our citizens have lent their substance and treasure to this and the United States; many of whom are distressed by the public failure.—They cannot create silver and gold: But supposing, it were in their power to furnish a full and rich store of these articles, for which we might sell and mortgage our estates, would not this be the ruin of the greater part of the debtors in the state, and of many other citizens, now in flourishing circumstances?—But, it will be said, they can emit a bank of paper money, the benefit of which was experienced in former times. A mighty benefit; a blessed privilege, indeed, if it be on such a sinking foundation, that the dishonest taking advantage of its depreciation may defraud their creditors, and live and riot on the simplicity of their neighbours, and the spoils of public faith. Would it be right, y Fellow-Citizens, to force such a medium into the hands of the people, against their will and consent? A tyrant may compel his vassals for gold or silver promised, to take lead, tin, wood or stubble: But this would be esteemed in an eastern despot no better, than open and bare faced robbery. Such a thought ought not to be entertained of the righteous Legislature of a free people, who enjoy the Bible, in which we are taught, that whoever expects to be an inhabitant of the heavenly Jerusalem, though he sware to his hurt, changeth not. If this bank of paper-money be on a sure foundation, and have a currency, equal to gold and silver, the question returns, how shall we obtain it, unless we earn it, or pledge our estates for the redemption of it? In the first method, we might as well obtain silver and gold; the latter is big with ruin to thousands, and would tend to discourage the frugality, industry and economy, which begin to have so promising an appearance; and must be the means of freeing us from the great embarrassments we are under.

A SUDDEN plenty of money, would not help us; nay it would do us hurt, unless it were obtained in that way, which would encourage those virtues in society, which are the strength, the happiness, and beauty of a people. These are industry, honesty, frugality, and the reciprocal acts of friendship, kindness, and mercy, which arise from the dependencies of one upon another. Had we a thousand tons of silver dispersed in this state, in such manner as should check the growth of those virtues, it would be truly the root of all evil, and dispose us to such a conduct, that in a few years, this mighty sum would vanish and the people become reduced to a more wretched state of indigence and want, than before: The years of plenty would soon be over, and there arise a louder cry for the suspension of public and private justice, than has ever been heard in America.

I CANNOT my Fellow-Citizens but flatter myself, that the necessity of the times has begun to work for its own relief, in a way conducive to the public good, and the virtue and peace of the people. Agriculture is more encouraged and attended to—the herds and flocks of large and small cattle are increasing—wool and flax are more prized—home-manufactures begin to be thought necessary—the distaff, the wheel and loom are becoming more fashionable—the shops of trifling baubles and gewgaws are less crowded—suits at law diminished—a general spirit of industry is more prevalent, and patience and perseverance seem only necessary to crown the work.

But to close this discourse and address; let us my Friends and Fellow-Citizens, faithfully attend to our true interest and safety, in all those ways which are pointed out in wisdom and the circumstances we are under. Encourage your rulers in building up our Jerusalem, on the strong foundations of truth and righteousness—maintain in your hearts and conduct, those principles and maxims of love, benevolence and goodness, which will render you a united, happy and prosperous people. Let God be honoured, and the grace of the Redeemer exalted; the Sabbath sanctified; the worship and ordinances of the Lord’s house, maintained: The pious and virtuous education of the rising generation, religiously regarded; and a firm and inviolable adherence to the laws and institutions of Christ, manifested by all orders and ranks of men. Then virtue and peace, righteousness, mercy and the fear of God, will flourish, and every member of the community, will be found, fixed in his proper place, and discharging the duties of it.

This is that peaceful and happy state, which King David so earnestly desired might be the portion of Jerusalem, and make it a joy and a praise in all the earth. Let his holy and pious wish be the language of all our hearts: “Pray for the peace of” our “Jerusalem: They shall prosper that love thee: Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces: For my brethren and companions sake, I will now say, peace be within thee; because of the house of the Lord our God, I will seek thy Good.”

A M E N.