Categories: Sermons

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD

IN THE STATE OF

CONNECTICUT,

May 9th, 1805.

BY ASAHEL HOOKER, A.M.

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN GOSHEN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1805-

Ordered, That the Honorable Aaron Austin and Adino Hale, Esquire, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend ASAHEL HOOKER, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the ninth of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

That there is a God, is demonstrated, by the works of creation and Providence. “The Heavens declare His glory, and the firmament sheweth His handy work.” [Psalm 19:1] Yea, “the invisible things of Him, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, even His eternal power and God-head;” [Romans 1:20] so that those, who do not worship and glorify Him, “are without excuse.” [Romans 1:20] But much less is demonstrable, from the light of nature, respecting the ultimate destination of man. In this view, it is even doubtful, whether he shall exit beyond the grave; and of course, whether he shall be called to account, hereafter, or the deeds done in the body. For the needful answer to inquiries of this sort, and others of equal difficulty and importance to men, we are supremely indebted to a revelation from Heaven. By this revelation we are taught, that the resent life is the mere dawn of or existence; that it will be perpetuated, to interminable ages; and be happy or miserable, according to the works performed in its life. We are, therefore, taught in the text, and elsewhere in the same purpose, in the Scriptures of truth, that God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.

This argument is used, by the royal preacher, to enforce the exhortation, in the preceding verse; “Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter, Fear God, and keep His commandments, for this is the whole duty of man.” [Ecclesiastes 12:13] We are here taught the importance of man’s knowing, and practically acknowledging their accountableness to God, as becometh creatures, whose obligations to Him are infinite, and whose future destiny must be eternally decided, according to their present works. In a view of that awful tribunal, at which all must appear, the wise man admonishes those, “who walk in the way of their own hearts, and in the sight of their own eyes, that for all these things, God will bring them into judgment.” [Ecclesiastes 11:9]

It will be natural, therefore, to attempt such a view of this doctrine, as shall serve to illustrate is moral tendency. From this we may not only judge of its moral agreement with sound reason and the word of God; but may apprehend the true importance of it to mankind; and thence realize the importance of its being believed with all the heart and allowed its full influence in the present state.

It is therefore proposed, I. To notice several things implied in the declaration of the text; and II. To illustrate the moral tendency of it by a view of its practical influence upon men. It is hoped, that the subject will not be found unsuitable to the solemn and momentous occasion, on which we are now assembled.

The first thing of importance, implied in the general doctrine of the text, is, that mankind are subjects of a divine moral government. It is essential to such a government, that laws be enacted, for regulating the hearts and lives of men. It is farther essential, that such laws be sanctioned by divine authority, and enforced by adequate promises and threatenings – promises of due reward to the obedient, and threatenings of just punishment to such as disobey. When God shall bring every work into judgment, there must be some rule, for trying man’s actions, that is may thence appear, whether they ought to be approved, or condemned. Where no law is, there can neither be transgression, nor obedience. Where there is neither promise, nor penalty, there can be not intelligible standard, for deciding, either the good, which would result from obedience, or the evil, which must be the consequence of disobeying. If there were no such standard, the grounds of an equitable decision could not be seen. But as the day of reckoning is ordained of God for revealing His righteous judgments in the impartial distribution of rewards and punishments to men, it is essential, that He should have instituted a government which shall take cognizance of all human actions. Such a government He hath instituted. His laws clearly define and inculcate the whole duty of man. The promise is that the man, who doth the things therein written, shall surely live; but the soul that sinneth it shall die.

But the present administration of the divine government, towards mankind, involves in it a dispensation of mercy. This divine dispensation, as offering infinite blessings, and conferring new and unspeakable obligations upon men is so incorporated with the present operations of God’s moral government as to be fully implied, in the doctrine of a future judgment, as taught by His word. To those who embrace the offers of divine mercy the penalties of disobedience are forever remitted. To such Jesus Christ is the end of the law for justification and life. Those, therefore, who have remained under the law, and consequently under the curse, must endure the penalty annexed to transgression by the law. To this must be super-added the most fearful weight of punishment, which is justly incurred, by condemning the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ, and thereby rejecting the infinite grace of the Gospel.

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, all men will receive according to that they have done, in this life. For this purpose, a trial will be instituted, at which the secrets of all hearts will be revealed. Saith the Judge of quick and dead, “I am He that searcheth the heart, and trieth the reins, that I may render to every man, according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings.” [Jeremiah 17:10] In the final sentence all will be partakers, according to their respective characters. These will be manifested, to the view of Heaven and earth, by an impartial disclosure of their works.

This momentous trial will therefore issue, in the gracious acquittal of some, and the final condemnation of others. The force of the argument, to fear God and keep His commandments, from the consideration of his bringing every work to judgment, depends on this, not merely that such are acquitted, shall receive a gracious and infinite reward; but, that such as are found guilty, shall inevitably suffer the due punishment of their deeds. If this be thought inconclusive, from the plain impart of the text, it may be put out of question, by a farther appeal to the oracles of God. These assure us, that when the Judge “shall be revealed from heaven, with His mighty angels, in flaming fire,” to complete the redemption of His chosen, “He will take vengeance on those, who have not obeyed the gospel, who shall be punished, with everlasting destruction, from the preference of the Lord, and from the glory of his power.” [2 Thessalonians 1:7-9]

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, He will vindicate His perfections and ways, against all the hard thoughts and speeches, of His rebellious creatures. Their rejecting the divine Mediator, and with Him, the infinite mercy offered in the Gospel, is the most palpable impeachment of the divine wisdom and benevolence, as displayed in the cross of Jesus. “Behold the Lord cometh with ten thousand of His saints, to execute judgment upon all, and to convince all, who are ungodly among men, of all the hard speeches, which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him.” [Judges 1:14-15] He will then exhibit an awful demonstration, to intelligent beings of all characters, “that righteousness and judgment are the habitation of His throne.” [Psalm 97:2] In taking the needful steps, that He may render to men, according to their works, His own will appear honorable and glorious, from the beginning. In that day, “every mouth will be stopped.” [Romans 3:19] Saints and angels will offer their united tribute of adoration and praise, saying, “Great and marvelous are thy works, Lord God Almighty; just and true are Thy ways, thou King of saints: who shall not fear Thee, O Lord, and give glory to Thy name, for Thy judgments are made manifest.” [Revelation 15:3-4]

The general doctrine of the text accordingly implies the purpose of God, to support His holy government forever. When instituted by the diving Legislator, and Sovereign of the universe, it was doubtless with design, that it should be eternally maintained. It would be madness to admit the possibility that He should recede from His purpose. His law, which is holy, just and good, must be respected. On this depends the eternal happiness of his vast kingdom. If trampled on, the penalty must be executed; unless dispensed with in a way, equally declarative of his indignation against sin, and of His holy purpose, that the law shall be forever magnified and made honorable. And as men reject the gospel, no less than the law, it is essential, the atonement of Christ notwithstanding, that the Most High should still vindicate his government, by punishing the incorrigible despisers of His mercy. His purpose to do this is made known, by the appointment of a day, in which all men shall appear before Him, that they may receive the fruit of their doings. God will hence take effectual measures, to establish His kingdom, and secure its eternal glory and blessedness. Thus the purpose of God, respecting His government, will be displayed, in the eyes of the universe, in a manner, which will command the supreme confidence, adoration, and joy, of all holy minds; but will overwhelm his incorrigible enemies, with everlasting confusion and despair.

II. It is next proposed, to illustrate the moral tendency of this doctrine, by a view of its practical influence upon mankind.

In attempting this, the subject will be first considered, in application to those, who have approving belief of the foregoing sentiments. And how will their hearts and lives be influenced, by such a belief? In proportion to the strength of it, will they no habitually feel, and act, as becometh creatures, who stand accountable to the holy Searcher of hearts, and Judge of the world? Believing this, respecting all their moral actions, and all the motives of them, and glorying in the perfections of God, and displayed in the process, and the issue of the final judgment, will not their treatment of him be respectful, submissive, and holy? Can it fail to be their supreme concern, not through the influence of slavish fear, but “of love, and a sound mind,” [2 Timothy 1:7] to do those things, which are pleasing in his sight? Will they not, therefore, confide implicitly in the wisdom and rectitude of his all-disposing providence, and rest their whole salvation at His mercy, through faith in a Mediator? Of all this there can be no doubt. They will hence acknowledge their dependence on God, as creatures, and as sinners, by “continuing instant in prayer;” [Romans 12:12] and manifest their respect unto all His commandments, by keeping them. In a word, the dominion of holiness being established in their hearts, it will daily operate, to keep them “unspotted in the world,” [James 1:27] and to render them “fruitful, in every good work.”[Colossians 1:10]

It is accordingly certain, that those who embrace the foregoing sentiments, with sincere approbation of them, will demean themselves answerably, towards their fellow men. Their habitual treatment of them will be the genuine expression of integrity, benevolence, and due compassion. Of this they cannot fail, if to a full assent of the understanding to the truth, they unite a supreme complacency, in the character of Judge, and thence approve His purpose, respecting the distribution of rewards and punishments, and His manner of proceeding in it, as predicted in His word. This being true, they will assuredly act, as in the fear of the Lord, in all their intercourse with men. They will “render all their dues;” [Romans 13:7] and in doing this, will regard the divine rule, as infinitely binding; “As ye would, that men should do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets.” [Matthew 7:12] Such is the moral tendency, and such the unfailing influence of the doctrine asserted in the text, on all, who embrace it with the heart.

We shall next consider this doctrine, in relation to those, who neither believe, nor approve it. It is apparent, that on such, it must be wholly void of influence. Beyond the life which now is, they have nothing to hope, nor to fear, from their present doings. If these, as they presume, shall not be brought into account hereafter, they can neither be rewarded, nor punished. As to any thing, therefore, beyond the present state, they have nothing to hope from well-doing, not any thing to fear from evil-doing. But what must we expect of men, who do not believe in “a judgment to come,” [Revelation 14:7] and a state of eternal retribution? And who, of course, do not feel themselves accountable to “the Judge of the quick, and the dead.” [2 Timothy 4:1] Being confident with their own opinions, all their motives of conduct, whether towards God, or men, must be furnished, exclusively, by the circumstances and interests of the present life. Motives of this sort may doubtless be so presented, as to operate a partial restraint, and produce many apparently good actions; but their influence must be feeble, at best, and always precarious. Can it bear a moment’s comparison, with the influence of those sublime and infinite motives, which are brought home to the heart, in the certain and awful expectation of standing at the tribunal of omniscience, and infinite purity, and of thence receiving and irreversible doom?—Great part of those, who disbelieve their accountability to a sin-hating God, are hence liberated from a sense of moral obligation, and of consequence, indulge in that riotous and unholy living, at which they would be otherwise dismayed. It is accordingly true that vice and irreligion prevail in society, as the natural offspring of a prevailing belief, that “He who sitteth in the heavens,” [Psalm 2:4] will not be strict to “mark iniquity.” [Psalm 130:3] Through individuals, who have been accustomed, by education, to sobriety of manners, may not lose their sober habits, so as to become thorough profligates, at once; still it is demonstrated, by observation and experience, that as a disbelief of the scripture doctrine of retribution prevails among men, it is followed, by a nearly answerable corruption of morals.

Thus the unchangeable tendency of becoming hopeless of good, and fearless of evil, as the final reward of man’s present doings, is clearly illustrated, by a life of practical atheism. In point of moral tendency, there is little to choose, between the creed of the full-grown atheist, and of the deist, who discards the scripture doctrine of accountableness to Jehovah. By deistical writers of the first eminence, the Most High is admitted, rather as an idle spectator, in His own dominions, than as the rightful lawgiver, and Judge of the world, who will reward the righteous, and punish the wicked, without respect to persons. Indeed they deny the evidence of His moral perfections, and righteous government, so as to defeat the best ends of believing, rather than denying “the God who is above.” [Job 31:28]

The love of existence, and of happiness is common to all sensitive and moral beings. Few things, therefore, can be more shocking to a rational mind, than the thought of forever ceasing to exist. But this notwithstanding, such are the imitations of a divine moral government, to which men are accountable, even where the doctrines of revelation are exploded, that those, who are resolved to wallow through life, in the gratification of their lusts, are dismayed, at the thought of a hereafter. They tremble, lest the moment of their exit from this world should bring with it a day of reckoning and an eternity of woe. They are hence driven to seek a respite, from the stings of conscience, and their guilty fears of wrath to come, in the gloomy doctrine of annihilation, and a forlorn hope, that “death will be an eternal sleep.” Established in this refuge of lies, multitudes in this age of madness, called reason, feel themselves emancipated from all restraint, arising from the belief of a God, and a judgment to come. They are accordingly prepared, for a warfare of impiety and lust, against all religion, and sound morality. This is the ultimate tendency of rebelling against the light, and discarding the government of One, who shall bring every work into judgment, and award to men a righteous and eternal retribution. Such is the result of experiment on the modern theory of human “perfectibility;”—an experiment, which is made, “by following nature,” and exploding the religion and morals of the gospel, under the stigmatizing names of prejudice, bigotry, and superstition. Such is the experiment now in operation for translating men out of marvelous light, into Egyptian darkness; yea, for transforming them into beasts, and devils incarnate, and this superceding a judgment to come, by anticipating a hell upon earth. Hence the grievous cry, which is raised against priestcraft, hypocrisy, and delusion – a cry, which is intended to drown the voice on conscience, and, like the savage war-whoop, inspire the assailants, with fresh courage, for invading the throne of God, and of the Lamb. Finally, let the principles of modern infidelity prevail universally, and all the features of fallen human nature would be recognized, as long since exhibited to the life, by the unerring pencil of inspiration: “There is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God. They are all gone out of the way; they are together become unprofitable; there is none that doth good, no not one. Their throat is an open sepulcher; with their tongues they have used deceit, the poison of asps is under their lips; their feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace they have not known; there is no fear of God before their eyes.” [Romans 3:11-18]

The moral tendency and importance of the doctrine before us, may be farther illustrated, by an application of it to men, invested is with civil authority. Such of those, as believe themselves accountable to a righteous God, for all their official, as well as private conduct, and unfeignedly approve of being so, will doubtless act accordingly. They will remember, with devout and humble submission, that they are God’s ministers, invested with power and authority, derived from him; and that they are bound, by an immense obligation, to be “nursing fathers” to his church, to the whole community of their fellow-citizens. Legislators, of this character, will endeavor, in framing laws, to harmonize, so far as possible, in the spirit of them, and in all he objects, for which they are enacted, with the perfect laws of heaven. Judges, in like manner, who fear God, and rejoice in being accountable at his bar, will carefully avoid occasion for any to say, “I beheld the place of judgment, and wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, and iniquity was there.” [Ecclesiastes 3:16] Magistrates of every denomination, feeling themselves responsible to the Sovereign of all worlds, instead of being fearless of Him, or of aiming chiefly to please men, will be able to say with the conscious rectitude of an Apostle, “It is a very small thing, that we should be judged of you, or of man’s judgment; for He who judgeth us, is the Lord.” [1 Corinthians 4:3-4]

But the reverse of all this must be expected of rulers, who regard their authority, as derived exclusively from men, and do not recognize the tribunal of Heaven, as that to which they are amenable, for the faithful discharge of their official trust. Influenced alone by the temporary and interested motives of the present state, what madness to expect, that they should act, as seeing an invisible God; – that as legislators, they should be duly concerned, to frame equal laws; or as judges, to administer justice, without partiality! It is vain, even to hope, that those who “fear not God,” will “regard man” [Luke 18:4] beyond the sordid tastes of private interest. When it is believes, that this can be promoted by the means, there are no motives to restrain them, from the foulest iniquity. They are prepared, both by the spirit which they are of, and by the opinions, which they embrace, to practice on the monstrous theory, that “the end will sanctify the means.” Hence, when it will apparently conduce to their own views of promotion, of continuance in power, and of personal aggrandizement, they will not hesitate, to humor the vilest passions of men, and thus become a praise to evil-doers, but a terror and scourge, to such as do well. All this is not inferred, conclusively, from the preceding view of this subject, but is confirmed by a solemn appeal to facts. It is proved, by similar evidence, that men of this character will betray the same dereliction of all honorable and upright principle, in their official conduct, as in purifying the honors and emoluments of office. Those, therefore, who do not anticipate a reckoning, with a holy God, for their use of authority and power, act in perfect accord with their true characters, when they seek preferment, by the most profound reverence for “the people;”—when they feignedly tender them their most lowly homage, and thus become the cringing sycophants of those, whom they regard, with sovereign contempt.

The practical importance of the doctrine under consideration may be farther seen and felt by a view of its influence on the citizens of a free state, in the choice of its rulers. When called to exercise the invaluable right of suffrage, those who expect to account with God, for every action of their lives, and are pleased with such expectation, will remember the oath of God, by which they have sworn fidelity to public interest. This oath, together with a corresponding frame of heart, will lead them to invest those with civil authority, who, in the judgment of their consciences, agree best to the character of a good ruler, as given by the inspiration of the Almighty. They will, therefore, be most scrupulous, to choose men of wisdom, ability, and integrity, who practically acknowledge the God, who is above. The regard, which they habitually feel for him, as well as for the happiness of the community, will not suffer them to aid, in advancing the unprincipled and immoral, to bear rule, and thus to add the guilt of perjury, to that of treachery and unfaithfulness to the state.

But men, who in their hearts, discard the moral government of God, and take for granted, that He will not render to them their due recompense, at last, will doubtless proceed accordingly, in their choice of men to rule over them. They will naturally prefer rulers of their own stamp. While the licentious opinions and conduct of such rulers are regarded, as a cloak for the fins of others, they will not fail to be commended, as vastly ingenious, liberal, and worthy of imitation. Nor is it the most arduous attainment for human nature, to become so liberal, and enlightened, as to with for rulers, who will practically disclaim the government of the Holy One. When arrived at this, men can easily find arguments to prove, that the rankest infidelity, so far from being injurious, may be of excellent use, in those who are invested, with the highest prerogatives of magistracy. Such men are considered by many, as enjoying the happiest freedom from the influence of superstition, and illiberal prejudices. It can be shown, with wonderful ease, that the are the peculiar “friends of liberty and the rights of conscience;” that as such, they will never interfere in matters of religion; but will guarantee to every man the precious liberty, not only of having no religion, but of contributing to the support of none. Hence the decision of multitudes in favor of men, the most licentious in principle, and the most abandoned in practice, as best qualified, to stand as guardians, to the dearest interests of the community.

We see in this, as one instructive view of the subject, the influence of religion, on the political and social happiness of a nation. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked bear rule, they mourn.” [Proverbs 29:2] Not, however, that they are pleased, or displeased, according as they have good or bad men to rule over them; but according to this, as a general maxim, they are comparatively happy, or miserable. Virtuous and able rulers are “the ministers of God for good.” [Romans 13:4] They are raised up, and designed for a public blessing. In their love of righteousness, and hatred of iniquity, and in the fullness of their regard to God, and the well being of their fellow men, they will take care to frame such laws as shall guard the rights of individuals and of the state; and make provision that the same shall be faithfully executed. Their personal and official influence will conduce mightily, to the preservation of social order, of pure morality, and of prosperity to the single and undivided interests of the commonwealth. Thus they will be, “as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth; even as a morning without clouds.” [2 Samuel 23:4] In the hands of such rulers, civil governments is a blessing, which cannot be told. But in those of opposite character, it is often a scourge, even a whip of scorpions. The evils, which may be expected from the government, in the hands of unprincipled men, “who feel power, and forget right,” and who view themselves accountable to none, but those they govern, are more than can be numbered. In framing laws, they will consult the public good no farther is this dictated by a supreme regard to their own. If necessary for compassing this, they will not hesitate at doing it, by “legalizing corruption and iniquity.” The united influence of their examples and authority, will be like that of “Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” [1 Kings 22:52; 2 Kings 3:3; 2 Kings 10:29; 2 Kings 13:2,11; 2 Kings 14:24; 2 Kings 15:9,18,24, 28; 2 Kings 23:15] Hence the fulfillment of what is written, that “The wicked walk on every side, when the vilest men are exalted.” [Psalm 12:8] When a preference is given of such rulers, to men of sound understanding, of pure morals, and tried integrity, it is the most alarming evidence of the general spread of corruption – that the people have become infatuated, and blind to their true interest – that the anger of God is beginning to smoke against them, and his voice to be heard saying, “Shall I not visit for these things? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?” [Jeremiah 5:9,29; Jeremiah 9:9]

Again, when men can say, with approving hearts, “The Lord is out Lawgiver, the Lord is our Judge,” [Isaiah 33:22] they will demean themselves accordingly, as citizens, and subjects of civil government. They will duly respect the laws of society—will “take heed to obey magistrates,” and be subject to men in authority, “not only for wrath, but for conscience’ sake.” [Romans 13:5] They will therefore be ready to every good work – will strengthen the hands of their rulers, and aid them, in the support of government – yea will endeavor, so far as it lieth in them, to discountenance impiety, iniquity, and disorder, in all the forms of them, as offensive to God, and destructive of the well being of man. From the same motives, they will seek the public peace and harmony. To this end, they will keep in sacred remembrance, the exhortation, which is written; “Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them who cause divisions and offences, contrary to doctrine, which ye have learned, and avoid them; for they that are such, serve not out Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly; and by good words and fair speeches, deceive the hearts of the simple.” [Romans 13:17-18] They will never forget, that “one of the six things, which the Lord hateth, yea one of the seven which are an abomination to him, is sowing disorder among brethren;” [Proverbs 6:16, 19] and, that the man, who foments divisions and animosities, commences an open warfare against the peace of society, and proclaims himself its implacable enemy.

But men, who fear God, and can honestly appeal to him, for the purity of their intentions, will be peace-makers. They will not seek their own interest and exaltation, by exciting a spirit of distrust of public men and measures, when both these are entitled to the public confidence and support. The will not prostitute the liberty of the press, to the cause of licentiousness, and this pervert a primary means of diffusing useful knowledge, and of cementing the bonds of society, that they may undermine its strong foundation, and prostrate its stately pillars in the dust. Nor will they seek great things for themselves, by turning the world upside down, and cover their unhallowed purposes, under a profusion of smooth words, and fair profession of regard to “the rights and liberties of the people.” And let it be remembered, that, whether in posts of honor, or in private stations, they will not attempt to stir up a spirit of bitter envying and strife, among Christians of different denominations, that the religion of Jesus may be disgraced, the foundation of morals be subverted, and the public felicity be sacrificed, to the triumphs of dissolutions and impiety. No, my fellow citizens, men who endure, as feeling Him, who is invisible, will not do such things as these. Nor will men of this character oppose the religion and government of their country, under color of opposing “a union of church and state.” It is true, religion may exist, and even flourish, without the aid of government; for as God is true, “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” [Matthew 16:18] But woe to that government, which discards the aid of religion; and woe to that people, who wage war against religion, under pretense of saving it from a destructive alliance with the political interest of their country. Are not the leading opposers of such a union of religion with civil government, as has always existed in this state, fairly suspected of hostility to both, and of being impatient under the restraints of either? Do they reverence and obey the laws of Christ? And are they conscientiously afraid, that the divine beauty of his religion will be marred, by asserting its awful claims on the hearts of rulers, and of ruled; and because it is protected, from persecution and violence, by the laws of society? Are they not those rather, who practically avow their desire, to be “without law to God,” [1 Corinthians 9:21] and to men, and to see a favorite doctrine established, that those have the first claim to the confidence of their fellow men, who show the least regard to God and religion? “But whether it be right, in the sight of God, to hearken to these, more than unto God, judge ye.” [Acts 4:19]

1. On a review of this subject, we may learn how to distinguish between real and pretended patriots. Te regard, which the former of these have, to the happiness of their country, is founded in that love, which is the fulfilling of God’s law; and is cherished by a habitual sense of His presence and glory. It is not only consistent with piety towards God but proceeds from the same source and hence derives its peculiar excellence. Real patriots are those, therefore, whose philanthropy is proved, first of all, by a practical acknowledgement of God, as the supreme good, and the rightful Sovereign of the world. The spirit by which they are actuated appears farther, from their seeking the public happiness, by the proper means – by making themselves examples of piety, benevolence, and well-doing – by endeavoring, in all suitable ways, to support the credibility, and to promote the universal diffusion and influence, of that divine religion, which is full of mercy and good fruits. Such patriots were Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Hezekiah, Josiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and many others recorded in divine history. Such were many of our pious and venerable ancestors, to whom, under God, this state, not only owes her political existence, but a larger share of public and private happiness, than has been almost ever allotted, to a like portion of the human race.

Pretended patriots differ greatly from real ones. They are “heady, high minded, are lovers of pleasures, more than lovers of God.” [2 Timothy 3:4] If “in words they profess to know God, in works they deny him.” [Titus 1:16] They deal largely in professions of disinterested and public spirit. They even seem to have lost sight of all interest of heir own, in the glowing ardor of their concern, for the more important interests of the community. Hence the “good words, and fair speeches,” [Romans 16:18] by which they are signalized, and distinguished from all other men. But their professions, disinterested, and full of benevolence as they seem, are hollow and deceitful, as the source. From which they proceed. “The best of them is a brier, the most upright of them is sharper than a thorn-hedge.” [Micah 7:4] Patriots of the stamp were the renowned Absalom, Ahithophel, and Jereboam the son of Nebat, whose names, covered with the infamy of their deeds, were registered, by the command of heaven, for the admonition of the following ages. Their friendship to mankind was enmity against God and religion, and in league with iniquity, sensuality, and the grossest impiety. Such patriots of our own day, are the perfidious, and the dissolute, with those “scoffers, who walk after their own lusts,” [2 Peter 3:3] and “deny the Lord, who bought them.” [2 Peter 2:1] These, “knowing the judgment of God, that they who commit such things, are worthy of death, not only do the same, but have pleasure in those who do them.” [Romans 1:32] Such, in a word, is the magnitude of their concern, for the public weal, that, for the bare consideration of so much honor, and riches, and dominion, as are at the disposal of their fellow-citizens, “they promise them liberty, but “alas!” are themselves the servants of corruption.” [2 Peter 2:19]

2. We also learn, from the doctrine, which has been considered, he high importance of Christianity, and the happiness of society. For these purposes, the promotion of pure morals would be of vast importance, if death were the end of human existence. But as human nature is, desperately inclined to evil, no scheme can be devised, for keeping the morals of mankind, in any degree pure, without the aid of motives, derived from the belief of a God, and a judgment day. No laws can have force, without penalties. Human laws always prove weak and inefficient unless aided, in some form or other, by religion. Nor will the motives presented, by the most pure system of religion, have the necessary influence, unless aided by the high authority of divine sanctions. No scheme of religion can, however, exist, with laws thus sanctioned, which does not make men accountable to an omniscient Judge, and call to its aid those awful motives, which are drawn from a slate of future rewards and punishments. But aside from the Holy Scriptures, no arguments have been found, to demonstrate the doctrine of a future existence; much less of a judgment day, and an eternal recompense, to the righteous and the wicked. It is true, the religion of the gospel, from the perpetual warfare, which it wages with the selfish interests and passions of men, as always met with the most determined opposition, from a rebellious world. For this reason, its influence on the hearts and lives of men, has hitherto been very partial and limited. But this is no argument against it, as a necessary means of restrain, to mans unholy appetites, and of promoting their present and eternal well-being. Nay, its importance depends on the very reason, why it is hated, and set at naught by many – its arraying the terrors of the Almighty, against their evil deeds. The opposition, which it exhibits to these, is the more formidable, and answerably more offensive, according to the clearness, with which it establishes the throne of God, and makes all men accountable to him. It is this, above all, which renders the religion of Jesus, the abhorrence of those, who fight for the liberty, which is enjoyed, by the wild beasts of the desert. Such are those adepts in wickedness, and the arts of seduction, who roam about, “with eyes full of adultery, and that cannot cease from sin;” [2 Peter 2:14] to whom the sacred vows of marriage are an occasion of sinning, with more greediness and aggravation; “who creep into houses,” [2 Timothy 3:6] in quest of their prey, and regard no destruction of social bands, or of domestic happiness, as an adequate motive, for retraining their unbridled passions. Though prepared to embrace the dregs of pollution, as fuel to their unhallowed flame, they riot, with chief delight, on the spoils of “betrayed innocence.” In a view of their crimes, and of that bitter cup, which now passes over, from their hands, to wretched thousands, we may estimate the flood of woes, which must whelm the abodes of domestic peace and joy, and swallow up millions, in temporal and eternal perdition, should the same pernicious ways be followed, by the great mass of society. The unbounded spread of licentiousness, and the utter destruction of virtuous attachment, and of mutual confidence, between the sexes, would be succeeded, by a parallel diffusion of jealousy, distrust, malignity, envy, and wretchedness. The forlorn offspring of such an extended commerce, in pollution and guilt, would soon people the present habitations of peace, of order, and social happiness, with a race of savages, in whom the virtues and blessings, of all preceding ages, would be lost forever. But the foregoing view of this subject, it appears, that it mankind would universally believe the doctrines, and obey the laws of Christianity, it would purify them from all iniquity, and make them “a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” [Titus 2:14] They would, therefore, be “that happy people, whose God is the Lord.” [Psalm 144:15] “Joy and gladness would be found in their dwellings, thanksgiving and the voice of melody.” [Jeremiah 33:11] Every society of men were present a heaven in miniature, and each family, a “paradise regained.” The unnumbered myriads of the human race, incomparably more happy than ever, since their apostasy, would be meetened [rendered fit] for the inconceivable glories of immortality.

3. The preceding view of this subject naturally suggests the great importance of fidelity to the rising generation. Children are the growing materials, which must soon form the character, and decide on the happiness of society. It is apparent, that this must be happy, or miserable, according to the foundation of these materials. This sentiment accords with the direction, which God gave to Israel, by Moses. Deut. xxxii. 46, 47. “And he said unto them, set your hearts unto all he words, which I testify among you this day, which ye shall command your children to observe, to do all the words of this law. For it is not a vain thing for you, because it is our life; and through this thing shall ye prolong your days, in the land, whither ye go over to Jordan to posses it.” When it is said, “It is not a vain think for you, because it is your life, and through this thing shall ye prolong your days,” it plainly refers to the direction, for teaching the words of God’s law to their children. By this more than by all other means, a foundation would be laid for perpetuating their national existence and transmitting their distinguished privileges to succeeding generations. This shows in what sense we must understand the promise annexed to the fifth commandment, to “honor thy father, and thy mother, that thy days may be long, upon the land, which the Lord thy God giveth thee.” [Exodus 20:12] We must not receive this, as a promise of long life to individuals, as the certain reward of filial obedience; but that God would, in this way, accomplish his gracious purpose, respecting the tribes of Israel, to preserve them a great and happy nation.

The foundation of civil government, no less than that of religion and morals, which are its main pillars, must be laid, in that domestic government, which God has instituted, and that religious education of children, which is solemnly enjoined in his word. If, instead of training up children, “for glory and immortality,” [Romans 2:7] beyond the grave, the primary object were to render them happy, in this life, and by their means, to promote the public happiness, it would be immensely important, that they should be faithfully taught their relation to God, as accountable beings, and all their duties, which belong to them, in this relation. By this means, with the divine blessing, a more perfect state of society might be realized, than has ever existed, since man forsook his Maker. But this depends on the faithfulness of parents, of guardians, and other instructors. When these are not influenced by pious and benevolent motives, nor awed, by that sense of responsibility to God, which religion teaches, they will be negligent, and more than negligent, of the moral and religious education of children. So far from teaching them, that “the fear of the Lord is the fountain of life,” [Proverbs 14:27] and the only sure departure from the snares of death, they will often poison their minds, with the early and deep impression of false opinions, and their whole characters, with the destroying influence of licentious and impious behavior. Such is the alarming fate of many, at the present day, even in our own country. Here many are born and educated, in the school of anarchy, misrule, and irreligion. Of these they will soon be examples, and powerful advocates. Let them sustain a preponderancy of numbers, and of influence, and the feeds of public distress and perplexity will be so widely diffused, and so deeply rooted, as to admit of no remedy. And when this evil, which already assumes a portentous and lowering aspect, has befallen our once happy country, the foundations will be literally destroyed. In that day, nothing better will await us, as a nation, than the dire catastrophe of the house built on he sand; “And the rains descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon the house, and it fell, and great was the fall of it.” [Matthew 7:27]

4. We readily see, in this connection, why the states and empires, which wave risen in past ages, have successively mouldered at the foundation, and eventually tumbled into ruins. They wanted that divine cement, the religion of Jesus, which unites man to man, and men to God. This would have been a living spring of that public and social virtue, and of that piety towards God, without which the most flourishing state must become “like a city, which is broken down, and without walls.” [Proverbs 25:28] When men have no just apprehensions of the Being, “WHOSE KINGDOM RULETH OVER ALL,” and find no motives, for cultivating that “fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom,” [Psalm 11:10; Psalm 9:10] the fountain of public life and health becomes corrupt, will the whole mass is polluted. The gratification of their lists, unrestrained by the love or fear of the Almighty, gradually engenders effeminacy, weakness, and “unbridled sensuality,” in all classes of people, from the palace to the cottage. By such means, the most flourishing states and kingdoms, recorded in sacred and profane history have fallen no less a prey to themselves and one another than to the overwhelming judgments of a sin-avenging God. But for the fatal cause ere assigned, the illustrious empires of antiquity might, not only have been preserved from desolation and oblivion, but have increased in numbers, in strength, in prosperity, in glory, and in happiness, till this day; yea, have flourished on, “till time shall be no longer.” [Revelation 10:6] But as they did not like even “to retain God in their knowledge,” [Romans 1:28] He gave them up to their own lusts, till they should “eat the fruit of their own ways, and be filled with their own devices.” [Proverbs 1:31] Under this tremendous anathema, the nations of the earth have not only made war, one upon another, but have preyed upon their own blood, and eaten their own flesh, till wasted away, and there was none to deliver.

5. We are further taught, by the light of this subject, the gross mistake of modern philosophers and reformers, who are professedly seeking o promote liberty, and the happiness of man, by exterminating religion, and committing the whole human race, to the guidance of reason, and the light of nature. The liberty thus promoted is mere licentiousness. The war of contending passions and interests, which is enkindled by it, is the deadly bane of rational liberty, and must one day close the reign of anarchy and confusion, with the triumphs of despotic domination. Such is the result of experiment, exhibited by the philosophizing and theoretical reformers, of modern times, in Europe. There is the liberty, which is founded in the prostration of all the principals of piety and social virtue, has had its day, and now as its night. We have there seen the abolition of all religion ¹ producing its genuine fruits, an almost universal corruption of morals; with an immensity of the most atrocious crimes, both in public, and in private. We have thus seen the mad theories of atheistical reformers producing a flood of wrongs, unparalleled in the history of nations. We have also seen this same licentious liberty, turning one of the fairest portions of Europe, and of the whole world, into a “golgotha;” and filling its deluded inhabitants, with the very dregs of the cup of tears, of humiliation, and woe. After many millions of people have wallowed in these, through a series of revolutions, in the vain hope of establishing their liberties, we have seen them tamely submitting, to a larger stretch of despotic power, than is endured, by any other nation on earth. Of this sort is the harvest of bitter fruits, which must always be expected to spring up, from that liberty, which is founded in the extirpation of the religion and morals, which are taught by the word of God.

6. We here see also, my fellow-citizens, what we are to expect, as the sure consequences of embracing that vain and impious philosophy, which “changes the truth of God into a lie,” [Romans 1:25] and teaches men, “to worship and serve the creature, more than the CREATOR, WHO IS GOD OVER ALL.” [Romans 1:25] We might expect to see the general triumph of impiety and lust, succeeded by a state of anarchy, frightful as the horrors of chaos. This anarchy would probably be rendered doubly frightful, by the more sullen horrors of a civil war. In the disastrous and bloody train of such a war, (which may heaven prevent,) a despotism would doubtless follow, with iron teeth, to break in pieces and devour; and would erect his throne, on the spot where and the day when, the liberties and glory of America were shrouded together, in one common grave. This fair inheritance, which was purchased by the bold and enterprising spirit, the piety, the prayers, the tears, the sufferings, he invincible fortitude, and even the blood of our pious ancestors, would be despoiled of its essential glory, and become, like mystical Babylon, a habitation of dragons, and a hold of every foul spirit. All this, according exactly with facts, which stare us in the face, is fairly expected, as the most natural consequence of becoming hopeless of future good, and fearless of evil, from he hands of God, as the just rewarder of our doings. To us, therefore, in this land, and even to this state, there is nothing which portends so much evil, or which so palpably threatens our political and eternal destruction, as the prevalence of hose “demoralizing principles,” which are daily insinuated into the vitals of the community. The abettors and friends of those principles, whoever they are, would doubtless glory in seeing he religion from the son of God, prostrated in the dust, his Sabbaths and ordinances abolished, his ministers despoiled, or exiled, and his temples smoking in ruins. Oh my soul, come not thou into their secret, unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united”! ! ! [Genesis 49:6]

Those of my audience, who sustain the honorable distinction of Magistrates and Rulers will feel themselves addressed by this subject, not only with the importance of their official duties, but of a practical and sincere acknowledgement of Jehovah, and his righteous government, in a life of holiness and good works. Suffer me to remind you, my honored fellow citizens, that to Him you stand accountable, no less that those, in humbler stations, to whom you are constituted his ministers for good – and that with them you must appear and be judged, at the same divine tribunal, from which there is no appeal. Remember, therefore, what God hath spoken; “He who ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of the Lord:” [2 Samuel 23:3] and that He hath said again; “Him who honoreth me, I will honor; but he that despiseth me, shall be lightly esteemed;” [1 Samuel 2:30] yea, “Whosoever shall be ashamed of me, and of my words, in this adulterous, and sinful generation; of him shall the Son of man be ashamed, when he shall come in he glory of his Father, with the hold angels.” [Luke 9:26]

You, gentlemen, are constituted guardians of the public happiness. For this, let me pray you to watch, “as those who must give account.” [Hebrews 13:17] As one means of inspiring you with due benevolence, fortitude, and perseverance, in attempting this, often contemplate those venerable and excellent rulers, whose examples are recorded for your instruction, imitation, and delight, in the sacred pages. Add to these, and for the same purpose, the long list of worthies, who have gone before you, and been the ornament and praise of this state, no less than the instruments of her stability, glory, and happiness. With the examples of such rulers before you, to aid the influence of those sublime motives, which are exhibited in the word of God, may you “go and do likewise.” [Luke 10:37] It mist be apparent to you all, that religion, as taught be the Divine Word and Spirit, is the corner-stone, and only sure foundation of the individual and social happiness of man. In this view, and aside from that infinite weight of motives, by which it is commended, as giving life unto the soul, of what immeasurable importance is it, to yourselves and fellow-citizens, that you manifest a serious and unequivocal regard to the religion of Emmanuel, and know indeed, that He is the very “Christ of God;” yea, that He is “King of Kings and Lord of Lords.” [Revelation 19:16] Regarding Him as your appointed Judge, and only Savior, and acting from the pure and disinterested motives of His religion, you will have that “wise and understanding heart,” [1 Kings 3:12] which is needful to guide you, in all the duties of your public trust, and the consolations of heaven to support you, under the ponderous weight of public cares. Though your names should be cast out as evil, and though envy should assail you, with her “forked tongue,” you will enjoy the testimony of a good conscience, with the prayers and the confidence of good men, and finally meet the plaudit of an infinite Judge.

From the preceding discourse, the ministers of religion may apprehend the nature, and high importance of the duties incumbent on them. The religion of Jesus, of which we profess to be subjects and ministers, is distinguished from all others, as one which is commended to every man’s conscience, in the sight of God; and as making all men accountable to Him. Preaching this religion, with effect, implies that men are taught their relation to God, as subjects of his moral government, and their obligations to glorify His name – to repent, and believe the Gospel, and to do works meet for repentance. Nor can we hope to promote the political interests of mankind any farther than we are honored, as instruments of advancing the kingdom of righteousness and peace. It is, therefore, the great business of our high calling, as it reflects the honor of God our Savior, and the happiness of our fellow-men, for both worlds, that we be instrumental of their embracing the truth, as it is in Jesus, and of building them up, in faith and holiness, to eternal glory. Important as the whole of this, together with the salvation of our own souls, is the faithful discharge of our duty, as watchmen to theirs. In a view of this numerous and respectable assembly, and of the foregoing sentiments, we are all reminded of that “great and dreadful day,” [Malachi 4:5] where we must meet an assembled universe, “at the judgment-seat of Christ.” [Romans 14:10] In a certain and awful prospect of the account, which we must then render to the Judge of hearts, it becometh us to realize our immense obligations to be holy, and without blame. The God “with whom we have to do,” [Hebrews 4:13] is no respecter of persons. He is “a God of truth, and without iniquity.” [Deuteronomy 32:4] “He will, therefore, render to every man, according to his works.” [Romans 2:6] “To them who seek for glory, honor, and immortality, by patient continuance, in well-doing, he will render eternal life. But to such as are contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness,” [Romans 2:7-8] He will as surely render “indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish.” [Romans 2:8-9] In this serious and impressive view of our relation to God, as our rightful Sovereign, and final Judge, may we all be quickened to serve Him and to serve our generation according to His will that when He shall come in His glory, we may be glad, with exceeding joy.

But finally, do any of you, in this assembly, disbelieve the Gospel of Christ, and not expect to be judged, at last, according to your perfect doings? Is your unbelief the result of conviction? And is this conviction the result of a fair and impartial examination of the evidences, by which the divine claims of Christianity are supported? Let us suppose, for once, that yours is “the condemnation, to have loved darkness, rather than light, because your deeds are evil;” [John 3:19] and that hence, you have made lies your refuge. Let us further suppose your mistake to be detected, by the light of eternity, when its consequences must be infinitely too dreadful, to be endured. Shall you, in this fearful extremity, be consoled by the testimony of conscience, that you had decided on the point in question, with all that faithful investigation, that scrupulous care, and that singleness of heart, [Jeremiah 32:39] which all the incomparable weight of the subject demanded! Till this be done, you may well take heed, “lest that come upon you, which is written, behold ye despisers, and wonder and perish;” [Acts 13:40-41] – lest you find to your infinite cost, that “the stone, which the builders rejected, is the come the Head of the corner;” [Psalm 118:22] and that, “on whomsoever it shall fall, it will grind him to powder.” [Matthew 21:44; Luke 20:18]

Endnotes

1. Christianity, as it existed in France, previous to the revolution, retained but few traces of its native simplicity, and divine purity; not can those, who have been praying, for the downfall of the antichrist, consistently rejoice, in his re-establishment, in that country. That temporary abolition of popery, which was attended with such a deluge of tears and blood, is not to be regarded, as the destruction of true religion. But it is well know, by all who have read the history of Europe, for the last twenty years, that the seeds of revolution in France, were sown by men, who had conspired for the universal and indiscriminate destruction of every thing, bearing the name of Christianity. The spirit, therefore, which overturned the existing forms of religion, in France, is no less hostile, and appears, by the exertions which it is making in this, and in other countries, to be no less hostile, to the truth, as it is in Jesus. This is a sufficient ground of that just and universal abhorrence, in which the principals of atheistical reformers are holden, and must always be holden by wise and good men. The influence of these principles, in that rapid and terrible progress of demoralization and wretchedness, which uniformly attends them, clearly demonstrates their horrible tendency. It hence shows what must be their tremendous effects, whenever they become generally prevalent, in society. It is true there is not the remotest danger, that infidelity can destroy the religion and kingdom of Christ. This kingdom, supported by the oath of God, and guarded against its enemies, by the wisdom and strength of omnipotence, will finally break in pieces, and subdue, all opposing kingdoms and interests, and stand forever. But this is no reason, why the friends of religion, and of human happiness, should be indifferent to the spread of those principles, which are everywhere disseminated, with a view of subverting the religion of Jesus. Though his subversion be impossible, as it is impossible, that God should lie, or hat omnipotence should become weak, and unable to accomplish the divine purposes; still it is a truth, which needs no proof, aside from an appeal to facts, that infidelity is more terrible, and more to be avoided, because it is infinitely more hostile to human happiness, than the pestilence, which walketh in darkness. The latter can destroy only the body; but the former, having first infused wormwood and gall into every cup of human enjoyment, must afterwards destroy both soul and body in hell.

Thomas Baldwin (1753-1823) represented the town of Canaan, NH in the state legislature for a time. He was ordained in 1783 and ministered in towns in New Hampshire until 1790 when he became the pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Baldwin in Boston, MA on May 26, 1802.

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq. Governor,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

May 26, 1802.

BEING THE DAY OF

General Election.

By Thomas Baldwin, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOSTON.

BOSTON:–PRINTED BY YOUNG & MINNS, STATE PRINTERS.

1802.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

I PETER, ii. 16.

“AS FREE, AND NOT USING YOUR LIBERTY FOR A CLOKE OF MALICIOUSNESS; BUT AS THE SERVANTS OF GOD.”

INNUMERABLE are the favors which indulgent heaven bestows on the children of men. Among the choicest of an earthly nature, we may reckon the enjoyment of personal safety, the acquisition of property, and in general the liberty of doing whatever will not be injurious to the rights of others.

In order to secure these blessings men have been induced to associate together. Their mutual wants and weaknesses urge them to unite for their common safety; and a reciprocation of kind offices, in assisting and protecting each other, forms the bond of their social union.

To give force, however, to such combinations, they must be reduced to system, their principles defined, and order and subordination established. By thus uniting, the strength of the whole body, upon any emergency, can easily be collected to a single point. In this union only individual and personal safety can be enjoyed. It will hence follow, that where the rights and privileges of all are secured, and equal protection extended, all must be under obligations to contribute to the support, and to yield obedience to them who are appointed to carry the public will into effect.

These duties are inferred from the nature of civil government in general, from the express principles of our social compact, and from the plain declarations in the word of God.

The sacred scriptures inform us of the origin and progress of society, several centuries beyond what can be found in any other writings.

The particular history of the Jewish nation for many ages together, and God’s providential dealings towards that highly favoured people, afford us much interesting instruction. Their civil policy, which was principally dictated by God himself, and the influence which religion had in forming their national character, have been faithfully recorded and handed down to us.

The glory of this nation had been gradually declining for five centuries before the Christian era; and at this time they were groaning under the Roman yoke. They were indeed looking for a Messiah, but had no idea that Jesus of Nazareth was the person. They were expecting a temporal deliverer, and not a spiritual Saviour. Therefore when Christ attempted to introduce the gospel dispensation among them, they charged him with a seditious design against the Roman government. And although he declared that his kingdom was not of this world, yet his enemies insisted that he was endeavouring to establish a separate interest, which in its tendency was subversive of social order, and hostile to the existing powers. No inference could be more unjust, nor a charge more false and cruel; yet this pretence Pilate was prevailed upon to give sentence against him. “If, said they, thou lettest this man go, thou art not Caesar’s friend; for whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against Caesar.”

The same invidious charge was brought against the Disciples of Christ, and often made the pretext for their persecution. They charged Paul with being “a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world.” In order to wipe off a stigma so foul, and to convince his adversaries that the benevolent religion of the gospel was not unfriendly to social order, we find him frequently inculcating upon his Christian brethren, the duties of submission and obedience to established authority. In his epistle to the Romans, he charged them to “be subject to the higher powers;” by which he evidently meant civil magistrates. To give force to the exhortation he adds, “for there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God.” The same Apostle directed Timothy to offer up “supplications, prayers, and intercessions for all that were in authority.” He also charged Titus to put the flock to which he ministered in mind, “to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.”

It is worthy of observation, that when the Apostle wrote these epistles, the civil authority was wholly in the hands of Heathen magistrates. And some of them too the greatest monsters of cruelty, that were ever suffered to sway a scepter, or disgrace a throne. Tyrants, who were distinguished only by their crimes, and rendered immortal only by their infamy. Yet such was the pacific spirit of the gospel, that Christians were exhorted to “be subject, not only for wrath,” that is for fear of punishment, “but for conscience sake.”

Sentiments similar to these were enforced by the Apostle Peter, in our context. “Submit yourselves, said he, to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake. For this is the will of God, that with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men. As free, and not using your liberty for a cloke of maliciousness; but as the servants of God.”

The sense of the text will more fully appear, by the following familiar paraphrase. As if he had said; “you will not, my brethren, mistake the nature of your Christian liberty, to suppose that because you profess to be the disciples of Christ, you are freed from your allegiance to the government under which you are placed. It is true, that if the Son hath made you free, then are you free indeed. But this freedom consists in being delivered from the guilt and power of sin, from the dominion of your own lusts, and from final condemnation at the great day when God shall judge the world by Jesus Christ. But instead of lessening your obligations to contribute to the peace and order of society, it greatly increases them. Your duty as Christians is urged by higher motives, and your obedience secured by more solemn sanctions. Submit yourselves therefore to every ordinance of man, designed for the good of society, and not inconsistent with the dictates of your own consciences, or the duties you owe to your God: And thus, by well-doing, you will put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, who represent your sentiments as tending to disloyalty and sedition. As free, but not abusing your liberty in using it as a cloke for malicious conduct; but in all circumstances conducting yourselves faithfully as the servants of God.”

From the subject thus placed before us, we are naturally led to the following inquiries. When may a people be said to be free? What are the means best calculated to preserve their freedom, and promote their happiness and prosperity? And, in what respects are they in danger from the abuse of their liberty?

In order to find a free people, we need not repair to Lybia’s burning sands, to learn the savage customs and manners of those barbarous descendants of Ismael, who indeed boast of their freedom, but whose liberty essentially consists, in committing, with impunity and without a blush, the most flagrant acts of violence and injustice. Nor is it necessary that the restraints imposed by wise and equitable laws should be taken off, and the force of moral principle removed in order to render a people free. Such a state of things would only produce a lawless ungovernable freedom, which would terminate in the worst kind of anarchy and confusion.

It is evident that many who pretend to be the votaries of liberty, never understood its true principles, nor conducted themselves worthy of its blessings. Genuine social liberty can never exist without being protected and supported by law, enlightened and aided by morality and religion.

But what peculiarly distinguishes a free people from all others, is, the right they collectively possess to govern themselves: Or in other words, the right of choosing and establishing their own forms of government; and of appointing to office those who make and execute the laws.

That very considerable privileges may be enjoyed under a despotic government, and that the rights of justice may in general be maintained, will be readily admitted. But if the government exists independent of the governed, they cannot be said to be free. Their security for the few privileges they do enjoy, depends not on their acknowledged rights, but entirely on the will and disposition of the persons in office.

All legitimate governments are, or ought to be founded in compact. For it is not easy to conceive how one man should have a right to rule over another, equally free as himself, without his consent: And should any one presume to exercise authority over any portion of his fellow-men, without their express or implied consent; they might, with great propriety, demand of him by what authority he did it? And who gave him this authority?

But, instead of being founded in compact, most of the governments which exist, owe their origin to some usurping tyrant; who, being more crafty, or more powerful than his neighbors, assumed dominion over them. Power thus wrongfully obtained at first, after descending from hand to hand for a few generations, at length becomes legitimated and confirmed by time.

The people of these United States are peculiarly happy in this respect. Our history does not begin with narrating the exploits of some sanguinary Chief, whose blood-stained crimes like those of Pizarro rendered him the terror of defenceless innocence, and the execration of mankind. No; we glory in a race of ancestors, who were men of the purest morals, and most unsullied virtue. Who were too pious to dissemble, and to independent to submit to ecclesiastical fulminations. Men who were willing to leave their dear native shores, and cross the wide spreading ocean in quest of this better country. Who cheerfully encountered the numerous perils of an inhospitable wilderness, in order to secure to themselves and their posterity, the unmolested enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.

These blessings and privileges they bequeathed with their dying breath to their children; and in defence of this precious legacy, we feel ourselves justified to God and the universe, in appealing to arms in our late glorious revolution.

Our cause was just, and heaven succeeded it. The contest was severe, but victory and glory followed. The sun of freedom which had been gradually rising upon these infant states, now burst forth in meridian splendor. A nation was born in a day. A new era commenced. Another empire appeared on the map of the world. Astonished Europe beheld in this western hemisphere a new constellation. Conjecture was on tiptoe gazing, and speculation with unusual adroitness was endeavouring to find its magnitude and motion. Some thought they discovered a new planet in the political horizon, moving regularly in its own orbit. Others concluded it would prove only a satellite of some European power. But many who viewed it through a set of royal optics, conceived it to be only a baleful comet, portending revolution and war, making a hasty transit, and expected momently it would disappear. But, they had yet to learn that we were “a world by ourselves;” that we were independent Republicans; that we were free.

When the passions incident to a state of war had subsided, and God had given us rest from all our enemies round about, the public attention was naturally drawn to our internal situation. Our provisional government, which, like the tabernacle in the wilderness, had been erected during our revolutionary march, was too defective and inefficient for our future security. It was unable to preserve public credit, or secure public confidence. It hence became indispensibly necessary in order to consolidate the union of the States, and to give permanency and dignity to our national character, that a new Constitution should be formed. That the powers of the different branches of the general government should be specifically defined; their limits so distinctly marked as not to interfere with each other; and sufficient energy given to the whole, to support order and tranquility at home, honor and good faith with all nations with whom we were connected abroad.

Delegates were accordingly appointed by the different States who met in convention for this purpose. This was at a time and under circumstances peculiarly favourable to the design. The attachments which we once felt for royalty, had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had the Republican name at this time, been disgraced by acts of cruelty and irreligion. The friendly ties which bound us together during the period of our common danger, had scarcely began to slacken; and invidious distinctions between the different States were made (if at all) with great caution. Party-spirit, that Apollyon of all popular governments as yet slept in silent embryo. (Would to God its sleep had been perpetual.) No suspicious circumstances of personal power and aggrandizement, awakened either our jealousies or our fears. Nor could we feel any, for at the head of this venerable assembly was our late illustrious Chief. But not in arms like a perpetual Dictator, awing them into submission to his will. No; for like Timolion when he saw his country free, he sheathed his sword and returned to the rank of a private citizen. Never was there an Assembly convened upon a more interesting and important occasion. For not only the present fate of their country, but the future destiny of unborn millions depended upon their decisions. They were to lay the foundation of an empire, the extent and duration of which it was impossible to calculate.—What an august spectacle was here! The Fathers of our tribes deliberately forming a plan of government. The volumes of antiquity were open before them, and the experience of all nations and ages enriched their discussions. After surveying the interests of the whole, and making such mutual concessions, as local circumstances required, they unanimously agreed in the essential articles of our present excellent Constitution. It was then submitted again to the several States, and by them examined, approved and accepted, and thus became the supreme law of the land. This it is conceived is literally a social compact, what political writers ¹ have said to the contrary, notwithstanding.

This sacred instrument ought to be considered as the great charter of our rights and privileges, and as the foundation of our national civil policy. So long as we preserve it inviolate, and govern ourselves according to its true spirit, so long we shall continue to be a free people. It will be impossible for despotic power to support itself in America, until we basely degenerate from the spirit of our ancestors, and depart entirely from the principles of our confederation.

One great security against the abuse of power, is the short tenure by which it is held. No offices are made hereditary, and for this plain reason I conceive, that talents and virtue, which are essential qualifications, are not hereditary.

No country ever exhibited a fairer specimen of moral justice than ours, nor can any be found of equal population where capital punishments are less frequent. It is not because we suffer crimes to go unpunished, but by encouraging sober habits and moral principles, we in a great degree prevent them. Our laws indeed are mild, and not like those of Draco, written in blood.

Religion, at all times essential to the well-being of society, though not established, is protected and encouraged by the laws of our country. This sentiment corresponds with that divine declaration, “By Me kings reign and princes decree justice;” importing, that they need Christ’s religion to support their tottering thrones, but that his cause could exist without their authority. No sectarian creed is imposed by law upon any man, nor have we any national formulary excepting the Bible; and every man is at liberty to interpret this according to the dictates of his own conscience, and is accountable only to God for his errors.

Oppression may gain a temporary existence under the purest government, by the mismanagement of particular agents; but it ought not to be attributed to the laws, but to their perversion.

The Constitution of this Commonwealth declares itself the friend and protector of every man, who demeans himself quietly and peaceably as a good subject, let his religious sentiments be what they may. It has also decreed, that “no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law.”

If it be acknowledged that men have a right to serve God according to the light of their own understandings, then they cannot be constitutionally deprived of the means of serving him. It is not enough that the mind be left free; for the command is, thou shalt “honor the Lord with thy substance.” What Moses said when he was about to leave Egypt will apply in the present case; “Our cattle also, said he, shall go with us, there shall not an hoof be left behind; for thereof must we take to serve the Lord our God; and we know not with what we must serve the Lord until we are come hither.”

It is with peculiar pleasure that we observe at the present day, the increasing prevalence of Christian candor and liberality. This candor it is hoped, is not the offspring of torpid indifferency; much less of infidelity; but arises from more just and enlarged views of the nature and genius of the gospel. While Christians are less zealous in defending some of the outworks of the system, they ought to be more firmly united in supporting the essential articles of the “Faith once delivered to the Saints.”

Having thus considered some of our most essential rights both civil and sacred which we possess, and which we hope to convey unimpaired to our children; shall I be chargeable with vanity in saying, there never has been a nation whose history has come down to our knowledge, which has enjoyed civil and religious liberty in a greater degree than we do. If we are not a free people, I confess it surpasses my ingenuity to conceive how a people can be so.

We proceed Secondly to inquire, What are the means best calculated to preserve our freedom, and to promote our happiness and prosperity?

To which it may be answered, 1. That as all popular governments depend in a great degree on public sentiment, it is highly important that this should be enlightened.

It is an observation which I believe will not be controverted; that the more despotic a government is, the more ignorant the people generally are. It is undoubtedly the interest of those in power to keep them so. For were they once so enlightened as to understand the nature of civil liberty, and to act upon any rational system in recovering their usurped rights, it would be impossible to keep them in subjection. It is justly observed by Paley, that “the physical strength resides in the governed.” It is, therefore, truly astonishing to see millions of rational beings, no ways “deficient in strength or courage,” submitting to the will of a single tyrant; and with all the docility of the laboring ox, put their necks quietly under his yoke. Still to keep up this ignorance every manly sentiment is suppressed, and every ray of political light shut out, and the slavish doctrine of nonresistance and passive obedience inculcated, with all the zeal of fanaticism, and enforced with the terrors of everlasting punishment.

In a representative republic just the reverse of this becomes necessary. Here, it is all-important that the people should be enlightened; as they are the acknowledged source of all power, whether legislative or executive. Correct political information, therefore, cannot be too generally and widely diffused.

As the public papers are the common medium of this information, it is of the highest importance to the well-being of society, that they should be conducted with intelligence and ability, and like a witness under oath, that they should “tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” Public opinion, which often controls the most important concerns of a government, is itself controuled and directed by so trifling a thing as a News-paper. If misrepresentations and falsehood are propagated instead of truth, the consequence will be, the people will be misled, and their liberties endangered. But the full vengeance of an abused public, will in the end, return upon the heads of those who have been thus guilty of deceiving them.

We also add, those literary institutions founded by our venerable ancestors, for the education of youth, with others of a later date; and to which the present improved state of society is so much indebted, must be cherished and supported with unabating solicitude. There can hardly be a subject more interesting to a community, or more deserving of legislative attention, than the education of youth and children. When this is neglected, an injury is done to society which it is impossible to repair. It is equally a violation of the law of nature, and of the express command of God. To bring up our children in the “nurture and admonition of the Lord;” is an apostolic injunction. It will be impossible to do this, if we neglect their education. The Legislature of this Commonwealth have done much already, and we hope they will not “be weary in well doing;” and that their last works may be more than their first.

As those impressions which are made upon the minds of children, are seldom if ever erased; it is the more important that their education should be properly conducted. It was a judicious remark of an ancient king of Lacedemon, “That nothing should be taught children, but what may be eventually useful.” Their tender minds frequently imbibe sentiments at a much earlier period than we are apt to conceive, which have an influence ever after upon their conduct. Hannibal, was but nine years old when he was led to the altar by Hamilcar his father, and took the oath of perpetual enmity to the Romans. The solemnity of this transaction made an impression upon his mind, which probably accounts for his future conduct towards that people.

Those to whom this important trust is committed, ought to be men of principle as well as talents. A vicious man, always lacks an essential qualification to inculcate the principles of virtue. To protect and aid the opening germ of genius; “to teach the young ideas how to shoot;” to give a proper set to the wayward passions; and above all to impress the tender mind with the love of virtue and religion; though a delightful is a very arduous task. Favoured, as we are, with public schools, academies, and other literary institutions, we may hope “that our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner stones, polished, after the similitude of a palace.”

But however polished and enlightened a people may be; they cannot expect long to enjoy either freedom or prosperity unless they are virtuous.—We therefore add, 2d. That the practice of moral virtue, or religion, is essential to the prosperity, if not to the existence of a free government. Where the authority of God is treated with contempt, and the great principles of morality and religion are disregarded, it must be expected that the vile passions will triumph and reign; and instead of rational liberty nothing will remain but an unbounded licentiousness.

Public confidence always attaches to moral principle; and hence in the same proportion this is vitiated, that is weakened. I appeal to the good sense of this enlightened audience, whether you can possibly repose the same confidence in a man who convinces you that he has no belief in the moral perfections of the Deity, and who does not feel himself accountable to such a Being, as in one who gives evidence that he acts under the influence of religious principle, and with a view to a day of final retribution?

If we look back into the remotest depths of Jewish antiquity, we shall find their most distinguished Patriarchs acting under the influence of this principle; and not unfrequently appealing to an invisible Power, to confirm and give solemnity to their social transactions. The same sentiment prevailed in the Pagan world.

Amphictyon, by whose eloquence and address the Grecian cities were first prevailed upon to unite for their common safety, was so fully convinced, that “those political connections are the most lasting, which are strengthened by religion,” that he committed to the council at Thermopylae, the care of the Delphian Temple.

The religion of the Bible, above all others, has a peculiar tendency to cement and strengthen the bands of society, and promote the happiness of mankind. It inculcates the purest precepts, and exemplifies the most amiable virtues. Every man, let his rank in society be what it may, will here find his duty plainly pointed out, and illustrated by example.

From the history given of the Jewish people, and the different characters of their civil rulers, the magistrates of other nations may derive the most interesting lessons of instruction. They will find, that those who ruled in integrity and uprightness, and walked in the fear of the Lord, were blessed in their administrations, and their people were prosperous and happy. On the other hand, those who disregarded the counsels of heaven, and chose out their own ways, generally involved themselves and the nation in calamity and ruin.

When a virtuous pious Prince was upon the throne, it frequently produced an immediate effect upon the manners and moral character of the people. What a surprising and happy change was often visible! The monuments of idolatry were destroyed, and the worship of the true God restored. The temple doors which had been closed, were opened, the sanctuary cleansed, and the fire which had gone out rekindled upon their altars. The Priests and Levites, who had fled to their fields, were invited back, and placed in their courses, and the service of the house of the Lord set in order.

What was the consequence of all this? Universal joy and gladness. Righteousness, peace, and tranquility reigned throughout the nation.

Whenever their government fell into the hands of wicked idolatrous rulers, their pernicious principles and example, like a contagious leaven, would seem to run through the whole lump. The people would relapse again into idolatry, and vice and irreligion triumph.

Perhaps it may be asked, whether this people might not, upon the whole, have been as free and happy without any religion as with? Or whether the worshipping the true God rather than Baal had a tendency to promote their national prosperity? Their history shall furnish the answer. God forbid, that we should make the experiment, as it may be attended with very dangerous consequences!

The following account will serve to illustrate the idea: When the ten tribes revolted from the family of David, they set up Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. After his death we have the following account given by the sacred historian:–“Now for a long time Israel hath been without the true God, without a teaching priest, and without law.” This bore a strong resemblance to what in modern times is called the “age of reason.” What a happy situation this people must have thought themselves in? Delivered from all fear and dread of that holy, just Being, whom we call God! Not only so, but they were freed from the intolerable burden and imposing dogmas of a teaching priest. This sacred class of men were deemed entirely useless, and were either dismissed or driven from the sanctuary. And to complete this happy state of things, they were also without law. No restraint from any quarter. What, no God! No priest! No law! Then consequently no future accountability! This was liberty worthy the name. What an immense harvest of felicity was now ripening before them? Could they possibly fail of being the happiest people in the world, when every obstacle was so entirely removed out of the way? We appeal to experience and fact, those great detectors of human errors, for an answer. They declare with great solemnity, that “in those times there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in; but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries; and nation was destroyed of nation, and city of city; for God did vex them with all adversity.”

This is no more than what might be reasonably expected: For when a people give up their religion, and renounce the authority of God, they will not hesitate to overleap all bounds of law and morality, and destroy one another.

From this brief specimen it appears, that the social order and happiness of a community depend essentially on the influence of moral principle; and we may venture to say, should this be destroyed, exterior force can never supply its place. Without it, we shall never practice that “righteousness which exalteth a nation;” but shall inevitably fall into those “sins which are the reproach of any people.”

There never has been a people, since the tribes ransomed from Egyptian bondage, under greater obligations to their God than we are; and should we basely apostatize from our holy religion, and use our liberty only for a cloke of maliciousness, we must expect some chosen curse will pursue us to final ruin.

But in a world like this, neither innocency nor uprightness will always preserve a people from the designs of avarice and ambition.

We, therefore, add 3d, Another mean of preserving our liberty and of promoting our prosperity is the power we possess of defending ourselves. Without the means of self-defence, the liberties of a people can never be safe. A state of weakness always invites aggression. Ambitious men seldom want a pretext to plunder and destroy such as have not the power of resistance. Popular governments have been supposed less capable of self-defence, than those of a monarchical form; because it is thought to be more difficult to collect their energies, and direct them to any certain point. Hence the destiny of our Republic has often been predicted by the fate of others. It has been supposed that the seeds of mortality are sown in the constitution of all Republics, that they grow with their growth, and strengthen with their strength, and that their early dissolution follows of course. But this is not true as applied to them in particular. No human government is exempt from disaster and change. Should it be asked, where are those republics of Greece and Rome, which make such a figure in ancient history? In reply, I would ask, where are those mighty monarchies which were raised on their ruins? The Grecian republics, retained their freedom for seven centuries; whereas the monarchy, which by the arms of Alexander was extended over great part of the known world, scarcely outlived its founder. The republic of Rome, after the expulsion of Tarquin, maintained its liberties for five hundred years. Nor did the empire, though one of the most powerful and despotic that ever existed, continue longer. It commenced nearly with the Christian era, was divided in the beginning of the 4th century, by Constantine, and in the fifth, wholly subverted, and a barbarous Chieftain seated on the throne of the Caesars. The causes which brought on the ruin of Sparta, Carthage, and Rome itself, are too well known to require a recital on this occasion.

It must here be remembered, however, that our republic differs essentially, in its constitution and genius, from all others, both ancient and modern. Had the Grecian states, instead of their Amphictyon Council, formed a permanent government like ours, they could not have been practiced upon separately, and ruined by the insidious arts of Philip, of Macedon. But, my brethren, we are blessed with a government which combines energy with freedom. God hath also put in our power ample means of defence; and we may hope, under the auspices of an indulgent Providence, long to enjoy our precious privileges.

When we look back to that perilous moment when we first assumed the attitude of self-defence, and compare our present situation and resources with what they then were, gratitude and joy rush in upon our souls, and constrain us to say, “the Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.”

We are by the providence of God, at this time, in the honorable and quiet possession of a country of vast extent and fertility. Our soil, luxuriant as the land of Nile; and our atmosphere, pure as that which surrounded the famed Helicon. The wide Atlantic laves our eastern board, and forms one barrier to the progress of invasion; and at the same time wafts to our shores the fruits and treasures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our ancient towns and cities are planted. Here, the busy multitude throng; and trade, and commerce collect their immense stores of wealth. Here, elegance and refinement unite their powers, to please the imagination and improve the heart.

On the west, the Mississippi rolls in majestic grandeur; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into its bosom, opens a communication of vast extent into those fertile regions. Here, the wilderness is turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvests smile in the rays of a setting sun. Where the Savage lately pursued his nimble chase, we now behold large towns and flourishing villages, adorned with temples sacred to religion, and crowded with devout and adoring worshippers of the Lamb.

No considerable part of our extensive territory, but what is capable under the hand of cultivation, of yielding subsistence for man.

Were we to rise with the morning sun, and travel on its rays round the globe, we should not find a nation more distinguished by its blessings than our own. Every uneasy thought therefore must be deemed ingratitude, and every murmur rebellion against heaven.

Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more impenetrable than walls of granite. Our dependence is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercenary aid; but under God, we rely on the skill and bravery of our own citizens. Do we need ships of war? Our own immense forests, our forges and work-shops furnish the materials; and our skillful artisans construct them in a manner, equal, if not superior to any which float on the bosom of the deep. Indeed, every article necessary in the whole apparatus of war, is, or may be furnished by ourselves. It is not then to be believed, that five millions of people, breathing the air of freedom and tasting her joys, inured to hardy enterprise, and lords of the soil they cultivate, can ever be conquered by any foreign foe, unless the stars in their courses fight against them.

With such immense and increasing resources, our only danger arises from the abuse of our liberty, which was the last thing in the method to be attended to.

Permit me briefly to observe on two or three particulars. The right of private judgment, or what is commonly called liberty of conscience, is one of our dearest privileges. This right is unalienable in its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our forefathers left their friends and country, and sought an asylum in this then howling wilderness. But precious as this privilege is, it is liable to abuse. A very malicious design may be concealed under the cloke of religious liberty. It is to be feared that many under this pretence, are in reality opposing and endeavouring to destroy all religion. Some by denying, others by corrupting its important doctrines and institutions. This is an abuse too for which there is no legal remedy. It seems to be beyond the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. According to our context, his power extends only to the punishment of evil doers, and not erroneous or heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide on another’s sincerity, ought certainly to know his heart; other ways, in attempting to root out these tares, he will be in danger of destroying the wheat. I know of nothing but light that will remove darkness; nor any antidote to error but truth. If men will abuse their Christian liberty, they must answer it to God.

Another important privilege, is the right of electing our own civil rulers. This is the distinguishing criterion of a free government. But we are in great danger of abusing this privilege; and especially at such a season as the present, when party spirit is wrought up to its highest pitch. When we suffer our prejudices and passions to influence our choice; when our judgment and conscience are sacrificed at the shrine of party zeal; when we pass over tried merit, and prefer an unworthy candidate because he is of a particular party; do we not then abuse our liberty? If our elections are biased and corrupted, our government will be corrupt, and consequently, our liberty will be endangered.

I add once more, The right to investigate the official conduct of all public agents, and in a respectful decent manner to publish our opinions of them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, when under this pretence, we calumniate and asperse the characters of our rulers, and endeavour to expose them to public contempt, this is a very malicious and dangerous abuse of our liberty. It is not easy to calculate the extent of this mischief; for by traducing their characters, and misrepresenting their motives and measures, we destroy public confidence, and prepare the minds of the less informed part of the community for complete opposition and revolt. This abuse has also another bad effect: It tends to alienate one citizen from another, and kindle the flame of discord throughout the nation.

To guard against this, we need only to reflect, that our national safety and prosperity depend chiefly upon our union. So long as we continue virtuous and united, we have little to fear. But should patient Heaven, offended by our aggravated provocations, give us up to a spirit of national distraction and discord, our ruin would be speedy and inevitable.

The fate of all preceding Republics, and the causes which accelerated their ruin, have been recorded by the faithful historian. Signals also have been placed on all the rocks and shoals on which they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I have been trying to read the inscriptions on these monuments, but can make out distinctly only the three following words, which seem to have been written in capitals, LUXURY, EFFEMINACY, and DISUNION. “United we stand, divided we fall.” This was our motto in those “times which tried men’s souls.” The sentiment is equally important at this time. Young Sampson’s great strength, we are told, lay in seven locks united in one head; but ours in seventeen. If we suffer them to be shorn, or a part cut off, our strength will most certainly depart from us.

Is it not then the duty of every friend to his country to discountenance every attempt to alienate one part of our citizens from another? Whoever endeavours to induce the belief, that the interests of one State are incompatible with those of another, or with the interests of the whole, ought to be considered, at least, as a very doubtful friend.

But it may be said, the speaker is only opposing a “man of straw.” I could wish indeed we had been said and done been without meaning? If so, it ought to have been suppressed. I am sure many well-informed persons ² have been seriously alarmed at the progress of arty disaffection; and have feared lest some untoward circumstance should provoke the mad attempt to divide our hitherto happy Republic. Should we once begin the work of separation, God knows where it may end, and what the consequences may be. It will be remembered that the imprudent conduct of Rehoboam, urged on by the impetuous zeal of the young men who were about him, caused ten tribes to revolt from the house of David. What was the consequence? A civil war; in which half a million fell by the sword! The greatest slaughter, which, perhaps, has ever been in a single battle since the world began.

The danger of disunion, which we are considering, was contemplated by our late beloved Washington, and a most solemn warning given us in his farewell address. Permit me to enrich my discourse with a paragraph from it. “The unity of government, (saith he) which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of an attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.” This seasonable advice, it is hoped, will have its weight. You will remember that though dead, he yet speaketh.

Nor can a doubt be entertained, but his worthy successor, our late excellent President, held the same sentiment with regard to our union; and had he addressed the people when retiring from office, we may presume he would have exhorted us to cleave to our federal union as the “sheet-anchor” of our hopes.

Permit me to add, that whatever difference of opinion there may be in other respects, our present Chief Magistrate, in his inaugural speech, has recommended the same important sentiment with peculiar beauty and energy. But I am not insensible, that, considering the divided state of public opinion, I am here venturing on a point of very great delicacy; and yet to pass wholly unnoticed the Federal Administration, which has been constantly mentioned on all similar occasions, might be deemed disrespectful to the constituted authorities of our country. I do not, however, feel myself authorized, either to eulogize or to censure.

It is but just to observe, that our present Chief Magistrate, as well as his predecessors, was among the first asserters of our freedom and independence. At this early period, his distinguished talents and patriotism, procured him the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. When we add to this, the many important offices he has sustained with reputation, both in his own State and under the General Government, we shall not doubt his ability to conduct our public affairs, in such a manner as shall promote our prosperity, and do honor to the American character.

It will not be denied that the present administration differs in some important points from the preceding; and that a new order of things in some respects is taking place. What the final effect will be upon our political happiness and prosperity must be left for time to determine. I will only add, our religious as well as our political sentiments, oblige us to “give custom to whom custom, and honor to whom honor is due.”

It is confidently hoped, that the distinguished rank which this Commonwealth has hitherto held in the American union, will be maintained with increasing influence and splendor. That our citizens may be as remarkable for the practice of moral virtue, as for their regard to rational liberty and social order; and that we may ever be indulged with the propitious smiles of that gracious Providence, which has hitherto directed our destiny. Happy indeed shall we be, if our heavenly Parent may say of us as of Israel of old; “They seek me daily, and delight to know my ways, as a nation that did righteousness, and forsook not the ordinance of their God; they ask of me the ordinances of justice; they take delight in approaching unto God.” “Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

The pleasures of this interesting anniversary, which collects together so many of our civil and religious Fathers, are greatly heightened by the presence of the Chief Magistrate of our Commonwealth.

Whilst decency forbids adulation, it is presumed that every good man esteems the approbation of his friends, next to that of his own conscience. And although he does not seek their applause, yet it must afford him pleasure to know, that his endeavours to serve their interests have not been unacceptable.

The increasing marks of esteem and confidence, manifested in the late election, are the best eulogy upon his Excellency’s past administration. He will please to accept our sincere congratulations on his re-election to the important office he sustains. Every class of citizens look up to him with an emboldened confidence, that he will cherish their interests, and consider himself with his people, as a father with his children. They have the fullest satisfaction, that his authority and example will be united in supporting good order, in encouraging and protecting virtue and religion; and in promoting every measure which shall tend to the general interest of the people.

It must be pleasing to his Excellency to reflect, that by their own choice he presides over a free people; and he may be assured that he cannot enjoy greater pleasure in serving them, than they do in honoring him. That his Excellency’s life and health may be preserved, and that he may be enabled to discharge the difficult duties of his exalted station to acceptance, our fervent prayer shall be offered up continually to Almighty God on his behalf; that when his term of service on earth shall be completed, he may be received to the immortal felicities and rewards of the heavenly state.

His Honor the Lieutenant Governor elect, will indulge us to express the satisfaction we feel, in his election to the second office in the gift of the people of this Commonwealth. From his long acquaintance with our public affairs, as well as from his talents and patriotism, we have full confidence in his assistance and co-operation with the Executive, in all the important concerns of the government. He will remember that he is to fill a place which has lately been rendered vacant by the death of one of the most amiable and best of men. A man in whom “political wisdom, patriotic virtue,” and undissembled piety all united and shone.

While the life of the deceased may serve as an example to his successor, his death will admonish him of the end of all human greatness. With such an example before him, may his public career be equally honorable to himself, and acceptable to the multitude of his brethren.

The Honorable Council, share in our respectful attention, as an assistant branch in the executive department of our government.

The elevated station they fill, as well as their own personal qualities, entitle them to our esteem and veneration. We repose great confidence in their candor and integrity in those cases where their advice and consent may be required; especially in the appointment of persons to office. That they will feel themselves above the reach of party influence, and will recommend the claims of merit, arising from fitness of character, rather than those of interest and ambition.

We have only to add our best wishes, that, whilst they essentially aid the interests of government, they may also by their example give encouragement to the cause of religion; and like that honorable Counselor of Arimathea, may they be willing, not only to lend their tombs to Jesus if needed, but may they consecrate their hearts for his throne.

The Honorable Gentlemen composing the two Branches of the Legislature, will permit us to express the lively interest we feel in the repeated marks of respect with which their friends have honored them; but especially in their present appointment. By accepting this confidential trust, they pledge themselves to the faithful discharge of it.

The duty of legislation is at all times difficult, and often perplexing. It is rendered peculiarly so at this time, by the divided state of public opinion. It would favor of an intolerant spirit to suppose, that good men may not be aiming to promote the same object, while they differ in the means best calculated to attain it. Mutual candor and forbearance, therefore, will be necessary, in order to preserve peace, and promote the public welfare.

It is reasonably expected that our honored Rulers, in the whole of their conduct as legislators, will be governed by the great principles of justice and benevolence; and that every other interest will be subordinated to the public good. That they will enforce by example, what they inculcate by precept.

In all their attempts to aid the interests of morality and religion, great care will be taken not to infringe the rights of conscience. These ought to be held sacred as the prohibited tree in the garden of Eden, and the flaming sword should be employed only to guard the way. What Pindar said of Magistrates, may be applied on the present occasion. “Be just, said he, in all your actions, faithful in all your words, and remember that thousands of witnesses have their eyes upon you.”

Many are the motives to fidelity, but none more weighty than the consideration of future accountability. Under these solemn impressions, our honored Rulers will attend to the important duties of this day, and during their continuance in office. In their most zealous deliberations they will not forget, that “God standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods.” May all their public transactions tend to promote the various interests of the Commonwealth; and to strengthen the bonds of our National Union. And after having served their generation according to the will of God, when they shall fall asleep, may they be gathered to their fathers in peace.

Ye venerable Ministers of the Sanctuary; ye servants of the most High God; who show unto men the way of salvation. While our civil rulers, who have invited us this day to the house of God, continue to reverence the institutions of religion, and to respect and honor its ministers; you will not cease daily to offer up intercessions and prayers for all that are in authority. Nor will you cease to “put the people in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.” And may God Almighty bless your unwearied labors of love.

Fellow citizens of this respectable audience. How great, and how precious the privileges we enjoy! While so many of our fellow beings inhabit the dark regions of slavery and despotism; and bow with degrading reverence before some lordly tyrant, who sits upon a throne of ebony, swaying an iron scepter; we have the peculiar felicity to live under a free government. Our rulers are of ourselves, and our governors proceed from the midst of us. When thus cloathed with power, we are bound to honor them as the ministers of God, who exercise their authority not for their own emolument, but for the public good. Let us therefore endeavour to strengthen their hands, by a cordial acquiescence in every measure promotive of our common interest. If we do not protect our laws, our laws will not protect us. By our civil and religious habits let us shew to the world that Americans are worthy of freedom.

Be careful how you entertain unreasonable jealousies and suspicions of your old and long tried friends. But when you hear a man, whose integrity and talents never introduced him to public notice, saying, “Oh that I were made judge in the land;” although his face may be as fair as Absolom’s, you have reason to suspect that there are “seven abominations in his heart.” I feel a persuasion, my fellow citizens, that you are from principle attached to our republican system; and that you would oppose with energy and firmness any attempts to change it. Should any furious demagogue hereafter presume to play the tyrant, and by any unconstitutional measures place himself in the chair of state, should we tamely submit to it? No, the spirit of the American people would rise indignant, and hurl the wretch from his seat, and turn him out to graze as the Chaldeans did Nebuchadnezzar.

Brethren, “you have been called unto liberty, only use not your liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.” Cherish therefore all those friendly affections which unite man with man, and sweeten the pleasures of social life. Above all things let the gospel of the grace of God rule in your hearts. If you are made free from civil tyranny and oppression, never suffer yourselves to be the slaves of sin. No servitude can be more degrading. But having obtained redemption through the blood of Christ, even the forgiveness of sins, let us “stand fast in the liberty wherewith he hath made us free, and not be entangled again with the yoke of bondage.” And will the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Israel; the God of our Fathers, delight to dwell with us and bless us, and be our God now and evermore; Amen.

1.Paley, supposes there never was such a thing as a social compact, strictly speaking, but allows that this comes the nearest of anything to be met with. See also Burgh’s Polit. Disq.

2.See Governor Trumbull’s Speech, at the opening of the Conecticut Assembly in October last.

Joseph Strong (1753-1834), brother of Nathan Strong, graduated from Yale in 1772. He was the pastor of the 1st church in Norwich, Connecticut for fifty-six years. The following sermon was preached by Joseph in Connecticut on May 13, 1802.

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 13, 1802.

BY JOSEPH STRONG, A.M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN NORWICH.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1802—

ORDERED, That the Honorable William Hillhouse and Elisha Tracy, Esquires, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend JOSEPH STRONG, for his Sermon, delivered on the General Election, on the thirteenth instant, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

JEREMIAH, vi. 16.

Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.

THE Jews were at no period in a more prosperous state on worldly accounts, than when Jeremiah commenced his prophetic labors. During the reign of Josiah, a prince highly accomplished both by nature and grace, the continuance of peace for a number of years had introduced plenty and ease; though not without being accompanied with more than an equal proportion of vice and dissipation. Added to the complete prostration of private virtue, each social tie, whether it respected God or man, was violently broken asunder. Thus situated, it was the dictate neither of God’s covenant love nor of that regard which he owed to the honor of his own character, to allow the existing state of things to continue uncorrected. The experiment of mercy having proved but too unsuccessful, every principle dictated that judicial infliction should be made its unwelcome substitute. Nothing remained to be done previous to such judicial infliction taking place, but to make solemn proclamation of the fact, accompanied with one more overture in favor of national amendment and safety. This delicate and arduous task was assigned to Jeremiah, a man exactly formed for the purpose in every view which can be taken of his character. Possessed of a mind constitutionally firm, his address was plain and forcible. He felt for all the interests of his country with ardor, though in subserviency to a far higher principle—disinterested regard to the prerogatives of Jehovah’s character and law. As might be expected from such a messenger, acting under the immediate direction of heaven, each branch of his address was, to an unusual degree, pointed and solemn. “O daughter of my people gird thee with sackcloth and wallow thyself in ashes; make thee mourning as for a son, most bitter lamentation. The bellows are burnt, the lead is consumed in the fire, the founder melteth in vain, for the wicked are not plucked away. Be thou instructed, O Jerusalem, lest my soul depart from thee; lest I make thee desolate, a land not inhabited. Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see; and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.”

The circumstances which dictated the text, being those now sketched, its more particular application to the present occasion, will naturally direct our thoughts to two enquiries:–

What are those paths pursued by our fathers, which in a more distinguishable sense constitute the good way:–And

The nature of that rest to be secured by walking in them.

In view of the proposed outlines to the present attempt, it is far from my design to amplify in indiscriminate praise of ancient times, at the expense of those which are modern. Forward to concede the fact, that the age of the fathers was marked with numerous foibles or even faults, at the same time it will be contended, that in view of all circumstances it was an age to a superior degree exemplary and respectable; it is therefore the joint demand of gratitude and interest, that we carefully select its virtues and copy them into our own practice.

While standing in the way to see, there is no old path which more clearly and forcibly strikes the mind than the confirmed belief of our fathers in the Christian scriptures. The fact is not to be questioned, that short of fifty years past, scarcely a single avowed infidel either disgraced or endangered this privileged part of God’s American heritage. Every voice was rather in union with that of the apostle, “Lord to whom shall we go, for thou hast the words of eternal life.” Good sense, accompanied with reverence for Jehovah, formed the prevailing character; and the Bible was seen to command universal and unwavering esteem. The wide departure from such an happy state of sentiment and feeling which has since taken place, is but too perceptible and ominous. Numerous causes have conspired to produce the wide spread of infidelity among us; causes which continue to operate, and that not without being much strengthened by the solicitude which ever marks party spirit, to support its own favorite cause whether right or wrong. The motives which excite the infidel to exertion, are injudicious and malevolent in the extreme. The great effort of his life is to prostrate a system which can injure no one, and if true, promises essential advantage to all. To leave out of view the solemn article of death, with all that may ensue, the Christian scheme of religion merits the highest esteem and most industrious encouragement. Both its doctrines and moral precepts are adapted to promote personal enjoyment, strengthen the bands of social intercourse, and reduce to consistency and order the discordant, deranged interests of the world.

Another of those good old paths, the subject of present enquiry, was an especial reference to the religion of the heart. Our fathers did not stop short with advocating a mere speculative religion, however rational and sublime; but superadded their confirmed belief of its inward, transforming influence. Morality was their frequent theme, though not to prevent its being a morality the fruit of pre-existing grace. Although such a trait in ancient character, may probably sink it in the esteem of some and even subject him who mentions it to the disgust and obloquy of those who take pride in their liberal modes of thinking, it ought and will be contended that experimental religion is a great and glorious reality. None ought to blush in mentioning its name or in urging it home to the heart. While in the case of the private citizen it forms an invaluable possession; to the Christian magistrate, it is in superior degrees necessary and advantageous. In exact proportion as the duties devolved upon him are weighty and arduous, he ought to cultivate an holy temper—place his supreme dependence upon God—and encourage the vigorous exercise of faith with respect to those rewards, which await the faithful servant. Are these remarks just, we certainly owe no thanks to those who are so forward at the present day to rationalize our holy and good religion. Too rational already for them to love it, their efforts re no better than disguised infidelity. While their professed object is to display its harmony and extend its popularity, they in fact do more than the avowed infidel to disorganize its parts and enfeeble its energies.

It may be proper, in this part of the discourse, also to remind you, how industrious our fathers were, to give existence and energy to moral sentiment. Wherever the sphere of their influence extended, they were forward to impress ideas of the divine existence and government—the ties of social relation—creature accountableness—and the solemn remunerations of eternity. They were under no apprehension of practicing undue influence upon the untaught mind. They did not conceive it an encroachment upon the rights of natural liberty, to prepossess the heart in favor of what is virtuous and useful. Foreign to the impressions of moral sentiment, the whole is put to hazard which constitutes well regulated community. Proper veneration for civil rulers is done with—good neighborhood ceases—the natural and powerful cement of families is destroyed—and the nearest connection in life treated with baseness and infidelity. As all must be sensible, the efforts of the present day that tend to such an unwelcome issue, are by no means small. In total disregard of the good example of the fathers, how many among us have the effrontery to circulate writings, and advocate them in private conversation, the avowed design of which is to prostrate all distinctions in life—reduce man to a state of nature—vacate the solemn rights of marriage—and surrender the dearest interests of human nature to the guidance of appetite and passion. Such is the boasted philosophy which closed the eighteenth, and is with too much success, ushering in the nineteenth century. A commendable regard to the future respectability of the age in which we lie, would almost prompt a desire that the powers for history were extinct—that no heart possessed the inclination of hand the ability to inform posterity, how base were the ideas and degenerate the practices of their fathers.

In this connection you will permit me to mention also, that spirit of social deference and subordination which strongly marked the age of the fathers. As for the fact, no person to a considerable degree advanced in life, will undertake to call it in question. Not to pain your feelings by a recital of what is now fact,–the time has been when children did not conduct as though they were compeers with their parents—when those covered with grey hairs were treated with reverence—when talents and literary improvement excited feelings of veneration—and when both legislative and executive office, were looked up to and obeyed as the institution of God. Let a selfish, equalizing spirit say what it may, society will never rise with regularity and firmness unless the feelings of rational subordination constitute its basis;–feelings rarely operative, provided they do not commence with childhood, gradually forming into settled habit with the increase of years. With mankind, more the creatures of habit than of sentiment, when the latter principle does not operate to the extent which might be wished, the good influence of the former is by no means to be rejected. The parent and schoolmaster do more to make the child a good or bad citizen, than the whole which can be done through the remainder of life. It must be a great force indeed, which bends the full grown tree into a new direction. Bent aright at first, very little after labor is required to mould it to that particular situation in the great political machine, where it is most needed. Those who do not early commence the habit of commendable subordination and respect for superiors, almost without exception, prove themselves restless, troublesome members of community. A turbulent, incendiary temper, being the character of the child, will not fail to operate when arrived to years of manhood. The ring-leader of quarrel and faction among his play-mates, is certain of being an high toned demagogue, to whatever department of life providence afterwards assigns him. These remarks are jointly supported by theory and observation. Beyond most others, the spirit in question is one which society ought seriously to deprecate. The evidence of history is explicit to the point, that numerous well regulated governments have lost their liberties with everything which mankind hold dear, by means of a single unprincipled, ambitious individual. Through the agency of intrigue or direct usurpation, they have thus in a day exchanged the brightest national prospects for the chains of unqualified slavery. There is no kind of government which more loudly reprobates this spirit, than what ours does. For though a republican government gives opportunity for the exercise of the fiery, uncontrollable spirit, yet the genuine principles of such a government are opposed to its existence.

Another noticeable fact, with respect to our fathers, was their strict adherence to the principle, that none ought to be elevated to public office except those whose opinions and behavior were strictly Christian. Brilliancy of talents was a secondary consideration in their view, when accompanied with an unprincipled heart. What confidence can the public mind reasonably place in men who spurn our holy religion and sanguinely calculate upon death as the termination of existence? Except that feeble principle the fashionable world stiles honor, what stimulus have they to the regular and useful performance of those duties made incumbent by office? With respect to such persons, in what consists the obligatory strength of oaths? The idea of future accountableness laid aside, an oath instantly dwindles to a mere cipher.—A not less weighty class of objections are adduceable [to bring forward in argument or evidence] against the scandalously immoral than against the avowed infidel. Elevated to office, the influence of example never fails to be doubly impressive. To emulate and copy high life is inseparable from human nature. Beauty and deformity of character in the peasant or beggar, strike the mind in a very feeble manner, compared with what they do when attached to the rich and powerful. Clothed with the purple, vices the most base and odious, by a kind of magic influence, become completely fascinating;–there being nothing more certain than that the libertine magistrate, from whom the whole evil has originated, will not do anything to correct it either by the enacting of laws or their after execution. It is hard to conceive how the friends of society, and especially those who profess themselves Christians, can give their suffrage for men of the above description. Conscience must have had administered to it some soporific draught, or it could not be the case. Though it be a conduct which nothing can justify, two causes may assist to its explanation;–the rage of party spirit, and the base arts of electioneering. Nearly without fail do these two great scourges of community act in conjunction. Beyond most other circumstances, political controversy has a powerful operation to call into exercise the irascible, violent feelings of human nature. Rational, calm thought laid aside, a wide opening is made to misrepresentation and seduction. Those are never wanting whose highest gratification consists in poisoning the public mind, and warping it aside from the advancement of its great and permanent interests. The advancement of some pecuniary interest, through more commonly a wish to rise into office, is the stimulus to such an insidious, contemptible line of conduct. A people must have lost their native good sense, when they cease moist heartily to despise the electioneering candidate. Persons who will adopt and persevere in such a line of conduct, ought to be unfailingly viewed with disapprobation and disgust. They affront the discernment and impartiality of their fellow citizens, and in the place of a rightful claim to promotion they only deserve contempt and frowns. The honorable name freeman is most improperly applied to the one, who ceases to follow the dictates of his own unbiased judgment and surrenders himself the tool of unprincipled intrigue. When we consider who are the individuals upon whom such intrigue is commonly practiced, it is matter of surprise that its effect is not more extensive and ruinous. However good the intentions of the middle and lower classes of society, their habits of life and want of correct information upon numerous political subjects, greatly expose them to deception. The address made to their passions finds no corrective influence from the quarter of judgment. Although till of late, this state has exemplified nothing of the evil which is the subject of present remark; it now fast gains ground, and is an omen dark to our future weal, and of course makes loud demand for vigorous opposition, from argument, example and law. The growing venality which marks elections is a circumstance which beyond most others, strongly indicates a premature old age to these American states. A most desirable matter would it be for this state, might it reassume its former dignified ground with respect to free, unbiased suffrage, before such reassumption is rendered additionally impracticable.

It merits to be further remarked with respect to the good way which our fathers pursued;–that they did not manifest an inclination constantly to innovate upon the established government. Both men and measures commanded their approbation and support, so long as nothing was discoverable unprincipled in the one, or essentially defective in the other. The correct political maxim no doubt had full possession of their judgment, that a less perfect form of government is preferable to one more studied and nicely balanced, that fails in the important article of execution. The fallacy of theory is in no instance more glaring, than with respect to plans of national government. The statesman often exhibits what appears consistent and beautiful upon paper which in course of carrying it into effect does not fail to produce the speedy and complete ruin of empire. A greater chimera was never imagined, than that a single form of government admits of universal application. It is the unquestionable right of every nation to adopt what kind of government it pleases; but the great point is that its principles be adhered to with firmness and its duties fulfilled with punctuality. How fortunate would it have been, for the fairest portion of Europe, which in course of a few years past, has exhibited a strange and most forbidding spectacle to the world, had its citizens felt the unquestionable justice of these remarks and conformed to them in practice? Mad with theory—infatuated by a spirit of overturn, they exchanged evils which required redress for those still more pressing and to be deprecated. Has the daring enterprise of an individual, given a successful check to such a state of things, and from a chaos of confusion and tyranny produced a degree of national order and energy in government, the example, notwithstanding, is worthy of universal notice and improvement. It teaches nations to appreciate a settled order of things, to dread innovation, and to cling to their constitutional chart with increased gratitude and strength of attachment. None but essential and glaring defects, ever authorize experiment upon the forms, and much less upon the principles of established government. A pillar removed is never easily replace, and how often is it fat that the removal of a single pillar exposes the building to certain and speedy destruction. The hazard thus incurred is often immense, yet there is no circumstance of national exposure to which the feelings of our nature more directly and forcibly impel. Passing by all adventitious circumstances, it is a radical propensity of the human mind to dislike government. It implies the relinquishment of certain rights, for the more perfect security of others. It calls for partial sacrifice to a common interest, that the vigilance and energies of that interest may give freedom of exercise and permanency to those private rights which are retained. To comply with the social compact which is a dictate of the judgment, involves no small share of self-denial. Owing to the restless temper of man, his constant effort is to independence and self-direction. Hence the frequent efforts made, to counteract the constitutions of well regulated society. Notwithstanding the numerous advantages derived from governmental association, those restraints and burdens it is under necessity to impose, have a direct tendency to excite the calumny or more daring opposition of licentious and ignorant men. And how perfectly do these remarks, inferable from the structure of human nature, coincide with our own observation? The person who has noticed the progress of things in these states for a number of years past, cannot fail to approve their correctness. Under various disguises, the effort has been constant to undermine our excellent constitution;–a constitution of government equally the work of necessity and wisdom; and no other evidence is requisite in its favor, but the unexampled prosperity of the country during the whole period since it began to operate. Inauspicious to the success of any constitution however good, as the past convulsed period has been, ours has succeeded to a wonder. There is no class of citizens but what has been remarkably smiled upon, under its auspices. The three great component parts of American society, the farmer, merchant and mechanic, must fight against their own interests, provided they calumniate its principles or endeavor to enfeeble its energies. Are certain burdens necessarily attached to all governments, for the various purposes of their own support, and the furtherance of justice upon the great scale, ours has much the fewest of such burdens of any government throughout the civilized world. It deserves serious thought, which is preferable, such comparatively small burdens, or the complete prostration of all constitutional authority. Where there is no form of government in operation, and of consequence no law, the state of things cannot be otherwise than unfortunate in the extreme. A country which has experienced so much of divine beneficence, in baffling the plots of foreign enemies, ought to be very cautious not to lay violent hands on itself. Such is clearly the joint dictate of commendable gratitude to the Father of all mercies and of a principle of self-preservation. Smiled upon as our national affairs have been for many years, they are not at present beyond the reach of essential and permanent detriment. Continuing to be divided among ourselves, the whole which mankind hold dear is put to hazard. The order of society will of course be deranged,–our liberties may be wrested from us—our morals are certain to depreciate even below what they now are—while triumphant infidelity is but too likely to assume the place of godliness.

It will only be further remarked of the fathers, that they were powerfully actuated by a love of their country. Many circumstances conspired to awaken and give energy to such a principle. The persecutions which prompted their removal to this land—the multiform hardships and dangers which marked distant establishments in a savage country—and the constant effort made to abridge, or wholly vacate their charter rights, gave increased strength to feelings constitutional in the human mind. Attached to the parent state by strong ties, they still at no period shewed themselves forgetful that they had a country of their own. Benevolent and just to all, their views and exertions were at the same time, to a degree, local. They felt and conformed to those high obligations which they were immediately under to themselves and to their posterity. How fortunate would it have been for us as a nation, had the same love of country operated with equal force at a more recent date? Foreign attachments have been one principal source of the numerous embarrassments under which we have and do continue to labor. Hence in particular those violent party animosities, which cannot be either denied or excused. For the citizens of an independent nation to attach themselves with warmth to the views of this or the other country, is equally servile and impolitic. The real point both of dignity and interest lies here, to remember that we are Americans, and prove ourselves equally independent in conduct, as in name. May it not be hoped that the late pacification among the contending nations of Europe, will operate to extinguish party spirit and consolidate our union upon the broad basis of harmonized views, feelings and exertions?

A few remarks upon the closing paragraph of the text will complete the present attempt. “And ye shall find rest to your souls.” The nature of this rest admits no question. Intimately related as the good behavior of the present life may be to the rewards of eternity, this is not the principal object of the passage now under review. Its primary reference is to those worldly advantages which are national. The whole extent of life often fails to realize the rewards of private virtue; but those of public, national virtue are never thus distant. The natural course of things, seconded by the promise of Jehovah, insures the event “that righteousness exalteth a nation.” Nations are often exalted, as the result of divine sovereignty, foreign to their own good behavior, yet such exaltation is most commonly judicial and greatly insecure as to its permanency. How far our national exaltation is of such a character demands careful enquiry. Upon whatever principle we account for the fact, the allotments of providence to us as a nation have been without example. The ground we now occupy, in some points of view, is elevated and commanding, though not to supercede a laudable wish to advance still higher. However eligible our present situation, it leaves room for much improvement. Did we pursue the good ways which our fathers trode, with that industry which their example recommends; each interest of our country whether natural or moral, literary or political, would be essentially advanced.

Agriculture connected with a growing population—mercantile enterprise—the arts and sciences—industry and economy through all the various classes of society—energetic government, and the wide diffusion of united views and exertions with respect to national interests, could not fail to form the result. With fervent piety and good morals added to these circumstances, it is hard to conceive what further internal improvements a people could wish. The principles of happiness and prosperity among themselves being thus firmly established, they may safely calculate upon “sitting under their own vine and their own fig-tree, with none to make them afraid.” And in view of this sketch of “rest to the soul”—of national emolument, aggrandizement and security, who of us but must feel grateful that it has been already so far realized, and who will refuse solemnly to pledge all his future exertions for its completion? In a superior degree indebted to a sovereign all-gracious providence for public blessings, yet we cannot ensure to ourselves their future continuance unless through the instrumentality of personal exertion. Means and the end are as closely connected in the civil, as in the natural world. Not an individual who assists to compose community, fails to have numerous and weighty duties devolved upon him for the promotion of the general weal. While moral and religious principles should never be out of view, as a stimulus to action through the different grades of society; each grade ought to study and carefully adhere to its own particular department of action. The private citizen ought to be in the habit of industry, punctuality in dealing, and submission to constituted authority. Those who minister at the altar must study uncorruptness of manners, purity of doctrine and the whole fervor of zeal in the best of causes. Those in executive office, should be equally careful never to overleap the boundary of law, or see its requirements trampled under foot with impunity. In the judicial department, an high regard to law and justice must never be subordinated to party interest or a fear of rejection from office. With respect to the legislator, his ideas upon every subject which comes before him ought to be correct, his views superior to the influence of local attachment, his firmness too great to be shaken by the strong collision of party, and his integrity bottomed upon a good heart. With the body politic thus classed, each one confining himself to his own proper province, order and perpetuity are certain to constitute its great prominent features. Peculiarly privileged in this state from the proper combination of these various social powers, we are probably not more indebted to either of them, than to a wise and upright legislative magistracy. From the first establishment of Connecticut to this day, a large proportion of those annually chosen to legislate, have no doubt, to an happy extent, exemplified the character of the good ruler drawn by the pen of inspiration, “The God of Israel said; the rock of Israel spake unto me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.”

Under an impression that the public suffrage, the current year, has fallen upon characters not less meritorious than those who have possessed the same honorable designation;–may I be permitted to recommend and urge, that they recollect with care and adhere with firmness to that general system of policy, which has rendered this state, for nearly two centuries, united and secure, prosperous and respectable. With the past thus a model for future procedure, the demand is direct and forcible, that science and religion should continue to command the liberal patronage of the civil arm. Fostered by legislative aid, they are certain to make large remuneration for all the pains and expense. A treasonable wish to enfeeble and ultimately prostrate the varied interests of community, can in no way be so easily corrected, as by the diffusion of knowledge and the sentiments of piety. Good principles and an immoral behavior sometimes incorporate, yet as a general rule the corrective power of the former over the latter is great. There is no so eligible mode of discouraging vice, as by a marked preference in the laws in favor of virtue. While wise and upright legislators duly appreciate these foundation principles, and encourage a spirit of reliance upon Jehovah for his special direction, it may be calculated with confidence, that they will legislate well, and should on no account fail to live in the hearts of a grateful people.

Without confidence in government, it cannot fail to sink into contempt and all the unhappiness of enfeebled operation. Few greater blessings are there than good rulers and good laws;–though let it not be forgotten that they form a blessing which subjects may realize or reject as they please. I have no doubt as a general fact, it is more the fault of the people than of the ruler, that their expectations from government are not answered. With that mutual confidence between those who govern and those who are governed, which ought to prevail, no essential interest would be put to hazard; tyranny and anarchy would be kept at an equal remove; and by a close combination of views and exertions, each interest whether private or public, individual or social, would rapidly progress to its greatest possible extent.

Under the special direction of a sovereign, holy providence, may such prove the future lot of this particular state and of those connected states, which assist to compose our growing and respectable empire! Wise for ourselves, as it could be wished we were, the prophet’s flattering anticipation in view of his beloved country, would not be either too sanguine or flattering in view of our own, “Thine eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall not be taken down. Not one of the stakes thereof shall be removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken. But there the glorious God will be unto us a place of broad rivers and streams; wherein shall go no galley with oars, neither shall gallant ship pass thereby. For the Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the lord is our king, he will save us.”