Categories: Sermons

Ashbel Green (1762-1848) served as a sergeant in the Revolutionary War from 1778 to 1782. After the war he enrolled in Princeton and graduated in 1784. He was licensed to preach in 1786 and installed as the pastor of the 2nd Presbyterian Church of Philadelphia in 1787. In 1792 he was appointed chaplain to congress. Green became the president of Princeton from 1812 until 1822.

—“Hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him. And if ye seek him he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.”

The proclamation of the Chief Magistrate of the nation which calls us to the service of this day, states, as the special reason of the call, that it is “a season of difficulty and danger” to our common country. That such is the fact, no one in this assembly will pretend to deny. Not an individual who seriously contemplates our national situation, can forbear to confess, that, on every hand, dangers threaten and difficulties beset us. To anyone who should suggest a sure, practicable and easy plan, for maintaining our honor and preserving our civil and religious rights, it would be acknowledged that every ear should listen with attention, and every heart offer a tribute of thanks. My brethren,—a prophet of Jehovah offers you this very plan in the words of my text. The sacred herald proclaims it to you this hour, as really as he did to the favorite people of heaven in ancient times:—As really as he then said—“Hear ye me Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin,” he now says—“Hear ye me, rulers and people of America!—the Lord is with you while ye be with him—If ye seek him he will be found of you.” This, I affirm, is a sure plan for national defense and prosperity: “For if God be for us who can stand against us!”—What wisdom can contend with omniscience? What power can resist omnipotence? “Associate yourselves O ye people, and ye shall be broken in pieces; and give ear all ye of far countries; gird yourselves and ye shall be broken in pieces: gird yourselves and ye shall be broken in pieces. Take counsel together and it shall come to naught; speak the word and it shall not stand; for God is with us.” Nay, more—the plan of the prophet is not only effectual, but it is the only one that can be effectual. The same veracity which gives the comfortable assurance, on one condition, connects with it an awful alternative on another. “If ye forsake God he will forsake you.”—If, forgetful of your dependence on Jehovah, ye violate his laws and condemn his ordinances, his protection and favor will be taken from you, and then cometh confusion and every evil work. Left to yourselves, you will speedily become the prey of your enemies or work out your own destruction. Vain will be all your exertions. “For there is no wisdom, nor understanding, nor counsel against the Lord.”—His hand will find you out, and with just displeasure will seal your final ruin.

Thus have I given what I take to be the true import of the text, and with that direct application to our own circumstances, which I hope may engage our serious attention to it—That the statement you have heard is just, I shall endeavor to prove, in establishing the following proposition, in which it is comprised,—namely, —The nation that adheres to the laws of God shall be protected and prospered by him, but the nation that forsakes and disregards those laws he will destroy.

In discussing this doctrine, it will not be necessary to give a separate treatment to its contrasted parts. More advantage may be derived from considering, in connection, the nature, both of that obedience and disobedience which is contemplated, and of that benefit or injury, which severally results from them.

First, the, let us consider what is that adherence or obedience to the divine laws, which will insure to a nation the protection and blessing of heaven; and from which we may also, see, that deficiency or disobedience, on which the threatening is pronounced.

The obedience contemplated is described in the text by being or remaining with God, and by seeking him. In this, I think, all must allow there is implied, that a nation pay some general and sincere regard to those laws and obligations of duty, which the light it possesses, manifests to be of divine institution and sanctioned by the divine authority. Reason and scripture evince, in the clearest manner, the justice of this demand. If reason remonstrates against the iniquity of requiring men to obey laws, of which they have had no knowledge, and to walk by light which they have never seen, she equally enforces their obligation to obey every equitable law with which they are acquainted, and to act agreeably to the best information which they have received. In other words, it is one of the plainest dictates of reason, that men should be answerable for their improvement of the advantages they possess, and for nothing more. Accordingly we find that inspiration, which is reason purified from all error, expresses this principle, thus,—–“That servant which knew his Lord’s will, and prepared not himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with many stripes. But he that knew not, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes. For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required; and to whom men have committed much, of him they will ask the more.—Therefore, to him that knoweth to do good, and doeth not, to him it is sin.” This rule must be as applicable to nations as to individuals, for of individuals, nations are composed. Let us apply it, then, to the case before us, and see what will be its result, as it relates to Heathens, Jews, and Christians.

Of the Heathen nations the account given by unerring truth, is as follows—“The wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, who hold the truth in unrighteousness. Because that which may be known of God is manifest in them, for God hath showed it unto them. For the invisible things of him, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even his eternal power and Godhead; so that they are without excuse.” And again—“When the Gentiles which  have not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law, these, having not the law, are a law unto themselves; which show the work of the law written upon their hearts, their conscience, also, bearing witness, and their thoughts, the mean while, accusing or else excusing one another.” From this it appears that the Heathen nations, though destitute of a revelation, had still so many advantages from the light of nature itself, as to render them inexcusable when they violated the great principles of duty either to God or man. To acknowledge the existence, the providence, and many of the perfections of the Supreme Being, to be sensible of their dependence on him in all their concerns, to realize their indebtedness to him for all their guilt and unworthiness, to implore his favor, and to deprecate his displeasure, was a service which, even in their circumstances, might reasonably be demanded of them. The law, also, which was written on their hearts, or discoverable from natural reason, was sufficient to teach them the duties of justice, truth, humanity and benevolence, toward each other. How little of all this was actually found among those nations, is well known to those who are acquainted with the melancholy history of their moral and religious state. But the rule of their duty was such as has been stated, and as far as they manifested any color or degree of conformity to it in their external conduct or national character, the divine mercy and condescension, as well shall see hereafter, treated them as coming within the condition on which protection and prosperity in this world, are promised and bestowed. But when all regard to the moral and religious principles that have been recited, became extinct among them as a people, then they subjected themselves to the threatened penalty.

To the Hebrew nation, the knowledge of the true God was clearly revealed. The unity and spirituality  of his offense; the infirmity, eternity, purity and holiness of his nature and attributes; his creation, and his absolute and immediate government of the world; his moral laws; and his purposes of grace and mercy toward penitent sinners; were manifested to this people, in the fullest, most unequivocal, and most impressive manner. Their national polity itself was a theocracy, or mode of government in which the Deity sustained to them, not only the common relation of supreme governor of the world, but also that of a civil chief. He dictated all their political institutions; he presided over the administration of them; and with a view to secure them against falling into that ignorance of himself, that idolatry, superstition and immorality, which, at this time, characterized and degraded all the other nations of the world, as well as to be a shadow of good things to come, he instituted a complicated ritual of ceremonial observances and temporary regulations. These advantages laid the Jews under higher and more numerous obligations to moral and religious purity than any other nation then existing. It was, also, manifestly incumbent on them to regard, with sacred exactness, even those ceremonial rites, which had been enjoined by divine authority with the most wise and benevolent intention. Here, then, we have their rule of duty. While they walked agreeably to these advantages and institutions they might be said to abide with God and to seek him. When they departed from these they were said to forsake him. The observance of these things is precisely the ground of the promise in the text,—the promise of the divine presence and protection, with all its happy consequences. On the contrary, their departure from the rule of duty which has been specified, subjected them to the threatened dereliction and displeasure of God, with all its ruinous effects.

Under the Christian dispensation we have still a new accession of light. In addition to the knowledge of the Deity, and of his laws and designs, which the ancient Hebrews possessed, we have a bright display of the very method in which his purposes of mercy toward our fallen race are fully carried into effect. “He who spake unto us by the prophets hath, in these last days, spoken unto us by his son, whom he hath appointed heir of all things, by whom also he made the world”—who is “Immanuel, God with us.” By him “we have received the atonement.” We are distinctly informed, that “he was made sin for us, who knew no sin, that we might be made the righteousness of God in him.” We are assured that by faith in him “we are justified without the deeds of the law.” To us it has been declared by divine authority, that “all men should honor the Son, even as they honor the Father,” and that “he that honoreth not the Son, honoreth not the Father who hath sent him.” We have received information, more distinct than was given under the Mosaic economy, of the million and work of the blessed Spirit of God, emphatically styled “the Comforter”—We are told that man, “dead by nature in trespasses and sins,” can be saved only by “the washing of regeneration and the renewing of the Holy Ghost.” The spirituality and extent of the divine law is more completely unfolded to us than to the Jews, and the doctrine more powerfully inculcated that “without holiness no man shall see the Lord.” The obligations to justice, benevolence, charity, meekness, kindness, forgiveness, and every good work, are most powerfully enforced. “Life and immortality is brought to light by the gospel.” A future judgment is plainly revealed, and the states of eternal happiness and misery, which await the righteous and the wicked, are clearly and strikingly set before us.

It must immediately be perceived that this system of information originates many peculiar obligations and duties, which could not be binding or incumbent on those who were destitute of it:—And therefore the nation which is blest with the knowledge of this system, will then, and then only, come up to the condition on which the promise of protection and prosperity is founded in the text, when it pays some suitable regard to the leading principles which it contains. When those principles are generally and notoriously violated, the solemn declaration that God will forsake such a people, immediately becomes applicable.

Let me request that the statement which has now been of the rule of moral and religious duty to communities, in dissimilar circumstances or under different dispensations, may be carefully kept in mind through the remainder of the discourse, that repetition may be spared without producing mistake. Let it be understood and remembered that in speaking of the virtues or vices of nations as the cause of prosperity or adversity, I always consider the distributive justice of God as deciding the destiny of each by its relative advantages,—its relative knowledge of moral and religious truth, and that practice which is consonant or contrary to it.

This statement, however, has not been made, merely to furnish a basis of illustration to the following part of the subject; but also to show how totally void of force is a favorite remark in infidel writers on this topic. With much apparent triumph, they reproach the advocates of Christianity for representing national prosperity as any way connected with a regard to the Christian religion, and the adduce the prosperous condition of some pagan countries, both in ancient and modern times, as proof positive of the justice of the reproach. But we may here see that the fact alleged (allowing it to be a fact) is, in truth, no proof at all. Those nations never were under obligation to conform to the same standard which we are bound to regard. It will presently be seen that when they actually and generally departed from what was their rule of duty they were uniformly destroyed. But to say that a Christian nation, may with impunity become Pagan, while a Pagan nation (it is allowed on all hands) could not with justice be required to regard Christianity, is an assertion which does no honor to the sagacity or candor of its authors. It is to say that they who possess the most advantages may safely act like those who have enjoyed the least. The Heathen posses one degree of information, we another. They are dealt with by their own measure, we by ours. This is strictly the principle of justice; and the objection in question is annihilated by the obvious remark.

Here, however, it may be observed, without cavil, that no nation ever fully conforms to the rule which has been specified as marking the line of duty; and it may be asked—what is that measure of conformity, which will secure the benefits of the promise? To answer this enquiry with precision and as it relates to particular cases God alone is competent. “He giveth not account of any of his matters.” In some instances his mercy may forbear with nations after considerable defection, and in others his justice may take speedy vengeance. While the guilty are never punished till they deserve it, equity is not violated in waiting longer for the reformation of some than of others. This exercise of sovereignty, this limited variety in his dispensation, is seen in all the administrations of the Deity. The most wise and important purposes answered by it. Presumptuous is restrained, on the one hand, and despondence or despair is prevented, on the other. The entire freedom of human action is, also, preserved by this order. The mind of man is left to that full exercise of judgment and choice, and that natural operation of desire and prosperity, which render him most completely accountable for his actions. From this cause it will come to pass that the method in which nations are treated will appear somewhat irregular. The virtuous, in some cases, will appear to suffer, and the vicious to be triumphant. A semblance of contradiction will hence arise to the doctrine I inculcate. Yet, as will be shown more fully in its place, it is only the semblance, and not the substance of opposition, that will thus be produced. A criterion of judging sufficiently exact, and most highly important, will still be left us. It will still remain a perspicuous and interesting truth, that when a nation is characteristically pious it will be ultimately protected, and that when it becomes characteristically impious it will be fast hastening to destruction; and that in proportion as it approaches to the one or the other of these extremes it has reason to hope or to fear. To explain my meaning, here, with reference to a Christian nation, I would say, that—When the rulers of a Christian country recommend Christianity by their practice and example: when they discover a reverence for it by faithfully enacting and executing laws for the suppression of vice and immortality: When, without infringing on the rights of conscience, they encourage true piety, by countenancing those who profess, practice and teach it: When, on suitable occasions, and in public acts, the Being and Providence of God, and our accountableness to him, are recognized, and the honor which is due to his Son is rendered: When the moral laws of God, relative to man, as well as to himself, are truly regarded, by those whose station gives influence and fashion to their conduct, and renders it in a sort the representation and expression of national sentiment on the subject of morals: And when, in addition to this, the great principles of piety and morality already recited, are so generally and effectually taught and inculcated on the people at large, as really to influence the public mind, and in some good degree to form the popular opinions and habits:—this I would say was a performance of duty,—this would secure to a Christian nation the benefits of the divine promise. But when, among those who preside over the people, the very being, attributes, and providence of God are denied, or when there is a studied omission of every idea that refers to his government, or to our dependence on him: When, through a hatred of Christianity, it is disavowed, despised, laughed at, and in the most contemptuous manner trampled underfoot; or when through pusillanimity or impious policy, a country conceals its attachment to the religion of Jesus; or when the profession of attachment is only a thin veil of hypocrisy: When the leading men of a nation flagrantly and shamelessly violate every moral law: And when the people at large love to have it so, and are rapidly assimilating to the same corrupt standard; then they subject themselves to the divine denunciation, and are treading on the brink of destruction.

Let us now

II. Attend to the proof of this assertion; or to the proof, rather, of the general position—That righteous nations will be protected and prospered, and that impious nations will be destroyed.

The remark scarcely needs to be made, that I am not here to maintain that God will either protect a righteous, or destroy a wicked nation, by any miraculous exertion of his power, or in any other way than by the use of those means, and the operation of those causes, which under the guidance of his providence are naturally calculated, and best adapted to produce such an effect. No, my brethren—When nations, in the early stages of the world, could not be fully instructed by experience in the principles of the divine government, because time for this experience had not yet been afforded; and that the most impressive proofs of the very truth which the text asserts might be furnished to all future time, God did, indeed, work miracles of salvation for the people who feared and served him, and miracles of destruction on those who departed from his laws. But as these examples are now furnished, and held up to our view as sure indications of what we are to expect from the same source of justice from which they flowed, and as abundant experience has shown what is the settled order of the divine dispensation, miracle is not to be expected, because it is not necessary. There have been some instances, indeed, in every age, both of the deliverance and destruction of nations, in which the divine interference has appeared but little short of miraculous. Such events, however, are not to be reckoned on, though they may sometimes occur. In general, if God intend to preserve a nation, he will either dispose others to be at peace with it, or he will stir up its inhabitants to a rational, vigorous and united exertion of their strength and means, to defend themselves; and these he will bless and crown with success. If he forsake a nation he will leave it to infatuated measures, to divided counsels, to supineness, to discord, treachery, and treason; or he will counteract its efforts, and thus effectually accomplish his designs of vengeance. Peace, health, and plenty, will be blessings flowing from his favor; sword, pestilence, and famine, will be the messengers of his wrath. Sometimes his hand will be invisible, and sometimes conspicuously displayed; but in either case its operations will be sure and irresistible whether to defend or to destroy.

In establishing the point before us, the proof on which I propose principally to rely is of the historical kind. The principles of human nature and of society do indeed offer strong and conclusive evidence of the same truth, and these will be occasionally taken to our aid in the answering objections to our doctrine. But these principles have been so often and so clearly explained and applied to this subject, that nothing seems capable of being added to what must already be familiar to you; and as the conclusions deduced from them have, notwithstanding, been lately denied by a daring spirit of innovation and infidelity, I think it most proper, in every view, to treat the subject historically and to show that the theory we maintain is incontrovertibly supported by fact. In pursuing this design we assume it as a principle that the plan of Providence, or the divine government, is uniform in its execution, so that what hath happened in all time past, may be expected to happen in all time to come. Atheists and infidels may, indeed, deny that the course of human affairs is under the direction or providence of God; but even they cannot, with a shadow of truth or candor, deny the fact, that nations have actually stood or fallen by the test in question, nor can they easily resist the belief that the future will resemble the past.

To the faithful page of history then let the impartial appeal be made. Let the Heathen, the Jewish, and the Christian nations pass in review before you, and you will find their prosperity or their adversity, meted to them by the measure we have examine. What was it that produced the most ancient and the most awful desolation and extinction of nations that the history of the world records? The sacred volume will inform you—“God saw that the wickedness of man was great in the earth, and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually—And the Lord said I will destroy man whom I have created, from the face of the earth, both man and beast—for the earth was filled with violence: And God looked upon the earth and behold it was corrupt; for all flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth: And God said unto Noah—The end of all flesh is come before me; for the earth is filled with violence through them, and behold I will destroy them with the earth.” Let every believer in revelation mark the cause which inspiration here assigns, for bringing the waters of a flood on the world of the ungodly: —Let him mark and remember that it was for general corruption and impiety; and let this be in his mind, the attestation of unerring truth, that, at least in one, and that the most conspicuous of all instances, the Deity forsook and destroyed the nations—even all the nations of the earth—because they had forsaken him. Let it also be remembered, that this happened in the infancy of the world, for the express purpose that it might be a warning to every succeeding generation of men; and that no reason can be assigned why the Deity should not be as much displeased with impiety now as then, nor why he should not punish the people who are guilty of it; though, for wise reasons, he may not use a miraculous but an ordinary method of chastisement.

But examples of the same import multiply upon us in perusing the sacred records. Why was it that “the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven, and overthrew those cities and all the plain, and all the inhabitants of the cities, and that which grew up on the ground.”? It was “because the cry of Sodom and Gomorrah was great, and because their sin was grievous”—Because nameless deeds of wickedness were perpetrated there, and ten righteous persons could not be found, as “the salt of the earth” to qualify its corruption, and to extinguish the fire of heaven. What was the cause of the destruction of the Canaanitish nations, whom the Lord drove out before the children of Israel? Was it mere arbitrary pleasure of Jehovah to destroy them, that he might make room for the settlement of his chosen people? Such is the favorite but false representation of infidels. Hear the account of Scripture, and observe, that it is held up as a warning to the Israelites themselves; “Defile not yourselves in any of these things; for in all these the nations are defiled that I cast out before. And the land is defiled; therefore I do visit the iniquity thereof upon it, and the land itself vomiteth out her inhabitants. Ye shall, therefore, keep my statutes and my judgments, and shall not commit any of these abominations; neither any of your own nation, nor any stranger that sojourneth with you: For all these abominations have the men of the land done which were before you, and the land is defiled.” Why was it, that the awful “voice from heaven: said to the proud King of Babylon, “O King Nebuchadnezzar to thee it is spoken—drive thee from men and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the field!” It was that he might “know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will:—And all the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as nothing and he doth according to his will in the army of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth; and none can stay his hand, or say unto him—what dost thou?” Why was it that, to the son and successor of this haughty monarch, the appalling, unconnected, self moved hand, came forth, and wrote on the wall of his palace—-“Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin—God hath numbered thy kingdom and finished it; thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting: Thy kingdom is divided and given to the Medes and Persians”? It was because he had not “humbled his heart” in the contemplation of his father’s doom. “But had lifted up himself against the Lord of Heaven”—-had profaned the vessels of his sanctuary—-“and the God in whose hand his breath was and whose were all his ways he had not glorified”—-Therefore “in that night was Belshazzar the King of the Chaldeans slain, and Darius the Median took his kingdom.”

These instances—so pointed and powerful that the aid of enforcement would but encumber them—demonstrating the truth on which I insist, are found in holy scripture;  but observe that they all relate to Heathen nations, to nations that had no special revelation—had nothing but those great principles of religion and morality which the light of nature or the report of tradition taught, to guide them in the path of duty: And for the violation of these you have heard their destiny.

But if leaving the testimony of sacred, we resort to that of profane history itself, we shall find the same account. We shall find that when a nation of the heathen world regarded, in any tolerable degree, (for not one regarded in a high degree), the principles of religious and moral duty which I specified at the entrance, then they were most prosperous, and that when they wholly departed from these, then they were speedily destroyed. If the limits to which I am confined did not forbid it, the talk would not be difficult to evince, beyond all contradiction, from the most authentic accounts of these nations, that religion and morality, mistaken and imperfect as they were among pagans, were still their strength and security, and that a disregard to these always preceded their dissolution. The truth of this representation is recognized (it may be, some hundreds of times) by their own writers. The fact was so evident and notorious that it forced itself on observation, precluded denial, passed at length into one of those settled maxims of which there is neither doubt nor controversy, mingled itself with all their public instructions, and was regarded as essential in all their political institutions. The most learned and eloquent of the Roman philosophers and orators accounts for the superiority of the Roman state in language such as this, “We exceed not the Spaniards in number, nor Gauls in strength, nor the Carthaginians in subtly, nor the Greeks in arts, nor the Italians and Latins, who were the original inhabitants of this country, in natural strength of mind; but it is in piety and religion, in discerning that all things are directed and governed by the immortal Gods, that we have excelled all the nations and people of the earth.” Even a father of the Christian church has this remark, “That God would not give heaven to the Romans, because they were heathen, but he gave them the empire of the world, because were virtuous.” A writer of a far different character makes an extravagant assertion “That for several ages together never was the fear of God more eminently conspicuous than in the Roman republic.” But he is strictly correct, when he says, “That religion produced good laws, good laws good fortune, and good fortune a good end in whatever they undertook.” Nor are these observations less applicable to other nations of heathen antiquity. Consult the rise and fall of the Assyrian, the Persian, and the Macedonian empires, or of the free states of Greece, and you will find that their political prosperity waxed or waned very much by the measure of their religious and moral character. Their religion—I know and repeat it—was absurd, and their morals comparatively impure, but the degree of rectitude and purity which they possessed was their safety, and the contrary was their bane. I do not hold them up as objects to be envied or as examples to be imitated in the gross. They became eventually the curses and scourges of the world; but they became so by their degeneracy, which proved in the end their own destruction and—this is the point for which I contend.

In regard to the Hebrew nation, no man that has read his bible can be ignorant, that it stood or fell by the rule that has been given. Its whole history, indeed, is, and was intended to be, little else than the history of the truth of the doctrine which I now maintain. When the people “served the Lord God of their Fathers, with a perfect heart and with a willing mind:”—When they “did justly, loved mercy, and walked humbly with their God.” Then they had rest; or if their enemies attempted to injure them, “one man chased a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight.” On the contrary, when they forgot the Lord and walked after the imagination of their own evil heart, then they experienced every sore and destructive calamity; till at length they were completely removed out of their own land, subjected to a most humiliating captivity and bondage, while their country was ravaged and rendered desolate for the space of seventy years. The text is but a single instance, among passages innumerable, in which the general truths here stated were brought in the most striking manner to their remembrance. Read with attention the 26^th chap. Of the book of Leviticus, and you will there, find specified at large, the promises and the threatening which the whole of their subsequent history demonstrates to have been strictly fulfilled. But the most awful example which the Jews offer to the world, is in the punishment which they received after their rejection and crucifixion of the Messiah, and the persecution of his apostles and disciples. An historian of their own nation, who was an eye witness of what he records, gives such an account of the overthrow of their temple, city and nation, as has not its parallel in the annals of the world. It was accompanied by the most awful and manifest displays of the divine indignation, insomuch that Titus the Roman emperor confessed that it was the hand of God, rather than his own military prowess, that effected their destruction. From that time to the present hour, the Jews have been vagabonds over all the earth, furnishing a monument and miracle of the divine displeasure, against a nation that no mercies or judgments could reclaim.

If, turning form the Heathen and the Jews, we fix on the history of Christian countries, we shall find it still confirming the fact asserted, that when they have conformed to those principles of religious and moral duty which constitute the rule of their obedience to God, they have been protected and prospered, and when they have thrown aside a regard to these, they have been blasted and cut off.

It was not till more than three centuries after the birth of our blessed Lord, that any state professed a national attachment to the religion which he taught. During this whole period, however, the light of that religion in all its purity, was diffused over many countries, and rendered them, in a degree, responsible for a conformity to it. The consequences of refusing to be guided and influences by it have been awful indeed. The whole region of Asia Minor & of ancient Greece, where the most flourishing Christian churches were planted by St. Paul, have long since experienced the fulfillment of the threatening which the beloved apostle  was commissioned to denounce. Not only have the inhabitants of that region been deprived of the gospel which they abused, but, under the Mahomedan power, they have sunk into the most gloomy political bondage;—slavery and wretchedness have been brooding over them for more than a thousand years.

A similar fate was reserved for the Roman Empire. Long had its impieties and prostrate morals been portending its fall. But when the bloody and relentless persecution, of the followers of Jesus were added to its other crimes, the vengeance of heaven could no longer be delayed. A celebrated historian of this period, whose prejudice would not suffer him to learn from it the truth of the Christian system, intimates that there is reason to believe, that in one space of about fifteen years, “war, pestilence, and famine, consumed the moiety of the human species.” Under Constantine the Great the Roman Empire became Christian; and then again her political power and internal happiness had a short revival.  But in the revolution of a few years the corruptions of Christianity debased and degraded the worship of God, rent and divided and dishonored his church, and admitted of licentiousness in principle, and immorality in practice. Then desolation entered as a flood. And inundation of barbarians broke in upon the empire, razed it to the foundations, massacred its inhabitants, swept away every monument of grandeur, every achievement of art, every comfort of life; so that this period has obtained, descriptively, the appellation of the dark ages, and furnishes but scanty documents for its own history. To such a length, indeed, did barbarism and ignorance proceed, that for several centuries there was scarcely a term in the languages of Europe by which literature or learning could be expressed. This was the period in which all the abominations of Anti-Christ reigned without controul. It was the period too in which human misery was at its height. During its continuance, several of the plagues and phials of wrath, predicted in the apocalypse, were emphatically poured out. The imposter Mahomet arose, and with sword and rapine extended his power and established his superstition over a fourth part of the then discovered globe. The crusades, which the spiritual infatuation of the princes and nations of Europe carried on for a series of years to dispossess the infidel Mussel men  of the holy land, beggared and depopulated the countries whence they proceeded, while oppression, rapacity and violence at home filled the cup of sorrow to the full.  To recount the sufferings of those who bore the Christian name, and subjected it to reproach by their follies, hypocrites, impieties and vices, during this period, would carry me far beyond the proper bounds of this discourse. At length a glorious reformation began to dawn on the benighted and miserable nations. And then—let it be distinctly observed—then began, also, and amelioration of their political state. To this reformation, beyond all question, as the fundamental and most efficient cause, has been owing the literary improvement, the civil happiness, and the general superiority of Europe over all the other people of the earth. Its influence, was by no means confined to those nations that were active in promoting it, but was greatly extended to those that contended against it. Power, tyranny and superstition, were obliged to relax their demands, and to assume a milder tone, to prevent the extension of that which they equally hated and feared.

We see, then, that the general aspect of the Christian history confirms our position in the fullest manner. To descend to particulars, is forbidden by the limits to which I am confined. Let me, only, call your attention, for a moment, to the origin of that Happy state of society which our own country has experienced, even since our forefathers formed political establishments in it. Can anyone deny that those establishments owe their excellence to the fervent piety and pure morals of their original founders? It is impossible to deny it. To Christianity, in its genuine spirit, we have rendered our country the envy of the world, which we cannot change but to an infinite disadvantage, and which, if we are careful to maintain them, will be our everlasting glory and defense.[*] Our defense they have certainly been in time past.  From the fist settlement of these States till the present hour, the signal care of heaven, in preserving us from all machinations of our enemies, has been such as to confound unbelief itself, and to furnish a most comfortable illustration of the truth I inculcate. Often, very often, both in early and latter times, has the safety and salvation of our country been dependent on circumstances which no human means could manage or control, and on discoveries which no human wisdom could make. In all these cases, when standing on the brink of destruction, the good providence of God has interposed and saved us; so that it would seem as if it were only necessary that we should be in imminent danger, in order to see a wonderful interposition of the divine hand to deliver us from destruction—God of his mercy grant that the impieties which now prevail, may not change his dispensations toward us!

If it be demanded, after all, whether history will not demonstrate that some nations distinguished for religion, have not suffered by the attacks of others, and whether some that have been distinguished for irreligion, have not been prospered?—the demand may be met without the least disadvantage to my argument. As a reply to the whole it would, I think, be sufficient to remind you of the remark already made, that, as in all the other divine dispensations, so in this, it is to be expected that there will be some appearances which seem to be exceptions to a general rule, which we must resolve into the sovereignty of God—or into our imperfect views and knowledge of his designs; and that such appearances ought by no means to weaken the influence of the general rule, or to diminish  our care to walk agreeably to it. But though this might be a sufficient answer to the inquiry, and though there may be some real need for it, in a few cases that might possibly be specified in regard to this subject; yet I am persuaded that there is much less occasion for such remarks on this subject, than on almost any other, where the ways of God are concerned. In answer to the first part of the demand, let it be observed that the conformity of nations to the standard which ensures protection is often very imperfect, while yet the fear of God and obedience to his laws are considerably regarded. In these circumstances the Deity may, and commonly does, afflict to a certain degree, with a view to reform and not to destroy. If reformation take place, the correction is withdrawn, and his favor returns. This is precisely the statement of the text, where we are assured that if a nation seeks the Lord he will be found of them. But if reformation do not take place, chastisement will continue and crease, till, at length, the people who prove incorrigible will be finally destroyed. This accounts for the appearance –. It shows that the divine blessing is not only conferred on obedience but is proportioned to it. But my recollection does not serve me for a single instance, in which a nation, however small, that could make any plausible pretension to religious and moral purity, was ever totally destroyed. On the contrary, a number of the small states of Europe have been almost miraculously preserved, when contending for real liberty and religion, against the most powerful and impetuous nations of the earth. Different, I know, has been the effect of the struggles of some of those nations, lately, to preserve their very existence. They have been carried away like dust before the whirlwind. But what has been the cause? Examine it well, and you will find the doctrine I inculcate very powerfully supported by the result. You will find that the punishment inflicted on these nations, has been most wonderfully proportioned to the measure of their and notorious hypocrites, impieties and immoralities.

But it is time to turn to the opposite part of this enquiry, and attempt to answer what many will esteem a more formidable objection, namely—that impious and immoral nations have sometimes been blest and prospered. It may even be supposed, that this point has already been yielded in a measure, when it was suggested, that the conquerors of the earth have frequently been distinguished by a disregard to everything sacred. Such a conclusion however, does not follow with justice, from the premises whence it is drawn. Why may not God, for the purposes of chastising those whom ultimately he intends to save, confer success on the unlawful enterprises of wicked nations as he does on those of wicked individuals, and yet, in both cases, be only preparing the way for the final and more awful ruin of the transgressors? That he may do this is not only possible but in some instances certain. There cannot be two grosser errors than to believe, that military success is always a mark of the divine approbation, and that conquest or extended dominion always secures happiness and prosperity to a conquering nation. As to the first, which is a favorite idea with some, that military success is a proof of the divine approbation, I would beg of those who cherish the delusion, to consider where it will lead them. It will lead them unavoidably to maintain, that Alexander  and Caesar, that Goths and Vandals, that Turks and Tartars, have been the most distinguished favorites of Heaven, for in military success none have been equal to these. No, my brethren, military success is, by itself, no proof of the divine patronage. God may, as already intimated, use a nation as the rod of his anger to chastise the guilty, and then he may break and burn it, and make its destruction a useful warning to every beholder. We are assured by scripture, that de did so with the Assyrian empire of old—Nay, he hath done it in every age, and it is his usual method of procedure. Military success, in war merely defensive, May be evidence of the divine favor; but in every other case, if we judge from experience, the presumption is against the victor. Neither is conquest and dominion a proof that the conquering nation is truly prosperous. A few of its distinguished chiefs may acquire fame and wealth, while the mass of its inhabitants are wretched in the extreme. The fact commonly happens thus—It happens thus remarkably, at present, with that nation of Europe, that is subduing others, and threatening us. Is it really prosperous? Are its citizens happy? Have they, while they have been ravaging and subduing other kingdoms, possessed true national felicity among themselves? No, assuredly—Fear and anxiety, convulsion and terror, massacre and blood, the destruction of arts, of property, of all domestic enjoyment, of all religious, moral, and social principles, of all that renders existence not a curse, has reigned in the midst of them, with infernal triumph. It is even true, that among all the nations that they have conquered, rendered tributary, pillaged, partitioned, bartered and trafficked away, not one has suffered more than themselves. The volcano which has poured desolation in burning torrents on every circumjacent region has still glowed most intensely at the centre of its force, and there, in its own bowels and crater, with the most rapid and energetic fury, it has tortured, and transmuted  and consumed, every useful material, which heaven, nature, art or accident, has offered to its touch. The scene with this nation is yet unclosed; and I grant the conclusion, that its fate will subvert the doctrine of my text completely, if its catastrophe be not an illustrious display of the divine indignation: For in the most shocking and avowed atheism, in the most marked contempt of all the dictates of religion, both natural and revealed, it has exhibited a specimen, which, as far as my knowledge extends, has never been witnessed before since the creation of the world. But that it is ultimately doomed to peculiar judgments, I have, for myself, no more doubt than of the truth of God—no more question than of my own existence. And I should feel that I acted as a traitor to my sacred trust, if, when the success of this nation are held up (and thus they have been) as a contradiction to the word of life, and when they stand particularly opposed to the truth which, from that word, I am, this day, called to maintain, I should hesitate to make this avowal, and to make it publicly.

Perhaps some will now be ready to remark, that the prosperity which it must be confessed, accompanies a national observance of the divine laws is owing  to the natural influence which religious and moral observances have to produce this desirable effect. Be it so; this influence I do not deny, but maintain. But remember, that this natural connection between piety and prosperity, vice and ruin, is still the appointment of God, and even, on this plan, is as much his order as if it had been made for every particular case, in which its effects are felt. Scripture and experience, however, do, I think, concur in teaching, that beside this natural connection, God does often and especially interfere by his providence, both to preserve and bless those who obey him, and to destroy those who reject and despise his laws.

It may be objected, finally, that the representation given, goes to unsettle an important principle which has generally been understood to belong to the Christian system, namely, that the present is a state of probation, and not of retribution. A short answer to this would be, that whatever doctrine is established by facts, is not responsible to theory for its consequences, and that all that has been said, is but an appeal to undeniable experience. But I will never answer thus where Christianity is even supposed to be implicated by it—its dictates are eternal truth. I grant that the doctrine I advocate requires some explanation in regard to this point, and I am confident it may be given in a manner that shall be perfectly satisfactory to every candid mind, and even illustrative and confirmatory of the doctrine itself.

It will be remembered, then, that the concession has already been made and repeated, that righteous nations may experience partial and temporary sufferings, and that those of an opposite character may obtain some temporary, or rather apparent advantages. This will be a call for the faith and patience of pious men, who may suffer in the general calamity, and may teach them to look forward to that better world “where the wicked cease from troubling, and where the weary are at rest.”

But in reality, the doctrine which teaches that men are not to look for rewards or punishments in this life, though true and important when judiciously applied to individuals, is often mistaken even in its relation to them, and when applied to nations and considered as a general principle, is not true at all. It is only in this world that communities as such have an existence or character. In the world to come the whole of our race will appear as individuals, and not as communities. If any, retribution, then, be awarded to nations as nations, it must be in the present state, and not in that which is to come. But it appears to be of the highest importance in the moral government of God, that national character should be the subject both of his favor and of his frowns; and this, consequently must be experienced in the present state. It accordingly does take place in fact, and is generally to be expected.

It should also be considered, that the established connection between virtue and prosperity, vice and ruin, which has already been noticed, is much closer, and more powerful, in relation to communities than to individuals; and draws after it a present retribution as an unavoidable consequence. It is, indeed, the general tendency of virtue to produce happiness, and of vice, to beget misery, in every individual who practices the one or the other. But in a vicious society, a virtuous man will suffer in many ways from his unavoidable connection with wicked associates. In a virtuous society, on the contrary, a vicious man has many enjoyments, and derives many advantages, merely from the circumstance, that the mass of the community are not like himself. They form, as it were, a barrier around him, and their goodness is the food on which his vices live and prey. But when the greater part of the individuals of a community come to posses this character, that is, when a nation as such becomes abandoned to vice, there is no longer any suitable tie by which it can be holden together and every salutary source from which safety and happiness can proceed is dried up. Without religion there can be no obligation of an oath, no sufficient sanction to a promise, and consequently no rational and solid ground of confidence—no operative and universal motive to truth, fidelity, and integrity, either in the intercourse and transactions of individuals with each other, or in their engagements to the public. Without morality all regard to the happiness and claims of others, to public and private justice, to parental authority, to filial duty, to conjugal fidelity, to temperance, chastity, sympathy, charity and humanity, is wholly destroyed, or left to rest on the airy principle of honor, or the dangerous foundation of personal inclination. Man becomes a selfish sensual brute. And when the component parts of a nation of this description it is impossible that they should remain united, except by the most powerful compulsion. Civil liberty cannot exist at all in such a community. Society must either be dissolved entirely, or it must assume a state and form which is a greater evil than dissolution itself.

On the other hand, where religious and moral principles, in their vigor and purity, pervade the great body of individuals in a state, every social tie is strengthened, every part of the community draws toward the good of the whole, society is easily governed, because it requires but little governing, civil liberty may be extensively enjoyed, and all the happiness of the social state will be fully realized. So intimately is religion and morality connected by a natural bond, or rather by the divine constitution, with the safety and prosperity of nations. So just is the remark that any kind of religion in a state is better than none: And it will be manifest to ever one who pursues the clue here given, that just in proportion as the religious and moral system of a nation is pure in that proportion will it naturally tend to promote the public safety and happiness; and consequently that the Christian system, as the purest of all, is the best of al—the best of all, for  communities, as well as for individuals—“having the promise of the life which now is, as well as of that which is to come.”

But the conclusion which I am here particularly to form, and I think it may now be formed with advantage, is—That nations do receive a retribution in the present world according to their several characters: —That this cannot be otherwise if they are every treated as nations, and that the divine constitution unavoidably produces this effect.

On the whole, then, the doctrine which I proposed to demonstrate has been shown to be supported by facts, and to be sanctioned by the soundest principles of reason—It has been proved to be true; and how, and why, it is true, has been explained.

A few important deductions from what your heart will now conclude the discourse.

1. We may learn from what has been said, how totally devoid of truth it that darling principle of modern unbelievers, that a nation may be as happy without religion as with it.

This a mere Atheistic  hypothesis and speculation, not only unsupported by any experience, but in direct hostility, as we have seen, with the experience of all nations, in all ages of the world. It is one of the most daring, extravagant, and unaccountable chimeras, that every entered the head even of a metaphysical infidel; and nothing but the most inveterate hatred to God and his laws could never have given it birth. Yet it has been and with many who are not destitute of influence, I fear it still is, a tenet for which they have a peculiar fondness. They endeavor to give it currency by professing separate religion form morality, and to be advocates for disarming the former, and warm contenders retaining the latter. But that morals can exist without religion, is as destitute of proof and probability, as the whole position is without this qualification. No nation has ever yet existed where this phenomenon of morals without religion has made its appearance; and there is no reason to believe that it is even possible from the very nature and structure of the human mind. Our late venerable President therefore, in his farewell address—well knowing how earnestly some were laboring to inculcate this horrid doctrine—did with great propriety warn us not to admit the idea that “morals can be separated from religion.” The very truth is, infidels first endeavor to exclude religion from the state, that they may give the name of morality to any set of principles they may choose to adopt, and that thus, in the end, they may fully accomplish their wishes by getting rid of both. Be warned, my brethren, by what you have this day heard, be warned, that without religion and morality, harmoniously united, we are an undone people; without these our civil liberty and social happiness cannon possibly be preserved. Let us esteem these our principal and most essential defense at the present hour and let us be thankful to God that he has given us a chief magistrate who, in looking to the defense of the country, has seen this important truth in its just light—has seen that we must implore and obtain the favor of God, or all other means will be ineffectual. Let each of us be deeply convinced of this as a practical truth: And therefore I add—sadly, that viewing the religious and moral state of our country in connection with this subject, we may see how urgent is the call for humiliation, fasting and prayer, for which this day has been expressly set apart.

If God deals with nations according to their relative light and advantages, and where he has given much, will always require the more—and such we have seen really to be the case—verily, my brethren, this is a truth of most solemn import to the people of America at this time. Our advantages, in point of religious and moral information, have been second to those of no people upon earth; and our circumstances for carrying this information into practice are, I believe, superior to those which any other nation now enjoys. Has our improvement then, been, in any measure answerable to our privileges? Is our moral and religious state at present, such, in any degree, as our circumstances demand? Every serious and candid mind, penetrated with grief, will answer, no! It is a most melancholy fact, that we have greatly forgotten, and departed from the Lord God of our fathers. Of the arm that has so often and remarkably defended us in the hour of distress,—that so lately and marvelously prospered us when we contended for our independence—we have been unmindful. We have returned base ingratitude for the favors of heaven, which we have experienced as a nation. Those civil and religious privileges which God from the first bestowed upon us, and which he has all along continued to us, we, have abused in the service of sin. There has certainly been a loss, and not an increase of piety and morality, in our country, since our late revolution. Infidelity does most awfully abound among all descriptions of people from the highest to the lowest. Profaneness of every description, most lamentably prevails. The ordinances of God’s day and house are neglected, deserted, and despised. His word is openly ridiculed and his Son treated as an imposter. A dissoluteness of manners and morals, like a deadly leprosy, is fast spreading itself among the people at large, and far beyond any former example.

In these circumstances we are threatened with a war from the most powerful, the most active, and the most insidious nation upon earth. A nation which has already proved a scourge to many others and which appears to be permitted by God to affect its designs for the express purpose of chastising this guilty age—this age of infidel reason. What is the language of this situation? It undoubtedly is—“God hath come forth against you for your iniquities—your conduct toward him is changed for the worse, tremble left is toward you should change likewise. Turn unto him speedily, left his anger consume you.” Yes, my brethren, let our opinion be what it may of second causes, manifest it is, that the Deity hath a controversy with us.—For some time past he hath given us intimation of his displeasure, but now he hath, as it were, set himself in array against us. Let us then truly humble ourselves before him. Let us “repent in dust and ashes” in his presence this day. Let us mourn our land defiling iniquities. Let this be to us a day of humiliation, not merely in name, but in deed and in truth. Let us “rent our heart and not our garment:”—let us, in very truth, plead with him, in secret and in public, “to turn us from our sins and to turn his anger from us.” Let us entreat for this, as sensible that we are pleading for our very existence. Let us pray that God would pour out his holy and blessed spirit upon the people, to convince them effectually of sin; and to turn them effectually to himself. Let us pray that he would bless the rulers of our land, and make them examples of real religion and found morals:—That he would dispose them all, instead of countenancing and encouraging vice and infidelity by their practice and profession, to set themselves against it, as that which will destroy both them and those they govern, if it proceed much farther. Let us resolve in God’s name and strength, to act as well as to pray. Let those who have power be conjured to use it for him from whom all power is derived and to whom they must solemnly account for the manner in which they employ it. Let each of us, in our proper places and stations, be earnest, resolute and persevering, in promoting the work of reformation. Let us each reform himself, and endeavor to set an example, purer than heretofore, of true religion, and of the discharge of every moral, social, and relative duty. Believe it, my hearers, the serious hour is come. Reformation or severe chastisement is just before us. But if we will turn unto the Lord in the manner recommended, and will, at the same time, “play the man for the people and cities of our God,” by unanimity and strenuous exertion in the cause of our country, we have nothing to fear. God will be “found of us” if we “shall seek him”—This is the assurance of the text—It encourages repentance and reformation, by the kindest and most gracious promise. If we, in very deed, put our trust in him, and act, as those who do so, let the world rise in arms against us, still we shall be safe. As therefore we love our country, our souls or our God—as we regard the happiness of time or of eternity—let us be on the Lord’s side that he may be on ours.

3rdly, Finally—Let us be thankful for the past experience we have had of the divine mercies. Hitherto we have been preserved in peace, while most other nations have been at war; and though we have not been without correction, yet light, indeed, hath been its strokes in comparison with our sins. Countless and peculiar favors are still continued to us—domestic happiness and enjoyment, health and comparative plenty— the means of knowledge and information—a spirit of growing concord, and above all, the precious gospel of the Redeemer, and the sweet and heavenly hope that it inspires. These mercies, preserved to us when we have so little deserved them, should swell our hearts with the humblest and liveliest gratitude. And let this gratitude be expressed, in leading us truly to our heavenly Father; and again I repeat it, we shall be safe in this world and happy in that which is to come. ——-Amen.

Jeremy Belknap (1744-1798) was born in Boston but spent many years in New Hampshire. He graduated from Harvard in 1762 and became a teacher. Belknap was ordained in 1767; in 1775 he was chosen to be chaplain to New Hampshire troops at Cambridge but was unable to take that position. He supported abolishing slavery and the slave trade. Belknap is best known for his History of New Hampshire, a series that was published in three volumes in 1784, 1791 and 1792.

The sermon below was preached shortly before his June 20, 1798 death. This fast sermon was preached in Boston and was given on the “”Day of the National Fast” declared by President John Adams. (The text of Adams’ 1798 fast proclamation is available here.) The text of the sermon was been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.

SERMON,

Delivered on the 9th of May, 1798,

THE DAY

of the

NATIONAL FAST,

Recommended

By The President

Of The

United States.

By Jeremy Belknap, D. D.
Minister of the Church in Federal-Street, Boston.

PREFACE.

A proclamation of the President of the United States, appointing a day of prayer or thanksgiving, is not to be considered as an act of legislative or executive authority; because no power is delegated, by the Constitution, to any person to direct us in matters of religion; neither is it an assumption of power or an act of imperfect authority, which needs the interposition of another power to give it effect. But it is a letter of advice, or a friendly call, form a man, whom the people have placed at their head, inviting us to join with him and with one another, in an act of national piety and devotion.

The propriety of such a call, from such a person is so evident, that nothing can be said to make it more evident. Every man who has a sense of his duty to God as our preserver, benefactor and Supreme Governor, must, at once, approve it, and be pleased with it. Had this friendly notice been given in any other way; had it been communicated by a private letter to each religious society or minister, it would have had the same effect as when it comes in the form of a public proclamation.

In the same light, I have always viewed the public calls of the Chief Magistrate of any particular state, to keep days of fasting and thanksgiving. The proclamation is not an act of authority; but of friendship, of piety and gratitude; and derives all its efficacy from the reasonableness of the duty recommended, and from our own consent. Our Chief Magistrates are so convinced of this, that, though in some instances, formerly, the words enjoin, require and forbid, may have been used; yet now we hear nothing but the language of recommendation and advice. The voice of authority in matters of religion is not assumed by American rulers; and if assumed, would not be approved, by American people.

If there be any instances of opposition to a compliance with so rational a duty, as is thus recommended, it is not a subject to wonder. We are assured, that in the most happy times, there will be a disappointed party who, though silenced and incapable of doing mischief, will secretly blaspheme. The old serpent when bound and cast into the bottomless well, will retain his serpentine disposition and take the first opportunity, when permitted, again to deceive the nations. So it must be expected that his emissaries will rebel in their hearts, and gnaw their tongues for pain; for evil men and seducers will grow worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived.

The words now read are part of one of these revelations Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, had a dream which made an uneasy impression on his mind, but he had forgotten the particulars, and could by no means recollect it, nor could any of the wise men of Babylon assist him in recovering it. They could indeed, by certain rules, interpret a dream when it was related o them; but it was beyond their art and skill to tell a person what he had dreamed when he himself had forgotten it. None could do this but the God “whose dwelling was not with flesh.” [Daniel 2:11] For this incapacity, the monarch, in a fit of tyrannic passion, commanded all the wise men in Babylon to be slain; and among them, Daniel and his companions were to be put to death; but upon his promise to show the king him dream, a suspension of the decree was obtained; and after solemn prayer to God, the secret was revealed to Daniel who declared it to the king in these words.

“Thou, O king, sawest, and behold a great image. This great image, whose brightness was excellent, stood before thee; and the form thereof was terrible.
This image’s head was of fine gold, his breast and his arms of silver, his belly and his thighs of brass,
His legs of iron, his feet part of iron and part of clay.
Thou sawest till that a stone was cut out without hands, which smote the image upon his feet that were of iron and clay, and brake them to pieces.
Then was the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver, and the gold, broken to pieces together, and became like the chaff of the summer threshingfloors; and the wind carried them away, that no place was found for them: and the stone that smote the image became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth.
This is the dream; and we will tell the interpretation thereof before the king.
Thou, O king, art a king of kings: for the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power, and strength, and glory.
And wheresoever the children of men dwell, the beasts of the field and the fowls of the heaven hath he given into thine hand, and hath made thee ruler over them all. Thou art this head of gold.
And after thee shall arise another kingdom inferior to thee, and another third kingdom of brass, which shall bear rule over all the earth.
And the fourth kingdom shall be strong as iron: forasmuch as iron breaketh in pieces and subdueth all things: and as iron that breaketh all these, shall it break in pieces and bruise.
And whereas thou sawest the feet and toes, part of potters’ clay, and part of iron, the kingdom shall be divided; but there shall be in it of the strength of the iron, forasmuch as thou sawest the iron mixed with miry clay.
And as the toes of the feet were part of iron, and part of clay, so the kingdom shall be partly strong, and partly broken.
And whereas thou sawest iron mixed with miry clay, they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men: but they shall not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay.
And in the days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed: and the kingdom shall not be left to other people, but it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever.
Forasmuch as thou sawest that the stone was cut out of the mountain without hands, and that it brake in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and the gold; the great God hath made known to the king what shall come to pass hereafter: and the dream is certain, and the interpretation thereof sure.” [Daniel 2: 31-45]

The same series of events was afterward represented to Daniel himself, in a vision of four beasts, answering to the four parts of the image, and signifying the same four kingdoms, with some farther particulars relating to the church of God. This vision is recorded in the 7th chapter; and there is another vision representing the same events, by the figures of a ram and a goat, in the 8th chapter. These visions were intended to conduct the mind of devout inquirers, through all the grand events, to the establishment of the universal kingdom of the Son of God, which will break in pieces and destroy all these kingdoms and stand forever.

If it be asked, in what part of the times, signified by this vision, do we live? Or, what events here set down, are to us past, present, and future? To give an answer to this question, we must consider how far divine Providence has explained the vision in its several parts. The golden heard of the image, as Daniel himself said, was the Babylonian empire, of which Nebuchadnezzar was the reigning prince; “thou art this head of gold.” It was then in the height of its splendor and glory; and the imperial city was emphatically called the “golden city.” The same empire was signified by the lion with eagle’s wings, in the 7th chapter. It was overthrown before Daniel’s death, by Cyrus, then general and afterward king of the Medes and Persians.

The silver breast and arms of the image represented the kingdom of the Medes and Persians; which succeeded by the Babylonian monarchy. This was signified by Daniel under the figure of a bear with three ribs in his mouth, in the 7th chapter, and afterwards of a ram with two horns, in the 8th chapter.

The brazen belly and thighs signified the Macedonian empire, conducted by Alexander, and continued by his four successors. This answered to the leopard with four heads and four wings, in the 7th chapter, and to the goat, first with one horn and afterward with four horns, in the 8th chapter.

These three empires, the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian, and the Macedonian, have long since given place to the fourth, the Roman empire; which is meant by the iron legs and feet of the image, and by its ten toes, which were partly of iron and partly of clay. The same power is figured by the beast with great iron teeth, in the 7th chapter, and the little horn of the goat, which waxed great, in the 8th chapter. It is also represented in the Revelation of John by a beast with seven heads and ten horns. It is observable, that this empire is described in the victim of a Nebuchadnezzar in a three-fold state, 1. by the thighs and legs, which were entirely of iron; 2. by the feet, which were of iron and clay; and 3. by the toes, which were of the same materials; and this three-fold view corresponds exactly with the events which have taken place. For the Roman empire was at first strong and terrible. Whilst the spirit of true liberty animated their constitution: Whilst public virtue and genuine patriotism were the ruling principles, their councils were firm, and their arms were victorious. They conquered the neighboring countries and diffused the spirit of their constitution wherever they made a conquest. This was the first and best state of the Romans. But after a while, they grew intoxicated with success, and degenerated from their manly fortitude into luxury and pleasure. Then the spirit of corruption crept into the body politic, and it became, as the prophet represents it in its second stage, like a mixture of iron and clay. It was divided into two parts, viz. the Eastern and Western empire; the seat of the former was Constantinople, and of the later, Rome. There was, however, something of the strength of iron. They were still a powerful and formidable people. The northern nations who invaded and incorporated themselves with the Romans, in the second stage of the empire, brought with them a spirit of liberty, which the Romans had lost; but so distracted where they with intestine quarrels and religious controversies, that, like iron and clay, they never could be thoroughly blended; and these causes operate dot produce the third stage of the empire, its division into ten kingdoms; answering to the ten toes of the image and the ten horns of John’s beast.

This separation of the empire took place between eight and nine hundred years ago; and though some of the kingdoms have in some degree been changed, and mixed, ye there has been ever since such a distinction kept up, that there has generally been about the number of ten.

In the days of these kings (as Daniel foretold), i.e., the Roman empire, the God of Heaven did set up a fifth kingdom, prefigured by a stone, cut out of a mountain without hands. This was the kingdom of Jesus Christ; and as long as the divided remains of the Roman empire shall subsist, this kingdom will be, as it has hitherto been, in the state represented by the prophets, as “a stone of stumbling and rock of offense” ; but in due time it will smite the image on its feet and break it to pieces; and will itself become a great mountain and fill the whole earth. This grand event was signified to Daniel in other visions, recorded in the 7th and 12th chapters; and it is more particularly described in the three last chapters of the book of John’s revelation.

If it be enquired, why were these four empires made the subject of divine prophecy in preference to all the other kingdoms of this world? The answer is, that all of them were instruments, in the hands of God, to carry on the designs of His providence toward the Jewish people first, and ultimately the kingdom of His Son. The vision is a kind of prophetic chronology, to point out the time when the kingdom of God should come, or be visibly and permanently established. The reason why these four empires only are distinguished by the spirit of prophecy, was not because they were greater or more remarkable than some others; but, because the course of their history is connected with that of the Jewish church, and led in a regular and direct succession to the time and reign of Jesus Christ.¹ An answer of the same kind may be given, if it be asked why was this revelation made to a Gentile king? This Gentile king was connected with the Jews, and was obliged to a Jewish prophet for recovering and interpreting his dream; and the only record of it is preserved in the library of the Jewish church, to whom were committed the oracles of god. It is therefore a prophecy which comes to us in the same channel with all the other inspired prophecies, and has the same end in view, to testify of Jesus Christ; for the testimony of or concerning him is the spirit of prophecy and to Him give all the prophets witness. If the facts records correspond with the things foretold; if the prophecy coincide with the whole series of prophecy, having the same object in view, and this object be, what none but God could know, before the event; then it will follow, that eh inspiration is real, and there is a further evidence of the divinity of the revelations contained in the Old and New Testaments.

From the explication which has now been given of this sacred prophetic vision, we may see, that the present period of time, pointed out by it, is that which was signified by the ten toes of the image. The ten kingdoms, into which the Roman empire was divided, are still substituting, through under different forms of government; and though the division be different from what it was at first; and they are all, more or less, in the state in which the vision represents them, a mixture of iron and clay, of strength and weakness; they are partly strong and partly broken, they do not cleave to one another even as iron is not mixed with clay. None of them ever have been able, though some of them have attempted, to render themselves equally strong and terrible as the ancient Roman empire was in its first stage.

You will please to take notice, that these ten kingdoms comprehend the western part of the continent of Europe, once the western empire of Rome; among these, the countries subject to the dominion of Britain and France hold a distinguished rank; and as these are the principal ones, with which we ever had, or now have any political connection; so I shall confine my observations chiefly to them; though the same prophetic characters are equally applicable to Spain, Italy, Germany, and the other divisions of the western empire. These are the toes of the image; in which may be clearly discerned the materials of which they are composed, iron and clay, strength and weakness, wisdom and folly; sometimes the one prevailed, and sometimes the other; but there has been on union among them; all the attempts to unite them, so as to make a grand, formidable empire, resembling that of ancient Rome, have hitherto failed of success; and from the sure word of prophecy we have the strongest reason to conclude, that they will always remain in the same divided state, till the kingdom of Jesus Christ shall break them all to pieces and shall rise upon their ruins.

The iron part of these toes, or the strength and power of these divisions of the Roman empire, may be considered as consisting in the numbers of their people, the vigor, activity, and discipline of their land and naval forces; their wealth, arising from the husbandry, manufactures, commerce, and the management of their finances; the great fertility and high cultivation of their lands, their progress in arts and sciences, their maritime and insular situations, and the great natural advantages which they enjoy, of which their sagacity and their interest lead them to make the most rapid and successful improvement; to which they are farther urged by the spirit of jealousy and rivalship, always attending commercial nations. When these powers are put into action by fierce passions and by skillful leaders, they make a formidable appearance, and threaten one another, or the neighboring nations, with conquest; and it is not surprising if they are in some measure successful.

But if we view the clay part of their character, we shall find that they are not quite so terrible as some are apt to imagine. The great abilities and resources which they posses are counterbalanced by the prevalence of corruption, venality and profusion; by the luxury and effeminacy which commerce generally produces, and the unbounded appetite for pleasure which pervades all ranks and orders of the people. We shall find in some of them a spirit of faction, a want of firmness and consistency, a thirst for power and wealth, a revolutionary frenzy, operations to produce assassinations, robbery, and plunder. Under a pretense of republican liberty, we have seen some of them exercising the most boundless licentiousness and wanton despotism, in defiance of justice, humanity, policy, morality, and religion. The same crimes have stained their character when professing liberty and equality as when sounding the praises of their kings. The same tyranny, the same proscriptions, imprisonments, banishments, and waste of human life have disgrace the annals of republicanism as of monarchy; and their national character, instead of being meliorated, is, if possible, degenerated by their revolutions; for slaves, when made free, are the worst of tyrants.

Thank not, my brethren, that what I say is dictation by passion or party-spirit. I speak the words of true and soberness. This subject has been familiar to me above twenty years. It was in the beginning of the third year of our revolutionary war,² when we had no friend nor ally by Heaven to shield us form the vengeance of Britain and when she was making her greatest efforts to subdue us, that my thoughts were directed to this prophecy; and upon an attentive contemplation of it, with the best helps³ that I could obtain, I found in it sufficient encouragement to rest my hope, that the formidable power then at war with us would not prevail. The confidence which I had did not prove to be vain; but as I though there was sufficient ground for consolation in the height of our distress, and when no human help was engaged on our side; so the conclusion of the war justified the expectation.“In things of moment, on thyself depend;
Trust not too far they servant nor thy friend.”

And this very sentiment, though expressed in better language, was the advice of our great and good Washington, when he retired from office.

“The great rule of conduct (said he) for us, in regard to foreign nations, is to have as little political connection with them as possible. Europe has a set of interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation; it must therefore be unwise in us to implicate ourselves in the vicissitudes of her politics, or the combinations of collisions of their friendships or enmities. It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world. As far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with good faith. But it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.” ⁷

This is the advice of a man who thoroughly understood, and wisely pursued, the true interest of his country. Of his successor we ought to have the same opinion; for from above thirty years experience he has been known and prove dot be one of our most enlightened and steady friends.

From the foregoing observations we clearly see what are the prophetic characters of these European nations, which are represented by the ten toes of Nebuchadnezzar’s image and the ten horns of the apocalyptic beast. It is both surprising and edifying to all studious Christians to see how plainly and exactly the picture is drawn by the inspired pen and how rapidly events are coming on, which bear so near a resemblance to the accomplishment of the prophecies. It was foretold that an antichristian power would arise and rule over the nations. This we have been used to interpret of the papal sovereignty; the combination of wealth and power with a corrupt form of Christianity, to enslave the bodies and souls of men; and doubtless the interpretation is just. But as the Scripture assures us “there are many antichrists,” [1 John 2:18] so we should extend our idea of this power to comprehend all that opposeth and exalteth itself against the pure religion of Jesus Christ. It is very evident that the French nation was one of the firmest supporters of the papal usurpation, and that its former government answered to the prophetic character of one of those “kings which gave their power and strength to the beast.” ⁸ But it was also foretold that these very kings, the same antichristian powers, should “hate the whore and make her desolate and naked, and ear her flesh and burn her with fire;” ⁹ and do we not see this remarkable prediction in a fair way of being fulfilled? The French power is not the less antichristian for the revolution. It is in another shape, directly opposed to Christianity, as well to the corrupt forms of it as to its purity. The kingdom of Satan, at present, appears to be divided against itself; how then shall his kingdom stand?

When the spirit of God foretells future events, He does not prescribe what ought to be done but related before hand what will be done. His foreseeing and foretelling these events does not justify the means which are to be made use of to bring them into effect. Wicked men may do many bad things, which may serve to bring on what is foretold in the divine inspire wrings; and yet these very men may be proper subjects of punishment for these actions. An instance of this we have in the king of Assyria, to whom the prophet Isaiah makes this memorable address: “O Assyrian, the rod of mind anger and the staff in their hand is mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation, and will give him a charge to take the spoil and pretty and to trend them down as the mire of the streets. Howbeit, he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so; but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few. Wherefore it shall come to pass, when the Lord hath performed his whole work on Mount Zion, and on Jerusalem, I will punish the stout heart of the king of Assyria, and the glory of his high looks.” ¹⁰

We must not then think it strange or unaccountable that those very men, who are instrumental of brining on revolutions, predicted in the word of God, should themselves be guilty of the most atrocious crimes, and influenced by no motives but those of violence, rapine, and destruction; that they should cast o fall fear of God and even deny His existence; for bad as they are, they may be proper instruments in the hand of God to punish other bad men; to pull down thrones of iniquity; to overturn monarchies which have been supported by ambition and bloodshed; to destroy hierarchies which have been founded in pride and priest craft and maintained by superstition and persecution. From what other sort of persons could such revolutions be expected? People of sober and rational principles would not be guilty of a violent attach on the established religions of any nation; they would content themselves with enjoying the liberty of their own consciences in peace. But such convulsions are to be expected only from those who are inflamed by the most malignant passion, and influenced by the zeal of fanaticism, either in religion or politics, who have a rage for conquest and plunder and who set no bounds to their ambition and fury.

When the great designs which God has determined to accomplish, by the instrumentality of such agents, shall be fulfilled; when things shall be prepared in the course of Providence, for the final destruction of all that rule, authority, and power, which, under whatever name or appearance, hath opposed itself against the kingdom of Christ; then shall be brought to pass that great event which is represented in the vision by the stone, smiting the image on its feet and reducing it to dust. Then all these kingdoms, these powers, which have so disturbed and stressed the world, will vanish like chaff before the wind and the gentle, peaceful kingdom of the Son of David will be gradually, but universally established.

This kingdom, my brethren, is set up among us and we profess to be the subjects of it. For its increase and enlargement, it is our duty to pray; and one of the petitions in our Lord’s admirable form of prayer is, “Thy kingdom come.” [Matthew 6:10] If we are sincere in uttering this prayer, we should accompany it with our endeavors to promote it. This will be the best way of expressing our gratitude to God for so distinguishing a favor.

If it be asked, how shall we do anything toward promoting the kingdom of God in the world? I would answer, there are many ways in which we may do it, and some persons may be able to do more than others; but there is one way in which we may all do something, and perhaps this is the best way in which any of us can promote it; I mean by our example. “Let your light so shine before men that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father in Heaven.” [Matthew 5:16] There is nothing more forcible than example; like the magnet, it draws with a secret and silent, yet powerful influence. It is often more effectual than positive percepts and penal laws. Multitudes are swayed by it who are not to be governed by any other means. It is in every man’s power to do good in this way; and therefore it is every man’s duty to set a good example, to let every person with whom he is conversant, see that he is under the influence of Christian principles and prospects; that he is sincerely serving God and committing the keeping of his soul to Him in well-doing. It is impossible to conceive how much good may be done by our example. It may do good after we are dead. The remembrance of what we have been, and what we have done, may long outlive us, and unborn posterity may be the better for it. Ion this respect, then, every person has a degree of importance annexed to his character and every person ought to use that importance and that influence for the noblest purpose.

And what nobler purpose can we serve than that for which Christ died? This purpose is accomplishing, though by slow degrees; and Christianity, in its whole progress, is marked with peace on earth and good will to men. Wherever it is known and practiced mankind are the better for it; but wherever it is denied and rejected, they are the worse. Christianity, when rightly known and regarded, has made men ashamed of many enormities which they before practiced. It has abated the horrors of war, and introduced a spirit of philanthropy into that destructive science. It has reformed the legal and judicial systems, and taught less severity and milder methods of reclaiming offenders than were before known; it has, in some cases mitigated and in others extinguished, the evil of servitude, and taught men a sense of equal freedom. It has shed its genial influence on government, and taught us, in this highly favored land, how to crush rebellions and establish constitutions without violence or bloodshed.

Happy influence, blessed spirit of true religion! This is the way in which the kingdoms of this world will be so subdued, as to become the kingdoms of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. The conquests of the Son of God are effected not by force of the sword, but the secret energy of truth; not my might nor power, but the divine spirit. By such means, and by none else, will true religion prevail, till the kingdom of Christ shall become universal.

May we ever be governed by the mild and peaceful dictates of the Gospel! May it go on from conquering to conquer, till it shall have eradicated war, slavery, oppression, tyranny, superstition, and vice; till antichristian power and influence shall be abolished; till false religion, false philosophy, and despotic government shall be destroyed; till love and peace shall reign, and truth and righteousness shall be established in the earth.

If we believe the Scriptures, we must expect that these blessings will be bestowed on the world, before the plan of Divine Providence shall be completed; and therefore we may pray in faith, grounded on the divine promises, of the accomplished of these predictions. The prospect is in the highest degree pleasant to all the sincere lovers of God and man. Whilst, therefore, we are looking, praying, and waiting for these glorious times, let us learn to anticipate them, as far as we are able, by cultivating in our own minds and conduct, those heavenly graces and virtues which shall prove us the true subjects of Christ and prepare us for the universal reign of the Prince of peace.

Endnotes

1. Hurd’s Introduction to the study of prophecy, p. 80.

2. May, 1777.

3. The works of Joseph Mede, Sir Isaac Newton, and Dr. Thomas Newton.

4. 1763.

5. 1778.

6. 1795.

7. See his Address to the people, p. 35.

8. Rev. xvii. 13.

9. Verse 16.

10. Isaiah x. 5-7, 12.

Manasseh Cutler (1742-1823) graduated from Yale (1765), and worked as a schoolteacher, store clerk, and an attorney. He was minister to the Congregational Church in Ispwich, Massachusetts (1771-1823). Cutler served as military chaplain for multiple American units during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by Cutler on the day of national Fasting proclaimed by John Adams in 1799.

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED AT

H A M I L T O N,

ON THE DAY

OF THE

NATIONAL FAST,

APRIL 25, 1799;

APPOINTED BY THE

President of the United States of America.

By MANASSEH CUTLER, LL. D.
Minister of the Church in Hamilton.

A

FAST SERMON.

JEREMIAH ix. 9.

Shall I not visit them for these things? Saith the LORD:

Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?

SOLEMN were the warnings given to the Jews before they were visited with distressing judgments. But solemn as they were, they had, generally, very little effect. Some instances of reformation, however, encourage the hope, that seasonable warnings may not be in vain. In a preceding chapter the Prophet had twice addressed the Jews in the words I have now read. The repetition of the same question the third time, shews an earnest solicitude to awaken their attention. It is an appeal to their own consciences—to that faculty of the mind which is least debased. If they had any plea to make in their own behalf, if they had any reasons to offer for longer forbearance and the continuance of mercies, opportunity was given them. But so degraded was their moral character, so notorious were their ingratitude and obstinacy, they could not be insensible of it themselves. Being judges in their own cause, they must acknowledge the threatening, however severe, to be perfectly just.

Although the question is proposed to the Jews, the form of it does not permit us to confine the application to that nation. It is not said on this nation, but on such a nation as this. The alarming question must equally apply to any other nation, whose moral character resembles that of the Jews. In the preceding part of the prophecy their character is given. They are represented as a stupid, senseless, needless people. Many highly aggravated national sins are specified. Kind instructions and faithful warnings were disregarded. Neither prosperity nor adversity produced any desirable change in their obstinate temper.

At this time they seem to have been in a particular situation. The Prophet complains of a factious spirit. Treachery, discord and falsehood were prevailing vices. Principles were disseminated, and practices indulged, subversive of every religious, moral or social obligation. In their solemn meetings for religious exercises, or the administration of justice, the Prophet calls them an assembly of treacherous men. Ingenuity was employed, and the art of deception was cultivated, to overcome the natural reluctance of conscience. They bend their tongues like their bows—they teach their tongues to tell lies. Take heed, says he, every one of his neighbor, and trust ye not in any brother—they will deceive every one his neighbor—through deceit they refuse to know me, saith the Lord.

Such is the character given of Israel at the time when the Prophet addressed them in the words of the text. In the history of this nation lessons of instruction and warning are given to every nation under the sun. In the oracles of God we are furnished with a rich fund of light and truth, happily accommodated to all the variety of circumstances in which any people can be placed. There we find an admirable uniformity in the great plan of Providence, carried on by means infinitely various, and sometimes the most improbable and contradictory. To deny God’s particular providence, and the occasional exertions of his power, in an extraordinary manner, to answer extraordinary purposes, in his moral dealings with man, would be to exclude him from the immediate government of the world which he has made. Exceedingly contracted must our views be, not to perceive his superior direction—not to discern his hand in all those means which have derived their existence and their agency from him.

The occasion of our present assembling is interesting. Our Illustrious President, alarmed at the critical situation of our country, and ever watchful over its best interests, has requested the American nation to devote this day to humiliation, fasting and prayer. The sacred passage we have now before us, in its connection with the state of Israel and Judah, suggests to us subjects suited to this day’s solemnities. The question proposed in the text naturally leads to another—Is this a nation whose moral character resembles that of the Jews? It is a question that deserves serious reflection. It will direct our contemplations—to the moral state of our country—to attend to the warnings given us—and the duty of a people under our present circumstances.

In the first place we shall take a concise view of the present moral state of our country.

Like the Israelites, we are a people that have been highly favoured of the Lord. It may well be asked, What could God have done more for his vineyard? Indulgent Heaven has bestowed upon us a rich assemblage of religious, political, social and domestic blessings. The institutions of the Gospel—the means of religious instructions—the rights of conscience—the equality of all denominations of Christians—are privileges nowhere more amply enjoyed. By a wise, powerful and merciful Providence, we have been guided through perils—we have been delivered by the most unexpected means, and raised from small beginnings to national respectability and importance. Our social and domestic enjoyments, as well as national safety, are secured by a government which originated in the power of the people, and is, as near as possible, the work of each individual hand:—a government well guarded with checks, and, while the whole train of patriotic virtues are prevalent, sufficiently energetic to guaranty to every citizen the unmolested security of life and all he possesses. What returns might not be expected from such a nation as this? It is the abuse of the rich, distinguishing blessings of Heaven, which gives the proper colouring and aggravation of our national offences.

Those practices, customs and habits which are generally prevalent, are national; and such of them as are opposed to, or are inconsistent with, the will of the Deity, however made known to us, are, in the strictest propriety, the sins of a nation. Like Israel, with all our forms of piety and religion, we have been thoughtless, ungrateful and disobedient. The honour of God, and the interests of religion—objects of infinite importance to the well-being of man—have either been wholly neglected, or too generally treated with the coldest indifference. Can it be said, the true spirit of that religion to profess has been a prominent feature in our national character? Has the gospel, by its benign influence, led us to that purity of heart—to those amiable and elevated virtues—to that dignity of conduct, which raises our fallen nature to a resemblance of its Divine Author? Have we not, like the Jews, been slaves to our own corrupt affections, neglectful of our own best interests, and destroyers of our own happiness?

We have it to lament, that immoralities, of various kinds, have abounded in our land. Particular vices are always more prevalent in some parts of a country, than they are in others. Some are more fashionable at one time than at another. Vices are to be found among us of foreign importation, which, we hope, are not yet naturalized to the American soil. But in every part of our country immoralities are practiced, which, when contrasted with our distinguished advantages and blessings, sadly darken the shades of our national character, and justly provoke the divine displeasure.

The Christian Sabbath is an inestimable privilege to the church of Christ, and highly beneficial to civil society. It is the pledge of God’s distinguishing goodness to man. It was appointed for purposes the most useful and important—for keeping alive piety and devotion—for religious and virtuous instructions—and for grateful acknowledgments of the divine beneficence. But is not the design of this day shamefully perverted? Is not public worship notoriously neglected? Is not the Sabbath, to many, the most useless and burthensome day of the week? God has expressly commanded us to remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy; and has solemnly threatened, If ye will not hearken unto me, to hallow the Sabbath-day, then will I kindle a fire in your gates, and it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem, and it shall not be quenched.

Reverence of the Supreme Being is at the foundation of all religion. The name of God is great, admirable and holy. It ought to be used with the deepest veneration, and magnified above all things. But is it not boldly blasphemed, and impiously dishonoured?—dishonoured by customary and wanton profanity? Habits of profanity are highly injurious to society. By divesting the mind of all reverential fear of God, they lessen the solemnity and obligation of an oath. In a country where oaths are multiplied, interwoven with commercial as well as civil concerns, such habits become the more dangerous. Will the common swearer regard an oath, when administered under the most solemn forms? Is it not to be feared that perjury is among our national sins? We may, at least, adopt the language of the Prophet, and say, Because of swearing our land mourneth.

It is our happiness that the laws of our country, more, perhaps, than any other, are founded on the purest principles of religion and morality. Some of them are made for the express purpose of supporting a decent observance of the Sabbath, an attendance on public worship, and the suppression of profanity and other immoralities. Are our magistrates and civil officers sufficiently mindful of their solemn oaths, in causing a due observance of those laws?

Another evil, that may well excite serious apprehensions, is, the artful dissemination of atheistical, deistical and other loose and pernicious principles. If it can be doubted whether atheism, in its strictest sense, can become general in civilized society, it cannot be denied, that a belief in a Supreme Being may become so weakened as to lose its practical influence—that skeptical principles and sentiments subvert all religious and moral obligation, and lead to the most hardened impiety. Infidelity may be diffused under the pretext of liberality of sentiment: it may be gilded over with the specious, but perverted name of philosophy. But it requires a very small share of philosophy to know, that man is more under the influence of his feelings and passions, than his reason. Let him fully believe he is not accountable to his Maker—not destined to immortality—and what sense of moral obligation, what tie to virtue, what check upon his corrupt propensities, will there remain? What crime, when he can elude the laws of his country, will he not perpetrate? It is not possible, in the nature of things, that human laws, or principles of honour, can be adequate substitutes for religion. They are continually varying, and they will be in conformity to reigning opinions and sentiments. They may even sanction that most dangerous of all maxims, that “the end sanctifies the means.” Infidelity is a formidable enemy to the true principles of liberty. It erases from their foundation the main pillars that can support a free government. Freedom deigns not to dwell with general immorality: it cannot be enjoyed without virtue, nor an virtue be maintained without religion. Infidelity raises the floodgates of corruption—deluges society with crimes—and awfully accumulates the mass of human misery. Its prevalence is sufficient to account for the neglect of religious institutions—the violation of every sacred, civil and social duty—the practice of fraud, injustice, intemperance, debauchery, profanity, and every evil work.

In the train of vices which have stained our moral character, detraction, falsehood and discord have been too notorious to be silently passed over. The united voice of reason and divine revelation condemns them; and we find them particularly noticed by the Prophet among the national sins for which God threatened to visit the Jews. This evil spirit is not merely the disturber of domestic peace, but hostile to all the ends for which men unite in society. When discord is engendered, it makes its progress to faction, insurrection and treason, by casting reproach on rulers, and deceiving and misguiding the people. Foreign intrigue, it is well known, is the parent and the nurse of the demon of discord which troubles our nation. It has been operating by every secret art and insidious effort to weaken the powers of government. It has filled our ears with calumnies against our rulers, misrepresented public measures, excited discontent, and conjured up phantoms of despotism in the minds of the people. A people enjoying a constitution of their own forming—rulers of their own choice—and laws, as near as possible, of their own creation—who have sensibly felt the advantages of order and good government, it might reasonably be expected, would vigorously oppose attempts to disturb their political felicity. But many, it is to be feared, have, indirectly, lent their aid in lessening public confidence, in exciting opposition to government, and in bringing public measures into disrepute, without being sensible of the consequences. The maxim, which seems to have been generally adopted, that “a free people should always be jealous of their rulers,” has been carried to a dangerous extreme.

No community can enjoy the blessings of freedom unless government be respected, and the laws obeyed. In this land of liberty, public characters and public measures may, at all times, be examined with the utmost freedom. But it is only a candid, fair and upright examination that is consistent with order, moral obligation, and the true spirit of liberty. We have happily seen men placed in the highest and most responsible offices of government, who have given unequivocal proofs of their wisdom, penetration and unshaken patriotism;—men who have been instruments in procuring our numerous public blessings, and have justly merited our confidence. But with what offensive intemperance and indecency have their characters and their measures been canvassed! What numberless libels have issued from the presses against those who would guard—who would vindicate—and who would defend our country, against the intrigues, injustice and power of a despotic nation! What measures have government adopted, for our safety or defense, which have not been condemned? Who can be insensible that our freedom is in the most imminent danger, when the minority will not yield to the voice of the majority, and when party assumes the prerogative of dictating and controlling public measures. Happy would it be if the people duly appreciated the blessings of order and good government, and were disposed to pursue the means of preserving them. Let it be impressed upon our minds, that every disorganizing, demoralizing principle, and every vicious habit and practice, is hostile to freedom.

We shall only add, that deficiency in public virtue is a reproach to our nation, and endangers our safety. Nothing within the compass of human ability is so strong a safeguard to rational independence as that love to our country which is commonly styled public spirit or public virtue. Love to our country attaches us to its best interests, and elevates the mind above private advantages or selfish views. In ancient Rome this principle was the life and soul of the state. It was always awake to public danger, and active in public defense. That man is not a patriot, who prefers his own private ease and interest to the public good when his country calls for the sacrifice. Never were a people, perhaps, more devoted to the pursuits of interest, and the accumulation of wealth, than this nation. There is a laudable spirit of industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, social and religious duty. But this spirit may be extended beyond the limits which bound the public safety. The public good, now, if ever, calls for the general attention, and vigilant exertion, of all its friends. Our present danger is much concealed from the public view, and on this account our state is the more hazardous. Where is the security of our possessions, when our country is infatuated by foreign intrigues, and distracted with the spirit of discord and insurrection? What value can we fix upon our wealth, when we are subjugated to the vilest, and tributary to the most tyrannic, government on earth? Our liberties are a sacred deposit, which a kind Providence has consigned to our care; and can we be so degenerate, so base, as to desert or give it up? If we are deaf to the calls of public safety, liberty and virtue, we are traitors to our country, we are criminal in the sight of Heaven, and deserve its chastisements.

In this concise view, we have only a faint sketch of our moral state. It ought to be recollected that the sin of a nation is the aggregate of the sins of all who reside in it. No individual can exculpate himself from the charge of having contributed a part in swelling the measure of our national iniquities; and all must expect to be sharers in public calamity. Whatever we may vainly think of our own state, however we may be lulled by a fatal security, it must be acknowledged, that great and manifold are our errors, and heavy and numerous are our transgressions. Were we able to bring into view the whole mass of wickedness that has been accumulated in our land, exceeding all the rules and powers of arithmetical computation, can we wonder if God should avenge himself of such a nation as this? But his ways are not as our ways, nor are his thoughts like ours. His threatenings are intended to awaken our attention. His merciful admonitions are accompanied with sufficient opportunity for repentance and amendment.

We therefore proceed, as was proposed, in the second place, to attend to the warnings which are given us.

We learn from the sacred scriptures, and from general history, the usual methods of Providence, in the government of the world. There seems to have been no period of time, when general and distressing calamities came upon a people without previous warning. The deluge came not upon the earth, until Noah, a preacher of righteousness, had, for a course of years, warned that corrupt generation of approaching ruin. Sodom and Gomorrah were not reduced to ashes, before they had been faithfully admonished by Lot, whose soul was vexed by their corrupt deeds. Pharaoh and the Egyptians were visited with a series of milder judgments, as so many kind admonitions, before their final overthrow. Jonah was sent, as the messenger of Heaven, to denounce against Nineveh its total destruction. Happily for this city, its inhabitants, from the king on the throne to the beggar in the streets, were awakened to a sense of their danger and their duty. Although an heathen people, they humbled themselves before the most high God, and were graciously spared. The history of Israel furnishes us with numerous instances of faithful admonitions given to them, and of the most persuasive entreaties to escape from impending judgments by turning unto the Lord. Our Saviour himself was the benevolent monitor to Jerusalem, before its final destruction. While he foretold that awful catastrophe, which would be more distressing than had been known from the creation, he entreated them, in the most tender and pathetic strains, to have mercy upon themselves. The sacred scriptures are a standing memento to us, under all the aspects of Divine Providence. The apostle, after mentioning what had been the conduct of the Jews, and the divine dispensations towards them, in a number of instances, adds, Now all these things happened unto them for ensamples: and they are written for our instruction, upon whom the ends of the world are come.

Other nations, besides the Jews, exhibit to us the most solemn admonitions. We have interesting lessons for our instruction in the revolutions which have desolated so many independent states in Europe. We have seen their errors and their fate, and we should avoid the rock on which they have been broken and ruined. In many interesting particulars, we read our own history in theirs.

Holland was the first that fell a prey to the intriguing arts of French revolutionists. The people, allured by the salacious hope of mending their government—seduced by solemn treaties—and flattered with the promise of assistance and protection—admitted the armies of their pretended ally into their cities. Their government was new modeled by the French Directory, and subjected to its absolute control. Heavy contributions were exacted, which have since been frequently repeated, and the immediate collection ensured by an armed force. The treasures, the magazines, the naval and military forces, of Holland, fell within the grasp, and became subject to the requisitions, of the French government of their own, the rich, frugal, industrious people of Holland now groan under the most tyrannic oppression. They are obliged to support, in their own bosom, an army of Frenchmen, to keep themselves is awe.

Geneva, a little happy republic, which had long viewed France as her friend, has suffered a more deplorable fate. The people were pleased with their government, were flourishing in manufactures and commerce, and were distinguished for their religion and good morals. The government of Geneva made every exertion to maintain a scrupulous neutrality, through a strong party, by “diplomatic skill,” was gained over to the French interest. Emissaries were sent to excite a spirit of faction, and to corrupt the morals of the people. These harbingers of ruin too well succeeded. Divisions, tumults and massacres were the fruit of their exertions. At length, when the favourable moment arrived, an army approached, and, by insidious arts, found means to enter the city. The eyes of the people were now opened, but I was too late. The united, fought, bled, and were conquered. Geneva surrendered at discretion—was pillaged by a merciless soldiery, and degraded to a humble department of France.

Another victim to the secret arts and duplicity of France, is the ancient republic of Venice. Under a government of wise laws, the republic abounded in commerce and wealth. The French resorted to their usual intrigues, which had never failed of success; but they were greatly counteracted by a wise and discreet Senate. Impatient to seize upon the wealth of Venice, they wished to find some pretext for open hostilities. This they found in a stratagem, which, one would think, none but a Frenchman could have devised. ¹ Venice was attacked, conquered, partitioned, bartered and sold. It is with the fate of this devoted republic that France has threatened the American States.

The time will not permit us to notice all the governments which have felt the scourge of the French revolutionary pestilence. It would fill volumes to detail the general wreck of order, the scenes of slaughter, plunder, conflagration, distress, and ruin, which the French, by their intrigues, arms and usurpation, have spread over the fairest parts of Europe. In Suabia, from well attested accounts, the progress of their armies was marked by crimes at which humanity shudders—crimes, which savages were never known to commit. The common people were ready to receive them with open arms, and to embrace them as their friends and deliverers; but they found them the most detestable monsters. ²

We must not pass over the fate of unhappy Switzerland. This country in many respects resembled our own. It gives us warning, so solemn, so well adapted, that Americans must be inexcusable not to improve it to their own advantage. The Republic of Switzerland consisted of twenty smaller republics in federal union. Common interest and long experience had strengthened the ties of a formal league, and closely cemented them together. It was a nation of warriors and statesmen—of frugal, hardy, industrious citizens;—a nation jealous of its rights, and watchful over its liberties. While the torch of revolutionary fanaticism was flaming around them, the government, aware of its dangers, made every exertion, and every sacrifice, to preserve an unblamable neutrality. The emissaries of France had not been able to do so much in deluding the people, as they had done in many other places; but with the government they had better success. Their councils were divided and indecisive. Every measure for the public safety was opposed and embarrassed. Little was done in making arrangements for defense, until a French army was upon their borders. The people, more alarmed, and better united, than their rulers, flew to arms, and determined to defend a government that had not the spirit to defend itself. A few veteran officers placed themselves at their head; but orders and counter orders defeated their best plans of operation. Obstinate battles were repeatedly fought, with great slaughter and various success. Such was the general enthusiasm, that the women repaired to the field of battle, and fought and bled by the sides of their husbands and sons. ³ At this moment, the French, with an address peculiar to themselves, renewed a mock negotiation, made and violated solemn agreements, and found means to make the people believe their own civil and military officers had betrayed and sold them. This last artifice, more than any other, proved fatal to Switzerland. The cry of treachery, in their camps and among the people, excited a general ferment of distrust and dissension. Some of the bravest of the Swiss officers fell victims to the rage of their own men. Unable to repel an enemy, more formidable in artifices than in arms, the greater part of that once happy country was ravaged. Murder, rapine, pillage and desolation marked the footsteps of its conquerors. The ancient government of Switzerland was dissolved, and a new constitution, fabricated by the French Directory, imposed on the people. In eight days was overturned the work of five centuries. What scenes of misery have the French revolution, perfidy and arms exhibited! What stately edifices of political society have been laid in ruins! Vice has been armed against virtue. The warmest professions of friendship have been accompanied with the practice of the most savage cruelty. France has demonstrated to the world, that its sole object is plunder and tribute, and that it regards not the means by which it can be attained.

Such are the beacons erected in Europe, to caution and warn Americans. Can we stop our ears against the cries of these desolated republics? Can we be deaf to a voice, like peals of thunder, charging us to beware of the perfidy of France?

We shall, then, in the last place, turn our attention to our own duty, at a crisis so important as the present.

It is our duty, attentively to consider the dangers that threaten us. I wish not to excite groundless apprehensions; but to me it appears, that the situation of our country was never more hazardous, and that the great body of the people are too insensible of it. Dangers, concealed from the public view, will not impress the public mind. They resemble a disease upon the vital parts, which excites no alarm, till it is too late for a cure. Were armies marching to invade our country, or ships of war approaching our shores, the people would be alarmed—-the true American spirit would be roused—and the united efforts of our citizens, under the favour of Heaven, might bid defiance to the powers of Europe. But the enemy, with whom we have to contend, is carrying on a different mode of warfare. She is pursuing her hostile designs, not by a manly, open declaration of war, but by salacious pretensions of friendship—not by attacking us with fleets and armies, but by her “diplomatic skill,” by every species of deception, and by making our own citizens the instruments of their country’s ruin.

To meet the dangers that threaten us, it is our duty to be firm, united, and faithful to our country. France has told us the humiliating truth, that we are “a divided people;” and she is determined to profit by the spirit of discord she has found means to diffuse among us. Every artifice is employed, every engine is at work, probably with more system than ever, to strengthen the party her influence has created. The increase of public expenses, the burthen of taxes, the establishment of a navy, and raising an army, are topics well adapted to excite uneasiness among the people. It is true, our national expenses are great, and must probably be still increased. But, what!—is not our independence and property worth defending? Can we hesitate a moment at the burthen of expenses, when they may be the price of the ransom of our liberties? Why have we been at the expense of so much treasure and blood to obtain our freedom, if we intend not to maintain it? Can Americans be so debased, as to be dupes to any foreign government? Can they suffer themselves to be crushed, and ruined, without making every exertion in their own defense? Can they admit the thought, even for a moment, of submission to an ignominious tribute, which can be limited by nothing but the rapacity of their masters, and their own utmost ability to pay? Let those who complain of the increase of taxes and expenses, consider from what cause they have arisen. Had Americans unitedly and firmly attached themselves to their own government—had France been unable to gain over a party, would she, as she has done, have preyed upon our commerce, and risked the loss of supplies from our country? It is not to our own government, but to the party opposed to it, that we are to charge our burdens, depredations and dangers.

Another artifice is, the cry that our own government is for war, while France wishes for peace. Although the falsity of this cry has been proved by a glare of evidence, it is still continued. The measures of our own government, and the conduct of the French, have given the fullest proof, that an honourable or a safe peace has not been attainable. Peace we most ardently desire; but not upon terms more dangerous to our liberties, more destructive to ourselves, than war. Besides, were the most flattering terms to be offered, what dependence could we place on a government of atheists, constantly acting in conformity to their principles? What solemn contract have the Directory respected, any further than they found it convenient for themselves? What man in his senses would depend upon a contract with a burglar or highway robber not to injure him? When a government sports with natural justice, national laws and usages, which a savage would hold sacred, it forfeits every claim to confidence. It is ardently to be hoped that America will never form an alliance with the present government of France.

It is now evident, if the measures which the French party would have dictated to our government had been adopted, that, long before this time, the yoke which France has been preparing would have been fastened upon our necks. To the wisdom, firmness and patriotism of our government, under Providence, we owe the freedom we this day enjoy. Every man that feels as every American ought to feel, will confess that measures for national defense were indispensable. The protection already given to our commerce we have seen to be highly beneficial. What immense property has been heretofore lost for the want of it; and what would the state of our trade now have been, if no protection had been afforded! The laborious farmer, the industrious mechanic, as well as the adventurous merchant, are sharers in the benefits of a prosperous commerce.

Leaving the administration of government to the wisdom of those in whose hands the people have placed it, every true friend to his country will cheerfully contribute his part to defend and support it. To withhold that portion of our property which the public safety requires, is cheating ourselves. The first establishment of a direct national tax must be attended with great expense, difficulty and inequality. Can it be imagined that Congress, who had the best means of information, and must pay their proportion, did not adopt the best mode their wisdom could devise? The spirit of faction and insurrection has already cost us millions;—and is it still to be cherished? It is a happiness to know, that I am addressing an assembly so entirely united in their general ideas of public men, and public measures, and steadily opposed to a spirit of faction. But you have need to be upon your guard, left this evil spirit should make you a visit. Let one common cause, one common interest, and one common danger, keep us united. Following the guidance of Heaven, and attentive to all the means in our power, let it appear that we have not lost that noble, determined spirit, which gained our independence.

Further, it is especially our duty to attend to our moral character. When we seriously reflect on the moral and political state of our country, we must be sensible that our offences are great and manifold, and that God, in his righteous displeasure, is visiting us for our national sins. Penitent confession, humble prayer, and sincere and effectual purposes of amendment, are indispensable duties on this day. And it is only in the right discharge of these duties that we have ground to hope, that God, in the rain of his providence, will remove the evils we feel, and avert those we fear. Happy would it be, if a general spirit of repentance and reformation were to spread throughout our land. We have individually added to the mass of national iniquity: it therefore concerns us, individually, to be humble, and to reform what is amiss in ourselves. As in the day of battle, every man should behave as if on his single arm depended the victory, so let every one feel as if on his piety and virtue depended the salvation of his country.

It should be our concern to arrest the progress of infidelity and irreligion, by living like Christians ourselves. The most effectual method, perhaps, to prevent the spreading of loose, pernicious, demoralizing sentiments, is to put them out of countenance by our own conformity to the spirit of sincere, practical religion. If we truly embrace he doctrines, and conform to the precepts, of the gospel of Christ, the benign influence of this Heaven-born religion over all the affairs of human society, and all the concerns of man, will be apparent. Example may do more to confute gainsayers, than a thousand opposing arguments. Let the fool say in his heart, There is no God. Let the infidel glory in mere hypothesis, and depend upon artificial conjecture: it is all he can produce in support of his principles. The believer finds himself upon a foundation that cannot be moved. God is the rock of ages. The dictates of common sense teach him, that God is to be seen in everything around him, heard in the voice of every creature, felt in every motion, and read in every page of the book of nature. The good man finds infinitely more satisfaction, in believing in the perfections of the Deity, the wisdom and equity of Providence, and the great plan of redeeming mercy, than all the systems of philosophic infidelity are capable of yielding. The infidel lays the axe to the root of the tree, and cuts down with one stroke the hope and confidence of man. But the believer has a fortress in every danger; a refuge in every storm; an abiding friend in all the vicissitudes of human life; and a safe conductor to eternal rest.

It cannot be too deeply impressed upon our minds, that without public and private virtue, a free government cannot be supported. The Creator and Governor of the Universe is, and was, and ever will be, the supporter of order and virtue. The Christian religion is, in the highest degree, friendly to rational liberty. It teaches a proper conduct in all the relations we sustain in society. The origin of all society is in our families. They are the nurseries from which every citizen in the state is transplanted. In them the foundation of order and good government should be laid. By daily attention to the scriptures and family devotion, by training up our families in a religious observance of the Christian Sabbath, and in attending on public worship, we take the most direct methods to qualify them for good citizens, and to give an early check to all those vices which are ruinous to society.

When religion and virtue are urged as the main pillars of national freedom and prosperity, will it be said that France is an exception?—that with all her atheism, corruption and crimes, she is prosperous?—that her government is supported?—that victory attends her arms?—and that her wealth is accumulating by piracy and plunder? If so, it may be answered, that freedom is not to be found in the present government of France. A military government requires neither religion, nor virtue. By renouncing all religion she is making an experiment, which is not yet come to a result. It is such an experiment as the world has never before seen, and may, in the event, throw more light upon the real state of man, in his social relations, than all the disquisitions that have ever been written. Vice has often been permitted to prosper for a time; but the end has been ruin. The ways of Providence are intricate. The vilest of men have been, and may be, employed as instruments in the accomplishment of the wisest and most benevolent purposes. The Almighty said to Sennacherib, O Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand, is mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation; and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets. It is added, Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so. But it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few. ⁴

We shall only add, that, at a time like this, it concerns us to be deeply sensible of our dependence upon Heaven. It is our duty to look through all means and instruments—all the relations of causes and effects, to Him who is the Supreme Ruler and Judge among the nations; and to place our dependence on that Being, who is able to save, or destroy. In vain shall we confide in political expedients without his concurrence and blessing. If infidelity, irreligion, discord and faction should increase and abound, must we not expect that God will visit, and will avenge himself on such a nation as this? But if the professed designs of this day’s solemnityies should meet his benediction and acceptance; if a sense of our national offences, and the warnings given us by his word and providences, should lead us to a proper temper and conduct; if the numerous blessings we enjoy should excite in our minds sincere gratitude; if, by piety and prayer—by a continual concern to practice that righteousness, and those patriotic virtues, which exalt a nation; and if by a studious care to put away that sin which is a reproach to a people, we place our dependence upon Heaven, then may we hope to enjoy all those natural, civil and religious privileges and advantages, for which our country has been distinguished. Then, indeed, may we be assured that God will visit us, not in judgment, but with the desirable blessings of national protection, peace and prosperity. May God, of his infinite mercy, through the Mediator, make this the happy state of our country; and to him be glory forever.

AMEN.

Endnotes

1. “The destruction of Venice was determined on. This republic had a wise government, good laws, and great wealth. But Venice had observed so scrupulous a neutrality, with respect to this dangerous neighbor; its senate had conducted itself so uprightly and irreproachably, that the Directory had not the least grounds for a declaration of war. It was therefore obliged to have recourse to trick, and to form this stratagem:
“A dozen officers, clothed as citizens, were ordered to repair to Venice, and to assassinate some of the French soldiers whom the Venetian government had kindly admitted into the city hospitals. The officers obeyed their orders precisely. About disk they poignarded four or five of their countrymen, and immediately returned to camp, with the alarming intelligence that the Venetians were massacring the French republicans, and on the following day Venice was no more. In the course of a few hours it was converted into a theatre of carnage and proscriptions, and delivered up to be pillaged by the soldiery. This was the real cause of, or rather pretext for, the destruction of a republic, flourishing in laws, in commerce and wealth.”
Extract of a letter written by a gentleman in Paris.

2. “The village of Bremen, on the 6th of October, was beset by a band of robbers, under the denomination of republican soldiers, who, mad with wine, rushed into the houses with the most hideous war-whoops, and had immediate recourse to their well known system of plunder. All the coffers and closets were broken open and rifled—all the household furniture was destroyed—the peasants were required, with loaded pistols at their breasts, to deliver up their money—the beds and bedding were unripped and examined—and, under pretence of searching for concealed treasure, not only the floors of the rooms were torn up, but even infants were vehemently dragged from their cradles, and many families were deprived of nearly all their property. But still more terrible to these peaceable and innocent country people was the infernal manner in which the female sex was treated by these villains. In the whole village there was neither maiden, wife, nor widow, who was not forcibly and repeatedly dishonoured; and such was the depravity of these miscreants, that eight, ten, and frequently more than that number, successively insulted the same unfortunate victim, with the accomplishment of their brutal purposes. Neither early youth, nor hoary-headed age, nor deformity, nor yet the most offensive disorders, could abate the fury of their passions; and not only husbands, but fathers and children, were made to be witnesses of these abominable outrages”
Cannibal’s Progress, by Anthony Ausrer, Esquire.
The above is only a specimen of the general conduct of the French army in passing through the whole circle of Suabia. It was nearly the same in every place. This and a copious number of similar facts were taken by the magistrates, and are published under the sanction of their authority. All their outrages were in violation of a solemn contract. The circle of Suabia entered into an agreement with the French General, Moreau, to pay the enormous tribute of about 8 millions of dollars, which they punctually performed, on condition “that the persons and property of the inhabitants should be strictly respected.”

3. The environs of Berne, eight hundred women took up arms, and joined the last battle. At Frauenbrun, two hundred and sixty women and girls received the enemy with scythes, pitchforks and axies; an hundred and eighty were killed; among them was one named Glar, who had at her side two daughters and three grand-daughters, the youngest scarcely 10 years old: these six heroines were slain.”
J. Mallet Du Pan’s Hist. of the destruction of the Helvetic Union and Liberty. This Book ought to be read by every American.

4. Isaiah x. 5, 6, 7.

This is a fast sermon preached by Eliphalet Gillet (1768-1848) in Hallowell, Maine on April 25, 1799. This national fast day was proclaimed by President John Adams. The text of the sermon has been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.

Discourse,

Delivered at

Hallowell, April 25th, 1799.

Being

The Day Appointed

By The

Chief Magistrate

Of The

United States,

For A

NATIONAL FAST

By Eliphalet Gillet, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Hallowell.

NUMBERS, xvi. 14.
”Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men? We will not come up.”

To administer government, whether civil or ecclesiastical, in such a manner as not to give offence, is peculiarly difficult. The meekness of Moses was proverbial; and yet it did not shield him from the tongue of slander. His designs were presumed to be unfavorable to the people, and his measures criminated as the height of usurpation. The opposition began by secret murmurs against his administrations, and afterwards broke out into open rebellion. At the head of these malcontents were Korah, Dathan, and Abiram. The opposition was formidable—the mutinous spirit pervaded all ranks; and it must necessarily have issued in the subversion of their government, and the prostration of civil and religious order, had not the Lord miraculously interposed. For there were embarked in this iniquitous cause “two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly, famous in the congregation, men of renown.” [Numbers 16:2]

They had, it seems, by some Paine or Godwin who was among them, been infatuated with the visionary idea of an “Age of Reason,” and of unrestrained “Liberty and equality.” This so possessed their minds that they could not yield submission to the constituted authorities, even though they were of divine appointment. In their wild career they had lost sight of the excellence and necessity of subordination in society. And they were far from rendering honor to whom honor was due. “They gathered themselves together against Moses and against Aaron, and said unto them, Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congregation are holy every one of them, and the Lord is among them: wherefore then lift you up yourselves above the congregation of the Lord?” [Numbers 16:3] Moses went out and expostulated with them. He entreated them to canvass the matter coolly, and see whether they were not actually gathered together against the Lord. “For what is Aaron, says he, that ye should murmur against him?” [Numbers 16:11] But their passions were too violent to be reasoned with, and they were too impatient of restraint to suffer either God or man to rule over them. They reply with a zeal that borders upon desperation—“Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land that floweth with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us.” [Numbers 16:13] Their ULTIMATUM is then subjoined, “Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men? We will not come up.” From this passage of scripture, in its connection, we are naturally led to speak of

A spirit of insubordination may be considered in two respects

1. In reference to God, and
2. In reference to civil government.

In reference to God, there can be no longer danger of there ultimately overthrowing His government, because He has all power in His hand. This sinning angel found by fatal experience, when thrust out of heaven, and “reserved in everlasting chains, under darkness, unto the judgment of the great day.” [Jude 1:6] This our first parents found, when banished from the Garden of Eden, and condemned to till a soil which “brought forth thorns and thistles.” [Genesis 3:18] This the Israelites found, when slain in the wilderness for their murmurings, or sold to their enemies for their idolatry. And indeed this all mankind have found, in the troubles and calamities of life, which come in consequence of sin, and rebellion against God. “Sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death, with its numerous trains of evils, hath passed upon all men, for that all have sinned.” [Romans 5:12] It is a melancholy truth that there is by nature, universally, in man a total submission to the law of God. “They are not subject to His law, nor indeed can be. [Romans 8:7] The law is holy, just and good,” [Romans 7:12] but they are under the dominion of sin, and cannot serve two masters. This spirit is not only universal; but it is a dangerous spirit. It exposes men to condemnation. It subjects them, if persisted in, to eternal death.—For almost six thousand years, God has proclaimed His few, comparatively, in every age, have yielded to His solicitations. He has given up His own Son as a propitiation for their sins: so that God is in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them. —-And he committed the word of reconciliation to the apostles, and their successors in the gospel ministry, who are ambassadors for Christ, and who are praying the world, in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God. Still the “world lieth in wickedness.” [1 John 5:19] Well might God say, as in Isaiah 15:2,3, “I have spread out my hands all the day to a rebellious people, which walketh in a way that was not good, after their own thoughts: a people that provoketh me to anger continually to my face.” And Proverbs 1:26,27, “I also will laugh at their calamity, and mock when their fear cometh; when their fear cometh as desolation and their destruction as a whirlwind.”

But our subject leads us more particularly to consider the danger of a spirit of insubordination to civil government.

I wish here to be understood, as meaning a good government—calculated for the benefit of those who contribute to its support. There have been tyrannies and usurpations, both in church and state, which ought to be resisted and which every good man would feel in duty bound to resist, even unto blood. He must have an obdurate heart who can shut his ears against the cries of the oppressed; and a want of resolution who can forbear to redress their grievances even though at the peril of life. The ancient exploded doctrine of non-resistance in every situation is as inconsistent with the well-being of society as the equalizing principles of infidel philosophy so current at the present day.

But when a good government is opposed and resisted, the consequences are serious. There is danger both in reference to the government itself and those who endeavor to counteract its operations. When Moses heard the rebellious language of Korah and his company, “he fell upon his face.” [Numbers 6:4] He viewed it as portending evil to the Commonwealth of Israel. And so indeed it terminated. For the anger of the Lord went out against those who had mutinied, “and the earth opened up her mouth, and swallowed them up, and their houses, and all the men that appertained unto Korah, and all their goods. And all Israel that were round about them fled at the cry of them: for they said, Lest the earth swallow us up also.” [Numbers 16: 32-34]

One of these two consequences generally follows an opposition to government; either an entire suspension of law and justice, or a more rigid administration. The reason why the Israelites felt neither of these consequences was the immediate interposition of God in cutting off the adversaries. Now the suspension of law, or the subversion of government is in itself a very great evil, and warrantable only in cases, of imperious necessity. Anarchy is worse than almost any kind of government. Even the arbitrary measures of Charles I and the oppressions of that day were exceeded by the anarchy and confusion, or perhaps more properly speaking, by the despotism, which accompanied the temporary subversion of the monarchy. So that, in certain circumstances, where there is a real evil, a remedy injudiciously applied may be worse than the disease. But however a body politic, that is disordered in its functions, may justify a hazardous regimen; the suspension of the operation of a good and equal government must be matter of regret to all who wish for “liberty with order.” Government is the good man’s security. It guarantees his property and his peace. It is like a city which hath “gates and bars.” And he might as well think of hating his own flesh, as to hate that which nourisheth and cherisheth it. The penal consequences of a good government do not affect righteous men, but the lawless and disobedient. The ends which it has in view are a restraint upon wickedness, and the advancement of the general good.

But, suppose the government maintain its ground against all encroachments and a check is put to every aspiring faction; the evil does not end here. An additional burden is laid upon society; the public expenditures are necessarily increased; and the peaceable share with the restless the bitter fruits of their ill-judged labors. Every tumult, which calls forth the arm of authority for its suppression, is a draught upon the public treasure. And not only so but it has a tendency to cause the cords of government to be drawn tighter to prevent, in the future, similar events. This seems to be a necessary consequence. Government must have energy enough to secure the ends and designs of it. People must give up so great a portion of their natural liberties and privileges as to enjoy the remainder in tranquility and peace. And it must be obvious to everyone, that the more a spirit of insubordination prevails, the more our liberties must be curtailed, in order to give efficacy to the administration. If therefore a nation would live free—if they would relinquish the smallest portion possible of their natural rights and privileges, they must put on the “ornament of a meek and quiet spirit.” [1 Peter 3:4] They must not, like Korah and his company, fly into a passion because they despair of the first offices of state or because they are called upon to support that government which is the guardian of their dearest treasures.

I now proceed to mention the means by which a spirit of insubordination is excited.

First, The spread of irreligious principles.—Irreligion made war in heaven. And it is the source of war and contention on earth. If the Holy Scriptures can be brought into disrepute and no longer considered as the law of our actions, much is done towards the subversion of a government founded in justice and administered by wisdom. Because our religion inculcates obedience, “not only for wrath but conscience sake.” [Romans 13:5] Our religion inculcates a quiet, pacific disposition. And a good government cannot be resisted without a very different temper of mind. Where the principles of irreligion are deeply rooted in the soul, you will find a uniform opposition to every kind of punishment under the divine government. They declaim warmly against the idea of God’s vindicating the honor of his law by chastising the rebellious. And hence they renounce the Governor of the universe in His true character and paint to themselves a Being who is reconciled to them in their courses of iniquity. Such principles necessarily operate against restraints and punishments under human authority. The idea of a day of judgment and a state of retribution is very efficacious in promoting not only piety towards God but order, peace, and harmony in the world. Irreligious principles may be necessary to the support of tyranny or oppression. It cannot well be carried on unless the leaders have drunk deep in this spirit. But they are the bane of good government. They unhinge every connection in society. The tenderest ties in families are dissolved, and this influence extends to the great family of the nation.

It is a common observation, and erroneous as it is common, that principles have no influence upon practice: and therefore it is of very little importance what persons believe. Paul judged very differently. “Shun profane and vain babblings; for they will increase unto more ungodliness: and their word will eat as doth a canker.” [2 Timothy 2:16-17] An irreligious principle is like gangrene in the soul. It taints the whole system. The man, like Ahab, sells himself to work wickedness. He becomes a fit instrument for the service of those who wish to sacrifice their country in hopes of rising upon its ruins. And until such instruments are multiplied, the prostration of those establishments, which promote order and peace and secure the public good, can never be accomplished. It is the bulk of mankind that bring about great events. It is not a few visionary philosophers, immured [imprisoned] in their closets, that can do it. I mean, not by their own strength. But fatal experience proves they may by the dissemination of irreligious principles. If they can debauch the public mind and bring people to think they ought to be under no restraints, either human or divine, the work is almost fitted to their hands. They can then, by an imperceptible exertion, guide the multitude in their own way and accomplish their most atrocious purposes. “Behold the ships which though they be so great, and are driven of fierce winds, yet are they turned about by a very small helm, whithersoever the governor lifteth.” [James 3:4] After the principles of infidelity are sown, and the roots of bitterness begin to spring up, they systematic votaries of faction and discord look upon the victory as obtained. They have little else to do than to bear away the spoil.

The false prophet, Balaam, was “wiser in his generation than the children of light.” [Luke 16:8] He saw that it was in vain to curse Israel so long as they remained true to the principles of their religion. But if he could call them off to idolatry and cause them to bow the knee to the gods of the Moabites, he looked upon his atrocious designs as accomplished. He justly viewed it as no difficult task to curse a people that had brought down a curse upon themselves. The Scribes and Pharisees pursued the same measures in procuring the crucifixion of Christ. They would persuade the multitude not to adhere to his doctrines of religion. “Have any of the rulers, or of the Pharisees believed on him.” [John 7:48] And after they had proscribed his religion, and by their hypocrisy made it appear that his principles were hostile to the public good, they had the voice of the multitude at their command, whenever they wished to cry, “Crucify him, crucify him!” [Matthew 27:22; Mark 15: 13-14; Luke 23:21; John 19:6]

I have dwelt the longer upon this head from the consideration that our eternal as well as temporal interest is involved in it. The principles of irreligion unfit the mind for the service of God here or for His glory hereafter. They unfit us for usefulness in our day and generation and deprive us of that continual feast, which is served up by a “conscience void of offence towards God, and towards man.” [Acts 24:16] They lie at the bottom off all those crimes, which have blackened the pages of history; and their pernicious influence is too frequently visible in seas of blood. They cause different nations to encroach upon each other’s rights and privileges. They cause brothers to fall out by the way. And they cause a man to fall out with himself. Nothing but infidelity could inspire a man with rashness enough to precipitate his own death or, I might say, with more propriety perhaps, with too much cowardice to live. “The ravages of Alexander, were probably less injurious to the human race, and less guilty before God, than the ravages of the moral world by Hume or Voltaire.” ¹

Secondly, Another mean of exciting on opposition to government is the perversion of that most salutary principle that “Men are born free and equal, and ² have certain natural, essential and inalienable rights.” ³ Because one man has no natural to tyrannize over another, it does not follow that persons may not surrender a portion of their original and natural privileges for the sake of security and peace. Suppose men naturally possess an equal right to exercise authority or, which is the same thing, that there is no inherent right in any—a truth essential to all free governments, and suppose further, that which never takes place, that property, strength, and wisdom, were in equal measure bestowed, it would not disprove the necessity of inequality and subordination, when they enter into civil society, and cast in their influence and energy into one common stock, for their better security against unjust encroachments. “Everybody politic is formed, in the first place, by a voluntary association of individuals, who have entered into a mutual engagement; and, in the next place, by a social compact, in which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws, in one uniform manner, ⁴ for the common good; ⁵ that THE RIGHT IN THE PEOPLE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE LEGISLATURE IS THE BEST SECURITY OF LIBERTY, AND THE FOUNDATION OF ALL FREE GOVERNMENT.” ⁶ Were power equally vested in every individual of a nation, they would be in no posture of defense. In order for the accomplishment of any beneficial purposes there must be a head, and he must have authority and power enough, under constitutional limitations, to guide the whole body. Much of the strength of a nation depends on concentrating its energies. The scattered rays of the sun afford but a feeble heat, but collected by burning glass, their operation is visible. An equality, therefore, is absolutely impossible. It is a thing entirely visionary under any kind of government. Whoever is vested with authority, as the minister of justice, whether for a longer or shorter space of time, whether by hereditary right or by the suffrages of his fellow citizens, is, for the time being, from the nature of his office, above the people, and they are necessarily in a state of subordination—of subordination to laws, and to men, only as they are the appointed guardians of those laws.

And this to many a “sore evil under the sun.” [Ecclesiastes 5:13] The language of Korah and his company was, “Ye take too much upon you.” And why? Was there any oppression? Was there any extortion? Had Moses and Aaron iniquitously invaded the property of the people, and ground the faces of the poor? Moses appeals to God. “I have not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them.” [Numbers 16:15] Nay, they do not so much as accuse them of any such thing. They were rather deemed guilty of the unpardonable presumption of fulfilling the duties of their station—a station above those who were private members of the Commonwealth. “Seeing all the congregation are holy, say they, every one of them, and the Lord is among them; wherefore then lift you up yourselves above the congregation of the lord?” Why should one man be lifted above another, in order to exercise authority? Why not administer government in such a manner that there should be a perfect equality? Or, in other words, why not govern us without any government at all? And this is a state which desperate characters would rejoice in, who have everything to gain and nothing to lose by inverting the order of things, and who long to riot in the spoils of their fellow-men, without fear of those punishments which their crimes deserve, and to which god and wholesome laws subject them.

Thirdly, Another mean of exciting an insubordination to government is suggesting that the restrictions under which we are placed, and the burdens which are laid upon us are unnecessary and, at the same time, entirely arbitrary. This was the method Satan took to excite our first parents to revolt from God. He did not openly attack the divine government. This might have shocked them and frustrated his diabolical purpose. But he slyly insinuated that some things were wrong. They were under certain restrictions, which were of no benefit, and which prevented them from the enjoyment of a great portion of happiness. “Yea, hath God said, ye shall not eat of every tree of the garden?” [Genesis 3:1] It is hardly credible. And of this tree, more especially. He might as well have forbidden you every other tree in the garden. This tree, you see, is good for food, pleasant to the eyes, and a tree to be desired to make one wise. And God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, instead of dying as ye suppose, your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as gods, knowing good and evil. They yielded to his solicitations, and a strange kind of gods they found themselves transformed into. They knew good and evil, it was true: they knew the worth of good by its loss, and the misery of evil by suffering it.

This mode, however disingenuous, is calculated to ensure success. For we are apt to think we could bear any kind of burden better than that which is laid upon us. Though we would not exclaim against every kind of restraint and think every burden unjust, yet we may be easily made to feel that those we have to struggle with are, in their nature, the most insupportable, and must certainly have arisen from the negligence or, what is worse, the caprice of those who enjoined them. Resistance against such measures, therefore, may be thought a duty instead of a crime because it has a tendency to cause those in authority to bethink themselves and amend their ways. Which leads me to observe,

Fourthly, That another mean of exciting insubordination is weakening the confidence of people in their rulers. Certain among the children of Israel, when they saw that Moses delayed to come down from the mount, gathered themselves together unto Aaron, and said unto him, “Up, make us gods which shall go before us; for as for this Moses, we wot not what has become of him.” [Exodus 32:23] After persons can be induced to think and speak lightly of the ruler of the people, they have but a step further to go to contemn his authority. They will soon call upon Aaron to make them a “golden calf.” Anything but their present rulers will be acceptable. In their frenzy they will pass by wisdom, experience and integrity, as well as forget a long list of past services, and marshal themselves under some leader who has courage enough to embark in the storm or too little discernment to see the danger. Those therefore possess great power in causing opposition to constituted authorities, who can weaken our confidence in reference to their characters or public measures. This is a poison which, though gradual, is effectual. Nothing more certainly answers its end. It deprives the ruler of weight and prepares the public mind to withstand his operations.

Fifthly, Ascribing all calamities to the bad management of those in authority is another mean of exciting opposition to government. It is very wrong for people, when their sins have brought down the judgments of God upon them, to lay them to their rulers account and say, as Ahab did to Elijah, in the time of the famine, “Art thou he that troubleth Israel?” [1 Kings 18:17] “Thou hast not brought us,” say the discontented Israelites to Moses, “into a land that floweth with milk and honey, or given us inheritance of fields and vineyards.” [Numbers 16:14] And what was the reason? Was it not their persevering obstinacy and unbelief? Yet they could complain of Moses being about “to kill them in the wilderness.” [Numbers 16:13] This is a dangerous fire when once kindled because there is enough fuel to keep it burning. There are calamities and evils enough under the best of governments to bring those who are in authority into disrepute if they must all be laid to their charge. When the rain of heaven is withheld or the public treasury exhausted by the depredation of lawless men, it is very easy and very popular for persons to rise up and exclaim against the management of the rulers. It is very easy for them to report concerning the best of rulers and, in such circumstances, not difficult to give it currency, that they are aspiring after their own aggrandizement and are very prodigal of the public wealth. And that if the present characters were displaced, and they allowed to succeed them, there would immediately be a retrenchment of the expenditures, and the public would be served for one half of the present revenue. But those public services, my hearers, which through a love of pre-eminence are to be given away, are always to be suspected. Men who zealously seek offices are not always those who fill them with most honor to themselves or with most profit to the nation.

Lastly, Professing an unusual degree of respect for the liberty and the happiness of the people has ever proved a most powerful and successful mean of exciting opposition to the administration of government. If a person is considerably exalted by office, by property, or by influence; and has the address to make us believe, when he attacks the administration, that he has much more regard to our happiness than he has to his own, he becomes a fit engine for the destruction of government. His efforts shake the pillars of the edifice and, unless timely checked, will end in its ruin.

Those who rose up against Moses and Aaron did it not so much on their own account, if we may credit their assertions, as they did on the account of those who were below them. For these, they sighed in the most pathetic manner. A fight of their calamities pierced them to the heart. “Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men?” It is not our own cause we are pleading. Being princes in the assembly, men famous in the congregation, we do not so sensibly feel your oppressions. But so long as the yoke of tyranny is upon the necks of these people, “we will not come up” nor submit to your authority. And many were credulous enough to believe them. Hence they rallied round their standard in the true spirit of anarchy: and never left them till a sense of their own danger awakened them. When the earth clave asunder and swallowed them up, then they fled, and cried, “Lest the earth swallow us up also.”

Absalom, in his endeavors to usurp the kingdom of his Father David, made use of the same hypocritical pretensions. As he was the king’s son and most tenderly beloved, he had no grievances of his own to complain of; but he was very much affected for the grievances of the people. “He rose up early and stood beside the way of the gate; and it was so that when any man that had a controversy came to the king for judgment, he called unto him, and said, see thy matters are good and right, but there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee. Absalom said moreover, oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice. And it was so, that when any man came nigh to him to do him obeisance, he put forth his hand and took him and kissed him.” [2 Samuel 15:2-5] These soothing arts did not fail of success. The greater part of the whole nation cried, “God save king Absalom.”

The histories of Greece and Rome furnish numberless instances of the same nature; where addresses to the passions of people have issued in a victory over their reason and a sacrifice of their happiness. Cromwell, in England, had a most passionate regard for the liberties of the people. This stimulated him with much violence against the reigning monarch. It was this that led him to the determination not to leave him so long as his head remained on his shoulders. And as soon as this important object was accomplished, he took the reins of government into his own hand, and under the gentle title of protector, exercised the most arbitrary sway they had ever felt since the Norman Conquest. And we have still more recent instances in the regicides of France. Out of a pure, disinterested love for the people, they have filled the streets of their cities with rivers of blood, If such characters think they have the good of mankind in view, they “know not what spirit they are of:” [Luke 9:55] and those who put confidence in them will find them, as Egypt was to Israel, a “reed that will pierce through their hand.” [Isaiah 36:6]

In addition to all the evils we have to encounter at home we are exposed to danger from the Punic faith of the Republic of France.

Or, as the President has well expressed it in the Proclamation, “The most precious interests of the people of the United States are held in jeopardy, by the hostile designs and insidious arts of a foreign nation.” Our danger arises from the consideration of our being “too slow of heart to believe” [Luke 24:25] they are inimical [unfavorable] to us, and inimical to all those institutions which are calculated to promote the glory of God and the good of mankind. They may be the most humane, the most benevolent, and the most religious nation in the world: but if so, the tree is not known by its fruit. The grapes are certainly the grapes of Sodom and the clusters are the clusters of Gomorrah. If they gain an ascendency over us, farewell to that subordination which is necessary to our peace, liberty, and happiness; and farewell to that reverence which is due to God and to the religion of Jesus.

In the beginning of their struggles, their object was in some measure concealed; but we no longer “see through a glass darkly.” [1 Corinthians 13:12] Nothing less than the subjugation of all nations can satisfy their rapacity. The ambition of these modern Caesars and Alexanders has no line of demarcation but the horizon. It is a gigantic, colossal monster that is bestriding the universe. Fraternizing the Hollanders, subjugating the Geneveans, and massacring the Swiss ⁹ was considered by them only as a Prologue to the tragedy they designed to act upon the great theatre of the world. And hitherto it has been a very moving tragedy. Each Act has presented no imaginary Scenes of the sacking of kingdoms and slaughtered nations weltering in blood. “Instruments of cruelty are in their habitations. O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united: for in their anger they have slain men, and in their self-will they have dug down walls. Cursed be their anger for it was fierce; and their wrath, for it was cruel.” ¹⁰ If the destruction of America does not swell the catalogue of their enormities, it will be prevented, under God, by our union, by our submission to the laws, by our support of the constituted authorities, and by our adherence to the blessed religion of the Gospel.

It may be said, however, Though the nation by whom our interests are considered as held in jeopardy has, in time past, treated us roughly and though, as one of her own poets ¹¹ hath said, she meant to “fleece” us, yet her language now towards us assumes a different tone. To which I would reply in the words of the Mantuan bard,

“Timeo Gallicos et dona ferentes.” ¹² [“I fear the __ even when they bear gifts.”]

Their words are softer than oil, yet they are drawn swords. ¹³

Charity hopeth all things, but it will be early enough to give full credence after their works manifest it. “By their fruits ye shall know them.” [Matthew 7:16, 20] Should they ever become “clothed and in their right mind,” [Mark 5:15; Luke 8:35] a door is open on the part of America for a friendly negotiation.

Happy for the cause of Zion, that amidst the concussion of nations and shaking of empires, One rules over all, who is able to bring light out of darkness, and order out of confusion, and to make even the wrath of man praise him. To this Almighty Being may we look for divine grace, to prevent s from going in the way of Cain, or running greedily after the error of Balaam for reward, or from perishing in the gainsaying of Korah. AMEN.

Endnotes

1. Dr. Dwight.

2. Massachusetts Constitution, Part 1, Art. 1.

3. Pennsylvania’s Const. Chap. 1, Art. 1.

4. Virg. Const. Art. XVI.

5. Preamble to Mass. And Penns. Const.

6. Maryland Decla. Of Rights, Art. V.

7. Proclamation.

8. In the counties of Northampton, Bucks and Montgomery (Pen.).

9. Vide J. M. DuPan on the destruction of the Helvetic Union.

10. Gen. lxix. 5, 6, 7.

11. Mr. Barlow of Connecticut.

12. Aeneid B. II.

13. Ps. 55. 21.

* Originally posted: Dec. 26, 2016.

Leonard Woods (1774-1854) graduated from Harvard in 1796. He was a pastor in Newbury, Massachusetts (1798-1808), and a professor of Christian theology at the Andover theological seminary (1808-1846). Woods was active in establishing the American tract society, the Temperance society, and the board of commissioners of foreign missions.

S E R M O N S

ON PROFANE SWEARING,

DELIVERED

APRIL 4, 1799;

THE DAY APPOINTED BY

The GOVERNOR of Massachusetts

For Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer.

By LEONARD WOODS, A. M.
Pastor of the third Church in Newbury.

DISCOURSE I.

Exodus, xx. 7.

Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain.

The sin here forbidden is obviously unreasonable. The mere dictate of an intelligent nature we should suppose would prove an effectual barrier against the commission of it. It is directly opposed to the deep reverence, the sincere piety, the grateful love, which the divine majesty and goodness naturally tend to inspire. But we have an express command. God descended in awful dignity on Mount Sinai, and with a voice infinitely more solemn and terrible, than the loud thundering and lightnings, and sound of the trumpet, proclaimed in the audience of the Israelitish nation, Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain. Now should we not imagine, if left to judge from the nature of the thing, that the command of God delivered in terms of such dreadful authority, and enforced by a sanction infinitely momentous, would fill the hearts of men with reverence and awe, and prevent the most distant approaches to the crime forbidden. But history and experience teach us a truth far less probable, and far less delightful. If we trace the history of the Israelites, to whom the law was first announced, we shall soon observe in them a total want of reverence for the character and name of God. And if we have lived only a few years, and had opportunity to make but very limited observations on mankind at the present day, we have already learnt that the third commandment, which has lost none of its original authority, is by most men in some degree disregarded, and by innumerable multitudes held in hearty contempt, and grossly violated. This deplorable fact is not an unfit subject of serious contemplation and penitent regret for a day of fasting and prayer. It may well lead us to humiliation and sorrow, and excite our most fervent intercessions, to think that any of our highly favored race should be guilty of profaning the name of Almighty God. But when we consider that such an aggravated crime is chargeable upon a great majority of mankind, and that most, if not all of us are implied in that number; how deep should be our abasement; how melting our grief; how penitent and lowly our confessions; how earnest, and yet how submissive our supplications.

That we may more clearly apprehend the extent and importance of the command in the text; that we may be roused and assisted to yield due obedience to it, and be more humble and penitent under the consideration, that ourselves and others are guilty of so repeated a violation of it; let the following things engage our serious and devout attention.

I. Several ways, in which the third commandment is transgressed.

II. The unreasonableness and futility of several arguments, which are sometimes urged as excuses for the use of profane language.

III. Some of the reasons that may be offered against it.

IV. A few directions how to avoid it.

V. Some reflections arising from the subject and the present occasion united.

Before I enter on particulars, permit me, my beloved hearers, to bespeak your patience and candor. As you have chosen me for your minister, you ought to feel willing, that I should be faithful to God and to you. I could not be so, should I omit the mention of a sin, because I fear some of you are chargeable with it. If any of you are guilty of the sin prohibited in the text, you must expect to have your consciences disturbed and wounded by the following discourses. You ought, however, to remember that it is not an object of the preacher ‘to torment you before the time;’ but by setting before you the nature and consequences of sin, to bring you to repentance, and thus to promote your present and future happiness. This desirable object I cannot expect to obtain, unless I adopt the wise resolution of Micaiah, as the Lord liveth, what the Lord saith unto me, that will I speak.

First. We are to consider several ways, in which the third commandment is transgressed.

I. By perjury; which is the making use of the name of God in confirmation of a falsehood, or the non-performance of the religious oaths we have made. For the security of reputation and property, and the good of society in many other respects, civil government has ever deemed it necessary, in certain cases, to bind the consciences of men by solemn religious oaths. The reason why this measure is adopted seems to be this; that a direct appeal to omniscient God, as the witness of what is said and the judge and avenger of a lie, will to men in general be an additional inducement to speak the truth. It is doubtless so. Many persons, who can utter falsehood in common conversation without trembling, and without a blush, dare not do it, when they have lifted up their hand towards heaven, with a solemn appeal to Almighty God for the truth of what they say. Indeed one would think that no man could be so regardless of that infinite wisdom, which cannot be deceived, and of that infinite power, which will not be mocked, as to call expressly upon God to attest a falsehood. But alas, this is no uncommon crime. Many men, through the original and superinduced blindness of their hearts, have so little sense of the majesty and holiness of God, that they are not afraid to go into his sacred presence, call him by name, and then lie to his face.

Men are guilty of perjury, not only when they swear to a thing, which they know to be false, but also when they swear to a thing, while uncertain of its truth. Nor does their guilt appear small when they give testimony to a falsehood, though they suppose it to be a truth. For we must conclude they are not necessarily deceived, but might, by using the means in their power, have gained proper information. At least, we may safely say, they cannot know that to be a truth, which is in fact a falsehood, and are criminal for positively asserting it, while any doubt remains.

Further, a man is guilty of that, which bears a near resemblance to perjury, and seems to partake of its nature, when he positively engages upon oath to do what he knows not to be in his power. But when some unforeseen providence renders it impossible for him to perform his vow, we cannot see that he is criminal for not performing it. Yet even here it may with propriety to said, that he ought to have entered into his engagement or vow in dependence on divine providence; which would have rendered the necessary omission altogether harmless.

Perjury, in every shape and degree, arises from irreverence and contempt of God; and thus appears to have a near connection with what we shall consider as

The second way of violating the command under consideration, which is, taking an oath without that deep reverence and awe, which are due to the character of the Supreme Being. This is plainly intended in the prohibition. In vain, as it is used in the text, signifies lightly, inconsiderately, and irreverently, as well as falsely. Now although a person is, by some selfish consideration, secured from false swearing; yet, if he make use of the name of God, as a mere form, or civil engine, without being penetrated with a solemn sense of the divine presence and majesty, he is most evidently guilty of transgressing the command before us. The name of God is great and venerable, and ought at all times to be pronounced and contemplated with humble fear as well, as with ardent love; especially when it is formally introduced in confirmation of what we declare. To mention and swear by his name with as little reverence, as we feel in speaking of a fellow creature, is a gross violation of the dictates of reason, an extensive injury to society, and a daring insult to the Sovereign of the world.

3. If it be taking the name of God in vain to introduce it without seriousness and reverence even in confirmation of a truth, when called upon by civil authority; what shall we say to the light and frequent mention of it in order to confirm what is said in common conversation. This, I apprehend, is one of the chief things forbidden in the text. This is surely taking God’s name in vain, in every sense of the word. It is in vain, as it is not necessary; in vain, as it answers no good purpose; in vain, as it is done in a light and inconsiderate manner; in vain, as it is often done in confirmation of a lie.

Altho a person do not often expressly mention the name of God; yet he is a transgressor of the divine law, if he allow himself to swear by any of the works or creatures of God. That the command is of such an extent is plainly declared by Christ. The Jews had perversely limited its meaning, and confined it to false swearing, or perjury. ‘Ye have heard it said by them of old time, thou shalt not forswear thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord thine oath;’ and ye arrogantly suppose that this is all the law forbids or requires. “But I say unto you, swear not at all; neither by heaven, nor by the earth, nor by thy head. But let your conversation be yea yea; nay, nay;’ simple affirmations, and simple negations. ‘For whatsoever is more than these, cometh of evil;’ or, as it may be rendered, ‘from the evil one.’ ‘It comes from the Devil,’ says Mr. Henry. “It comes from the corruption of men’s nature, from passion and vehemence, from the reigning vanity of the mind, and a contempt of sacred things.”

Are any of my hearers guilty of thus trifling with sacred things? Do you allow yourselves in it? ‘Tis high time you should have your sins brought from under the screen of retirement and darkness, and viewed in the light of God’s house and word. Consider then, how odious, now horrid it is for persons profanely to introduce the name of the eternal God or of the holy Jesus in order to add confirmation or emphasis to their assertions! Their wickedness appears so great, that I feel impelled to say here, what I shall largely insist upon under another head; if they persevere in such a daring violation of God’s holy law, they shall assuredly perish forever, unless they can overturn the throne of omnipotent Jehovah. Let all, who hear, remember this solemn warning against the great day.

Some men, scrupling to make use of the name of God directly, swear by some of his works or creatures; as by heavens, by the foul, &c. And when a person simply says, I swear, it is necessarily implied, that he swears by something; which is a direct transgression of Christ’s command, ‘swear not at all.’

4. Persons are guilty of taking God’s name in vain, who introduce it by way of exclamation, saying, on some striking occurrence, good God, – oh Lord, &c. not from a religious sense of God, but to give utterance to the unhallowed emotions of profane mirth and levity; or at best, to express sudden joy or surprise. Nothing need be said to prove, that this is taking the name of God in vain.

5. Persons violate the third command, when they make use of imprecations, or call upon God to inflict some evil upon themselves or others. To pray for blessings upon all mankind, even our enemies, is an indispensable duty. But, from anger or malice, to imprecate damnation, or any temporal evil upon our fellow men is, in such creatures as we are, a crime peculiarly heinous and detestable.—Shall we, guilty rebels, presumptuously attempt to direct God in the distribution of punishments?—Dare we ask him, who is infinitely wise and good, to conform his dispensations to our partial views and malicious desires? Shall we, who must perish, unless we are saved by an act of sovereign forgiveness, call upon God to take vengeance on those, who happen to offend us? To use the name of God for such purposes is to use it worse than in vain. There is nothing which shows greater impiety, more towering pride and arrogance, or more hellish spite, than to call upon God to inflict damnation upon a fellow creature. It is to forget that we are sinners. It is to forget that we are men.—It is an expression of malice and revenge, which ought never to be heard, except from the mouth of Devils. Still more unnatural, more unaccountably wicked does it appear, to call down divine vengeance upon one’s self. But so it is, that if none should be lost, but those, who have expressly asked, or challenged God to damn them, the infernal regions would not want inhabitants. Let me tell you, my hearers, when you thus profanely invite the vengeance of God, there is a dreadful probability that he will take you at your word.

Another kind of wickedness, which may fall under this head, and by which men break the commandment in the text, is the venting of their unreasonable resentment against their beasts in profane and impious curses. The mention of this vice is enough to make human nature blush. That a man should feel such anger and malice against his poor laborious beast, that is destitute of reason, and therefore, incapable of having a bad meaning or design, as to imprecate divine vengeance upon it, is amazingly stupid as well as sinful. When you hear a man damn his beast, you may tell him, if his madness will admit, – it may be, my friend, it may be, that you will know what damnation is long before your beast. – That stroke of vengeance, which you call down upon him, may fall upon one, who deserves it.

A man’s profanity grows still more inconsistent and wanton, when in cool blood, perhaps with emotions of kindness at heart, he mingles curses and oaths in his addresses to his friends. ‘Tis true, he means not as he says; and this proves him guilty of falsehood and profanity at the same time.

We must observe, in the sixth place, that there are many little expressions, sometimes thought to be harmless, which approach so near the boundaries of profanity, that they may, in the sight of God, amount to a violation of the third command, and are evident transgressions of some precepts in the Gospel. I shall not enter into particulars; but only request you to bear in mind, that all idle words and all little profanities, whether polite or vulgar, are recorded in the book of God, and must be answered for at his tribunal.

Should I stop here, there would, perhaps, be some present, who might thank God, that they were not like other men; that they had, to a considerable degree, kept this commandment. But I must add, in the seventh place, that God’s name is taken in vain by insincere and formal devotions. Instead of requiring arguments to prove this, all those who make conscience of family or secret devotion, are ready to own and lament, that they have often, very often taken the name of God into their mouths, and addressed him in words of solemn import, while their hearts were destitute of homage, gratitude, and love. How many times, in the course of one prayer, do some persons take the name of God in vain! How few are free from this charge, when they ask God’s blessing upon their daily food? How few are entirely guiltless in their public religious transactions! How great a part of those, who pretend to pray, do it without humility, without sincerity; without any real desire of the favors they ask, or any love to the character and laws of God. Oh solemn mockery! Oh vain attempt to impose deception upon God! Is this such prayer, as the Almighty requires of us, and will accept? To those, who offer him such hypocritical devotion, God puts the alarming question, ‘who hath required this at your hands?’

We proceed to the second thing proposed; which was, to point out the unreasonableness and futility of several arguments, which are sometimes urged as excuses for the violation of the third commandment. The principal thing I shall keep in view is what we commonly call profane swearing; yet not excluding any of the methods, by which the command in the text is violated.

1. An argument, which many bring to justify profane swearing, at least to palliate the criminality of it, is, that they mean no harm.—-If a man should cast firebrands and arrows at those about him; none surely would think he had offered a reason sufficient to justify his conduct, by his saying, I am in sport; or, I mean no harm. That which was sport to him might be death to them. How strange it is, for a man to break the law, to despise the threatenings, and to pour contempt upon the name of God; to do that, which draws after it consequences pernicious to the interests and to the souls of men; and after all this to say, he meant no harm. There is scarcely a crime committed, which does not admit the same justification. In whatever wickedness a man allows himself, you will not find it easy to make him own, that he really means any hurt by it. The man, who neglects his family and secret prayer, who feels quite regardless of the honor of God, and ungrateful for his infinite favors, will tell you, at least he himself thinks, that he means no harm. The man who disbelieves the sacred scriptures, or rejects any of the doctrines therein contained, pacifies his conscience by pretending, that he means no harm. Whatever duty a man neglects, whatever sin he habitually commits, this is still the plea he makes, that he has no bad meaning—What a striking instance of the deceitfulness of sin, and the almost total ignorance of men in respect to their own hearts! When the Holy Spirit gives men a just and reasonable view of divine things, he makes them feel and acknowledge, that they never committed any sin without a bad intention. God, who looketh on the heart, on the designs and motives of our conduct, will never judge that to be sin, or a violation of his law, which is done without any bad intent. It is absurd then for the profane swearer to endeavor to justify himself by the argument above-mentioned. For however ignorant he may be of it, no command of God can be transgressed without implying a sinful design in the transgressor. And if his saying, he means no harm, will justify his profanity; there is scarcely any crime, for which upon the same principles, a justifying reason may not be assigned. Let it always be remembered, that voluntary self ignorance, or willful self delusion is so far from being an excuse or palliation of a crime committed, that it is a great crime itself. Christ forewarns his disciples of a time, when whosoever killed them should think he did God service. By this, however, he did not mean to exculpate those, who should murder his followers; but to exhibit the united guilt of their superstition, self-delusion, unhallowed zeal, and impious rage.

2. Let us consider another argument, by which men attempt to justify themselves, in part at least, for profanity; that they have a habit of swearing so deeply rooted and inveterate, that they cannot break off from it. They are fully persuaded it is a folly, and dishonor, and sin. But their habit of swearing has become so interwoven with their nature, that when temptation presses them to it, they cannot refrain.

In reply to this, it is by no means difficult to show, that a habit of sinning is so far from being a justification of the crimes committed, that it is a circumstance, which greatly enhances guilt; and that a person’s ill desert is aggravated in some proportion to the strength and fixedness of his vicious habits. What is a bad habit, but an inclination to commit sin strengthened & confirmed by frequent indulgence? Is this a thing that palliates guilt? Is a crime less heinous, because it has been committed many times before? Does guilt decrease, as the number of crimes increases? The repetition of a crime is, by civil law, often condemned by a penalty much more severe, than the first offence. Who ever doubted the justice of this? Who ever thought that a thief deserved less punishment for stealing the tenth time, than the first? Let reason and common sense decide.—The man, whose offence arises from inadvertence or sudden surprisal, is accounted far less guilty, than he who offends from fixed principle. The stronger, the more irresistible a man’s inclination is to commit sin, the more depraved do we think him, and the more deserving of punishment. A long practiced thief or highwayman has an unconquerable propensity to rob and steal. His dishonest, unrighteous principles are so powerful, as to sway all the active energies of his foul. No reason or argument, which can be proposed, has the least effect to turn him from his steady purpose. It is as natural for his thoughts, desires, and actions to be dishonest and wicked, as it is for water to descend. Now will any one say, that the strength of his wicked inclination and habit is a circumstance, which renders him less guilty, less worthy of punishment? Is not the contrary position evidently true, that the resistless source of his depraved disposition and habit raises his guilt to the highest pitch of aggravation? An old miser, whose heart is glued fast to his treasure, who is incapable of entertaining a liberal design or doing a generous action, is looked upon by all, as a depraved wretch, that deserves nothing but mingled pity and contempt from man, nothing but misery from God. The cruel tyrants of the Roman empire, who could no more abstain from oppression and murder, than from their daily food, are justly tho’t to be more guilty, than those, whose temper was less confirmed in cruelty, whose iniquities were less rare. All these instances, which are perhaps unnecessarily multiplied, are introduced to evince, that the strength of a depraved disposition and the invincible firmness of a vicious habit are so far from being a sufficient apology for sin, that they render it much more inexcusable and aggravated.

Let this reasoning, which I think you will allow to be just, be applied to the subject in hand. A man offers it as a plea to justify himself for profane swearing, that he has such a strong and confirmed habit of indulging himself in it, that he cannot leave it off. In other words, you have such a strong and habitual inclination to profane the name of God and to break his righteous law, that you cannot leave it off. Be not offended, if I tell you, according to the tenor of the preceding discussion, that such a disposition and habit are, both in the sight of God and man, awful aggravations of your guilt; and, unless reformed, will add dreadful weight to your future misery. Consider how this plea from the inveteracy of habit would appear at the bar of God. Shall you be able to lift up your head there, and say to Almighty God, —I had such a strong inclination to disobey thee, and my custom of doing it was of so long standing, that I could not leave it off: I therefore hope to be excused?

But I would observe, as a further answer to this plea, that it is possible for your habit of swearing, inveterate as it is, to be subdued. In the presence of great and good men, whom you respect and fear to offend, is not your language decent and pure? Does not this prove that you have power to govern your tongue; and consequently that your profanity is without excuse? Does it not likewise appear from this consideration, that a becoming sense of the presence and the perfections of God would effectually preserve you from the guilt of profaneness? Realizing that the Supreme Being observes all your conduct, loving and adoring his character, desiring to please and honor him, should you dare to profane his sacred name? Your profanity then does not arise from want of power to avoid it, but from want of consideration and sobriety. —Further, the numberless instances of reformation in the most profane, most hardened sinners prove the possibility of yours; and point you to that almighty and compassionate Redeemer, whose peculiar office it is to save his people from their sins. By submitting to the grace of Christ you will become entitled to that most important promise, that no sin shall have dominion over you. When such help is provided and offered, how can you plead, as an excuse for profane swearing, the impossibility, or even the difficulty of reformation?

3. Another reason, by which some men attempt to apologize for swearing, is, that they were in a passion. —Does God, who certainly knows our frame, feels all possible compassion towards us, and makes all reasonable allowances, anywhere excuse men for breaking his commandments, because they are blinded and overcome by passion? It is a sin, my hearers, to be in a passion; that is, to suffer our angry emotions to cloud the eye of reason, or to throw the mind into disorder. Precepts in rich abundance are found in the Bible, which enjoin a meek, placid calm, forgiving temper, and prohibit the indulgence of anger, high spirit, malice, and revenge. Now can one sin excuse another, which is occasioned by it? Can your being in a passion, which is itself a sin, excuse profane swearing, which is a still greater sin?

Some perhaps begin to think that the preacher is too strict, too severe; that he ought to be a little more candid and charitable, and allow that something may be said in excuse for profaneness, as well as many things against it. But my hearers, I must enter into some other school, besides the school of reason, or the school of Christ, before I can learn, that sin, that rebellion against God admits any excuse whatsoever. There is a day not far distant, when every mouth shall be stopped, and all impenitent sinners, in particular profane swearers shall feel and acknowledge themselves to be inexcusably guilty before God.

1. It essentially injures a person in the present life. Depraved as the world is, virtue, those branches of it in particular, which have an immediate and evident connection with the good of society, are generally rewarded with the esteem, at least the veneration of mankind at large, and with that which is much more to be desired, the approbation and love of the good; while vice of every kind, much ore a barefaced iniquity eventually robs a man of his dearest goodly treasure, his reputation. This is emphatically faced in regard to the sin, which we are opposing. —earth not take any pains to prove, that the profane swearer, whether old or young, is on the whole loved much more coldly, and held in much lower estimation, that he would be, were his language at all times pure. Even his wicked associates, though they may for the present applaud him for the countenance he gives to their beloved vices, yet retaining some remainder of common sense, must consider him, as unworthy of their sincere love, esteem, and confidence. But the approbation and friendship of the wise and good are of much higher importance. Of these a man infallibly deprives himself by profane swearing. There is not a sober and sensible man of your acquaintance, who does not esteem and love you less, for every instance of your profanity. It is a disgrace, my hearers, a horrid disgrace. It is a black stigma upon a man’s character, as a rational being, as a citizen, as a friend, and above all as a Christian. Can any be so thoughtless as to suppose it an honor? Will you glory in that, of which you ought to be ashamed? Will you be ambitious to imitate the most low, vulgar, vile creatures, that our country affords, who are often as notorious for their profaneness, as for their ignorance and vulgarity? Will you follow the example of those who are far beneath the common level of human nature? Will you leave your own rank in life to herd with those, who are, in knowledge, only one grade above, in character many grades below the brutal creation?

It may be added, that a custom of using profane oaths for confirmation will be so far from answering your design, that it will in fact render your veracity suspected. The man is indeed an object of pity, who has not reputation enough to be believed, without having recourse to swearing. But, my friend, this will not help the case. No man of sense will have any higher opinion of your honesty and fidelity on account of your profane oaths. If you were conscious of possessing an upright principle at heart, and had proved yourself an honest man, you might justly think yourself insulted and injured, if any one should refuse to credit your assertions. —May we not fear that no profane swearer has a principle of truth and honesty at heart? Do not a man’s impious oaths often spring from the base consciousness, that he has forfeited his character? Is not his readiness to establish in this way what he has said, an implicit confession, that his naked word may be doubted; that his veracity may be justly called in question? So unhappily does he counteract his own intentions. Seeking honor and applause, he meets disgrace and contempt. Seeking to gain credit to his word, h renders it more suspected. What unnatural folly and cruelty it is thus to injure himself! But the injury stops not here. I add

In the second place, profane swearing is, in its consequences, very detrimental to society. The security of our dearest rights depends in a great measure upon the reverence which men have for an oath. Almost all the decisions in our courts of justice are formed on the supposition, that men under oath will strictly adhere to the truth. If therefore men have not proper respect for an oath, nor feel the solemn obligation under which it lays them, one mighty instrument of justice is wrested from the hands of civil magistrates, and our property and reputation left exposed to the assault of dishonest and villainous men.

Now there is nothing which tends so much to wear away all religious reverence of God and all suitable respect for an oath, as the prevalence of profane swearing. To hear those around us lightly mention the name of God, and intermix impious asseverations with their common discourse is apt to inspire us with the same low & dishonorable conceptions of God, the same disregard and insensibility to the solemn obligation of an oath, as appear in them. If to hear profane swearing in others have this tendency, much more does the indulgence of it in ourselves. It is impossible that the man, who is guilty of profaneness, whenever temptation urges him to it, should feel a religious regard for the oath, which he takes before a civil magistrate. —Thus you see that the sin prohibited in the text has a most pernicious influence on the interests of society, by diminishing in ourselves and others that religious reverence, which is due to an oath; thereby freeing men from a most weighty motive to speak the truth, and opening a door for mistaken and injurious decisions in our courts of justice. Its baneful influence extends likewise to all those officers, who are by oath bound to fidelity in the trusts committed to their hands.

As the third reason against profane swearing, we urge the laws of the Commonwealth. The evil has become so extensive and alarming, that our rulers deem it necessary to super add the authority of civil law to that of reason and scripture, hoping thereby to check the spread and influence of so dire a calamity. (Here the ACT against profane swearing was read.) Suffer me now to call upon every one, who lories in being an American, and professes a loyal regard to our Government, to listen obediently to its wise decisions, and not to allow himself in any instance to be guilty of profane swearing. How false is a man’s pretence, that he is a friend to the prosperity of his country, when he lives in the habitual violation of its prudent and salutary laws! Who deserves to be considered, as an enemy to society, if not he who tramples upon the equitable commands of Government? If, my hearers, you have a spark of patriotism in your breasts, any regard to the laws of the land, any desire, or even a cold willingness, that the good of the present and succeeding generations be promoted, be persuaded to revere the name of Almighty God, and to maintain a deep and solemn sense of the obligation of an oath.

4. Profane swearing has a baneful effect upon the minds of men in a religious view. By habituating them to use the name of God without any right conceptions of his character, without religious fear or pious gratitude, their hearts become more and more estranged from the worship of their Maker. —In faithfulness to your souls, I must tell you, that the man, who is in the habit of swearing profanely, is an utter stranger to religion. From the same mouth there cannot proceed blessing and cursing. —A man cannot offer up an acceptable prayer to God, while he allows himself to take his name in vain. —Should a sincere Christian through inadvertence, or the sudden impulse of temptation, be guilty of cursing and swearing, as Peter was; he could enjoy no peace or communion with God, before he went and wept bitterly; before his heart was melted and reformed by deep sorrow and thorough repentance.

Profane swearing tends likewise to injure the minds of others in respect to religion. Its influence is contagious. The contempt of God, the alienation from his service, which you exhibit, others will be apt to catch from you. Thus impiety and irreligion will from you diffuse its deadly poison through the souls of all around.

The fifth reason I shall bring against profaneness is a consideration of the great and holy name of God. —This argument is implied in the text, and more explicitly in what God saith by Moses, ‘Thou shalt no profane the name of thy God; I am the LORD.’ —Permit me to tell you, my hearers, that the word, GOD, which is soften in your mouths, is a word of solemn, of awful import. By the life of your souls, I warn you not to trifle with that momentous word. It points us to the King eternal, immortal, invisible. GOD, —oh weigh the vast meaning of that word, —GOD is an almighty, an all wise, all gracious Spirit. —He is absolutely without beginning, without end. He has created, he supports, he moves the universe. God is everywhere present. Ascend into heaven. He is there. Make your bed in hell. He is there. Fly to the uttermost parts of the earth. He is there. Pass through the starry heavens. Speed your way into the abyss of infinite space. Continue your course swifter than a ray of light, for millions of ages; continue it, while eternity endures; and God is there. And while he is there, while he is everywhere throughout immensity, he is here. He looks on us with as constant attention, as perfect knowledge, as if there were no other creatures in existence, and all his notice were directed to us alone. He is able to save, and to destroy. All nature is at his command, under his control. Before him Angels bow, and Devils tremble. He is our final Judge. His favor is life; his frown eternal death. —Is this a Being to be rifled with, to be mocked, to be insulted? Is the name of this glorious GOD to be profaned?

There is another cogent and moving reason against taking the name of God in vain couched in these words, ‘thy God.’ ‘Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.’ Although we have renounced our allegiance to God, and exposed ourselves to his eternal wrath; he is pleased, in the dispensation of grace to propose and offer himself, as our reconciled Father and God, and to give us an opportunity of becoming his redeemed people. To use lightly and profanely the name of the Supreme Being, who condescends to stand in such an endearing relation to us, argues an amazing insensibility to infinite obligation. It is a most unnatural wickedness for children to speak lightly of their parents. Whatever be their conduct towards others, if they have a spark of virtue remaining in their breasts, they will feel and manifest great reverence for the name of those, whom they call their parents; especially if those parents be truly wise and good. —The same principle operates in other relations. This even nature teaches. And shall we not revere the name of him, whom we call our God? Is not this a dear and important relation? Whatever we think or say of the Gods of others; let our God be tho’t of and mentioned with grateful respect and filial awe. When God proposes himself, as our God, there is great condescension and goodness implied. Should a man, far above you in rank and merit, condescend to notice you, to confer favors upon you, and to seek to notice you, to confer favors upon you, and to seek your affection, would it not be natural for you to mention him with great respect? Still more, if you lived upon his bounty; if you daily asked of him, and expected daily to receive undeserved protection and support, and in addition to all this were persuaded, that he acted from the purest and noblest principles; should you frequently introduce the name of so worthy a benefactor and friend in a slight and canting way, or as a trivial proverb? And when God, who dwells in the high and holy place, stoops down to notice us and to bless us, to offer us his friendship, and to solicit ours; shall we mention him with contempt? When he has given his Son to die for us, and thereby put himself in the relation of a reconcilable Father and God; shall we not be filled with wonder and love? And is it the way to show our love to the best of beings and the best of benefactors, lightly and irreverently to pronounce his sacred name? Is profane swearing the language of gratitude for infinite blessings, – the language of praise to infinite goodness?

Our last reason, and that of great moment, against profane swearing is suggested in the text. It is the awful sanction, by which the command is enforced. “The Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain.” If a regard neither to your own interest and reputation, nor to the good of society, nor to the laws of the land, nor to the religious concerns of yourselves and others, nor to the great and venerable name of God, —if none of these, nor any other consideration will keep you from profaning the name of the Lord; know assuredly, that He will not suffer you to pass with impunity. He will remember you in the day of his wrath. —My office, my conscience, and the word of God require me to lift up my voice, to cry aloud and spare not; to tell the people their sins, and to hold up the terrors as well, as the mercies of the Lord. —I must therefore declare to profane swearers, however exalted in wealth, in honor, or in pride; however useful to society; however amiable in other respects, —except you repent, you shall all perish. The Lord will not hold you guiltless for taking his name in vain. Whatever becomes of others, it is certain you shall not escape. All the plagues that are written in the book of God shall come upon you. Even in this life your hell may begin. Your conscience will at times be awakened and tormented. The black face of a tempestuous cloud, the flames that dart through the sky, or the assault of a dangerous disease may set the worm of guilt to gnawing, and kindle a devouring fire in your soul. God will by and by come with the sword of death in his hand. You must tremble then, if you never trembled before. At that solemn time, when you will most sensibly need the friendship of God, his face will appear with a killing frown. You will probably think, —alas, it is too late. Prayers are in vain. I have times without number profaned the great name of God. Now he is my enemy, my eternal enemy; and I dare not go into his presence. He once offered himself to me, as my God. But in that character I slighted and rejected him. Now he is my offended Judge. Shortly must I know what it is to stand guilty at his bar, and be condemned and rejected by him. Or if your conscience remain asleep to the last, or if your sickness deprive you of reason, it is but a momentary respite. At death your soul will go into the presence of an angry God. At the resurrection your body will be dragged from its peaceful lodging in the grave. ‘Legions of Angels can’t retain you there.’ You must come, however reluctantly, to the bar of your Judge. Rocks and mountains, deaf to your prayer, will not cover you from the face of him that sitteth on the throne. The time is short. It is but as tomorrow, before you will stand at the judgment seat of Christ. There you must remember, however unwelcome the remembrance, how many times you took the name of God in vain; how many ‘hard speeches’ you spoke against him. What, oh profane swearer, will be your plea? Will you justify yourself to your omniscient Judge by telling him, when you broke his command, you meant no harm, or you had formed an unconquerable habit of doing it, or you were in a passion? No. Your mouth will be stopped. —You will see justice enthroned; and that will speak indignation and wrath to you. Depart from me, ye cursed, will be the sentence of God to those, who have cursed and sworn by his name. There can be no pardon, no appeal. You must be immediately consumed by the breath of his mouth; be driven away from his presence and from the glory of his power. Miserable and in eternal despair, you must dwell with those infernal spirits, whose accomplices in cursing and blasphemy you had been even in this life. Now you will imitate them to greater perfection, forever cursing and blaspheming that glorious Being, whom you might have enjoyed in heaven; that almighty Being, whom you cannot hurt nor molest. Vain will be your rage. The fire you kindle against him, will burn yourself. The sword, which you maliciously draw, will pierce your own soul. That tongue, which has been so often employed in profaneness, will be parched up with unquenchable fire. That damnation, which you have so often wished upon others, perhaps upon yourself, you shall now suffer. —Oh hearers, people of my charge, will any of you rush headlong to this place of torment? Will you, for the sordid pleasure of profane swearing, fall into the hands of Almighty God, whose wrath is a consuming fire? If any of you have heretofore indulged yourselves in profaneness, I hope you are fully convinced of your folly, wickedness, and danger; and are ready to enquire how you shall escape the dominion and punishment of so great a sin? This brings us to what was proposed in the

IV. Division of the subject, —to give some directions to those, who wish to avoid profanity for time to come. The first directions are to those, who have to this day allowed themselves in it.

1. Be persuaded, that your reformation is possible. ‘It is one of the great artifices of the Devil, to persuade the sinner, that it is lost labor to attempt to amend his life; that his recovery is impossible; that his evil has become too deeply rooted to be conquered. Never give heed to this lying spirit.’ ¹ The grace of God is all sufficient. Although your sins are like scarlet, he can make them white as snow; though they are red like crimson, he can make them like wool.—If you set about reformation in your own strength, you can expect but little success. But you cannot too firmly believe, that God is able to reform you; able to subdue your evil habits, and implant the seeds of grace in your hearts; and that he will give his Holy Spirit to those, who ask it in sincerity and faith.

2. Labor to impress your mind with an awful sense of sin, in particular the sin of profane swearing. Consider it in all its aggravations. Some, who once had as slight and superficial thoughts of this sin as you have, are now so deeply convinced of the evil and danger of it, that they would not for the world repeat the offence. Let your heart be impressed with a solemn reverence for the Supreme Being, and with a grateful sense of his unnumbered favors. Then think how heinous a crime it is to profane his holy name. Consider further that this vice cannot plead any of those powerful allurements, which delude and destroy the slaves of intemperance and debauchery; and is therefore peculiarly inexcusable. View it in the glass of the divine holiness and the divine law. Ask yourself what profit it was; what reason you had for it, and whether, for the sordid pleasure it afforded, you would be willing the blessed Jesus should suffer to atone for it. Then

3. Go and humble yourself before God. This is a day of pious mourning and humiliation. You would do well to let alone the sins of others, and to mourn and be humble first for your own. Confess to God your aggravated guilt, and your desert of eternal misery. You must be in earnest; for it is an infinite God you have to deal with, and a matter of everlasting consequence, that is at stake. Entreat God for his name’s sake to grant you the pardon of your sins, and the sanctifying influence of his Spirit. Entreat him to give you a gospel view of his holy and merciful character, that you may abhor yourself, and yet hope in him. Pray earnestly for his renewing, purifying, strengthening grace. Cast yourself on the power and mercy of the Redeemer; and humbly beg of him, that this hateful sin may no longer have dominion over you.

4. Let your resolution be firm and universal, though humble and dependant. Resolve never again to profane that holy name, which you have now solemnly addressed in prayer; that merciful name, on which all your hopes depend. Let your mind be kept in a trembling fear, left after all that has been said, after all your resolutions and prayers, you return again to the practice of profane swearing. Alas, my friends, we tremble for you; and did you know the deceitfulness of your own hearts, you would tremble for yourselves. Without the almighty grace of God, how weak are your resolutions? How ineffectual will be your endeavors? How many there are, who mourn for sin, and, in some sense, wish to be delivered from its power; who yet find themselves more than overmatched by the tyrant? Only make the experiment, and you will feel that sin hath not bound you with cords and withs, from which you can, as Samson did, extricate yourself by a single effort. Your strength is weakness, your wisdom folly, when brought into competition with the power and subtilty of your enemy. But let me observe, that however mighty and skillful your foe, you must conquer, or die. You must vanquish sin, or God will destroy you. Let not a sense of your weakness lead you tamely to submit; but make you more humble, watchful and prayerful. Receive Jesus Christ as your friend and Savior, and then his Grace will be sufficient for you.

5. I must add one more direction which may be a little unexpected; that is, break off from all your sins. The surest way to conquer any one vice is to renounce the whole. There is a kind of alliance or near relation between all sins. A common chain so closely unites them, that he, who from right principles rejects one, must reject all; and he, who is habitually guilty of one, is, in the e of the law, guilty of all. While you secretly love or allowedly practice any one sin, your endeavors to avoid or subdue another will be interrupted and enfeebled, and probably rendered ineffectual. When you pray for grace to conquer that one sin, and at the same time fondly cling to another; you cannot expect that God will answer your prayer. Remember & deeply ponder that all important declaration of the Psalmist, if I regard iniquity in my heart, the Lord will not hear me. Let me further observe, that selfish, interested motives may prevail upon you to discontinue the practice of profane swearing, although your heart be not reformed. And even this partial amendment would be matter of joy to all who love you, or regard the good of their fellow men. But there is nothing, except the grace of the gospel, rooted in your heart, and operating in your life, that can save you from eternal ruin.

Suffer me to add a few directions equally applicable to all.

If you would keep yourselves from profanity, avoid all approaches towards it. Allow yourselves in none of the little, half made, vulgar oaths, so common in almost every place. Be careful not to mention the name of God at any time with lightness or vanity. It is recorded of a great Philosopher, that he never pronounced the name of God, without making a solemn pause, as if struck and overcome with the vast idea. There is enough to entertain our cheerful hours, enough to raise our spirits and make us smile, without using the name of God, or any passage of holy writ in a sportive, jesting, or trifling manner.

Another necessary caution is, watchfully guard against intemperance, or excess in drinking. Here is the source of a world of profaneness. A man who, in his sober hours, would carefully shun cursing and swearing, is often known, when partially intoxicated, to break out into the most horrid oaths. A few glasses of spirits often turn a man of decent carriage into a profane swearer, and fill his mouth with such abominable imprecations, as would greatly offend his conscience, if he were sober. Now if you wish to avoid profanity, you must diligently watch against all temptations to it. For the same purpose, keep a constant guard over your passions. If you do not rule your spirit, you will not rule your tongue. Let nothing, therefore, be suffered to raise a commotion in your soul; as this would give great power and advantage to sin. When once you subject reason to the control of passion, you are like a ship without a rudder, or an untamed horse without a bridle. Does not your sad experience prove that you often do things in anger, of which, when your mind was calm, you thought yourself incapable? In particular, that you have no power over your tongue, when your animal spirits are highly raised? Guard then against the first rising of passion; and against those common excitements of anger, warm disputes and contentions upon any subject whatever.

I beg leave most affectionately and earnestly to exhort those, who are young, to shun, with watchful and pious care, every thing that favors of profanity. You have heard others complain, how difficult it is to conquer bad habits; or, if they are beginning to form, to secure a deliverance from them, before it is too late.

Let children hear the same friendly warning. —Dare you speak the name, the awful name of God, while you are sporting and playing? Dare you swear when you are a little angry? Many of you, my young friends, oh that I could say, all of you, have been baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost? Will you profane that holy name, into which you have been baptized; or into which you must be baptized, if ever you would obey Jesus Christ? Dear children, if you have any regard to your blessed Savior, any affection for your parents, any love to your own souls, don’t allow yourselves to use profane words. God, the great God is your Maker. Dare you flight and affront him? Jesus is your Redeemer. If ever you are happy, you will owe it all to him, and dwell with him forever. And will you disobey Jesus, who has said, swear not at all? I hope you will attend to these things; and that you will keep out of the way of all those bad and wicked people, who allow themselves to swear.

Let us now, agreeably to the subject and the present occasion, take a short survey of our country in respect to the sin of profane swearing. The prophet says, because of swearing the land mourneth. –Have not we reason to adopt the same plaintive strain? Is not this one of the prevailing iniquities of the present day? Does not our land lie, as it seems, pressed down with the ponderous load and groaning to be delivered from it? Let us just move our eye charitably over the several ranks and orders of men, and see if enough is not presented to view, to make our heart faint and our eyes dim; and to draw from us the doleful cry, the crown is fallen from our head; woe unto us, as a nation, for we have sinned.

We will just hint at the state of our Colleges and Universities. They ought to be pure fountains of morality and religion, as well as of human science and refinement. They ought to be as distinguished for virtue and piety, as they are for literary advantages. What cause of grief would it be, to hear the name of God lightly and contemptuously mentioned by those, who have the best opportunity to know his adorable perfections; who are exalted above their fellow creatures by the bounties of nature and providence, and under proportionably greater obligations to love and serve their Maker! How deplorable would it be, should any of the sons of science early enlist into the service of iniquity, and employ their superior natural and acquired abilities in corrupting the minds and the language of others! How baneful would be the effects of profanity and irreligion, should they be found in those, who are regarded by many of their friends and relations, as possessed of superior wisdom and judgment; whose sentiments are, therefore, almost implicitly received, and whose example attracts a ready imitation!

Let us now turn our thoughts upon our seaports and populous places, where the standard of manners and politeness is taken. Here the scene is melancholy and alarming. While passing moderately along the streets, you must stop your ears, if you would not hear the name of God taken in vain; if you would not have your feelings shocked with the most horrid oaths and execrations. The throats of multitudes are an open sepulcher; their tongues blaspheme the name of the Lord. Nor is the charge to be confined to those, who are uncultivated and vulgar. In profane swearing, if in nothing else, the merchant and gentleman often unite with the truckman and sailor. Even the parlor is not untainted with this shameful vice. In many friendly circles of those, who call themselves the polite and tasty, an evening cannot be passed without loading the fleeting moments with impure and impious expressions. To these the card table is by no means a stranger. In the dialect of many, who follow this diversion, profanity is a chief ingredient. And the fair ladies, who condescend to be present, will, by their smiles, smooth over the guilty consciences of their admirers, and almost thankfully receive applause and flattery from those very lips, which is a minute before were defiled with cursing and bitterness. And what is the conduct of females themselves? We are backward to say the truth. We wish we could call them purity and perfection. We wish no female ever polluted her lips and her conscience by profane swearing. If any must be chargeable with this vice, we should desire it might be only the unpolished, ignorant, and obscure. If the well bred, the beautiful, and the gay are ever guilty of this detestable crime, I must, in shame, pass it over in silence.

We have not finished our tragical survey. We fear there are some among our rulers themselves, who, strange as it may seem, at times disregard and transgress the very laws, which their lifted hands have publicly confirmed. And we have reason to think that the want of sobriety and religion apparent in many civil officers, in particular, the irreverent and trifling manner, in which civil oaths are spoken of and administered, is one cause of the growing prevalence of profaneness and perjury.

Farmers and mechanics, who are in general most removed from temptation, and whose employment is very favorable to honesty and sobriety, are not all exempt from the guilt of profane swearing. —Their instruments of labor, their shops, fields, orchards, meadows, and dumb beasts are witnesses against them. Nor can the advanced stages of human life be altogether cleared. Old men, greyheaded and feeblehanded, are sometimes heard rolling forth with their trembling tongues hoarse and solemn oaths; as if their load of guilt were not yet so great as they could bear; or as if they could not curse and blaspheme enough in hell, and so would do a little more before they die.

The prospect blackens as we proceed. Heads of families cannot be excepted. Here, if any where, the effects of profanity are awfully pernicious. –We need not go out of the state, nor out of the vicinity to find multitudes, vast multitudes of fathers, who allow themselves to curse and swear in the hearing of their children. In these cases we must expect that all moral and religious instruction will be laid aside, or, if attended to, that it will generally prove vain and useless; while the poor children, horrible to relate, learn to swear, before they learn to pray. Where parents are less blameworthy, their children often have bad examples near, which they too eagerly follow, to the neglect of those that are good. Alas, do we not often hear little children lisping out profane words, before they know their dreadful meaning?

Shall I stop here? Is not the picture already dismal enough to make us mourn and pray? But I must add tears to sighs, and blackness to shade. –There are professors of our holy religion, who have covenanted with God, and attend the sacramental supper, that are not pure from this crying sin. –Some are known to come to the table of the Lord, to eat his broken body, and drink his atoning blood, and then go away and profane his name, and the name of his Father. Here iniquity is full. Here guilt has arisen to its highest pitch. We confidently trust there are none such in this place. But is there not a more refined kind of profaneness chargeable upon professing Christians in general? Do not many take the name of God in vain, by entering into covenant, & renewing it at the table of the Lord, without the exercises of repentance, faith and love? And is there not room to exhort all professors to guard more diligently against idle words, and to pray, as David did, set a watch, Oh Lord, before my mouth, and keep the door of my lips.

Is not the survey we have taken sorrowful and humbling? Passing in silence over most other sins, we have considered only the sins of the tongue. –Is not the vast amount of these sufficient to make us tremble, and to clothe the whole land in sackcloth and ashes? How strikingly is James’ de4scription of the tongue verified among us! The tongue, that noble organ, which distinguishes man from all other creatures on earth, is by its abuse become a fire, a world if iniquity. It defileth the whole body, and setteth a fire on the course of nature, and is itself set on fire of hell. How alarming are these things? It seems as though a great part of our fellow citizens had presumptuously risen up against our Father and our God, and were resolved at all adventures to kindle his almighty vengeance. See them, with self exalting pride and arrogance, trampling upon his sacred ordinances and holy name; causing their threats and impious curses towards his throne, and making one more desperate effort to dethrone and destroy JEHOVAH. Will his anger sleep? Can we expect uninterrupted public prosperity, while this is our national character? Will his patience last forever? Will not God visit for these things? Will not his soul be avenged on such a nation as this? Yes, my brethren; goodness, long neglected and abused, becomes indignation and wrath. But as God delighteth in mercy, let us, adapting the words of Daniel, when he fasted and prayed, to our own circumstances, fall down before him with this humble confession, and this earnest, interceding prayer. Oh Lord, the great and dreadful God, keeping the covenant and mercy to them that love him and keep his commandments; we, as a people, have sinned, and committed iniquity, and done wickedly. Oh Lord, righteousness belongeth unto thee, but unto us confusion of face, as at this day; to the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, and to all America. All our nation have transgressed thy law and profaned thy holy name. Therefore hath the Lord brought evil upon us, and made our cities desolate, and raised up enemies against us. To the Lord belong mercy and forgiveness, although we have sinned against him. Oh Lord, according to thy righteousness, we beseech thee, let thine anger and thy fury be turned away from our land. Oh our God, incline thine ear, and hear; open thine eyes, and behold our danger. For we do not present our supplication before thee for our righteousness, but for thy great mercy. Oh Lord, hear. Oh Lord, forgive. Oh Lord hearken and do. Defer not for thine own sake. Turn us from our sins, and save us; for we are a people called by thy name, and by the name of thy Son. Amen.

Endnotes

¹. Nelions Devotions.