Sermon – Fasting – 1810, Massachusetts


The following sermon was preached by John Hubbard Church (1772-1840). It was given on the occasion of the fast day in Massachusetts on April 5, 1810.


sermon-fasting-1810-massachusetts-2


THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF NEW ENGLAND.

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S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN THE SOUTH PARISH

IN ANDOVER,

APRIL 5, 1810;

BEING THE

ANNUAL FAST IN MASSACHUSETTS.

BY JOHN HUBBARD CHURCH, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN PELHAM, (N. H.)

SUTTON, (MASS.)
PRINTED AND SOLD BY SEWALL GOODRIDGE.
1810.

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S E R M O N.

PSALM, cv. 44, 45.

And gave them the lands of the heathen;—that they might observe his statutes, and keep his laws.

For the glory of God all things were made; and his glory should be the ultimate object of every intelligent being.  By every expression of his goodness to men, their obligations to glorify his name are increased.

For the glory of his name, God called Abraham from his connexions and native land, and made with him an everlasting covenant, to be a God to him and to his feed in their generations, and to give them the land of Canaan for a possession.  When the Israelites groaned in Egyptian bondage, he led them forth by the right hand of Moses, with his glorious arm, dividing the water before them, to make himself an everlasting name.  And he afterwards led them into Canaan, and gave them the lands of the heathen; that they might observe his statutes, and keep his laws.

These words may be properly applied to the first settlement of New England.  God gave our fathers possession of this land, that they might observe his statutes, and keep his laws: or, in other words, that they might promote the pure religion of the gospel.  That this was the design of our ancestors in settling in this land, is evident.

In the first place, from the circumstances which induced their removal.
The reformation of the sixteenth century was extended into England, and led the established Church to adopt a purer creed.  The thirty-nine articles of their faith comprise the fundamental doctrines of the gospel.  But still they adhered, in some things, to the ceremonies of the Romish Church.  To these ceremonies many pious persons would not conform; though willing to subscribe to all the articles of the true Christian faith, and to the doctrine of the sacraments.  But King James I. was determined to have one religion in ceremony, as well as in substance.  Those who would not comply with his determination were called Nonconformists.  They were also called Puritans, because as a Writer[i] of the established Church observed, they “would have the Church thoroughly reformed; that is, purged from all those inventions, which have been bought into it, since the age of the Apostles, and reduced entirely to the scripture purity.”

The Puritans, in three counties in the north of England, were formed into two Churches.  The Rev. Richard Clifton, a devout and successful preacher, was pastor of the Church, whose members began the settlement of New England.  The Rev. John Robinson succeeded him. It was the great object of Mr. Robinson and his brethren to separate from the world.  They were opposed to a separation from any of the Churches of Christ; holding communion with the reformed Churches in Scotland, France, and the Netherlands.  They did not debar, from their communion those of the Church of England, who gave evidence of real piety.  It was the corruptions of that Church, which they opposed:  and this opposition excited the bitterest resentment of King James and his Bishops.

Being persecuted for righteousness’ sake, Mr. Robinson and his brethren contemplated a removal.  Although it was painful to leave their estates, and bid farewell to their friends and the country which gave them birth, yet they could readily do all this for the quiet enjoyment of their religion.  Accordingly they began, in 1607, to remove to Holland; where religious freedom was universally enjoyed.  From Amsterdam, the first place of their residence, they soon removed to Leyden.  There they lived in great peace and harmony, and were treated with respect.  Their numbers increased, until the communicants awaited them.   They had to endure such labor and hardship to obtain the means of support, that some returned to England.  Many in England were discouraged, by these difficulties, from going to Holland.  The youth were in great danger of being corrupted by the vices and temptations of Leyden.  Some left their parents either for a military or seafaring life.  And such were “the dissipated manners of the Hollanders. Especially, their lax observance of the Lord’s day.”

That our pious fathers could see little or no prospect, in that place, “of perpetuating a Church, which they believed to be constituted after the simple and pure model of the primitive Church  of Christ.”[ii]  At length they turned their thoughts to America.  Here was presented, to their view, an extensive continent, inhabited by millions of their fellow men under the dominion of the prince of darkness.  How important to disseminate the words of eternal life among this wretched people!  It was foreseen that a removal to this country must be attended with heavy trials and imminent dangers.  But their zeal to propagate the gospel, and enjoy its blessings, inspired them with unshaken resolution and fortitude.  So gloomy were their prospects, in a temporal view, that nothing but a regard to the gospel, to its precious truths and institutions could dispose them to attempt a removal to this land.  But with much prayer and pious consultation, they formed the noble design.  This design, they executed; but not without much delay and trouble.  Nearly three years were spent in making arrangements for their intended enterprise.  New difficulties arose.  But they persevered; and in July 1620, the pious adventurers failed from Holland to England.  From thence, August 5, they failed, in two vessels, for the new world.  But they were twice obliged to return into port, by reason of the leakiness of one of the vessels.  This was dismissed as unfit for the service.  In the other vessel they set sail, the third time, September 6.  But when half across the Atlantic, they might have been obliged to return, on account of the injury done to the ship by contrary winds and violent storms, had it not been for a large iron screw, which one of the passengers brought from Holland.  With this they repaired the ship; “and then committing themselves to the divine will,” they proceeded on their voyage, and arrived in Cape Cod harbor, November 10.  At Plymouth, they commenced the settlement of New England.>
Uniformity in the observance of religious ceremonies was still enforced in England; and Archbishop Laud adopted so rigorous measures against the Puritans, that numbers of them crossed the Atlantic, at different times, and began settlements in Salem, Charlestown, Boston, Dorchester and other places, that they might promote the pure religion of the gospel.  That this was the design of our ancestors, is evident.
In the second place, from their doctrinal belief, their piety, and their subsequent measures.

Mr. Robinson was a learned, orthodox, pious divine.  He was a zealous advocate for the doctrines of grace.  He and his brethren believed, “that the inspired Scriptures only contain the true religion;—that every man has a right of judging for himself, of trying doctrines by them and of worshipping according to his apprehension of the meaning of them;—that the doctrinal articles of the Church of England,[iii] as also of the reformed Churches of Scotland, Ireland, France, the Palatinate, Geneva, Switzerland, and the United Provinces, are agreeable to the holy oracles;—that every particular Church of Christ is only to consist of such as appear to believe in and obey him; that such—have a right to embody into a Church for their mutual edification; that this embodying is by some certain contract or covenant:—that being embodied, they have a right of choosing all their officers: that the officers appointed by Christ, for this embodied Church, are in some respects of three sorts, in others but two, viz.  Pastors or teaching elders:–mere ruling elders, who are to help the pastor in overseeing and ruling;–and deacons;–that these officers being chosen and ordained, have no lordly, arbitrary or imposing power, but can only rule and minister with the consent of the brethren; who ought not in contempt to be called the laity, but to be treated as men and brethren in Christ, not as slaves or minors;–that baptism is a seal of the covenant of grace, and should be dispensed only to visible believers, with their unadult children; and this in primitive purity, as in the times of Christ and his Apostles, without the sign of the cross or any other invented ceremony; that the Lord’s Supper should be received as it was t first, even in Christ’s immediate presence, in the table posture.”[iv]  For such principles, “this people suffered in England, fled to Holland, traversed the ocean, and fought a dangerous retreat in these remote and savage deserts of North America; that here they might fully enjoy them, and leave them to their last posterity.”

Their piety was no less conspicuous than the purity of their doctrines.  For their piety, they were respected in Holland.  From the Magistrates they received this honorable testimony:  “These Englishmen have lived among us now these twelve years, yet we never had one suit or action come against them.”  In reference to their intended removal to America, Messrs. Robinson and Brewster declared, in behalf of themselves and their brethren; “We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us; to whom and whose service, we have given ourselves in many trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavors, according to the simplicity of our hearts.  We are knit together as a body, in a most strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord.”  Their measures were marked with fervent piety. They kept two days of solemn prayer before they left Leyden.  Just as they embarked for England, they commended themselves with most fervent prayer to God.  Their expectation was from him.  Before they left England, Mr. Robinson, in a letter which he wrote them from Holland, urged them “to repentance for all known sins: and generally for all that were unknown, lest God should swallow them up in his judgments; to live in peace with one another, and all men; not to give or take offence; to have a proper regard for the general good; and avoid as a deadly plague, all private respect for themselves.”

Having escaped the dangers of the ocean, and gained the harbor of Cape Cod, they devoutly, on their knees, gave thanks to the Lord for their safe arrival.  Previous to their landing, they entered into solemn contract, as the basis of their government; in which they declared they had undertaken their voyage for the glory of God, and the advancement of the Christian faith.  As soon as they landed they fell on their knees “with hearty praises to God, who had been their assurance, when far off on the sea.”  In this pious and memorable manner, was the settlement of New England commenced.

The piety of these worthy men was severely tried, by cruel persecution in their native land; by excessive labor and hardship in Holland; by a long and tedious voyage across the boisterous ocean: by being driven upon a shore, which was unknown and inhospitable, at the commencement of a dreary winter, when they were worn out with toil and sufferings, having neither convenient shelter, nor means of comfortable support, and being soon visited with distressing sickness, which in a few months swept off nearly half of their number.  By means of such trials, their fervent piety became very manifest.

In the noble enterprise of settling this country, large numbers engaged.  Many ministers, eminent for piety and ministerial qualifications, came into this land, and were founders and pastors of Churches.  Multitudes of pious and peaceable protestants here fought a refuge for their lives and liberties, with freedom for the worship of God.  Our fathers considered this country as an asylum for the puritan religion, and aimed to establish Churches as near the scripture standard as possible.

The grand object, for which our ancestors came into this wilderness, was prosecuted with becoming zeal.  Much was done to preserve the faith of the Churches in its purity.  “In 1637, a Synod met at Cambridge for the suppression of Antinomian and other errors.  Eighty errors were presented, examined and condemned.  Great was the good which they effected.”[v]  In 1648, another Synod, convened at Cambridge, adopted the platform of Church discipline called “The Cambridge Platform:” and in their result, they say, “This Synod, having perused and considered, with much gladness of heart and thankfulness to God, the confession of faith, lately published by the Reverend Assembly of Divines in England, do judge it holy, orthodox, and judicious in all matters of faith and do, therefore, freely and fully consent thereunto for the substance.”  This vote was unanimous.[vi]  This was republished as “their confession of faith, and as containing the doctrines, constantly taught and professed in the New England Churches.”  The same confession of faith was again adopted by the Synod of 1680; and the General Court ordered it to be printed “for the benefit of the Churches, in the present and after times.”  The same doctrines were again publicly declared to be the faith of the Churches, “by a General Convention published, “A seasonable testimony to the glorious doctrines of grace;” from which the Rev. Israel Loring in his Election Sermon, in 1737, gives the following extract:  “That the most high God hath from all eternity, elected certain persons from among the children of men, to be brought unto eternal happiness, in and by Jesus Christ; and this decree was not founded in the foresight of any merit or goodness in the chosen, but in the mere good pleasure of God, who made choice of them: that the elected of God are, in his everlasting covenant of redemption, after a peculiar manner, given unto our Lord Messiah, who therein undertook to be their Head and their Redeemer:  that the redeemed of the Lord shall be, in his time and way, every one of them infallibly made partakers of effectual vocation, and have the benefits, which he hath purchased for them, applied to them: that fallen man, having lost the freedom of his will to spiritual good, he will not believe and repent, and answer the call of the gospel until a supernatural operation of the Spirit of grace upon him, do change his will; which operation is bestowed in a way of mere sovereign grace upon those only hat are ordained unto life:  that upon a sinner’s accepting that favor of God by faith, God imputes to him the righteousness of that active and passive obedience, with which the Lord Jesus Christ, appearing as the Surety of his people, has fully answered the law of God for them; and the sinner is justified before God, in that righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ: that every believer on the Lord Jesus Christ, being by faith united unto him, does henceforth glorify his Lord, in doing the works of evangelical obedience by a strength derived from him; which good works are the fruit and proof, but not the cause of his justification; and finally, that the saints of God shall persevere in their sanctity, and nothing shall make them fall totally and finally from that grace, wherein they stand, and may rejoice in hope of the glory of God.”

The Churches of Connecticut were regulated by the Cambridge Platform until 1708: when they unanimously, by their Pastors and Delegates, adopted “The Saybrook Platform,” and a confession of faith, containing for substance the same doctrines, with that of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster.

Our ancestors were thus engaged for the purity of doctrine and discipline in the Churches, in order to maintain the power of godliness.  For, as the Rev. Israel Loring  observed in his Election Sermon, “It was well said by Dr. Owen that “gospel truth is the  only root whereon gospel holiness will grow.  If any worm corrode, or any other corrupt accident befall it, the fruit will quickly fade and decay.  It is impossible to maintain the power of godliness, where the doctrine, from whence it springs, is unknown, corrupted or despised.”  Our fathers acted in conformity to this sentiment.

Their exertions were happily succeeded.  The Spirit was poured out on the people, and the wilderness became a fruitful field.  In twenty-seven years from the first plantation, there were forty-three Churches in joint communion with one another; and in twenty-seven years more, there were upwards of eighty Churches, composed of known, pious, and faithful professors.  The Rev. Thomas Prince says, “There never was, perhaps, before seen such a body of pious people together on the face of the earth.  For those, who came over first, came hither for the sake of religion, and for that pure religion, which was entirely hated by the loose and profane of the world.  Their civil and ecclesiastical leaders were exemplary patterns of piety.  They encouraged only the virtuous to come with and follow them.  They were so strict on the vicious both in the Church and State, that the incorrigible could not endure to live in the country and went back again.  Profane swearers and drunkards were not known in the land.  Concerning that period, it was said by an eminent Minister, Rev. Mr. Firmin, in a discourse before the house of Lords and Commons, and the Assembly of divines at Westminster:  “I have lived in a country seven years, and all that time, I never heard one profane oath; and all that time I never did see a man drunk in that land.”

When symptoms of declension appeared, our fathers were filled with grief and alarm.  Mr. Stoughton, in his Election sermon, in 1868, says, “Alas! How is New England in danger, this day, to be lost even in New England; to be buried in its own ruins?  How sadly may we lament it, that all are not Israel, that are now of Israel?  How is the good grain diminished, and the chaff increased?  The first generation have been ripened, time after time, and the most of them gathered in as shocks of corn in their season; but we, who rise up to tread the footsteps of those that have gone before us, alas!  What are we!—What coolings and abatements are there charged upon us, in the things that are good, and that have been our glory?  We have abated in our esteem of ordinances, in our hungering and thirsting after the rich provisions of the house of God.  We have abated in our love and zeal, in our wise, tender and faithful management of that great duty of mutual watchfulness and reproof.”

Rulers were then so affected with the declining state of religion, that “in 1679, the Massachusetts government called a Synod of all the Churches in that colony to consider and answer these two most important questions:  (1) What are the evils that have provoked the Lord, to bring his judgments on New England?  (2) What is to be done, that so these evils may be reformed?”  “After a day of fasting and prayer,” which was observed by the Churches, “the Synod spent several days in discoursing on the two great  questions.  The result, pointing out the sins of the time, and recommending a reformation, was presented to the General Court; which by an act,—‘commended it unto the serious consideration of all the Churches and people in the jurisdiction.’  ‘Among their answers to the second question, the Synod advised the several Churches to an express and solemn renewal of covenant with God, and one another: with which many complied; and therefore there was a considerable revival among them.”  Dr. Cotton Mather says, “Very remarkable was the blessing of God on the Churches, which did not so sleep, as some others; not only by a great advancement of holiness in the people; but also by a great addition of converts to their holy fellowship.  Many thousand spectators will testify that they never saw the special presence of the Great God our Saviour more notably discovered, than in the solemnity of these opportunities.”[vii]

In those days, the Ministers, in election sermons and other discourses, labored to impress it on the minds of the people, that this ought never to be forgotten, that New England was originally a plantation of religion, not of trade; that pure religion was the cause of God and his people in this country; and that fervent, vital piety was declining even in those Churches which were established on purpose to preserve and promote it.  In 1702, Dr. Increase Mather thus wrote:  “Let the life and power of godliness be revived.  That has been the singular glory of New England.  The generality of the first planters were men eminent for godliness.  We are the posterity of the good old puritan Nonconformists in England, who were a strict and holy people.  Such were our fathers who followed the Lord into this wilderness.  Time was, when these Churches were beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem, terrible as an army with banners.  What a glorious presence of Christ was there in all his ordinances?  Many were converted, and willingly declared what God had done for their souls; and there were added to the Churches daily such as should be saved.  Look into pulpits; and see if there is such a glory there, as once there was.  New England has had teachers eminent for learning, and no less eminent for holiness and all ministerial accomplishments.  When will Boston see a Cotton and a Norton again?  When will New England see a Hooker, a Shepard, a Mitchel, not to mention others?  No little part of the glory was laid in the dust, when these eminent servants of Christ were laid in their graves.  Look into our civil state: does Christ reign there as once he did?  How many Churches, how many towns are there in New England, that we may sigh over them and say, The glory is gone!”

Thus the settlement of New England was commenced and prosecuted for the advancement of pure religion.  For this grand object, our pious ancestors left their native land, and came into a wilderness, inhabited by savages.  For this, they labored and toiled; for this, they fasted and prayed.

From this view of the first settlement and primitive state of New England, we are led to inquire.
Whether we have not departed from the faith and piety of our ancestors?
Blessed be the Lord, that many are now witnesses for the truth as it is in Jesus; that many Churches now stand “upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief cornerstone.”  O that this could be said of all!  But is there not in many of our Churches, a great and lamentable departure from the faith and piety of our ancestors?  Alas!  This must be evident to every impartial observer; and it should be noticed with the deepest humiliation and sorrow of heart.

The faith once delivered to the saints, was exceedingly dear to our ancestors.  It formed, under divine influence, their excellent characters.  Through belief of the truth, they were sanctified, and prepared for the noble and hazardous enterprise of crossing the Atlantic, and establishing churches of Christ in a land of savages.  Had they been Arminians, Arians, or Socinians, their religious characters would have been essentially different.  Had they rejected the capital doctrines of the gospel, would it be too much to say, that their hearts would have been unhumbled, unreconciled to God, and destitute of his love?  But they knew, they felt the power of divine truth.  They received it in love.  They were zealous advocates for the doctrines of grace.  These were distinctly held forth as the faith of all the Churches.  A departure from this faith was feared as a most deadly evil.  It was clearly perceived that, if the doctrines of grace should be exploded, the power of godliness could not be maintained.  Hence they manifested fervent zeal against all manner of heresies; against everything destructive of truth and holiness.  Even as lately as in the days of President Edwards, the spread of Arminian sentiments excited much alarm.  “The friends of vital piety trembled for fear of the issue.”[viii]—But how great is our present departure from the faith of the gospel?  How many openly reject its essential doctrines?  How many Churches make no explicit declaration of their belief of the cardinal truths of revelation?  What opposition is made, even in the heart of New England, against the real and proper divinity of the Savior; his atonement and everlasting righteousness, as the only ground of the sinner’s acceptance with God; the personality and work of the Holy Ghost in the salvation of lost men: and against other connected and equally important doctrines?  Instead of being valiant for the truth, how many are the zealous advocates of error?  Instead of contending earnestly for the faith, they contend for sentiments, which subvert the gospel.  How many boast of their liberality and Catholicism, while vehemently opposed to the capital articles of the true Christian faith?  They can bear with almost anything, except the truth.  Hence the outcry against orthodox confessions of faith—How different is all this from the conduct of our worthy ancestors?

A quotation from one of the brightest ornaments of the New England Churches, Dr. Cotton Mather, may serve to shew our sad apostasy.  In his “directions for a candidate of the ministry,” he says:  “I must advise you, that the doctrines of grace be all of them always with you, as the very salt and soul of your sermons.  Assert always the necessity of turning and living unto God; and yet such an impotency in the wounded and corrupt faculties of man, as renders a supernatural and regenerating work of sovereign grace necessary for it.  Shew people how to plead the sacrifice of our Saviour, that they may be forgiven; and how to lay hold on his righteousness, that they may be accepted with God.  Shew people how to overcome, and mortify, and crucify their evil appetites by repairing to the cross of our Saviour; and how to derive strength from him for the doing and the bearing of all that they are called unto.  Shew the people of God how to take the comfort of their eternal election, and special redemption, and insured perseverance; and, at the same time, retch mighty incentives to holiness from those hopes which will forever cause them that have them to purify themselves.  Gospelize to them all the commandments of the law, and shew them how to obey upon the principles of the gospel: and how the precepts of the gospel are so many promises of it.

With a strong application, study the covenant of grace: and let the spirit of that covenant animate and regulate all your performances, when you bless the Lord in the congregations.  In these truths, there are the articles, which the Church either stands or falls withal.  They will be the life of your ministry; nor can the power of godliness be maintained without them.  The loss of these truths will render a ministry insipid and unfruitful; and procure this complaint about the Shepherds:  The diseased ye have not strengthened, neither have ye brought again that which was driven away.”—Such were the directions once given and observed in New England.  But what essentially different directions are now given?  How many are systematically taught to oppose these all important truths?  How many are told to believe that Christ is the Messiah, while they are kept as ignorant as possible of his true character and of the capital doctrines of his gospel?  The great Apostle to the Gentiles did not teach in this manner.  He determined to know nothing but Christ and him crucified; and in execution of his design, he declared all the counsel of God.         

The doctrines of total depravity, regeneration by special grace, election, justification by faith the final perseverance of the saints, and the eternal deity of the Saviour, he plainly and fully taught.  The pious fathers of New England aimed to follow him.  But how many now rise up, and either openly or implicitly stigmatize them as bigots?  Alas?!  How great is our degeneracy!
Our apostasy further appears from the opposition that is made against revivals of religion, which are produced by the special operations of the Holy Ghost.  It is the object of many, at this day, to discredit and reproach such revivals; and to represent the gracious exercises of real converts as the reveries of deluded fanatics or wild enthusiasts.  But in the early days of New England, who ever knew such opposition to the power of godliness?  Then nothing was thought more important or more joyful than for God to pour out his Spirit, and revive his work in the conversion of sinners.  As an example of this, I will recite the words of Mr. Roger Clap, a worthy member of the Church in Dorchester.  “Many joined unto the several Churches where they lived, confessing their faith publicly, and shewing before all the assembly their experiences of the workings of God’s Spirit in their hearts, to bring them to Christ.—O the many tears, that have been shed in Dorchester meting house, at such times both by those that have declared God’s work on their souls, and also by those that heard them!  In those days, God, even our God, did bless New England.”[ix]—About the year 1740, there was a revival of godliness, which excited great joy in the New England Churches.

The Rev. Mr. Foxcroft of Boston wrote thus concerning it:  “Let every new conversion we see or hear of, open a fresh spring of joy in our hearts, and fill our mouths with praise.  As the number of converts in Zion in this remarkable day of divine power and grace, is on the increasing hand, and much people are daily added to the Lord in one place and another, how should all that would approve themselves lovers of Christ and souls, rejoice and give thanks!  Praise ye the Lord:  praise the Lord, O my soul.—O how should we magnify the Lord with thanksgiving, who is so marvelously, at this day, visiting our land, to take out of it a people for his name, and in so extensive a manner reviving his work among us.  May it spread still more, till the whole land, yea, the whole earth is filled with the glory of the Lord.”[x]—In 1743 a Convention of about seventy Ministers[xi] in Boston, declared publicly, to the glory of sovereign grace, their full persuasion that there had been a remarkable and happy revival of religion in many parts of this land, through an uncommon divine influence; and they add, “Thus we have declared our thoughts as to the work of God, so remarkably revived in many parts of this land.  And now we desire to bow the knee in thanksgiving to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that our eyes have seen, and our ears heard such things.”

Such joy and gratitude were then expressed.  But what opposition now appears to the same work of sovereign grace?  How many treat it with open contempt?  How many rejoice to hear the doctrines of grace exploded, and revivals of religion reproached as fanaticism and delusion?  They wish for teachers, who will speak smooth things, and not alarm them by faithfully declaring their total depravity of heart, and their absolute need of special grace.  They wish to live as they lift, and still indulge their fond, through delusive, hopes of future happiness.  As a natural consequence of this opposition to the truth and to the power of godliness, there has been a great and lamentable change in the morals of New England.  Some say that the doctrines of grace tend to licentiousness.  But facts contradict the assertion.  It is not the truth, but heresy, which tends to licentiousness.  The morals of New England have been the purest, when the truth has been most faithfully taught, and most generally received.  In proportion as the true doctrines of the gospel have been opposed, and their opposite errors propagated, have vice and immorality abounded.

That so many Churches have left the gospel foundation, is another proof of our apostasy.  The good old way, which our fathers trod, is forsaken.  Churches were not only formed with the greatest care, but our fathers were also very careful and strict in the admission of members.  No person was admitted to full communion, who did not give hopeful evidence of being a subject of special, renewing grace.  Those who wished for admission, were carefully examined by the minister and some of the brethren.  Much pains were taken “to prevent the polluting of the ordinance, by such as walk scandalously, and to prevent men and women from eating and drinking their own condemnation.”

But how many are now admitted to full communion, without any such examination, and without any evidence that they have been renewed by special grace?  When Churches were careful and strict in admitting members, they maintained gospel discipline.  But how much is discipline now opposed and neglected?  This evinces Churches to be in a state of great declension if not nigh unto ruin.  “When apostasy prevailed in the Asiatic Churches,” says Dr. Increase Mather, “there was the original wound.  They did not brandish the sword of discipline, which is Christ’s own expedient and appointment for the preservation of Churches in purity; yea, this was a fatal neglect, which, by degrees, proved ruinous to those once famous and glorious Churches.  The neglect of discipline—brought in corruption of manners; and corruption of manners was, through the just revenging hand of God, attended with corruption of doctrine; and these together provoked the Lord to lay those Churches most desolate.”  “So it was with the once famous Churches of Bohemia; remissness in their discipline proved their ruin”  How much do we discover of the same apostasy, in many of our Churches?  In how many, is discipline wholly laid aside?  How many members, guilty of heresy or immoral conduct, pass unnoticed and unreproved?  How deplorable is the state of such Churches?

Another thing which manifests our declension is the division among professing Christians.  In the early days of New England, there was a very happy union.  “Then” says the Rev. Mr. Shepard of Charlestown, “might be seen magistrates and ministers together in way of advice:  ministers and ministers cleaving together in way of communion:—Churches and Churches together in way of consultation, by greater and lesser synods; magistrates and ministers and their people together, uniting hands and hearts in the common cause, breathing a public spirit, and conspiring with holy zeal and vigor, to advance the kingdom of Christ.”  Of the same period the Rev. James Fitch, of Norwich, in Connecticut, says, “O the uniting glory then manifest;—grace ruling and ordering both rulers and people under the glorious banners of true gospel holy love.  Then were colonies united and courts united; magistrates united and ministers united; Churches united and plantations united.”  But what a spirit of division now prevails?  And to what is this owing, but to a departure from the truth?  If all who profess religion, received in love the same doctrines, the present division would not exist.  But the fact is, that while some adhere to the essential doctrines of the gospel, others reject them.  They depart from the faith.  Hence divisions arise.  Many attempts are made to sow discord among real brethren; and to prevent their uniting to defend and propagate the truth.  Heresies are industriously circulated.  By means of these they who are approved are made manifest; those who choose darkness rather than light are also made manifest.  Saith the Apostle John, “They went out from us, but they were not of us; for if they had been of us, they would no doubt have continued with us; but they went out, that they might be made manifest that they were not all of us.”

The profanation of the Sabbath evinces our apostasy.  This holy day was very sacredly observed by our pious ancestors.  Legislators, and magistrates, and heads of families were zealously engaged to prevent the profanation of the day.  Their authority and example had great and happy influence.  But how much is the Sabbath now profaned?  How many spend it in journeying, in visiting, in parties of pleasure, in mirth, in rioting and wantonness:  no man forbidding them!  How are the youth suffered to walk about, and from house to house, and profane the day by vain, if not corrupting conversation?  What numbers come to untimely deaths, in the midst of their heaven daring profanation of the Sabbath?  How many others, by profaning the day, form habits of wickedness, which bring upon them sure and dreadful destruction?

Another thing which manifests our sad declension is the neglect of family worship, and the religious education of children.  Our fathers adopted this maxim, that “families are the nurseries for the church and commonwealth:  ruin families and you ruin all.”  Their houses were Bethels, in which God was worshipped every morning and evening.  His blessing was humbly fought; and his goodness gratefully acknowledged.  Children were early taught, by example, to fear the Lord, and to seek his grace by prayer.  But now “the great wound and misery of New England is, that families are out of order.”  In how many, is prayer wholly neglected?  Some may attend the worship of God, occasionally, or when they think it would be peculiarly disgraceful to omit it.  How many think it would be a loss of time, to leave their worldly employments, in order to wait on God for his blessing?  What a spirit of impiety is this!  And do not some heads of families attend prayer, while they deny this privilege to their servants and hired laborers?  They treat these as if they had no God to serve, no souls to save!  How must God regard the prayers of those who love the world more than they love him, or the souls of men?—How distressing to hear no prayer in a family!  How inconsistent and impious is the conduct of many, who abound in thanks to their fellow creatures, but give no thanks to their great Creator?  In God they live; and his goodness is the prime source of all their blessings; and yet they practically say, there is no God!

Children are also greatly neglected.  They are not so generally dedicated to God in baptism, as they were in the early days of New England.  The learned and godly men, who composed the first Churches in this land, never considered the baptism of the believer’s children as a human invention; but as a divine institution, and of equal authority and importance with the baptism of the believer.  Upon this principle, the pure and orthodox Churches of New England were first formed.  Pious parents esteemed it a great privilege to dedicate their children to God in baptism.  They did it in faith, and with fervent prayer.  The children, thus dedicated to God, were considered as being in a peculiar relation to the Church, and under its care and watch.  “As for the children of the covenant,” said Dr. Increase Mather, “let discipline be extended towards them according  as they are subjects capable thereof.  Did not our fathers come hither in hope that they should leave their children under the discipline and government of the Lord Jesus in his Church?  Hath not Christ owned the application of solemn, public admonitions, &c. to some of them that have been children of the Church, though not in full communion, so as to convert their souls thereby?”  The Churches were then blessed with times of refreshing from the presence of the Lord.  In fulfillment of his promise, he poured his Spirit on their seed; and numbers came forward, and subscribed with their own hands to be the Lord’s.  But, of late years, how lamentable has been the change?  How many who have practiced infant baptism, have not duly attended to its import and design, nor faithfully discharged the duties, which it involves?  Children have been consecrated to God, and then left to their own wayward inclination.  And what have Churches done to prevent or remove this evil?  Have they been duly attentive to their children, or suitably concerned for their salvation?—To say, ‘We are not agreed about this part of our duty,’ is too much evidence of apostasy.  This disagreement may arise from our neglect of duty.  Had our Churches been faithful, our duty might have been plain.  Then their practice, in connexion with the word of God, would have marked out a plain path.  But having so much and so long forsaken the good old way, it is difficult finding it.

Our neglect of the children of the Church has had another very bad effect.  It has excited strong prejudices against infant baptism.  Many have openly denied, and warmly opposed it.  But this is a sad departure from the faith and practice of the pious fathers of New England, as well as of the great body of Christ’s faithful followers ever since his ascension.  Even Churches, that the Lord has peculiarly blessed with his presence and grace, have been reproached and reviled as Churches of anti-Christ; and the children of God’s people have been taught to despise the seal of the covenant.  The consequence has been, that many of our youth are vain, thoughtless and inattentive to religion.  The more infant baptism is denied, and children neglected, the more deplorable their ignorance and stupidity.  This lamentable fact has been witnessed in New England.

Catechetical instruction is greatly neglected.  In former times, the assembly’s catechism was used in all our schools.  Much pains were taken to teach the youth this excellent summary of Christian faith and practice.  The Bible was also universally read in schools.  The effects were very happy.  Children were early acquainted with the scriptures.  A worthy minister has told me that the whole scripture history was familiar to him at the age of seven years.  But from this good old way there are sad departures.  The Bible and catechism are much laid aside, in educating children, both in schools and families.  The effects are very evident and alarming.  Many come forward into active life, ignorant of the first principles of the oracles of God.  Such persons are easily “tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men, and cunning craftiness, whereby they lie in wait to deceive.”

Our conduct, in other respects, testifies that we have departed from the primitive piety of New England.  A pious and learned minister of Roxbury, the Rev. Samuel Danforth, in his election sermon, 1670, says, “In our first and best times the kingdom of heaven broke in upon us with a holy violence, and every man pressed into it.  What mighty efficacy and power had the clear and faithful dispensation of the gospel upon your hearts?—How careful were you, even all sorts, young and old, high and low, to take hold of the opportunities of your spiritual good and edification, ordering your secular affairs so as not to interfere with your general calling?  How diligent and faithful in preparing your hearts for the reception of the word?—How attentive in hearing the everlasting gospel?—How fervent in prayer to God for his blessing on the seed sown?  O what an esteem for Christ’s faithful ambassadors in those days?  How precious were they in your eyes?  Counting yourselves happy in the enjoyment of a pious, learned, and orthodox ministry.  What ardent desires after communion with Christ in his ordinances?  What solicitude to seek the Lord after the right order?—O how your faith grew exceedingly?—O how your love towards each other abounded?”  Thus spake this godly  man.

But what would he now say of New England?  Would he not say that the words of his dear fellow laborer, Dr. Increase Mather, were verified?  “If such places, where the house of God hath been erected, do once degenerate, they are like to become Bethavens, places of greatest vanity and iniquity in the world.—Gilgal was once famous upon religious accounts.—But in after generations, it was a fountain of much wickedness.  All their wickedness was in Gilgal.  The devil seeks to corrupt those places especially, which once were famous for religion.—Wittemburg in Germany was the town, where the reformation in Luther’s time began; and therefore the devil did seek to corrupt that place especially, and caused it to become the seat of grievous heresies.”  How much is this to be seen in our land?  How great and lamentable is the change in many congregations?  What contempt of the gospel and its institutions is manifested?  What heresies are advanced?  What stupidity prevails?  How dissipated and profligate are many?  How many professors of religion may be found, who are nowise distinguished from the world, by their sobriety, or attention to religious duties?  In short, how much do error and impiety abound in places once famous for evangelical truth and holiness.
It was not love of the world, but the love of God, which brought our ancestors to this land.  They fought first the kingdom of God and his righteousness.  But “the interest of New England is now changed from a religious to a worldly interest; and in this, is our great radical apostasy.”  The great object of pursuit is worldly gain.  Multitudes have adopted it as their maxim, that gain is godliness.  Consequently, fraud, deceit, lying, contention, injustice, extortion, and all kinds of base and iniquitous speculation greatly abound.  Through love of the world, many trample on divine authority, neglect their souls, reject the great salvation, and pursue the downward road to endless perdition.—How many religious professors love the world and the things of the world?  How little of the favor of godliness is perceived in their conduct and conversation?  Alas! They seek their own, not the things which are Jesus Christ’s.

How much do we fail of treading in the steps of our ancestors?  How different is our character from theirs?  What different objects engage our attention?  Alas!  Alas!  Where is the primitive glory of New England!
How great is our guilt!  This is increased in proportion to the obligations we have violated.  And what people has been more highly favored; what people has been laid under greater obligations to be holy?  “As for special relation to God;” says Mr. Stoughton, “whom hath the Lord more signally exalted than his people in this wilderness?  The name, and interest of God, and covenant relation to him, have been written upon us, in capital letters from the beginning—As for restipulations and engagements back again to God; what solemn public transactions of this kind have there been among us?  Hath not the eye of the Lord beheld us laying covenant engagements upon ourselves?  Hath not his ear heard us solemn avouching him and him alone to be our God and Saviour?—As for our advantages and privileges in a covenant state; if any people in the world have been lifted up to heaven, as to these, we are the people.  Name what you will under this head, and we have had it.

We have had Moses and Aaron to lead us; we have had teachings and instructions;—we have had ordinances and gospel dispensations the choicest of them; we have had peace and plenty; we have had afflictions and chastisements in measure; we have had the hearts, and prayers, and blessing of the Lord’s people everywhere; we have had the eye and hand of God watching and working every way for our good; our adversaries have had their rebukes, we have had our encouragements and a wall of fire round about us.  What more could have been done for us, than has been done?—And then as to New England’s first ways; glorious things might here be spoken unto the praise of free grace, and to justify the Lord’s expectations upon this ground?  Surely God hath spoken concerning his Churches here as in Jeremiah, ii. 2.  I remember the kindness of thy youth, the love of thine espousals, when thou wentest after me in the wilderness.  O what were the open professions of the Lord’s people that first entered this wilderness?  How did our fathers entertain the gospel, with all the pure institutions thereof, and those liberties, which they brought over?  What was their communion and fellowship in the administration of the kingdom of Jesus Christ?  What was the pitch of their brotherly love, of their zeal for God and his ways, and against ways destruction of truth and holiness?  What was their humility, their mortification, their exemplariness?  How much of holiness to the Lord was written upon all their ways and transactions?  God sifted a whole nation, that he might send choice grain over into this wilderness.” 

Such, my brethren, have been our obligations to be a holy people: and our obligations have been continually increasing, by manifestations of divine goodness.  New England has been, in a peculiar sense, the vineyard of the Lord, where he has looked for the fruits of righteousness.  But we have yielded the grapes of Sodom.  We have brought forth iniquity.  To us, the Lord may say, “Ah, sinful nation, a people laden with iniquity;—children that are corrupters!  They have forsaken the Lord; they have provoked the holy One of Israel unto anger; they are gone away backward.”  “Remember, therefore, from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first works; or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy candlestick out of his place, except thou repent.—He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the Churches.”

NOW, my Brethren and Friends, what shall be done?  Shall we continue to depart from the faith and piety of our ancestors?  Or shall we make every possible exertion to revive and promote the pure religion of the gospel?
What can be more laudable than to pursue the design of our ancestors?  Or what can be more criminal than, instead of imitating their love and zeal for truth and holiness, to embrace and advocate error and live in impiety?  Did it not add greatly to the guilt of unbelieving Jews, that Abraham was their father?  Were not the Scribes and Pharisees peculiarly criminal in pretending to venerate the ancient prophets, while they rejected and persecuted those who came in the same spirit, and bore witness to the same truths?  And how aggravated must be our condemnation, if we not only refuse to imitate the piety of our ancestors; but also oppose, with more or less vehemence, the cause which they so zealously promoted?

Receive in love, I beseech you, the doctrines of grace, which our ancestors held so dear.  Can you be ashamed of the gospel?  And can you be ashamed of the gospel, or of those doctrines which are its essence and glory, without being ashamed of Christ?  What they would be your doom?  Do you expect to possess the piety of our ancestors, while you reject the essential doctrines of the gospel?  Such an expectation must be vain.  Reject these doctrines, and your character must be directly opposite to heirs.  Reject these doctrines, and how absurd to pretend that you believe the gospel?  What, pretend to believe the gospel.  Receive its doctrines in love, and they will purify the heart and produce the fruits of righteousness.  Let them dwell richly in you, and you will not deserve the name of bigots or fanatics: for you will be able to give a reason of your belief and hope, and to commend yourselves to every man’s conscience in the sight of God.

Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy.  Would you be guilty of murder, or theft, or perjury?  And will you profane the Sabbath?  What can be a more open contempt of the authority of God, or of the blessings of his grace?  What can be more provoking to him, or destructive to you?  Can you indulge a hope of salvation, while you profane the precious memorial of the Saviour’s resurrection?

Daily unite, I beseech you in the worship of God.  How can you neglect this duty or despise this privilege?  Do you not need the blessing of God?  Ought you not to acknowledge his goodness?  If you live without prayer, will your families differ from the heathen?  Yes, they will differ by being stained with greater guilt.  What will it avail you to excel the heathen in knowledge, and refinement, while, by restraining prayer before God, you become more deserving of his wrath?

Look on your dear children.  Realize their frailty, and the worth of their souls.  Are not these dying immortals placed peculiarly under your care?  Is not their instruction committed to you?  Does not God command you to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord?  And what if they perish through your neglect?  How then could you meet them in the presence of your Judge?

Christian brethren; what exertions are required, at this day, in the cause of truth and holiness?  Behold the prevailing heresies and impiety, and can you be inactive?  How would your pious ancestors feel; how would they conduct?  Would they indulge a slothful habit?  Would they shrink from any labor, or sufferings in defense of the truth?  Imbibe their spirit, and you will contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints; and decidedly oppose every sentiment, which exalts sinful man, and degrades the adorable Saviour to a mere creature.

Strive, dear Brethren, to promote the power of godliness.  Be not ashamed to advocate revivals of religion, which are caused by the Spirit of God, in connexion with his word: nor be moved at the conduct of those who call such revivals, fanaticism and delusion, except to be moved with pity and concern for their souls.[xii]  Pray, fervently and constantly, that God would pour out his Spirit, and revive his work, with mighty power.  Be deeply sensible, that, without the special grace of God, our Churches will come to nothing, or worse than nothing; formality and impiety will overspread our congregations, and sinners rush on to destruction.  Can you be unaffected with such scenes?  Can you see vice and impiety abound, and souls perish forever, and yet make no exertions to promote pure religion?

Esteem very highly the institutions of the gospel.  Be deeply grieved at the profanation of the Sabbath; and exert all your influence and authority to prevent it.  Imitate the example of Nehemiah, who boldly said to Sabbath-breakers, What evil thing is this that ye do, and profane the Sabbath day?  Let your whole conduct testify your reverence for the day.  Let it never be said that Christian professors profane the day by vain and worldly conversation, or any unsuitable conduct.  But call the Sabbath a delight, the Holy of the Lord, Honorable; and honor him, not doing thine own ways, nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speaking thine own words.

With fervent love and lively joy, commemorate the death of Christ; and highly prize the ordinance of baptism.  Esteem it a precious privilege, to enter into covenant with God in Christ; and then to devote to him your beloved children Dear Brethren, let it no longer be thought, that the consecration of children to God in baptism is a vain thing.  But shew its importance by faithfully discharging your duty to your children.  In this way, convince the opposers of infant baptism of their error.  Have you not, too long and too justly, been charged with neglecting the religious education of your children, after dedicating them to God in baptism?  Shall this charge still lie against you?  O be faithful to your children.  Never forget their consecration to God; but let it quicken you in every parental duty.  Frequently remind them of their baptism and urge it, as a motive, why they should consent to be the Lord’s.  Do with all your might, what you find to do for their salvation.  How solemn is your charge!  How great, your responsibility!

Feel the vast importance of catechising children.  By diligence in this mode of instruction, the Waldenses successfully promoted the knowledge of the Scriptures.  “When certain Jesuits were sent among them, to entice them from the truth to idolatry, they returned amazed, professing that children of seven years old, among the Waldenses, knew more in the Scriptures and of the mysteries of the gospel, than many of their doctors did.”  Exert yourselves, my Brethren, to revive this mode of instruction, both in families and schools.  What better method can be pursued, to make our children acquainted with the scriptures.[xiii]  Be zealous and persevering in this business. Excite and encourage youth and children to attend to the Bible and Catechism.  Shew them the great importance of religious instruction.  Let them see that their parents and instructors are deeply concerned for their welfare.  Let them feel that you desire and fervently pray for the salvation of their souls.

Let this subject deeply engage the attention of Churches.  Has not every Church of Christ important duties to discharge towards their children?  Are Christian brethren, in covenant relation with each other, to express no concern for each other’s children?  Does the promise of God to pour his Spirit on the children of the Church, impose on them no obligation to see whether their children are partakers of this grace?  Can a Church unite in dedicating their children to God in baptism, that they may be his, and yet have nothing more to do for them?  What a prostitution this would be of their baptism?  What a neglect, not to say contempt, of the promise?  And how opposite to all the dictates of that love, which seeketh not her own?  Let the subject, my Brethren, be well considered.  Let the Church and their children come together for prayer and religious conference; let all the members be fervent in love to each other and to the children; exercise a lively faith in the promise; and realize covenant engagements; and would nothing be done for the salvation of the children?  Would no instructions, no exhortations, no admonitions be given them?  It has been practiced in New England, for a Church to set apart days, to beseech the Lord to pour his Spirit on their children.  Ought not the practice to be revived?[xiv]

Let our Churches be strict in the admission of members; and united in reviving gospel discipline.  What can be more conducive to their purity, peace, and prosperity.  Let persons be admitted without a faithful examination, and discipline neglected, and our Churches will be corrupted and ruined.  Be faithful, beloved Brethren, in these two important concerns.  Be faithful to each other, in mutual watchfulness and reproof.  Exhort one another daily, lest any be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin.

Let the friends of evangelical truth be more united, and act more in concert.  Let there be more pious, prayerful consultations for the advancement of Christ’s cause.  Beware of the adversary, whose policy it is to excite jealousy and sow discord among brethren.  He dreads their united influence.  Being agreed in the essentials of Christianity, never let a difference of opinion on minor subjects divide you.  Love one another, with a pure heart fervently; and be perfectly joined together in the same mind, and in the same judgment.

Vigorously pursue every lawful method to advance the cause of truth.  The glory of God; the honor of the Redeemer; the salvation of immortal souls; and your own highest blessedness, require it.  Let no difficulties, no opposition, no trials move you from the path of duty.  Be steadfast in the faith.  When others forsake the cause they once espoused; or boldly advance and warmly advocate opinions, subversive of the gospel; let your attachment to the truth, be more ardent and vigorous.  Let it prompt you to greater exertions.  Declare the whole counsel of God, as duty shall require.  Never listen to the infidel sentiment, that if a man’s life be regular, it is no matter what he believes.  But remember that men can never be sanctified and saved, except through the truth.  To attempt their conversion, while the doctrines of grace are concealed or denied, is beating the air.  In defense of these doctrines, unite zeal and meekness, resolution and prayer.

Be excited to greater zeal by the laudable exertions of others.  Behold the friends of Jesus uniting in the same grand design.  See what noble efforts are made.  Consider what has been done, within a few years, to advance the cause of truth.  Engage in this cause, with all your hearts; for it will prosper; it will rise triumphant, above all opposition.  It is the cause of Jehovah.  With growing zeal, employ your time, your talents, and all you have, in the work of the Lord.  Animated with the spirit of martyrs, go forward boldly in his service.  Confide in the grace and power of Jehovah—Jesus.  His grace is sufficient for you.  His power will uphold and defend you, till your warfare is accomplished; and then crown you with eternal glory.  Be ye strong, therefore, and let not your hands be weak; for your work shall be rewarded.—Amen.

 


[i] Dr. Fulk, quoted in Prince’s N. E. Chronology, page 5.
[ii] See Prince’s N. E. Chronology and Holmes’ Annals.
[iii] These are the doctrines usually denominated Calvinistic.
[iv] Prince’s N. E. Chronology, page 91-93.
[v] Marse and Parish’s history of New England.
[vi] Marse and Parish’s history of New England.
[vii] Christian History for 1743, page 107; and Holmes’ Annals.
[viii] Narrative of revival of religion at Northampton.
[ix] Cited in the Christian history, page 72.
[x] Christian history, page 135.
[xi] Ten of these belonged to Boston.  Upwards of forty Ministers who were not present, sent forward their written testimonies to the work of God’s grace.  These were published in the Christian history.
[xii] No doubt, there is much fanaticism and delusion at the present day.  For Satan transforms himself into an angel of light, that he may deceive the more successfully.  When God revives his work, Satan attempts to imitate it; as the magicians attempted to imitate the miracles wrought by Moses.  A genuine revival of religion is distinguished from all counterfeits by its conformity to divine truth.  The author is happy to avail himself of the testimony of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, on this subject.  In their narrative of the state of religion, published at their late session, they expressly declare that they “cannot recognize as genuine any work in the hearts of men, bearing the name of religion, but that which is produced by the instrumentality of truth, acknowledges and honors that truth.—In those parts of the Church, without exception, in which vital religion has flourished, in the course of the last year, the fundamental doctrines of the gospel; viz. the total depravity of human nature, the divinity and atonement of Jesus Christ, justification by his imputed righteousness, the sovereignty and freeness of divine grace, and the special influences of the Holy Spirit in the regeneration and sanctification of sinners, have been decidedly received and honored.”—Try men by the doctrines of the gospel, if you would know whether their religious exercises are genuine.
[xiii] For this purpose, I would particularly recommend “The Evangelical Primer; by the Rev. Joseph Emerson of Beverly.”—It is very desirable, that this may be used in every family, and in every school.
[xiv] The General Assembly, in their narrative, referred to in a preceding note, say, “The means, in addition to the preaching of the word, which God has owned and blessed are, catechizing and prayer meetings.  And the Assembly hail it as an auspicious omen, that, upon many of his people and Churches, God has poured out a Spirit of grace and supplication.”

Sermon – Ordination – 1817


Lyman Beecher (1775-1863) graduated from Yale in 1797, having studied theology with Timothy Dwight (the president of Yale). He was ordained in 1798. He preached at: the Presbyterian Church in East Hampton (1799-1810), the Congregational Church in Litchfield, CN (1810-1826), the Hanover Street Church in Boston (1826-1832), and the Second Presbyterian Church in Cincinnati (1832-1842). Beecher also served as president of Lane Seminary in Cincinnati (1832-1852).

This sermon was preached by Lyman Beecher in 1817 in Boston on the Bible as a law book.


sermon-ordination-1817

The Bible a code of Laws;

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED IN PARK STREET CHURCH, BOSTON,

SEPT. 3, 1817,

AT THE ORDINATION OF

MR. SERENO EDWARDS DWIGHT,

AS PASTOR OF THAT CHURCH;

AND OF

MESSRS. ELISHA P. SWIFT, ALLEN GRAVES, JOHN NICHOLS, LEVI PRSONS, & DANIEL BUTTRICK,

As Missionaries to the Heathen.

BY LYMAN BEECHER, A.M.
Pastor of a Church of Christ in Litchfield, Conn.

 

“There are many of the prevailing errors of the present day, which I cannot with any patience see maintained to the utter subversion of the Gospel of Christ, with so high a hand, and so long continued a triumph, when it appears so evident to me that there is no foundation for any of this glorying and insult.” Edwards.

 

SERMON.
 

PSALM XIX. 7, 8, 9, 10.—“THE LAW OF THE LORD IS PERFECT, CONVERTING THE SOUL: THE TESTIMONY OF THE LORD IS SURE, MAKING WISE THE SIMPLE: THE STATUTES OF THE LORD ARE RIGHT, REJOICING THE HEART: THE COMMANDMENT OF THE LORD IS PURE, ENLIGHTENING THE EYES: THE FEAR OF THE LORD IS CLEAN, ENDURING FOREVER: THE JUDGMENTS OF THE LORD ARE TRUE, AND RIGHTEOUS, ALTOGETHER. MORE TO BE DESIRED ARE THEY THAN GOLD, YEA, THAN MUCH FINE GOLD; SWEETER, ALSO, THAN HONEY, AND THE HONEY-COMB.”

We have, in this Psalm, a concise account of the discovery made of the glory of God, by his works and by his word. “The heavens declare his glory, and the firmament sheweth his handy work.” But these disclosures of the heavens, “whose line is gone out through all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world,” though they illustrate the glory of Jehovah, and create obligation, and discover guilt; are not sufficient to restrain the depravity of man, nor to disclose an atonement for him, nor to announce terms of pardon, nor to sanctify the soul.

But the Law of the Lord is perfect. Adapted to the exigencies of the lost world, it speaks on all those subjects, on which no speech is heard from the heavens, and is attended with glorious efficacy. It converts the soul; it makes wise the simple; it rejoices the heart; it produces a fear of the Lord, which endures forever; and to all who have felt its sanctifying power, it is more precious than gold, and sweeter than honey.

The text, then, teaches us to regard the word of God as containing the laws of a moral government revealed for the illustration of his glory in the salvation of man.

In discoursing upon this subject, it is proposed

I. To illustrate the nature of moral government; and,

II. To show that the Scriptures are to be regarded as containing a system of moral Laws, revealed to illustrate the glory of God, in the salvation of man.

A moral government is the influence of law upon accountable creatures. It includes a law-giver: accountable subjects: and laws intelligibly revealed, and administered with reference to reward and punishment. To accountability in the subjects are requisite, understanding to perceive the rule of action; conscience to feel moral obligation; and the faculty of choice in the view of motives. Understanding to perceive the rule of action does not constitute accountable agency. Choice without the capacity of feeling obligation, does not constitute accountable agency.—But the faculty of understanding, and conscience, and choice, united, do constitute an accountable agent. The laws of God and man recognize these properties of mind, as the foundation of accountability.—A statue is not accountable; for it has no faculty of perception or choice: an idiot is not; for, thou he may have the faculty of choice, he has no competent understanding to perceive a moral rule, nor conscience to feel moral obligation; and a lunatic is not; because, though he may have choice and conscience he has not the unperverted exercise of his understanding.

The faculties, then, of understanding, conscience, and choice, constitute an accountable agent. Their existence is as decisive evidence of free agency, as the five senses are of the existence of the body; and nothing is inconsistent with free agency, or annihilates the evidence of its existence, which does not destroy one or more of these faculties of mind.

Law, as the medium of moral government, includes precepts and sanctions intelligibly revealed. The precept is directory; it discloses what is to be done.—The sanctions are influential; they present the motives to obedience included in the comprehensive terms of reward, and punishment. But, to have influence, the precepts and the motives must be presented to the mind. The law in all its parts must be intelligible; otherwise it is not a law. A law may be unknown, and yet be obligatory, when the ignorance is voluntary; but never, when it is unavoidable. The influence of law, as the medium of moral government, is the influence of motives upon accountable creatures; and the effect of this influence is always the actual exercise of free-agency in choice or action. The influence of motives cannot destroy free-agency; for it is always the influence only of persuasion, and results only in choice, which in the presence of understanding and conscience, is free-agency. If there were no objects of preference or aversion exhibited to the mind; there could no more be choice or free-agency, than there could be vision without external objects of sight. Direct irresistible impulse, moving the mind to action, would not be moral government; and if motives, in the view of which the mind chooses and acts, were incompatible with free agency, accountability and moral government would be impossible.

The administration of a moral government includes whatever may be necessary to give efficacy to its laws. Its chief influence is felt in the cognizance it takes of the conduct of subjects, and the evidence it affords of certain retribution according to their deeds. I some points, there is a coincidence between natural and moral government; and in others, a difference. They agree in this fact, that the subjects of each are influenced to act, as they would not without government. To suppose complete exemption from any kind or degree of influence from without, to be indispensable to free-agency, is at war with common sense, and daily observation, and every man’s own consciousness. What is family government; what is civil government; what is temptation, exhortation or persuasion; and what are the influences of the Holy Spirit; but the means, and the effectual means, of influencing the exercises of the human heart, and the conduct of human life? To deny the possibility of control by motives, without destroying free-agency, annihilates the moral government of God, and is atheism. It shuts him out of the world, and out of the universe, as moral governor. It blots out his laws as nugatory; emancipates every subject from his moral influence; and leaves him not an inch of territory on earth or in heaven, over which to sway the scepter of legislation. He must sit upon his throne as an idle spectator of all moral exercise and action; receiving no praise for what he has done for saint or angel. “By the grace of God I am what I am,” was a falsehood upon earth, and a lie that can never be repeated in heaven.

Natural and moral government may agree, also, as to the certainty of their influence. It may be as certain that an honest man will not steal, as if he was loaded with chains and could not move a finger; and it may be as certain that an intemperate man will drink to excess, when he has opportunity, as if the liquid were poured down his throat by irresistible power. But they differ entirely as to their subjects, and the manner of producing their results. Natural government is direct, irresistible impulse. Moral government is persuasion, and the result of it is voluntary action in the view of motives.

Free-agency cannot be conceived to exist, and probably cannot exist, in any other manner, than by the exhibition of motives to voluntary agents, the result of which shall be choice and action. The precise idea of moral government, then, is the influence of law upon the affections and conduct of intelligent accountable creatures.

II. I am to show that the scriptures are to be regarded as containing the laws of a moral government, revealed to illustrate the glory of God, in the salvation of man.

The glory of God is his whole character. The illustration of his glory, is the exhibition of that character to intelligent beings, as the object of supreme complacency and enjoyment. The plan of Redemption is the particular system of action, which the most high has chosen as the medium of illustration; and this plan is the system of moral laws contained in the Bible. That the Bible is to be regarded as revealing a system of moral laws, is evident from many considerations. The Most High has there revealed himself as a law-giver. His power, wisdom, and goodness, his justice, mercy, and truth, are exhibited not as abstract qualities, but as attributes illustrated by the laws and administration of a moral government. Man, the subject of these laws, possesses indisputably all the properties of an accountable agent, understanding, conscience, and the faculty of choice; and in the Scriptures, is recognized as accountable. Did the Most High create all things to illustrate his glory? It is a glory, which can be displayed only in the administration of a moral government. How can justice be manifested where there are no laws, and no accountable subjects? How can mercy be displayed where there is no transgression; or truth be illustrated where there is no intelligent mind to witness the accordance of declaration with fact, or of conduct with promises? The Most High is expressly denominated king, law-giver, and judge. The legislative, judicial, and executive power are in the same hands; and the Scriptures are denominated the law of the Lord, his statutes, his commandments.

The contents of the Bible illustrate its character as a revealed system of precepts and motives. There is the moral law in ten commandments; and its summary import comprised in two; and there is the gospel, no less than the law, composed of precepts enforced by sanctions. As a rule of life, it adopts the moral law; but as a system of salvation, it prescribes its own specific duties of repentance and faith, enforced by its own most glorious and fearful sanctions. Whatever instruction is contained in the Scriptures, historical or biographical, it is all directory, as a precept, or influential, as a motive to obedience. All the institutions of the Bible have for their object the preservation of truth in the mind, or the impression of it upon the heart as the means of restoring men from sin to holiness. The day of Judgment, as described by our Saviour, consummates the evidence that the Bible is to be regarded as embodying the laws of the divine moral government below. On that day, the graves open, and the dead, small and great, stand before God, and are judged according to the rule of action disclosed in the Bible, and the deeds done in the body.

INFERENCES.
I. If the Scriptures are to be regarded as containing the laws of a moral government, revealed to illustrate the glory of God in the salvation of man; then undoubtedly they have, on all subjects on which they speak, a determinate meaning. It is the peculiar property of laws to be precise in their requirements and sanctions. A law, which requires nothing specific, is not a law. If it may mean, and does mean many things, and yet no one thing in particular, it has no being.

If the Bible does not contain, in its precepts and doctrines, a distinct and precise meaning; it contains no meaning; it gives no illustration of the glory of God, no account of his will, of the state of man, of the character of the Saviour, or of the terms of life. A blank book of as many pages might as well have been sent down from heaven, for reason to scrawl its varied conjectures upon, as a bible whose pages are occupied with unmeaning or equivocal declarations.

II. If the Bible contain the laws of a moral government in the manner explained; then it is possible to ascertain, and to know that we have ascertained, its real meaning. It not only contains a precise meaning, but one, which being understood, carries with it the evidence of its own correctness. It is often alleged, that there are so many opinions concerning the doctrines of the Bible, that no man can know that his own belief is the true belief; and, on the ground of this supposed inevitable uncertainty, is founded the plea of universal charity and liberality:–sweet sounding words for universal indifference or universal skepticism! For who can be ardently attached to uncertainty; or who can believe any revealed truth with confidence, when his cardinal maxim is, that the doctrines of the Bible are obscure and uncertain?

But who is this, that libels his Maker as the author of an obscure and useless system of legislation, which no subject can understand, or, if he does, can have competent evidence of the fact?—so obscure, that they who discard it wholly are little incommoded by the loss, and entitled to little less complacency than those who grope in vain after its bewildered dictates;–so obscure, that those who err, are more entitled to pity than to condemnation, and afford as indubitable evidence of fidelity in examination, and sincerity, in believing wrong; as those do, who by mere accident have stumbled on the truth without the possibility of knowing it.

This is indeed a kind hearted system in its aspect upon man; but how tremendous its reaction upon the character of God. Why are his revealed Statutes with their sanctions so obscure? Because he could not make them intelligible? You impeach his wisdom. Why then are they so obscure? Because he would not make them plain? You impeach his justice; for he commands his truth to be loved and obeyed;–an unjust demand, if its obscurity prevent the possibility of understanding it.

But it is demanded; How can you know that your opinion, among various conflicting opinions, is exclusively correct? You may believe that you are right, but your neighbour believes that he is right; and you are both equally confident and both appeal to the Bible. If the question were, how can I cause my neighbour to know that his opinion is incorrect and mine true; I should admit, that the difficulty, in given cases, may be utterly insurmountable. But to suppose, because I cannot make others perceive evidence which I perceive, that, therefore, my perception brings with it to me, no evidence of truth, implies, that there is no such thing as moral certainty derived from evidence; and that the man, who believes a fact upon evidence, has in himself no better ground of certainty than the man, who believes a fact without evidence, or even against evidence: that a reality, actually seen and felt to be such, affords to him who either sees or feels, no higher evidence of its existence, than a fiction, supposed to be a reality, affords of its actual existence. That is, a non-existence, without any evidence of being, may possess as high claims to be recognized as a reality, as a real existence, supported by evidence: for error in competition with truth is in fact a non-existence opposed to a reality.

Now the man, who holds an erroneous opinion, may be as confident of its truth, as the man who believes the truth; but is there, in the nature of things, the same foundation for his confidence? Has not the man, who sees the truth and its evidence, knowledge, which the deceived man has not? If you deny it, you deny first principles; you annihilate the efficacy of evidence as the basis of knowledge, and introduce universal skepticism. Every vagary of the imagination and every prejudice of the heart are as likely to be true without evidence, as points most clearly proved.

But if the confidence in truth and falsehood be the same, how can you be sure that you do see what you think you do; and that what you think you do; and that your opinion is not the mental deception? It is the same question repeated, and I return the same answer—I can know, if my opinion be correct, that it is so; because evidence seen and felt creates a moral certainty; because reality affords evidence above fiction, and existence affords evidence above non-existence. What has fiction to do to annihilate realities; and what has deception to do to cancel the perceived evidence of truth?

If you would witness the folly of the maxim, that truth and evidence afford no certainty amid conflicting opinions, reduce it to practice. The man who dreams is as confident that he is awake, as I who in reality am awake. Is it then doubtful which is awake; and utterly impossible for me to decide whether I dream, or my neighbour? The lunatic feels as confident that he is a king, as the occupant of the throne. The royal personage then must hold his thoughts in equilibrio; for here is belief opposed to belief, and confidence opposed to confidence. Do you say that the man is insane; but he believes all except himself to be insane; and who can tell that any man is in his right mind, so long as there is a lunatic upon earth to question it?

Godwin taught, and many a robber has professed to believe, that private property is an encroachment upon the rights of man. If your purse, then, should be demanded upon the highway, you may not refuse; for the robber believes his opinion about liberty and equality to be true, and you believe yours to be true, and both are equally confident. It is also a speculative opinion about which you differ, and one concerning which great men have differed, and perhaps always will differ. You need not reason with him; for, since you cannot be sure that you are right, how an you expect to make him know what you cannot know yourself? And, as to the law of the land, it would be persecution for a mere matter of opinion to appeal to that, even if you could. Besides, how could a court and jury decide what is true amid conflicting opinions on the subject? And what right have they authoritatively to decide, and bind others by their decisions, upon matters of mere speculation?

But how shall a man help himself, who really and confidently believes falsehood to be truth? Just as other men in other cases help themselves, who by folly or crime have brought calamities upon themselves. How shall a man help himself, who has wasted his property?—Perhaps he never will, but will die a beggar. How shall a man help himself, who through negligence or crime has taken poison and fallen into a lethargy? He may never awake. Believing falsehood to be truth may be a calamity irretrievable. The man must perish, if the error be a fundamental one, unless he renounce it and embrace the truth; and his case, in many instances, may be nearly hopeless. Instead of its being a trivial matter what our opinions are;–it is easy by the belief of error to place ourselves almost beyond the hope of heaven, in the very region of the shadow of death. What a man may do and ought to do, is one thing; and what he will do may be fatally a different thing. “Their eyes have they closed, lest at any time they should see and be converted, and I should heal them.”

III. If the Bible contain a system of Divine Laws, it is easy to perceive the high importance of revealed truth. It exhibits the divine character as the great object of religious affection. It embodies the precepts of the divine moral government; prescribes the affections to be exercised, their nature, object, and degree, and the actions by which they are to be expressed. It embodies all the motives by which God restrains his subjects from transgression, and excites them to obedience. It exhibits the character of man as depraved and lost; and discloses by whom, and by what means, an atonement has been made, and upon what terms pardon may be obtained. It is the means employed by the Spirit of God to awaken the sinner to a sense of his danger, and to bring home to his heart a deep conviction of his guilt and just condemnation. It is by the Truth, that the Spirit of God converts the soul, and sanctifies the heart, and sheds abroad the love of God, and awakens hope, and diffuses peace and joy.

The truths of revelation are as important as the illustration of the glory of God, and as the happiness of the holy universe, caused and perpetuated by their instrumentality through all his dominions, and through eternity. In the view of this subject, how irreverent the maxim. “No matter what a man believes, provided his life be correct:” a maxim, which abrogates the law of God in its claims upon the heart; annihilates the doctrine that intention decides the moral nature of actions, and the doctrine that motives are the means of moral government; and reduces all obedience to the mere mechanical movements of the body. No matter whether a man believe or disbelieve in the divine existence; whether he love or hate the Lord; whether he trust in or despise the Saviour; whether he repent of his sins or remain incorrigible; whether his motives to action be good or bad. If the mere motion of his lip, hand, and foot, be according to rule, all is well. Is not this breaking the bands of Christ, and casting away his cords? Is it not saying to Jehovah, “Depart from us, for we desire not the knowledge of thy ways?” With equal irreverence, it is alleged to be of little consequence what a man believes, provided he be sincere. But what is sincerity? It is simply believing as we profess to believe; and the unblushing avowal is, that the Bible is a worthless book, no better than the Alcoran, or the fictions of Paganism, or the superstitions of Popery. “No matter what a man believes, provided he does believe it!” Falsehood, then, believed to be true is just as pleasing to God, and just as salutary in its influence upon man, as the combined wisdom and goodness of God, disclosed in his own most holy code of revealed laws.

The merest fictions of the brain, or the most malignant suggestions of a depraved heart, are as salutary as the laws of God. What authority have you for this opinion? Where have you learned that Jehovah is regardless of his honour, and the manifestation of his glory; is regardless of his laws, and their sanctions; is regardless of man, and the object of his affections, and the means of his salvation? You have not learned this from the Bible. You are an infidel, if you believe the maxim that it is no matter what a man believes provided he be sincere; and if you believe in no God but such an one as this maxim supposes, you are an atheist. The great end of all the works of Jehovah, according to the Bible, is the manifestation of his true character to created intelligences as the source of everlasting love, and confidence, and joy, and praise. But this glory is not an object of direct vision: It is manifested glory; and the system of manifestation is the plan of Redemption disclosed in the Bible, and carried into effect by the Spirit of God in giving efficacy to revealed truth in the sanctification and salvation of man. It is by the church, that he makes known to principalities and powers, in heavenly places, the manifold wisdom of God. Without just conceptions, then, of revealed truth, the true character of God is not manifested, and cannot of course become an object of affection, or source of joy. Erroneous conceptions of revealed truth, eclipse the glory of God, in its progress to enlighten and enrapture the universe. They propagate falsehood concerning God through all parts of his dominions where they prevail, undermine confidence, annihilate affection, and extinguish joy. They arrest the work of redemption; for moral influence is the influence by which God redeems from sin, and revealed truth embodies that influence. When that light has been wantonly extinguished, God will not sanctify men by the sparks of their own kindling; or hold those guiltless who have perpetrated the deed. The most High is not regardless of the opinions his subjects form concerning Him. He has given them the means of forming just conceptions of his character; and if they wantonly libel their Maker to their own minds, or to others, He will punish them. He is not indifferent what objects we regard with supreme affection, and as our supreme good. He has exhibited his true character, and commanded us to love Him; and, if we pervert his character and worship other gods, He will punish the idolatry. He is not regardless of his own laws, nor of the moral influence by which He restrains and sanctifies. He has made them plain; and it is at our peril, if we falsify them, and break their force upon our own minds, or the minds of others. “Woe unto them that call evil good, and good evil, that put darkness for light, and light for darkness, that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter.” “As they did not like to retain God in their knowledge, God gave them over to a reprobate mind.”—“Whose coming is after the working of Satan, with all deceivableness of unrighteousness in them that perish, because they received not the love of the truth, that they might be saved:–And for this cause, God shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe a lie, that they all might be damned who believe not the truth, but have pleasure in unrighteousness.” Do these passages teach, that it is of no consequence what a man believes, provided he is sincere?

IV. If the Scriptures contain a system of Divine Laws; then, in expounding their meaning, their supposed reasonableness or unreasonableness is not the rule of interpretation.

It is the opinion of some, that the Scriptures were not infallibly revealed in the beginning; and that they have since been modified by art and man’s device, until what is divine can be decided, only by an appeal to reason. What is reasonable on each page is to be received, and what is unreasonable is to be rejected. The obvious meaning of the text, according to the established rules of expounding other books, is not to be regarded; but what is reasonable, what the text ought to say, is the rule of interpretation. Every passage must be tortured into a supposed conformity with reason; or, if too incorrigible to be thus accommodated, must be expunged as an interpolation.

It is admitted that without the aid of reason the Bible could not be known to be the will of God, and could not be understood. Reason is the faculty by which we perceive and weigh the evidence of its inspiration, and by which we perceive and expound its meaning. Reason is the judge of evidence, whether the Bible be the word of God; but that point decided, it is the judge of its meaning only according to the common rules of exposition.

Deciding whether a law be reasonable or not, and deciding what the law is, are things entirely distinct; and the process of mind in each case is equally distinct;–The one is the business of the legislator, the other is the business of the judge.

In making laws, their adaptation to public utility, their expediency, and equity, are the subjects of inquiry; and here the reasonableness or unreasonableness of a rule must decide whether it shall become a law or not. But when the Judge on the bench is to expound this law, he has nothing to do with its policy, or utility, or justice. He may not look abroad to ascertain its adaptation to the public good, or admit evidence as to its effects. He is bound down rigidly to the duty of exposition. His eye is confined to the letter, and the obvious meaning of the terms, according to the usages of language.

But what is meant by the terms reasonable, and unreasonable, as the criterion of truth and falsehood? It cannot be what we should naturally expect God would do; for who, beforehand, would have expected, under the reign of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, a world like this; a world full of sin and misery. It cannot be what is agreeable to our feelings or coincident with our wishes; for we are depraved; and the feelings of traitors may as well be the criterion of rectitude concerning human governments, as the feelings of the human heart respecting the divine.

The appropriate meaning of the term reasonable, in its application to the Laws of God, is the accordance of his laws and administration with what is proper for God to do, in order to display his glory to created minds, and secure from everlasting to everlasting the greatest amount of created good.

But who is competent, with finite mind and depraved heart, to test the revealed Laws and Administration of Jehovah by this rule? To decide upon this vast scale whether the doctrines and duties of the Bible, and the facts it discloses of divine administration are reasonable or not, the premises must be comprehended. God must be comprehended; the treasures of his power, the depths of his wisdom, the infinity of his benevolence, his dominions must be comprehended; the greatest good must be known, and the most appropriate means for its attainment. All his plans must be open and naked to the inspection of reason, the whole chain of causes and effects throughout the universe and through eternity, with the effect of each alone, and of all combined. Reason must ascend the throne of God; and, from that high eminence, dart its vision through eternity, and pervade with steadfast view immensity, to decide whether the precepts, and doctrines, revealed in the Bible come in their proper place, and are wise and good in their connection with the whole; whether they will best illustrate the glory of God and secure the greatest amount of created good in a Government which is to endure forever. But is man competent to analyze such premises, to make such comparisons, to draw such conclusions?

If God has not revealed intelligibly and infallibly the laws of his government below; man cannot supply the defect. If holy men of old spake not as the Holy Ghost gave them utterance, but as their own fallible understandings dictated; and if, since that time, the sacred page has been so corrupted, that exposition according to the ordinary import of language fails to give the sense, then it cannot be disclosed; and the infidel is correct in his opinion that the light of nature is man’s only guide. The laws of God are lost, the Bible is gone irrecoverably until God himself shall give us a new edition, purified by his own scrutiny, and stamped by his own infallibility.

Apply these maxims concerning the fallibility of revelation, and the rule of interpretation to the laws of this commonwealth. The wisdom of your ablest men has been concentrated in a code of laws: But these laws, though perfect in the conception of those who made them, were committed to writing by scribes incompetent to the duty of making an exact record, and the publication was entrusted without superintendence to incompetent workmen, who by their blunders, honest indeed, but many and great, defaced and marred the volume: to which add, that at each new edition every criminal in the state had access at each new edition every criminal in the state had access to the press and modified the types unwatched, to suit his sinister designs. What now is your civil code?—You have none.—The law is so blended with defect and corruption, that no principles of legal exposition will extricate the truth. What then shall be done? Your wise men consult, and come to the profound conclusion, that such parts only of the statute book as are reasonable, shall be received as law; that what is reasonable, each subject of the commonwealth, being a reasonable creature, must decide for himself; that the judges, in the dispensation of justice, shall first decide what the law ought to be, and thence what it is; and that such parts of the statute book, as by critical torture, cannot be conformed to these decisions, shall be expunged as the errata of the press, or the interpolation of fraud. And thus the book is purified, and every subject, and every judge is invested with complete legislative power. Every man makes the law for himself, and regulates the statute book by his own enactments.

But is this the state of God’s government below? Is the statute book of Jehovah annihilated, and every man constituted his own lawgiver? The man who is competent to decide, in this extended view, what is reasonable, and how, in relation to the interests of the universe, the Bible ought to be understood, is competent without help from God to make a Bible. His intelligence is commensurate with that of Jehovah; and, but for deficiency of power, he might sit on the throne of the universe, and legislate and administer as well as He.

The mariner who can rectify his disordered compass by his intuitive knowledge of the polar direction, need not first rectify his compass, and then obey its direction; he may throw it overboard, and without a luminary of heaven, amid storms, and waves, and darkness, may plough the ocean, guided only by the light within.

V. From the account given of the scriptures, as containing a system of moral laws, it appears that a mystery may be an object of faith, and a motive to obedience. The idea of a mystery in legislation has been treated with contempt, and the belief of a mystery has been treated with contempt, and the belief of a mystery has been pronounced impossible. No man, it is alleged, can be truly said to believe a proposition, the terms of which he cannot comprehend. Hence has emanated the proud determination to subject every doctrine of Revelation to the scrutiny of reason, and to believe nothing which exceeds the limits of individual comprehension. Now it is conceded, that in the precept of a law, mystery can have no place; it must be definite and plain. It is also conceded, that no man can believe a proposition, the terms of which he does not comprehend. But the mysteries of revelation are not found among its precepts; and the proposition which is the precise object of faith is never unintelligible, but is always definite and plain.

A mystery is a fact, whose general nature is in some respects declared intelligibly; but whose particular manner of existence is not declared, and cannot be comprehended. The proposition which declares the mystery has respect always to the general intelligible fact, and never to the unrevealed, incomprehensible mode of its existence. A mystery, then, is an intelligible fact, always involving unintelligible circumstances, which cannot of course be objects of faith, in any definite form.

Allow me to illustrate the subject by a few examples. God is omnipresent. This proposition announces a mystery. The general intelligible fact declared is, that there is no place where God is not. The mystery is, how can a spirit pervade immensity.

That the dead are raised, is an intelligible proposition; but “how are the dead raised up, and with what bodies do they come” are the attendant mysteries; “It is raised a spiritual body.” The intelligible proposition here is, that the materials of the natural body are reorganized at the resurrection, in a manner wholly new, and better adapted to the exigencies of mind; but in what manner the spiritual body is organized, and how it differs from the natural body, are the attendant unexplained circumstances.

Take one more example; the doctrine of the Trinity. The Scriptures revel that there is but one God. They also reveal a distinction in the manner of the divine existence, which lays a foundation for mutual stipulations and distinct agencies in the work of redemption: which distinction is expressed by the names Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.

Now the proposition that there is but one God is intelligible. The proposition, that there is a deviation in the manner of the divine existence from the exact unity of created minds, is as intelligible as if the nature of this deviation were subjected to the analysis of reason, and brought within the limits of human comprehension. That this deviation from the exact pattern of unity, as exhibited in the human mind, is such as lays a foundation for ascribing distinct names, attributes, exercises and actions to the Father, to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, according to the obvious language of the Bible, is as intelligible a proposition, as if the precise nature of this distinction was unveiled to the scrutiny of the human understanding.

Will it be alleged, that, where distinction approaches so nearly to absolute distinctness and independency of mind, there can be no union that shall constitute them one God? To know this, you must be Omniscient, and comprehend the mode of the divine existence, and all possible modes of the existence of spirit. You must ascertain that there is but one possible mode of intelligent existence, and that, the precise mode of unity which appertains to the mind of man.

You must not only be unable to see how any other mode can be, but you must be able to prove that it cannot be. But are you competent to do this? How then do you know that the divine Spirit does not exist; and why undertake to decide that he cannot exist, in such a manner as illustrates all that is declared of his unity, as one God and all that is implied in the distinction of names, and in the intellectual and social intercourse, stipulations, and distinct agencies recognized in the plan of redemption.

The whole force of the objection against the resurrection of the body was, how decomposed matter could be reorganized in a different manner, and yet be the same body. The Apostle’s answer is, “thou fool,” cannot he who organized the body at first, organize it again? And after all that heaven and earth and sea have disclosed of his skill in the diversified organization of matter, do you presume to say that the materials cannot be reorganized, in a manner wholly new, and better adapted to the exigencies of spirit? And to every one who demands how the Supreme Intellect can be One, and in any sense Three, according to plain scriptural declaration, the same answer may be given. “Thou fool,” art thou Omniscient? Dost thou comprehend all possible and all actual modes of spiritual existence? Can there be no mind but after the exact pattern of human intellect, and dost thou see it, and canst thou prove it? Why then dost thou array thine ignorance against Omniscience, and exalt thy pride of reason above all that is called God?—There is no alternative but to claim the infallibility of Omniscience, and deny the possibility of any distinction in the manner of the divine existence, which shall lay a foundation for the language employed in the Scriptures: or to take the ground that no fact can be conceived to exist, or be proved to be a fact, whose mode of existence is incomprehensible, a position which destroys the use of testimony, and the possibility of faith. For the use of testimony is to establish the existence of facts, without reference to their mode of existence. But, according to this maxim, the fact itself cannot be conceived to exist in any form, unless the specific mode of existence be also comprehended. The evidence of its existence, therefore, is not testimony, but some intuitive comprehension of the manner how the fact exists; and the assent of the mind, that the fact does exist, is not faith, but intuition. Apply the maxim, and it will blot out the universe; for who can comprehend the fact of eternal uncaused existence. The fact then is not to be admitted, and thus we set aside the divine existence. Or if we admit a single mystery, and recognize the being of God; still we cannot take another step; for how can spirit create or move matter, or govern mind, and not destroy free-agency? It is a mystery; therefore there is no created world and no moral government. The sun formed by chance, placed himself in the centre, and the surrounding orbs, self-moved, began their ceaseless course. But how can this be? It is a mystery:–and therefore there is no sun and no revolving system. A mystery then may be an objet of faith; for the proposition which is the precise object of faith is always intelligible, though always implying the existence of unintelligible circumstances.

Nor are mysteries useless in legislation as motives to obedience. The Divine Omnipresence, though a mystery, is among the most powerful motives to circumspect conduct. And the resurrection of the body, and its mysterious change are urged by the Apostles as motives always to abound in the work of the Lord.

The doctrine of the Trinity pours upon the world a flood of light. The peculiar mode of the divine existence lies at the foundation of the plan of redemption, as unfolded in the Bible, and brings to view, as a motive to obedience, an activity of benevolence on the part of God, a strength of compassion, a depth of condescension, and a profusion of mercy and grace, in alliance with justice and truth, which no other exhibition of the mode of the divine existence can give. It illustrates the riches of the goodness of God, and awakens that love which is the fulfilling of the law, and that repentance, and gratitude, and active obedience, which the goodness of God, thus manifested, could alone inspire.

VI. If the Bible contain a system of divine laws, revealed and administered with reference to the salvation of man; then it is practicable to decide what are fundamental doctrines.

Those doctrines are fundamental which are essential to the influence of law as the means of moral government, and without which God does not ordinarily renew and sanctify the soul.

The following have been usually denominated fundamental doctrines.

The being of God; the accountability of man; a future state of reward and punishment without end; and a particular providence taking cognizance of human conduct in reference to a future retribution. Are not these fundamental? Could the laws of God have any proper influence without them? Take away the lawgiver, or the accountability of the subject, or the cognizance of crimes by the Judge, or future eternal punishment, and what influence would the Scriptures have as a Code of Laws?

To allege that the remorse and natural evil attendant upon sinning are the adequate and only punishment of transgression, is most absurd. Do the natural evil and remorse attendant upon the transgression of human laws supersede the necessity of any other penalty? Is the impure desire suppressed, or intemperate thirst allayed, or covetousness dismayed, or the hand of violence arrested, by the appalling influence of remorse? It is always a sanction inadequate, which the frequency of crime diminishes, and the consummation of guilt annihilates.

The idea that gratitude will restrain without fear of punishment, where the confidence of pardon precedes sanctification, is at war with common sense. Try the experiment. Open your prison doors, and turn out your convicts to illustrate the reforming influence of gratitude, without coercion or fear of punishment. The idea that future discipline, for the good of the offender, constitutes the only future suffering, regards sin as a disease, instead of a crime, and hell as a merciful hospital, instead of a place of punishment. But how suffering in a prison with convicts old in sin shall work a reformation, no past analogy seems to show. Prisons have never been famed in human governments for their reforming influence.

The eternity of future punishment, considering the invisibility and imagined distance of the retribution, and the stupidity and madness of man, is indispensable. If the certain fearful looking-for of fiery indignation without end, exert an influence so feeble, to restrain from sin; the prospect of a limited, salutary discipline will have comparatively no influence. Nor is eternal punishment unjust or disproportionate to the crime. If the violation of the law in time, deserves punishment; it will no less deserve it, though the crime be perpetrated in another world; for probation and hope are not essential to free-agency or accountability, and the incorrigible obstinacy of the rebel will not cancel the obligation of the law. Endless wickedness will deserve, and will experience endless punishment. The deeds done in the body will determine the character, and shut out the hope of sanctification. But the rebellion will hold on its course unsubdued by suffering, and will be the meritorious cause of eternal punishment.

The above truths are essential to the moral influence of legislation generally. There are others which are no less essential to the Gospel, as a system of moral influence, for the restoration of man from sin to holiness. These are indicated by the peculiar ends to be obtained by the Gospel. If overt action and continuance in well-doing were all; simple reward and punishment might suffice. But man is a sinner; his heart is unholy; and new affections are demanded. Those truths, then, are fundamental, without which the specific, evangelical affections can have no being. To fear, the exhibition of danger is necessary: to repentance, the disclosure of guilt: to humility, of unworthiness: to faith, of guilt and helplessness, on the part of man, and divine sufficiency and excellence, on the part of the Saviour. There is a uniformity of action in the natural and moral world, from which the Most High does not depart, and which is the foundation of experimental knowledge, and teaches the adaptation of means to ends. Fire does not drown; and water does not burn; and fear is not excited by sentiments which exclude danger; nor repentance, by those which preclude guilt; nor affectionate confidence, by those which preclude guilt; nor affectionate confidence, by those which exclude dependence or the reality of excellence in the object.

To secure evangelical affections, the following truths are as essential, according to the nature of the human mind, as fire is essential to heat, or any natural cause to its appropriate effect; the doctrines of the Trinity, and the atonement, the entire unholiness of the human heart, the necessity of a moral change by the special agency of the Holy Spirit, and justification by the merits of Christ, through faith. The entire unholiness of the heart is necessary to beget just conceptions of guilt and danger; the necessity of a moral change to extinguish self-righteous hopes, and occasion a sense of helplessness which shall render an Almighty Saviour necessary; the doctrine of the Trinity, as disclosing a Saviour, able to save, and altogether lovely; the doctrine of the atonement, to reconcile pardon with the moral influence of legislation; and justification by faith instead of works, because justification by works cancels the penalty of law, blotting out past crimes by subsequent good deeds, giving the transgressor a license to sin with impunity to day, if he will obey tomorrow, provided his acts of obedience shall equal his acts of disobedience.

That these doctrines are fundamental, is evident from the violence with which they have always been assailed. The enemies of God know what most annoys them in his government; and the points assailed clearly indicate what is most essential. The whole diversified assault has always been directed against one or another of the doctrines, which have been named in this discourse as fundamental; and has had for its object to set aside either the precept or the sanction of Law, and reconcile transgression with impunity.

One denies the being of the Lawgiver: another discards the Statute Book as a forgery: a third subjects the Laws of Jehovah to the censorship of reason, and adds and expunges till he can believe without humility, obey without self-denial, and disobey without fear of punishment: a fourth saves himself the trouble of criticism, by a catholic belief of all the Bible contains, without the presumption or fatigue of deciding what the precise meaning is: a fifth pleads the coercion of the decrees of God, and denies accountability, and hopes for impunity in sin. Some however deem it most expedient to explain away the precept of the law. To love the Lord our God does not imply any sensible affection, any complacency or emotion of the heart, but the rational religion of perception and intellectual admiration; and by the heart is intended not the heart, but the head. Others assail, with critical acumen, the penalty of the law. Punishment does not mean punishment, but the greatest possible blessing which Almighty God in the riches of his grace can bestow, considering the omnipotence and perverseness of man’s free-agency: and eternal punishment means a number of years, more or less, of most merciful torment, as the disease shall prove more or less obstinate.

In like manner, the attributes of God are regarded in the abstract, dissociated from every idea of legislation and administration, by reward or punishment. Goodness is good nature even to weakness; justice is bestowing on men all the good they deserve, without inflicting any punishment; and mercy is the indiscriminate pardon of those, whom it would be malignant and unjust to condemn. The goodness of God as a lawgiver, promoting the happiness of his subjects by holy laws and an efficient administration of rewards and punishments, is kept out of view. His character of Lawgiver is annihilated, and his glory as Moral Governor is shut out from the world, that man may sin without fear.

All representations of the character of man, at variance with the scripture account of his entire depravity, have for their object the evasion, in some way, of the precept or penalty of law. One does it by pleading his inability to obey the law of God; and takes his refuge from punishment in the justice of God while he continues in sin. Another pleads not guilty in manner and form as the scriptures allege. He denies the necessary coincidence of holiness in the heart with overt deeds, to constitute obedience, and pleads his good actions in arrest of God’s decision that “there is none that doeth good, no one one.” He denies that the heart is desperately wicked. If it were true of Adam a short space; the promise of a Saviour made his heart better, and has made all hearts better: and, if not yet very good, they are so good as not to need a special change; so good, that attention to the constituted forms of religion duly administered will, by God’s blessing, make them good enough, without farther care or perception of change, as sun and rain cause vegetation and harvest, when the seed is sown while the husbandman sleeps.

No supreme and perceptible love to God is recognized as obligatory, no deep sense of guilt, no painful solicitude about futurity, no immediate repentance or faith including holiness, and no sin as being committed; while repentance and faith are deferred for the slow operation of forms, in making the sinner better, by the unperceived grace of God. The Law with its high claims upon the heart, and the Gospel with its holy requisitions, are made to stand aloof; while the sinner, without holiness, by dilatory effort, prepares himself to repent, or by lip service and hypocrisy, prevails on the Most High to give him repentance unto life. The whole law and Gospel are thrown aside, and the whole duty of man is epitomized in the short sentence. Thou shalt sincerely use the means of grace as faithfully as thou art willing to use them; and, by the grace of God through the merits of Christ and thine own well-doing, thou shalt be saved.

In the same manner, are the terms of pardon divested of holiness to accommodate unholy hearts, reluctant to obey, and fearful of punishment.

Faith is intellectual assent to revealed truth, without holiness, and too often without good works; or it is believing that one is pardoned when he is not, and knows he is not, in order that he may be pardoned. It is anything but the affectionate confidence of the heart in the Saviour, and the unconditional surrendry of the soul to Him. The rapid river in its haste to the sea, is not more violent to sweep away obstructions or evade them, than the heart of man to remove or evade the humbling demand of immediate love, repentance and faith, as the terms of pardon.

But who are those who most bitterly inveigh against these doctrines which we regard as fundamental? Is it the most serious, the most devout, temperate, chaste, and circumspect class of men. Is it, judging from their lives, according to the Bible, the righteous, or the wicked, the church of God, or the world. For the righteous, according to the Scriptures, love the truth, and the wicked are opposed to it.

Now, if we find the most holy men, the most sedate, prayerful, and exemplary people, leaguing against these fundamental doctrines, grieving at their prevalence, and trembling at their effect in revivals of religion, and praying to God with tears to check their prevalence; we must abandon our confidence in these doctrines as the true system.

But if the Atheist, the Deist, the profligate, the votary of pleasure, and the sons of violence and lies, regard them with a common and almost instinctive aversion; then we must cleave to them as receiving from the world the distinctive evidence of their truth. They have always been charged with embodying blasphemy, and leading to licentiousness; and, if the charge be well founded, doubtless the blasphemer and impure have always been their advocates. But what is the fact? Are the irreligious and profane, the licentious, the worldly, and the vain, the advocates for the doctrines of total depravity, regeneration by special grace, justification by faith, and eternal punishment? With scarce an exception, they have been open-mouthed and bitter in their opposition, reviling both these doctrines and those who preach them. From age to age, they have been the song of the drunkard, and the standing topic of profane cavil and vulgar abuse. If good men, through misapprehension, have sometimes seemed to be opposed to them, they have given evidence that the opposition was only a seeming one; while in reality their hearts were in sweet accordance with them. But there are, it must be confessed, some, whose moral conduct may not have been profligate, who have given unquestionable evidence that the feelings of their hearts, as to these doctrines, were in exact accordance with those of the blasphemer and the profligate. These conclusions concerning the doctrines which are fundamental, are however controverted; we therefore appeal to a tribunal more infallible than our own judgment.

Those doctrines are fundamental, then, without whose instrumentality God does not renew and sanctify the hearts of men.

That man is unholy and unfit for heaven, without sanctification, is certain. That God is the agent, and truth the means of sanctification, is equally manifest; and the fact that some men do experience a change in the affections, both as to their moral nature and object, is as certain as any fact can be made by testimony. The witness testify to their own consciousness of such a change. Of this, they are as competent judges as of anything appertaining to their own experience. The fact alleged is, that once they loved the world more than God, and that from a given aera, more or less determinate, they have regarded the Lord their God with an interest and affection, wholly new in kind, and superior in degree, to their love for any other object. That they regard him with a good will, and complacency, and confidence, and gratitude, and joy, entirely unknown to them, until they became the subjects of this special change.

The number of the witnesses is overwhelming. To the testimony of the three thousand, renewed on the day of Pentecost, may be added the accumulated testimony of every intervening age, to this day; for there never was a time, even in the dark ages, when the doctrine of regeneration by the special agency of the Spirit was not confirmed, by the testimony of those who professed to have experienced this change.

The capacity of the witnesses for judging correctly allows nothing to be subtracted from the weight of their testimony, for it has not been the feebler sex only, and children, nor the poor and the ignorant; but men, aged, middle aged and young; men of affluence, of refined manners, of strong powers of intellect, of cool judgment, of firm fibre and undaunted courage, of extended knowledge and cultivated taste, of antecedent moral and immoral habits, who have united their testimony, with multitudes of every other class of society, and with the poor Hottentot and Esquimaux, and have declared that with them, old things had passed away, and all things become new.

The credibility of the witnesses as persons of veracity, would not be questioned on any other subject. To this we may add, that most of them conducted, before the alleged change, as if they did not love supremely the Lord their God; and afterwards, to their dying day, and in the hour of death, conducted in many respects, in a manner inexplicable upon any other supposition than the reality of the alleged change. It is surprising, that men as philosophers do not believe in the doctrine of regeneration, even though they had no confidence in the testimony of the Bible; for no fact in natural philosophy, no phenomenon of mind is established by evidence more satisfactory in its nature, than that which establishes the reality of a change of heart. No fact was ever proved in a court of justice, by a thousandth part of the evidence, which concentrates the testimony of millions to the fact of the actual renovation of the heart.

But do not the professed subjects of this change oftentimes apostatize? Sometimes they do; but more than ninety in one hundred do not apostatize. If the apostacy of ten be allowed in evidence against the reality of the change, the perseverance of ten balances the unfavorable evidence, and leaves the unimpeached testimony of eighty competent witnesses in favour of the blessed reality of the change. Upon testimony thus circumstanced, what would be the decision in a court of justice?

But it is alleged by some, that they have experienced all that appertains to this change of heart, and know it to be vain. That they may have experienced fear and trembling, such as the faith of devils inspires; and that these fears may have been succeeded by composure and joy, such as the hope of the hypocrite affords; may be admitted. But “what is the chaff to the wheat, saith the Lord?” What is the blade without root that withereth, to that which beareth fruit; the plant, which our heavenly Father has planted, to that which he taketh away because it is unfruitful; the lamp without oil that goeth out, to that, which is replenished and shines with growing light to the perfect day? It is incredible, that a heart, “deceitful above all things,” should be deceived; or that a heart, “desperately wicked,” should find no abiding pleasure in a religion, which it professed, but did not feel? “They went out from us, but they were not of us; for, if they had been of us, doubtless they would have continued with us.” It is not a new thing to resist the Holy Ghost; nor an impossible, nor (we fear) a rare event, by stigmatizing the work of the Spirit, to commit a sin, which shall never be forgiven. May God grant that the lightness, with which some men treat their past convictions of sin, and fears of punishment, do not prove at last the too sure indications of that hardness of heart and blindness of mind, to which, in his most tremendous displeasure, the blasphemed Spirit gives up the incorrigible sinner.

This moral change then, an indubitable fact, and indispensable to salvation, is, according to the Scriptures, accomplished by the power of God giving efficacy to truth.” Men are begotten again by the Gospel, born of incorruptible seed, which is the word of God, and sanctified by the truth. These blessed operations of the Spirit are experienced sometimes in solitary instances, like single drops of rain in a land of drought; and sometimes multitudes, almost contemporaneously, become the subject, first, of solicitude and conscious guilt, and afterwards of love, joy, and peace.

But it is also a matter of fact, and a tremendous fact it is, that, so far as these glorious displays of the renovating grace of God are accomplished by the instrumentality of preaching, they are exclusively confined to the exhibitions of these doctrines, which we have enumerated as fundamental. Where these are faithfully preached, the arm of the Lord is not always revealed in revivals of religion; though few ministers, in that case, spend their days without cheering interpositions of divine grace giving seals to their ministry. But where the doctrines of the Trinity, the entire unholiness of man, the necessity of regeneration by special grace, of the atonement, justification by faith, and future eternal punishment are not preached, or are denounced and ridiculed, there the phenomena of revivals of religion never exist, and solitary instances of regeneration are comparatively unknown; and where they do exist, they are regarded as the effect of delusion, or as proofs of a disordered intellect, rather than as indications of a merciful, divine interposition. The fact is unquestionable; and the statement of it is not invidious, because it is a subject of exultation on the part of those unhappy ministers, who discard the above doctrines, and whose people are the subjects of this melancholy exemption from the convincing and renewing operations of the Holy Spirit. In such places, the light does not even shine into darkness; but all is as the valley of the shadow of death. No jubilee trumpet is heard announcing a release from the bondage of corruption, and calling the slaves of sin into the glorious liberty of the sons of God. Such places are not the hill of Zion, upon which descend the rain and the dew of heaven; but they are the mountains of Gilboa, upon which there is no rain, neither any dew. They are the valley of vision, in which the bones are very many and very dry, and no voice is heard proclaiming, “O ye dry bones, hear the word of the Lord;” and no prayer is made, “Come, O breath, and breathe upon these slain, that they may live.” No voice announces a spiritual resurrection; and no influence from above begins it. All is silent as the grave, and motionless as death.

VII. If the Scriptures contain a system of divine Laws, then the doctrine of the entire depravity of man is not inconsistent with free-agency and accountability; for depravity is the voluntary transgression of the law; and the law is, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart;” and entire depravity is the constant refusal to love, in this manner, the Lord our God. It implies, not that men’s hearts have no kind sympathies, no social affections, or that these are sinful, or that their actions are all contrary to rule; but only, that they have no holiness, no supreme love to God, and therefore, do not with the heart obey, but do, with the heart, voluntarily and constantly, disobey the law. The principle assumed in the objection is, that if men will with the heart obey the law of God in part, then they are free-agents, and blameable for not obeying perfectly. But if they violate the law willfully and wholly, so as not to love at all, then they are not to blame. If a man regulates his temper according to the gospel one day, and the next indulges malignant dispositions, he is a free-agent, and liable to punishment; but if he exercise no right affections, and every imagination of his heart be only evil, then the wrath of heaven must sleep, for the man has become too wicked to be the subject of blame. If a subject violate one half the laws of the land, he may be justly punished; but if he should press on and tread them all under foot, his accountability expires, and he may bid defiance to retribution.

VIII. The view we have taken of the Scriptures as containing a system of divine Laws, illustrates the obligation to believe correctly and cordially, the fundamental doctrines of the Bible, and the criminality of error on these subjects.

It is a favorite maxim of some, that men are not accountable for their opinions, with respect to the doctrines of revelation:–Because there is no specific command that this or that doctrine shall be believed:–Because they are so obscurely revealed that no blame can attach to misunderstanding them:–Because no one doctrine is absolutely indispensable to salvation:–Because the doctrines of the Bible are subjects of mere theoretical speculation, of no practical influence:–and, Because belief and disbelief are not voluntary, but the mechanical and unavoidable result of evidence, or want of evidence.

It is admitted, that there is no specific and formal command, that the doctrine by the Trinity, or total depravity, or regeneration of special grace, or justification by faith, or eternal future punishment, shall be believed; for these come under the head of motives or sanctions; and who ever heard of a special enactment requiring subjects to believe the declarations of a lawgiver, with respect to the sanctions of law? The obligation to understand and believe the doctrines of the Bible, is involved in the nature of the Bible as a book of law. The subjects of Jehovah are bound to understand the laws of his government, under which they live, and to believe his declarations, without a special enactment, and a subjoined penalty. They are bound to understand the character of God, the great Object of religious affection, and Foundation of moral obligation, and to act with such a temper, and under the influence of such motives, as God has required. But a law is never understood, whose precepts only are recognized, and whose sanctions are unknown. The character of God is not correctly and adequately disclosed by the precepts only of his Law; and the motives to obedience, and the principles of holy action are found no where but in the doctrines of revelation. If men, as accountable creatures, are bound to act as God commands; they are bound to understand those doctrines, which disclose the principles and motives of action; and this the Scriptures, in general terms, do command expressly and often. The command is reiterated in various forms to know the truth, a term comprehending the whole revealed system: to love the truth, not a part, but the whole truth, which is the Word of God: and to obey the truth, which is to believe what God has revealed, and to do what God has commanded, with the temper, and under the influence of the motives, which He has disclosed as principles of holy action.

To say, that the doctrines of the Bible are so obscurely revealed, as to supersede the possibility and the obligation of understanding them, is blasphemy. It is ascribing to Jehovah folly, or injustice, or both. It is annihilating the Bible, as a system of moral law; for precepts, without intelligible sanctions, are not moral government. Government lies in the motives revealed; and, if these cannot be understood, they are not revealed, and God does not administer a moral government except by the feeble impulse of the light of nature. And thus we land in infidelity.

The maxim, that no one doctrine of the Bible is absolutely indispensable to salvation, and the inference, thence drawn, that truth is useless and error innocent, is a sophism. It is drawing general conclusions, from particular premises. For suppose, that no one doctrine subtracted from the system, all the rest remaining and being cordially believed, would exile the soul from heaven. What then? Does it follow, that the disbelief and rejection of the whole system would not be fatal? What if it be true, that no one kind of nutriment is absolutely indispensable to human life; does it thence follow, that all nutrition may be safely dispensed with? What if no one poison be so active, but that a very little may be received into the system consistently with life? Does it thence follow, that poisons are harmless, are nutritious, and may be safely employed as a substitute for bread? The fact is, that those, who discard the doctrine of the Trinity, discard usually every other fundamental doctrine. Their system is not merely different from, but opposite to that denominated orthodox; so that if one be true, the other is false; if one be sincere milk, the other is poison. Nor does it follow that, provided a real Christian might, without believing some particular doctrine, possibly attain to heaven, he could therefore dispense with it without injury. Much less does it follow, that because a Christian may not be absolutely destroyed, by some erroneous opinion, that therefore an impenitent sinner may safely adopt it. An error which may not suffice to destroy spiritual life in a believer, may be decisive to prevent the commencement of it, in the heart of an impenitent sinner. Thousands may die a death eternal, by the influence of an error, under the operation of which, a Christian may possibly drag out a meager spiritual existence.

The opinion, that the doctrines of revelation are matters of mere speculation, of trivial practical influence, is a position at variance with the principles of law, with the constitution of the human mind, and with universal fact. It is not true of the principles of natural science, that they are mere matters of speculation, and of no practical influence on man. It is the practical influence of the sciences, which constitutes their utility. They exert a powerful influence, in the formation of the human character, and the regulation of human conduct. The whole course of the daily business of the world moves on by the illumination and potent energy of the sciences.

Much less is it a fact, that truth, contained in moral laws, has no influence. It is here, that the kind of truth is precisely that, which is most adapted to move free agents, and comes to the understanding, and conscience, and heart, with a designed concentration of influence, surpassing all other influence but that of direct physical impulse. The whole motive in legislation lies in the sanctions of law; and these have their influence through the medium of opinion. The motive to obedience is, as the opinion concerning it is. If that be correct, the true motive is presented to the mind; if incorrect, the intended motive is thrust aside, and another substituted. To say, that the doctrines of the Bible embodying and presenting to the mind of man that moral influence, by which God governs him as a free agent, and an accountable creature, are mere abstract speculations, of no moral influence or practical effect; is charging God with incompetency, in legislation; and disrobing him of his character of Moral Governor; and destroying the accountability of man; and blotting out the light of the glory of God, as it would otherwise be displayed in his works of providence and grace. But upon what authority is it alleged, that the doctrines of the Bible have no practical influence? Does opinion in human governments, concerning the lawgiver and the sanctions of law, exert no influence upon the character and conduct of man? Why then should the laws and sanctions of the government of Jehovah exert no influence, so that believing or not believing its fundamental truths shall have no effect? Doctrines in religion do exert a powerful influence. Have the doctrines of the Alcoran proved themselves idle theories, of no practical influence; or the doctrines of Paganism; or the doctrines of Popery? Have the doctrines of Calvin and Arminius no effect, or precisely the same effect? Why then oppose the one and eulogize the other, when both are equally good, or equally useless?

No truth in legislation, human or divine, is merely speculative; however it may appear such. What can be apparently more exclusively speculative than the opinion of the Gnostics, that all moral impurity lies in matter? But from this opinion, as a fountain, flowed the denial of the human nature and death of Christ, of the resurrection of the body, the celibacy of the clergy, the doctrine of penance and purgatory, and the host of cruelties and fooleries, which have taxed and tormented the world. Travel over benighted Asia, and witness the operation of the same opinion in the ablutions of the Ganges, and the self-inflicted torture of devotees to subdue the sin, which is in matter, and render the spirit pure and acceptable to the gods.

That Mahomet is the true prophet is a speculative opinion; but it has carried fire and sword in its course, and ruled the nations with a rod of iron, and dashed them in pieces as a potter’s vessel.

That the Pope is the successor of Peter, and universal and infallible bishop, is a matter of mere opinion; but it is an opinion, which has immured the nations of Europe in a dungeon, and bound them in chains, and almost extinguished the human intellect.

They are mere opinions, that there is no God; that the end sanctions the means; and that death is an eternal sleep: but fire, and blood, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth, have attended their march over desolated Europe. Considering man as an animal, the atheists of the French revolution destroyed his life with as little ceremony, as they would crush an insect. The fact is, that among moral agents, opinions respecting law and the sanctions of law, are principles of action; and no great aberration from rectitude in practice can be named, with respect to public bodies or individuals, which is not caused or justified by some false opinion. The opinion, that belief and disbelief are mechanical, to the exclusion of all influence of the heart, of interest, passion, and prejudice, is the consummation of folly.—Evidence may be so powerful, as to render incredulity impossible; and so feeble, as to render belief impossible. But an entire temperate zone lies between these two extremes, in which inclination and aversion, passion and prejudice, exert as decisive an influence upon the understanding, as evidence itself. If not, whence the maxim, that no man may judge in his own cause? Is it because all men are dishonest? Or is it because interest is known to pervert the judgment even of honest men? Whence all the unmeaning talk about sincerity, and prejudice, and candour? Who ever heard of a sincere, unprejudiced, candid pair of balances? If the mind decides by scruples and grains of evidence, as the scales are balanced by weights; why may not the honest judge decide in his own cause? Can interest vary the weights in the balance? How can he help himself without perjury, though the weight of evidence should be against his interest? The fact is notorious, that inclination possesses a powerful influence over the judgment. Examination may be neglected on one side, and pushed on the other. The evidence in favour of our choice may be dwelt upon, and the eye be turned away from that which would prove an unpleasant fact.

It is practicable to suspend a decision; to resist conviction; to pervert arguments, which prove unwelcome truths; and even to forget them; and to treasure up for use those, which favour conclusions which we love.

The demonstrations of Euclid, if their result had been the doctrine of the Trinity, the total depravity of man, the necessity of regeneration, and future eternal punishments, would have produced as much diversity of opinion, and brought upon his positions as much contempt, and upon his book as much critical violence, as has been experienced by the Bible.

Erroneous opinions are criminal, because they falsify the divine character, and destroy the moral influence of the divine law; because they are always voluntary, the result of criminal negligence to obtain correct knowledge, or of a criminal resistance of evidence, or perversion of the understanding through the depravity of the heart; and because the belief of error is always associated with moral and criminal affections. It is never a mere act of the understanding; the heart decides, and is never neutral. If a truth be rejected, it is also hated; if an error be embraced, it is also loved. It is because men have no pleasure in the truth, but have pleasure in righteousness, that they are given over to believe a lie, and are punished for believing it, with everlasting destruction. The propagation of error is criminal, of course, because it is destructive to the souls of men, annihilating the influence of the divine moral government, and the means by which God is accustomed to renew the soul, and without which he does not ordinarily exert his sanctifying power.

IX. In the view of what has been said, how momentous is the responsibility of ministers of the gospel; and how aggravated the destruction of those, who keep back the truth, or inculcate falsehood. It is, as if a man, not content with his own destruction by famine, should extend the desolation, by withholding nutrition from all around him; or not content with poisoning himself, should cast poison into all the fountains, putting in motion around him the waters of death. If there be a place in the world of despair, of tenfold darkness, where the wrath of the Almighty glows with augmented fury, and whence, through eternity, are heard the loudest wailings, ascending with the smoke of their torment:–in that place I shall expect to dwell, and there, my brethren, to lift up my cry with yours, should we believe lies, and propagate deceits, and avert from our people the sanctifying influence of the Holy Spirit.—And if there be a class of men, upon whom the fiercest malignity of the damned will be turned, and upon whose heads universal imprecations will mingle with the wrath of the Lamb, it will doubtless, my brethren, be ourselves; if, blind guides, we lead to perdition our deluded hearers.

The present occasion requires that a more particular application of this discourse be made to the Pastor Elect, and to the Missionaries, who are about to be ordained to preach the unsearchable riches of Christ among the Gentiles.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1813, Connecticut


Chauncey Lee (1763-1842) graduated from Yale in 1784. He was pastor of a church in Sunderland, VT; Colebrook, NY; and Marlborough, CT (1790-1835). This election sermon was preached by Lee in Hartford, CT on May 13, 1813.


sermon-election-1813-connecticut

THE GOVERNMENT OF GOD THE TRUE SOURCE AND
STANDARD OF HUMAN GOVERNMENT

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

AT

HARTFORD,

IN THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

MAY 13TH, 1813.

BY CHAUNCEY LEE,
PASTOR OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN COLEBROOK.

See that thou make all things according to the pattern shewed to thee in the mount.
JEHOVAH.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1813.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Aaron Austin, and Samuel Mills, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. CHAUNCEY LEE, for his Sermon delivered at the anniversary Election, and request a copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
THOMAS DAY, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

MATTHEW vi. 13.

For thine the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever. Amen.

These words are the conclusion of that short and memorable form of prayer, which our Saviour taught his disciples. They are also the ground of all the preceding petitions, and the weighty argument, by which they are jointly and severally enforced. These, from lisping infancy, we have been accustomed to repeat. They have been the language of devotion in the nursery, in the closet, in the family, and in the sanctuary, through every age of the gospel church; and to the true worshipper will ever be the most expressive words of prayer and praise. They are the common centre, source and argument of all his requests; for, with him, the glory of God is the supreme object of desire. To the saints on earth, and in heaven, they are the standing medium of divine communion. While they expand the heart with love and devotion, they pour the richest instruction upon the mind, present the sublimest objects of faith and hope, and lead up the soul, in holy rapture, to the Father of mercies, the infinite fountain of good.

The character of God being the foundation of all religion, the spirit of devotion is also that of obedience; and for the same reason, why we should love and worship God, we are bound to acknowledge and serve him, in all the various duties and relations of human life.

The text, therefore, not only presents the important objects of faith, but has an immediate respect to moral practice. It opens the source of all religious knowledge. It evidences truth, and enforces duty. It is the foundation of the good man’s hope and joy, and the sword of avenging justice to alarm and punish the wicked. It is interesting to every individual, and applies to all human occasions. Let us, then, with reverence attend to it; and may the Spirit of God assist and bless our inquiries.

The great subject before us, is this discourse, is the GOVERNMENT of God. No subject is more interesting. In none other, is presented such an engaging and extensive field for devout contemplation, and religious improvement. The theme, indeed, is boundless and inexhaustible. To glance at a few of its most prominent parts, is all that we can or dare assume. But where reason faints and nature fails, faith may flourish, and devotion say, “O the depth of the riches, both of the wisdom and knowledge of God; how unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past finding out.” 1

In this exalted view, is the subject presented in the text. Every word is emphatical—in orderly succession, regularly advancing, enlarging, rising, and brightening at every step; till we are conducted, in the vast field of God’s holy purposes, from the commencement of created existence, to the grand consummation of all things, in the highest happiness and glory of his eternal kingdom.

1. The first point of instruction held up in the text shews the government of God to be original and supreme. “Thine is the kingdom,” expresses a high and incommunicable attribute—a peculiar and distinguishing glory of the King Eternal, totally inapplicable to any created potentate. It is thine in the most absolute sense—thine emphatically and exclusively.

As God is the creator, he is the proprietor and Lord of all things. The kingdom is his, by right of creation. He singly fills the throne of underived and supreme dominion. “For who hath known the mind of the Lord, or who hath been his counselor? Or who hath first given to him, and it shall be recompensed unto him again. For of him, and through him, and to him are all things.” 2 Who, then, shall dare dispute God’s property in the works of his hands—his right to govern the creatures he hath made—to establish the ordinances of earth and heaven—to give laws to universal nature; and to decree and effect the various conditions of angels and men? Having an absolute property in all his works, he hath good right to do what he will with his own. This is a dictate of human reason, no less than of divine revelation. Men themselves assert this prerogative. In the fruits of our own labour and skill, we claim, in relation to our fellow-men, an absolute and exclusive property. The principle applies with infinite force to the government of God. Because he is the maker, he is the Lord of all things.

This truth is uniformly taught in the sacred volume. It is there celebrated as the ground of the divine authority and government—of the rightful and supreme dominion of Jehovah. There his character is displayed, as the great author of existence, and clothed in all the majesty and glory of creating power. “The Lord hath made all things for himself.” 3 And the church triumphant sing, “Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive glory and honour and power; for thou hast created all things, and for thy pleasure they are and were created.” 4

2. The government of God is unlimited in extent. “Thine is the kingdom,” teaches us not only that the kingdom is the Lord’s by right of creation, and that as proprietor and Lord, he possesses supreme dominion, but that his government is universal. There is no other kingdom but his. The Lord hath prepared his throne in the heavens, and his kingdom ruleth over all. 5 He is above all, and through all, and in all. 6

The Most High is not like the false gods of the heathen, a local and tutelary deity; limited to a particular place—presiding over the interests of a certain people, or country, and confining his attention to some favourite objects of human concern. Nor are there, according to the Magian heresy, two independent, co-existing and co-eternal beings, as the originating cause, and separate authors, the one of good, and the other of evil. No. There is ONE Lord; and his kingdom is neither limited, nor divided. He alone is the great first cause of all things, declaring, in the solemn majesty of his word, “I form the light and create darkness, I make peace and create evil, I the Lord do all these things.” 7

God is an infinite spirit, and pervades all space. His government respects all creatures, and directs all events. His providential agency is universal. The hairs of our heads are all numbered, and, without him, not even a sparrow falls to the ground. Every object or occurrence forms a part of this one immeasurable whole, and is a little stream issuing from this infinite fountain. This truth gives importance to the smallest things; and, without it, the greatest would lose their magnitude. Inexpressive of order, beauty or design, the moral world would be involved in chaotic darkness and confusion.

Vain, my brethren, is that religion which ascribes to casualty the direction of events; or, arrogating to creatures the rightful honours of the Creator, yields not to Jehovah the absolute possession of his throne, and the universal influence of his power. Absurd is that philosophy, opposition of science falsely so called, which, by ascribing any independent efficacy to means and second causes, opposes the sovereign and universal agency of God—shuts out the immediate presence and action of the divine Maker from any part of his system; and denies to the King Eternal, that dominion, which he exercises over all the works of his hands.

3. The government of God is absolutely perfect. “Thine is the kingdom and the power and the glory.” A very interesting advance is here made in the text. By this it appears, that the Most High God not only exercises a rightful, supreme and universal dominion, but that he is perfectly well qualified to reign. He possesses, in the fullest manner, all the requisite qualifications to ensure the highest and most important end of government, the greatest possible good and happiness of his subjects. Thine is the power and the glory; that is, all power, and all glory are thine.

The glory of God, as defined in his word, and especially as declared in his name published to Moses, is, essentially, his goodness. God is glorious in all his works; all his works praise him, because they manifest his infinite benevolence. They conspire to the full and final accomplishment of the purposes of infinite goodness—that high and important end for which he made, and for which he governs the world. In this, his wisdom is necessarily implied. It is immediately and inseparably connected. Therefore, by glory in the text, the wisdom and goodness of God are primarily and specially intended.

Here, then, are presented, in a collective view, the three great requisites of a perfect government—goodness, wisdom and power. Goodness to act with a benevolent regard to the happiness of the subject—wisdom to devise and adopt the best means, for effecting the best ends; and power sufficient to put in execution the plans thus devised.—Can a doubt be entertained, whether these requisites of supreme magistracy belong to that great and infinite being, whose is the kingdom, and the power and the glory? That God is able to do whatever he pleases, is a first principle in natural religion. All power is his. “With God all things are possible.” His wisdom is unsearchable. “He is the only wise God.” His goodness is his glory. “There is none good but one, and that is God.” 8

4. The government of God is everlasting. “Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever.” The government of God is not only rightful in its origin—supreme in its authority—universal in extent; and administered with infinite perfection; but it is unlimited in duration. There never can be any revolution, nor changes in Jehovah’s empire. No insurrections among his subjects, the most numerous or mighty, and with the utmost malice, power and subtlety combined, can shake the stable pillars of his throne; or, for a moment interrupt, divert, retard, or weaken the steady advancement of his high and holy purpose. God lives and reigns forever. He is “the King immortal, invisible and eternal. His dominion endureth throughout all generations, and his kingdom is an everlasting kingdom.” 9

After the whole race of mortals, in their successive generations, shall have trodden and passed off the stage—after the empires of men shall have all sunk in oblivion—this scene of human butchery, bloodshed and tears, be closed, and the bustling energies of this rolling ball, be over and gone forever;–after all the systems of the natural world shall be dissolved, time be lost in eternity, and ages of ages have rolled away, the GOVERNMENT of God will still remain—his wisdom, power and goodness be still shining, with increased and increasing effulgence; and the glory and happiness of his kingdom will still be advancing, rising, and brightening forever, without the least approximation to their utmost height.

But in these sublime elevations of faith, we have not yet reached the crowning excellency of the subject, nor laid our hand upon the key stone of the glorious arch. Under the reign of the great Messiah, the God of heaven hath set up in our ruined world a KINGDOM of GRACE, as the only vestibule connected with, and leading to the kingdom of glory. The God-man, Christ Jesus, is the anointed king of Zion, and sways the scepter of universal empire. Great, without controversy, is the mystery of godliness—God manifest in the flesh—suffering the death of the cross—rising and ascending to heaven—living and reigning forever, the head of all authority, and of all vital influences to his redeemed church.

Abstracted from the mediatorial economy, and the hope set before us in the gospel, of what advantage or avail could it be to the sinful children of men—what source of happiness, or of hope, to know that a God of infinite perfection governs the world, and will reign forever; a God who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity, and who will, by no means, clear the guilty? With the devils, we might believe and tremble, but never could have any warrant to hope and rejoice. What has a rebel, under the best government, to expect from the hand of his offended sovereign, whose goodness, no less than his justice, seals his condemnation, but the certain execution of the penalty of the law? And what, to the unpardoned sinner, is his prospect of immortality? An interminable scene of darkness, suffering and horror, as dreadful as eternity and the wrath of God can make it. But, blessed be God for Jesus Christ, and that pardon, salvation and eternal life, which he hath purchased with his blood, and freely bestows on all who the God of heaven hath set up in our ruined world a KINGDOM of GRACE, as only vestibule connected with, and leading to the kingdom of glory. The God-man, Christ Jesus, is the anointed king of Zion, and sways the scepter of universal empire. Great, without controversy, is the mystery of godliness—God manifest in the flesh—suffering the death of the cross—rising and ascending to heaven—living and reigning forever, the head of all authority, and of all vital influences to his redeemed church.

Abstracted from the mediatorial economy, and the hope set before us in the gospel, of what advantage or avail could it be to the sinful children of men—what source of happiness, or of hope, to know that a God of infinite perfection governs the world, and will reign forever; a God who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity, and who will, by no means, clear the guilty? With the devils, we might believe and tremble, but never could have any warrant to hope and rejoice. What has a rebel, under the best government, to expect from the hand of his offended sovereign, whose goodness, no less than his justice, seals his condemnation, but the certain execution of the penalty of the law? And what, to the unpardoned sinner, is his prospect of immortality? An interminable scene of darkness, suffering and horror, as dreadful as eternity and the wrath of God can make it. But, blessed be God for Jesus Christ, and that pardon, salvation and eternal life, which he hath purchased with his blood, and freely bestows on all who believe in his name.—Here is the foundation of christians’ hope and joy; here, of the faith and patience of the saints; here, with heart and voice, and uplifted hands, they cry, “thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever;” and unitedly shout their joyful Amen.

Let us now attend to some useful reflections on this subject, in the way of application and improvement.

1. It is evidently the great design of God’s government to display his character. This is the language of his word and providence, and the important instruction of his wisdom, in all his administrations. He gives us no misrepresentations of himself. His judgments are ever according to truth. He “is wonderful in counsel, and excellent in working.” 10 —The various circumstances of men, the many and constant changes taking place in the world, which human sagacity can neither foresee, nor prevent, display the sovereign, all-disposing hand of Him, who doth according to his will, in the army of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth. 11

The government of God is as benevolent as his nature, unchangeable as his being, and unlimited as his works. It is the united display of all his perfections, in the production of their proper fruits. It is that sensible medium, by which the divine character is diffused and acted out. In a word, it is the visible portraiture of the invisible God, drawn by his own hand, and corresponding in all its parts with the most perfect exactness, to its infinite original.

Of the mysteries of divine providence, in the prosecution of the great, eternal plan of God, in which every creature, of every character, angels, saints, wicked men and devils have all some part to act, and as instruments, are accomplishing his purposes; of these, we have but a very imperfect view. It is “a wheel within a wheel.” Infinite regularity, order and design, in apparent disorder and confusion. We see but a small part of the great whole—but here and here a link in the infinitely extended chain. Yet surely we see enough to believe the rest. We see wisdom, order and design in the works of creation; and shall we hastily conclude that his agency and divine skill are less concerned in his kingdom of providence—his oral government of the world? Certainly not. Our views of this subject are narrowed by ignorance, and darkened by pride. These blind our mental sight to the wisdom and beauty of the divine government.

Present to the eye of an ignorant man the mere outlines of a piece of portrait, or landscape painting, before the finer touches of the pencil have given them any expression or likeness—he will see only lines and sketches—he cannot enter into the spirit of the artist; and he recognizes neither beauty, order, nor design in the plan. It is thus, though in a much higher degree, with men, short sighted creatures, in judging of the government of God. The scale is so large, the objects so numerous and multiform, and the plan so complicate, diffuse and wonderful; and alas! such is there disinclination of heart, such their stupid inattention to the works and ways of God, that though they have eyes, they see not; though they have understandings, they perceive not the glorious perfection of his government. Not discerning the connection, design and tendency of its parts, they question its wisdom. They look at the shades in the painting, and call them blemishes. But take away the shades, and the beauty is gone. Remove these blemishes, and the plan itself is destroyed.

It is moral beauty, however, which forms the distinguishing excellency of the divine government. This must, in some measure, be seen, loved and imitated by us, or we have no true knowledge of God. This constitutes the happiness of his children. This fills all heaven with joy, and calls forth the adoring hallelujahs of saints and angels above; who cry, “Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts; the whole earth is full of his glory.” 12

2. Redemption is the end of all God’s other works both of creation and providence. To this great object, as their central point, all the mighty displays of divine wisdom, power and goodness are directed. The eternal Father hath invested his Son, our God-Man Mediator, with supreme and universal dominion, in fulfillment of his eternal covenant promise; and in reward of Christ’s obedience unto death. He is given to be head over all things to the church; and must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet. Of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end. God hath set his king upon his holy hill of Zion, and glorious things are spoken of the city of our God, 13 respecting the enlargement, peace and prosperity of the Redeemer’s kingdom in the latter day. The benign influence of Christianity shall pervade and actuate every heart, and the glory of the Lord overspread and fill the earth.—Here is the consummation of God’s precious promises to his militant church—the blessed fruits of her hard struggles and conflicts, through all preceding ages—her glorious victory, obtained by a warfare of six thousand years.

The promises of God to his church are interesting, they are animating, they are glorious. Listen to the voice of prophecy, beyond conception, elegant, sublime and heavenly. Oh, it is sweet as the music of an angel’s lyre—transporting as the songs of the New Jerusalem. “Arise, shine, for thy light is come, and the glory of the Lord is risen upon thee; and the Gentiles shall come to thy light, and kings to the brightness of thy rising.” 14

Of all subjects, this is the nearest to the heart of the Christian. It must enkindle the flame of devotion and zeal, in every friend of Zion. It has supported the hopes, excited the longing desires, and called forth the fervent prayers of God’s afflicted people, in all ages of the world. At the same time, the success of the gospel has ever been confronted, by the most determined opposition of its enemies. This has employed their tongues, their pens, and their words. It has called into action all the subtlety and false philosophy of the human heart. It has enkindled and pointed the thunderbolts of war—caused the convulsion and distress of nations, and immolated millions upon its altar.

But they are waging a desperate war. They are setting themselves as briars and thorns, in battle array against the devouring flame. By all their rage and malice, God is fulfilling his purposes; and amidst all the confusion and distress of the nations, he is strengthening and rearing the walls of Zion. And the glorious work of grace he will carry on and accomplish; for the kingdom, power and glory are his forever. His truth and faithfulness are pledged that he “will make Jerusalem a praise in the earth;” and that “the kingdom, and the dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High.” 15

3. This subject should inspire us with adoring views of God’s glorious majesty, and a fixed trust in his wise and perfect government.

How is the greatness and glorious supremacy of God exalted in this view! How absolutely independent! What wisdom in all his moral government! How infinitely exalted above all creatures! He makes his enemies fulfill his purposes, even in their acts of rebellion; and everything conduce to the greatest possible good of his system.

Do we reverence the majesty of princes, and court the favour of those raised but a little above us in wealth or power? Do we fear the frowns of the great—admire the wisdom of the learned—applaud the deeds of the mighty; and contemplate, with wonder, the history of powerful nations, or the achievements of worthy and renowned men? But what are all these? Nothing, and less than nothing. In the light of divine perfection, all created excellency utterly vanishes.

What a privilege is it, my brethren, to live under the government of such a great and good being, whose is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever! We but quarrel with our own happiness in not choosing to be wholly and always dependent upon him, and cheerfully submissive to his will, in all the duties and sufferings he appoints us. A clearer view of the great plan of infinite wisdom would overwhelm us with shame, for having ever exercised the least opposition to his government, or indulged the slightest murmur under any of his dealings. “Man was not made to censure, but adore.” Humility, submission and obedience are the great points of human wisdom. To fear God and keep his commandments, is the whole duty of man. 16 Let us then be humble and believing; and amidst all our national alarms and fears, let us still rejoice in the security of the church. This is a great comfort to the pious mind. Let us, then, resign ourselves, unreservedly, to a power so munificently employed; and trust, with implicit confidence, in a wisdom and goodness so watchful, so active, so unwearied in our behalf.

4. By this subject, we are taught the true spirit of government—its foundation, principle and end. These, in all legitimate governments, are uniform, through all the grades of moral beings; from human authorities, up to the throne of uncreated majesty. “Be ye perfect, as your Father who is in heaven is perfect,” 17 is the authoritative language of Emmanuel. The character of God being the standard of moral virtue, and of human perfection, his government, the medium by which it is displayed, is therefore the perfect pattern, and unerring standard of all HUMAN GOVERNMENTS. Though subordinate and limited in their powers, yet, in relation to the proper objects of their institution, they must be the same in kind with the great original, from which they emanate. They must move and act by the same benevolent principle, and be directed to the same ultimate end.

For the preservation of order, peace and happiness in human society, God, in his great goodness, hath instituted civil government, and seen fit to depute a small portion of his authority to civil rulers; empowering them, by the force of salutary laws, to protect and avenge the innocent—to enforce commutative justice—to defend the weak—to restrain the licentious, and to punish crimes against the interests of society. Human governments, hen, form so many several parts of the divine government. They are distinguished from it, but as they are administered through the instrumentality of men. ALL IS THE GOERNMENT OF GOD—for the kingdom, power and glory are his forever. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice. 18

With what reason or propriety, then, is the principle professed, and even by some contended for, that between religion and government there exists no connection?—yea, that they are severally contaminated by a mutual touch; and the influence of each is hostile and baneful to the interests of the other? Can a man believe his Bible, and subscribe to a doctrine so absurd? The reverse of it is truth, and the deeper our researches in this subject, the deeper will be our conviction. It is separating what God hath joined together, and bidding defiance to reason and experience, as well as to scripture. It is separating man from his Maker—dismembering the government of God, and exalting the “little, brief authority” of an aspiring worm, paramount to the throne of the King Eternal.

In the holy scriptures, we find princes and civil magistrates actually called gods; 19 and it is for this reason, because human authority is a shadow of the divine; and civil rulers are the vicegerents of God, commissioned to rule for him, and execute his will. With this argument, Paul enforces the duty of obedience to civil magistrates; on the ground, that human government is a divine ordinance, and earthly rulers are commissioned and empowered by the King of heaven. The instruction of inspired truth upon this subject is very express. Thus runs the charter of human governments—establishing their high authority—defining their legitimate powers—pointing out the true policy of their administration, and declaring the benevolent end of their institution:–

THE POWERS THAT BE ARE ORDAINED OF GOD. RULERS ARE NOT A TERROR TO GOOD WORKS, BUT TO THE EVIL. HE IS THE MINISTER OF GOD TO THEE FOR GOOD. HE BEARETH NOT THE SWORD IN VAIN, FOR HE IS THE MINISTER OF GOD, A REVENGER TO EXECUTE WRATH UPON HIM THAT DOETH EVIL. 20

Three important points are here established. First, That civil rulers are commissioned of God, and act by an authority delegated from him. Secondly, That impartial justice, truth and equity must form the spirit of their laws, and the policy of their administration. Thirdly, that the highest good of community, the general happiness, peace and prosperity of the state or nation, must be the great object and end of all human governments.

In perfect accordance with these principles was the solemn charge, which Moses, and after him Jehoshaphat, gave to the constituted authorities of Israel: “Hear the causes between your brethren, and judge righteously between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment—ye shall hear the small as well as the great—ye shall not be afraid of the face of man; for the judgment is God’s.” Deut. i. 15. 16. “And he said to the judges, take heed what ye do, for ye judge not for man, but for the Lord, who is with you in the judgment.” 2 Chron. xix. 6.

Wisdom, power and goodness, the great principles of perfect sovereignty, so transcendently displayed in the government of Him who ruleth over all, are absolutely necessary to the perfection and proper ends of human governments, in all their constitutional forms, and in all their varied modes of administration. It is only through the deficiency of one, or some, or all of these, that any government ever fails of answering the highest and best end—the promotion and security of the general good.

If wisdom be wanting, the measures of government, however well intended, and however faithfully executed, yet being laid in ignorance and folly, must prove abortive, and fail of their end.—If goodness were wanting, wisdom would be but craft and cunning, and power degenerate into furious and arbitrary might. If wisdom and goodness both were extinct, government would be dreadful in proportion to its power. It would be the most frightful despotism; and directed to no other end than the misery and ruin of its subjects.

Without power, government would be but a name. The best laws would be unexecuted. Wisdom and goodness would be exercised in vain, and operate to no end. In the absence of them all, government has no existence. But these three united constitute the perfection of government, and exclude the possibility of tyranny and oppression.

The object of the divine government, as we have seen, is the greatest general good. This must be the object of human governments. Real philanthropy, enlarged, disinterested, diffusive benevolence, is the only genuine patriotism. Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, is the true spirit of all free and happy governments among men; whether administered by one, by few, or by many;–by an hereditary monarch—by a diet of nobles—by a representative assembly chosen by the people; or, by a mixed government of either two or all of these combined. Wisdom, public spirit, uprightness and integrity are the indispensible qualifications of civil rulers. This we know from the highest authority. It is not a dictate of human philosophy only, but the injunction of divine revelation: “Take ye wise men and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you.” Deut. i. 13. “Moreover, thou shalt provide, out of all the people, able men, such as fear God; men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them, to be rulers of thousands, rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens.” Exodus xviii. 21.

These plain passages, to every believer in divine revelation, must place the matter out of all doubt; and set the following points of political wisdom in the clearest light:

First, That legislators, rulers and civil magistrates must be men of sound heads and clear understandings—of known characters as men of talents, political wisdom and integrity: known among your tribes; thou shalt provide able men,” &c. Let them be native, free born citizens, nursed in the lap of their parent country—bred in the principles, habits and feelings of freemen, and well able to distinguish liberty from licentiousness, and the government of laws from the reign of tyranny and terror.—Again, “Take ye wise men, and understanding—provide out of all the people able men,”&c.; men well versed in the science of government, and understanding the true interests of the publick; not upstart pretenders, visionary theorists and projectors, strutting upon the stilts of philosophy, and swelling with the wisdom of Solon, while ignorant of the alphabet of legislation and government.

Secondly. From the same authority we learn, that civil rulers must be men who fear God—men who are the servants of the Most High—obedient subjects of the divine government, and devoted to the interests of the Redeemer’s kingdom.

The fear of God is the principle of religion in the heart; and “he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” 21 Civil rulers, therefore, no less than the people over whom they rule, must feel themselves subjects of the universal government of God. They must recognize their allegiance and accountability to Him, under whom they hold their commissions, and take all their directions in duty from his word. In fine, they must be men of pure morals—men of virtuous character—men of real religion. Such only are qualified, in the several offices of civil authority, to co-operate with the infinite benevolence of their Creator, to the great and important ends of his government. Such only are fit instruments to be the ministers of God for good to his people. They who fear not God will not regard man. They will hold the divine authority and human happiness in equal contempt: and as vainly may we expect, from such rulers, the fruits of benevolence in the publick good, as to gather figs from thistles, or grapes from the noxious bramble. Human experience has ever verified that maxim of divine wisdom, “When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn.” 22

Thirdly. Civil rulers must be “men of truth.” They must not only walk humbly with God, but deal justly with men. They must possess that noble elevation of sentiment, that incorruptible integrity of soul, which is incapable of descending to the vile electioneering arts of intrigue and slander, misrepresentation and falsehood, to effect the objects of their own or others’ ambition. Let them be no fawning Absaloms—no cringing, time-serving office seekers, nor brawling professors of their exclusive love for the people.

Truth is the basis of every real excellence. It is the criterion of all moral and political worth. Civil rulers, therefore, must be sincere, and not pretended patriots—honest men, and not deceivers of the public; disguising their real views and motives, veiling their weak or wicked measures under false and specious pretexts—thus prostituting their talents, and sacrificing their integrity, their conscience and their country at the shrine of popularity. The administrators of government should never fear the truth—never fear to avow, in a plain and open manner, the real objects of their legislation and administration; but manfully meet their full share of responsibility; and not, by evading arts, meanly seek to cast off the odium of their own errors upon men more righteous than themselves.

Fourthly. Civil rulers must be men “hating covetousness.” Though the character is here delineated indirectly, and as it were, in a negative form; yet it is expressive of distinguishing and positive traits; and men of enlarged views, liberal sentiments and publick spirit, may be seen sitting for the picture.

The cupidity of hungry demagogues, scrambling for the loaves and fishes of office, is in nothing more distinctively marked, than in their flattering or censuring the conduct of men in power, according as they may apprehend the one or the other the more favourable to their views. Selfishness, not patriotism, is the concealed spirit which moves them;–their own honour and emolument are the real and sole objects of their aim. But those, possessing the qualifications of good rulers, are of a more excellent spirit. They are men of a disinterested character—men hating covetousness—men who will subordinate their own personal honour, wealth and aggrandizement to the publick good, and point, with undeviating aim, all their counsels, exertions and official duties to this one great end.

We have now delineated, by a comparison of opposites, the scriptural character of good civil rulers, who fill their office with duty and usefulness, and are publick blessings to their people. The character is drawn by divine wisdom, in the shortest terms, and yet it is full and complete. They must be provided or selected out of all the people—men of known wisdom and understanding—such as fear God—men of truth, and hating covetousness. These are the essential characteristics of good civil rulers. These, blessed be God, we and our fathers, the favoured sons of Connecticut, have known and realized by the happy experience of almost two centuries. To the divine goodness our warmest thanks are due. God hath never given us babes to be our princes, nor children, nor wicked men to rule over us; but hath ever given us our “judges, as at the first, and our counselors, as at the beginning;” 23 men, who have been his ministers for good to the people. This, from the infancy of our highly favoured republic, has been the distinguished character of our political fathers, who have successively filled, adorned and dignified the chair of state. They have been the chariots of our Israel, and the horsemen thereof. In this venerable catalogue, those men of God, the fathers and founders of our Commonwealth, Haynes, Winthrop and Saltonstal, and in later days, our illustrious Trumbulls, hold an eminent rank, and will ever occupy distinguished pages in the history of our country.

To the list of our departed worthies, we have now to subjoin the name of our late excellent and much lamented chief magistrate, Roger Griswold. The incurable malady, which, at our last anniversary, deprived us of his presence, and the legislature of his aid, has since, alas! terminated his useful life, and he now sleeps with his fathers.

After the striking testimony of respect to his memory, already borne by this honourable legislature, 24 and his correct and able funeral eulogium, now in the hands of the publick, it becomes me, I am sensible, on this subject, to be concise. Yet duty forbids me to be wholly silent. Justice to my own feelings—to the feelings of a bereaved publick, and to the memory of distinguished merit, demands, at least, the tribute of a—tear. The career of his publick services will furnish an interesting theme to future biographers, and to them it is left. His general character, however, by which he justly stood so highly respected and endeared, may be briefly drawn, in a few well known and distinctive traits.

In private life he was the accomplished gentleman, the man of science, the amiable friend, the kind and courteous neighbour, the affectionate parent, the tender husband, and the agreeable companion in every relation. In his publick walks, he was the thorough investigator of truth, the able statesman, the luminous speaker, the patriotic legislator, the discerning and upright judge, and the faithful, firm and independent magistrate.

While, with sentiments of affection and gratitude, we weep over his grave, and the tears for our beloved Trumbull, scarcely dried, are now caused to flow afresh for his worthy successor—let us bow, in humble submission, to the holy will of the supreme disposer, whose awful hand, in the short period of three years, 25 hath twice bereaved us of our chief magistrate. Let us penitently acknowledge his righteous chastisement, and bless him for his goodness, in raising up and qualifying, with such eminent talents for public usefulness, this distinguished fellow citizen, the faithful and able defender of our constitutional rights. With a peculiar sensibility, let us recognize his firm and distinguished conduct, in a late crisis of our national affairs, the most trying, interesting and eventful. 26 Thanks to heaven, that, at the first bursting of the storm, a Griswold stood at the helm; and undaunted at the shock which tried men’s souls, calmly guided, with his dying hands, our little bark, steady, straight and safe from all rocks and shallows, in its true constitutional course. His talents and firmness were tried and found equal to the emergence. Thus, like the clear, unclouded sun, he shone the brightest in his setting rays; and by the last act of his public life, he crowned the lofty climax of his well earned fame.

May the mantle of our departed Griswold, and his illustrious predecessors, descend to their successors; and their spirit be transmitted down to the latest posterity, through the venerable legislators, judges, and ruling fathers of our state.

5. Our subject leads us to reflect, that a good civil government is one of the greatest earthly blessings. It is to be enjoyed, with thankfulness to the great giver; and carefully preserved and transmitted, as the richest bequest to posterity.

The government, under which a people live, is so interwoven with their happiness, that it is inconceivable, how they can be prosperous, or happy, if this be evil. It would, therefore, be an unpardonable breach of duty, on this day, not to recognize so great a blessing.

Our form of national government originated from men of tried integrity and experience; having a full knowledge of the situation and peculiar wants of every portion of the country; and all the various forms of civil government on earth, with their evils and benefits, excellencies and defects; together with the experience of all preceding ages, fully before them. Possessing these advantages, they were enabled to construct an exceedingly wise and happy form of civil government. And no nation, it may be affirmed, ever experienced greater prosperity, than what we have enjoyed, under its operation and influence.

But this blessing is to be guarded with assiduous care, and preserved by every requisite means. Experience enforces this duty upon us. Public, as well as private, blessings are liable to be taken from us, and lost. The best human governments are imperfect. They are subject to abuse. They are formed, and they are administered, by frail, selfish and fallible agents. Under the wisest form of government, we have suffered various and grievous oppressions. In the obstinate pursuit of a strange and infatuated policy, our country has, for years, groaned under a series of privations and distresses; till, at length, we are plunged into an offensive war, with one of the most powerful nations of Europe, and under circumstances, in which national ruin is staring us in the face. We have, therefore, abundant reason to be alarmed with our danger—to be active in applying the means of safety; and to mingle fervent supplications of thanksgiving and praise.

6. We have, all of us, my fellow citizens, individually, and as a people, a special interest in this subject. It points its instruction to everyone, and speaks in loud and commanding accents. Let us hear the voice of wisdom, and attend to the things of our peace.

Is religion so necessary to the character of good civil rulers?—such a high and important qualification, for men in public authority, and called to administer the government of the state? Is it less so, to those who are the subjects of civil government, and in the walks of private life? No—but, if possible, the more necessary and important; as it is the proximate cause, and the necessary means of the other. For, in a free and elective government, where the people are the source of power, and have, either directly or indirectly, all the gifts o civil office, in their hands, the character of rulers will ever be formed by that of their constituents. They will be of the same moral stamp,–the very “image and superscription” of the people by whom they are elected. Unless, therefore, we are a religious people, it is vain to hope for the blessing of religious rulers. A corrupt spring will never send forth sweet waters; nor can the stream rise higher than its source. Let the great body of the people, or the majority of them, become wicked and unprincipled, and “the post of honour is”, at once, “a private station.” The excellent of the earth, if such may be found, men who fear God, and hate covetousness, will not be the public favourites, nor even candidates for office. They will be thrust into the background, and wholly overlooked. From the mutual relation between rulers and subjects, this truth results, as an invariable maxim, that a government will be wise and prosperous, according to the purity of the fountain from which it emanates. The connection is indissoluble, between a united and virtuous people, and the government of wise and faithful rulers. Both are great public blessings, but they cannot exist apart. The former is a necessary means of the other. The character of an elective government will ever be derived from that of its constituents; and its operation and success will be accordingly. Indeed, it is not within the reach of the wisest laws—it is utterly beyond the power and skill of the best civil rulers, to make a wicked people, a happy people; or to do them good, any further, than they may have influence to change the public character: for they are morally incapable of the blessings of any government, either human or divine. In the same proportion, therefore, in which, as a people, we relax in virtue, and the public character becomes vicious, is our government endangered.

The diffusion of general knowledge—the improvement of those means calculated to promote religious order and peace—the encouragement of schools, the due observation of the Sabbath, the support of the gospel ministry, and the public worship of God: and the counteracting of those corrupt principles, which weaken the sense of moral obligation, break the dearest ties of human life, and destroy the faith of an eternal retribution: these must be considered as things the most interesting to the public welfare. They essentially affect the main spring of our government. These are at the root. They form the character of the people, on whose shoulders the government rests.

While on this branch of the subject, I must beg the indulgence of a more particular attention to a certain moral duty of incalculable moment; I mean, the strict and religious observance of the day of holy rest. The idea has already been suggested, but I know not how to pass it with only a cursory hint; though a volume would scarce suffice to set forth its connection with the best interests of society; and trace all its important bearings upon the temporal and eternal welfare of men. No command in the Decalogue is enforced with more alluring, or more awful sanctions: there is not a duty inscribed upon the pages of inspiration, to which the promise of national blessings, and the threatening of national evils are so frequently, and so solemnly annexed, as to that divine precept, Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. Among the multiplied proofs of this truth, I would only point you to that memorable passage, in the 17th chapter of Jeremiah’s prophecy: “Thus saith the Lord, take heed to yourselves, and bear no burden on the Sabbath day, nor bring it in by the gates of Jerusalem. Neither carry forth a burden out of your houses on the Sabbath day, neither do ye any work, but hallow ye the Sabbath day, as I commanded your fathers. And it shall come to pass, if ye diligently hearken unto me, saith the Lord, to bring in no burden through the gates of this city on the Sabbath day, but hallow the Sabbath day, to do no work therein, then shall there enter into the gates of this city, kings and princes, sitting upon the throne of David, riding in chariots, and on horses, they, and their princes, the men of Judah, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and this city shall remain forever.” That is, the court, the city, and the country shall flourish; enjoying all the rich and valuable blessings of national peace and prosperity. “But, if ye will not hearken unto me, to hallow the Sabbath day, and not to bear a burden, even entering in at the gates of Jerusalem, on the Sabbath day, then will I kindle a fire in the gates thereof, and it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem, and it shall not be quenched.” A threatening which was literally fulfilled, and which this very prophet lived to see and lament.

Observe, therefore, how necessary it is to sanctify the Sabbath, if we desire the favour of God, and the prosperity of our country. This duty is equally required of all classes of men. No burdens are to be borne, no common work to be done, no laboring, travelling, carrying out, or fetching in, except, in case of absolute necessity. We see what stress God lays upon this duty. He charges the neglect of it, as a crime which will bring ruin upon the state.—The religious observation of the Sabbath will support all the other branches of religion. It will strengthen and invigorate the principle of holy obedience. It will water every moral, and every Christian virtue at the root, and render them flourishing and fruitful. Indeed, there can be neither religion, nor morality without it. Therefore, let us take heed to ourselves. Great caution is needful, in a degenerate day, amidst so many bad examples, and when actually suffering, by war and pestilence, the awful judgments of heaven for this very sin. They, who merely to save time, on working days, contrive to take journeys, to visit their friends, or follow their business, on the Sabbath; and by so doing, deprive themselves of religious advantages; do, at least (however their thoughts may be employed) set a bad example to others and encourage them to profane the Sabbath. All, who indulge in such practices, should seriously attend to this awful admonition of heaven. And how they can imagine such a conduct consistent with the divine authority and law, with the design of the Sabbath—the solemnity of a Christian profession, or even with seeking the true interests of their country, is very astonishing. How they can vindicate it, before him, who will give to every man according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings, they would do well to consider.

When we reflect on the degenerated state of our national morals, and consider the fickle and fluctuating disposition of people, with regard to the necessary means of public strength and happiness, the long continued existence of our government is rather an object of trembling hope, than of confident expectation. We have, indeed, the means of perpetuating the government of our choice; but the danger is in our abusing these means—in our losing sight of that virtue and religion, the influence of which is absolutely necessary to the long, or real existence of any free government.

Besides, a government like ours, more than many others not so free and good, opens a wider door for the exercise of unprincipled ambition, and for the rage of party animosities. By the frequent elections 27 to the great national offices, rivalries will be excited, and party spirit, once in action, has no sufficient time to die. The flame is increased, and the difference of opinion widened. It is diffused through every vein, and effects every limb and joint of the great body politick. This has been our great political disease; and too true it is, that the most proper, and only efficacious remedy has been overlooked and unapplied. A spirit of conciliation, of mutual charity and condescension has been greatly wanting, among even the honest and well meaning of both parties. “Man is man;”—a composition of ignorance, weakness and vanity. Human conduct is ever marked with imperfection and error; and the best cause is often injured by improper motives, means and management.—These things, in their nature and tendency, are great evils. In their progress, they threaten, and in their issue, will destroy a republican government.

Every person, acquainted with the history of nations, knows that factions have always been the bane of free governments. And when we consider the unhappy divisions in our country, and the unyielding spirit which accompanies them, what is the ground of our hope? What, the pleasing prospect of transmitting the blessings of freedom and good government to our children?—Alas! all earthly enjoyments are empoisoned with sin. All human affairs are mutable and transitory. The constitution of bodies politic, no less than that of the human frame, is liable to infirmity, disease and death. Kingdoms and States embosom the seeds of dissolution, implanted in the moral nature of man. They rise and fall, in succession, like day and night. They have their morning, their rise, their meridian, their decline, and their setting sun. But, the GOVERNMENT OF GOD shall stand. The kingdom, power and glory are his forever, and all his blessed purposes shall be accomplished. Here is the only stable ground of hope, of comfort, and of confidence, in all the darksome scenes and prospects of human woe. This is the key note in the gospel harmony; this, the chord which ever vibrates in unison with good man’s heart.

Public virtue, then, I resume, is the foundation, and the very corner stone of every free government. It cannot exist without it. Let the religious principle become extinct, in the minds of the commonalty; so that the influence of public good, and the restraints of conscience shall cease to operate; and the republican institution is sapped at the foundation; the best laws will be totally inefficient, republican government will be but a name, and that too, of short continuance. As a natural consequence, it will tumble, like a rock from the precipice; and with it drag down, in one common ruin, the last remains of liberty, and every privilege and comfort, which render life a blessing. It will, it must end in despotism. In such a state, or nation, nothing but a system of terror, propelled by the strong arm of physical power, can impose the necessary restraints, and keep the heavy, iron bound wheels of government in motion. These, grating harsh thunder, as they roll, like those of the horrid car of Juggernaut, 28 will be smeared with the blood of wretched victims, crushed beneath their ponderous pressure. Injustice, oppression and cruelty are the mild, kindred virtues associated in the throne of despotic power. These are the garlands which deck the grisly brow of the Moloch of Tyranny.

Let it, then, be received, as an axiom in politics; let it be engraven upon our hearts, as with the point of a diamond; that Religion is the only sure foundation of a free and happy government. It is the great palladium of all our natural and social rights. Indeed, the connection between time and eternity is not more near and certain, than that between a wicked, demoralized state of community, and the government of tyranny.

With this truth blazing before us, can we pause, and reflect for a moment, without the mingled emotions of wonder and regret; that that public instrument, which guarantees our political rights of freedom and independence—our Constitution of national government, framed by such an august, learned and able body of men; formally adopted by the solemn resolution of each state; and justly admired and celebrated for its consummate political wisdom; has not the impress of religion upon it, not the smallest recognition of the government, or the being of God, or of the dependence and accountability of man. Be astonished, O earth!—Nothing, by which a foreigner might with certainty decide, whether we believe in the one true God, or in any God; whether we are a nation of Christians, or—But, I forbear. The subject is too delicate, to say more; and it is too interesting, to have said less. I leave it, with this single reflection, whether, if God be not in the camp, we have not reason to tremble for the ark?

I return from the digression, and repeat the sentiment, Religion is the only sure foundation of human government. Religious people are the good members of society. They who, in heart and life, acknowledge their allegiance to the King of heaven, are the best subjects, and the best supporters of civil authority; and they only are qualified to enjoy the permanent blessings of a free and equal government. Benevolence is the bond of social union, and the source of public peace and happiness. This holy principle cements all the natural and social relations. It makes good men, and good citizens. It strengthens, endears and sweetens all the tender charities of life. It unites the man to his neighbour, the Christian to his brother, and the creature to his God. Where there is this unity of sentiment and affection, there is ever unity of sentiment and affection, there is ever unity of interest and enjoyment. But a house divided against itself cannot stand. A building, composed of jarring and heterogeneous materials, like the visionary image of Nebuchadnezzar, tends to dissolution. The iron and the clay will never cement—never form a solid and lasting union; but, sooner or later, will tumble into ruin. That member of society, who is void of social and benevolent affection, is both a troublesome and disgraceful member. Like a round stone, in the composition of a great building, he can fit no place, in the whole wall. He touches his neighbours, but at points, and every touch is a wound. He mars the beauty, destroys the uniformity, and weakens the strength of the whole building. In a society, in a state, or nation, composed of such member, adieu to order, to friendship, and to peace.

Be cautioned then, my fellow citizens against the demon of party spirit; that spirit which casts the publick good into the background; and without any regard to the national interest, seeks, exclusively, the interests and the triumphs of a party. This is destructive to all free governments. It is the spirit of disunion, and tends to all evil. It violates the social compact, beats down the restraints of vice and immorality, tramples upon the most sacred obligations, sports with the dearest rights of society; and is rebellion against all governments, human and divine. Alas! The bright morning of our national glory, so calm, cool, peaceful and prosperous; while our GREAT AND GOOD FATHER lived, to protect and bless his country; this evil spirit has, thus quickly, overcast with clouds of darkness, greeted with the thunder of war, and encrimsoned with a deluge of blood.

The necessity of union cannot be too frequently impressed, nor its importance too highly appreciated. Bankruptcies incurred have often been retrieved;–ships lost can be replaced; Moscow, burnt to ashes may be rebuilt; but “union lost is seldom regained; and freedom once flown is gone forever.”

Our present situation imperiously requires unanimity, wisdom, firmness and energy among the people. In this day of darkness, distress and danger, in which our liberty, our independence, our national existence, our everything dear and valuable, on this side heaven, are at stake—there should be but one public sentiment—but one pulse should beat—one voice be heard; and one soul animate and inspire the whole body politic. If united and firm, we may still hope. If divided, we shall fall by our own hands, and incur the guilt of national suicide.

Pardon my warmth on this subject—it is impossible for me to be cold. It is the language of my heart, and I cannot suppress it. It is, however, by no means, intended to give offence to anyone; unless the truth shall offend; and the short lived and honourable reproach of such offences, I am willing to bear. They, whose views, either of religion, or government, do not exactly coincide with my own, will do me the justice to believe, that I mean not to wound their feelings, and that I am as honest in maintaining my opinions, as they can be in theirs; and that a sense of duty only, in the public station I hold under God, impels me, on this occasion, thus freely to declare them. I do declare myself feelingly alive to the public danger. I tremble in every nerve for the honour and safety of my country; and the awful fate which awaits our divided situation and our weak and distracted counsels. The title of United States, applied to a disunited people, is a burlesque and reproach. It is high time for the rage of political controversy to cease, or soon—I shudder at the thought—the sword may be drawn, which will be sheathed in brother’s bosoms. Let union at home and peace with the world, be the countersign with every class of citizens; the rallying watch-word among all the sons of freedom, the friends of their country and of mankind. Away, then, with all spirit of party dissension; its paltry objects and pernicious views; and away with that tame, temporizing spirit of dastardly union, which yields, and yields, and yields to be trodden and crushed to death, under the proud foot, which is elevated but to destroy. Let our union, like the wisdom from above, be first PURE, then PEACEABLE, gentle and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy. 29 Our interests, fellow-citizens, are one, and why should not our hearts and our exertions be united? Let us join hands in the common cause, to promote the interests and achieve the salvation of our dear and suffering country.

Respected Legislators. In these principles and duties, you will readily recognize your own immediate and individual concernment. To you, they are especially interesting. Called by the suffrages of your country, to the high duties of legislation, under God, the administrators of our free and happy government; to you, we look up, as the guardians and protectors of our dearest rights. The duties of your station, ever the most important to the public, the present unhappy situation of our country renders the most difficult and arduous to yourselves. To “stem the torrent of a downward age”—to preserve the invaluable institutions of our pious ancestors—to ward off the threatening evils of a misguided policy, and to renew the happy scene of national peace and prosperity, which once we enjoyed, require the combined exertion of all your talents, wisdom, prudence and patriotism. On those halcyon days, we now look back with regret, and sighing exclaim. Oh, that we were s in months past, as in the days when God preserved us, when his candle shined upon our head; as we were in the days of our youth, when the Almighty was yet with us. 30

At no time, has our sovereignty, as a state, been more endangered, nor appeared more interesting to our own and our country’s happiness. You are called, therefore, fellow-citizens, to act your part, in a trying and difficult day. Our lot is cast in a perilous period. We have indeed fallen upon the worst of times, and therefore need the best of men at the helm; for without skillful and faithful pilots, on such a stormy sea, our national shipwreck is near and certain. But amidst all the existing evils and impending dangers, which assail our present peace, and darken our national prospects, faint not, nor be discouraged; be firm and undaunted, and never despair of the commonwealth. Truth is powerful and will prevail. The scales of imposition are falling from the eyes of ignorance. The light is beginning to penetrate the dark recesses of obstinate blindness and error—and after our long and dreary night, the rising sun will again appear, and pour the reviving beams of prosperity and peace. Remember that the Lord reigns, and the Most High is the governor among the nations. 31 The kingdom, power and glory are his forever. Be strong in the Lord, and trust in the God of your fathers. His counsel shall stand. His government is his own, it is perfect, it is supreme, it is universal, it is everlasting. Look to that as the grand source and perfect standard of all human authority. Thence derive all your directions in duty, all your wisdom and fortitude, all your support and encouragement. Then shall you be the ministers of God, for good to his people; and generations, yet unborn, shall arise and call you blessed.

Reverend Fathers and Brethren. May our hearts be warmed with renewed zeal, in the great duties of the holy ministry, and our motto be, that of our divine Master, “I must work while it is day.” The time is short—our departure is at hand. Soon will the night of death overtake us, and close our working season for ever. Soon must we be individually called, to give an account of our stewardship, and to meet our people at the bar of God. Let us be fired with a noble emulation to finish well this short life of labour and trial. Let nothing weaken our resolutions, nor paralyze our exertions; neither let us count our lives dear to ourselves, so that we may finish our course with joy, and the ministry which we have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God. Since the last anniversary election, no less than eight 32 of our dear brethren, our respected fathers and fellow labourers, in this state, have closed their earthly course, and given their final account. An unusual and awful mortality! Great is the publick loss in the removal of so many faithful ministers of Jesus. Our Zion mourns. Her watchmen weep. They vent their grief and their consolation too, in the feeling language of the Psalmist,

“Spare us, O Lord, aloud we pray,
Nor let our sun go down at noon;
Thy years are one eternal day,
And must thy children die so soon?

Yet, in the midst of death and grief,
This thought our sorrow shall assuage;
Our Father and our Saviour live,
Christ is the same in every age.”

For the kingdom, and the power and the glory are his forever. Under the influence of such and so many solemn warnings, Oh, let us be faithful to the interests of souls—faithful to the church of the Redeemer, which he hath bought with his blood—faithful to our country and to our God.

Men, brethren and fathers, rulers and citizens, ministers and people of every class, let me beseech you to reflect seriously upon this interesting subject—to divest yourselves of all party feelings and prejudices; and candidly inquire into the real situation, and the true interests of our country.

Our present happy form of government may survive these decaying limbs of ours; for we must soon sleep with our fathers: yet, the most of us have children whom we love, to leave behind us; and who is there, in all this numerous assembly, so base, as to be willing to leave them exposed to the dreadful effects of party rage and oppression? Who is there, sunk so far below the insensibility of a savage, as to feel indifferent towards the fate of posterity; and not earnestly wish to leave, to them, the same blessings, of civil and religious liberty, which, through the mercy of God, we have received from our ancestors, as the fruit of their patriotism, their piety, their prayers, and their blood?

Remember that “righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is the reproach of any people;”—that it is equally the duty of rulers and citizens, to do justly, love mercy and walk humbly with God. This is the sum of all religion. This is the true spirit of a free government. This is a duty incumbent on every citizen. If, therefore, we desire the prosperity of our country; if the salvation of our immortal souls, we must live soberly, righteously and godly in this present world.

Under a deep impression of this solemn truth, of our dependence on God, our awful accountability, and our high and immortal destination—let us unitedly pray, Our Father, who art in heaven, of thine infinite mercy, through Jesus Christ, vouchsafe to us and our dear posterity, all the blessings of life, liberty, peace, religion and government; the comforts of time and the happiness of eternity; for thine is the kingdom, and the power and the glory forever.

Amen.
 


Endnotes

1. Rom. xi. 33.

2. Rom. xi. 34, 35.

3. Prov. xvi. 4.

4. Rev. iv. 11.

5. Psalm ciii. 19.

6. Eph. iv. 6.

7. Isaiah xlv. 7.

8. Matthew xix. 26., 1 Tim. i. 17. Matthew xix. 17.

9. Psalm cxlv. 13.

10. Isaiah xxviii. 29.

11. Daniel iv. 35.

12. Isaiah vi. 3.

13. Psalms ii. 6. And lxxxvii. 3.

14. Isaiah lx. 1, 3.

15. Dan. vii. 27.

16. Eccl.

17. Matthew v. 48.

18. Prov. viii. 15.

19. Exodus xxii. 28., Psalms lxxxii 1. 6. And cxxxviii. 1., John x. 34.

20. Rom. 13.

21. 2 Samuel xxiii. 3.

22. Prov. xxix. 2.

23. Isaiah i. 25.

24. Governor Griswold died at Norwich, while the legislature were in session at New-Haven. Upon the news of his death, a committee of both houses was appointed, to attend his interment. A solemn funeral service was also attended by the General Assembly, in which, by their appointment, the Hon. David Daggett, Esq. pronounced an eulogium upon his character. The assembly also resolved to wear badges of mourning for thirty days.

25. Governor Trumbull died August 7th, 1809—and Gov. Griswold October 25th, 1812.

26. See the printed documents of the legislature, published at their special session in New-Haven, in August last; detailing the correspondence of our state executive with Gen. Dearborn, and the Secretary of War, relating to the subject of calling into actual service, in the present war, at the command of the President of the Union, a certain portion of the militia of this state.

27. What precise term of civil office is the most wise and beneficial, is a desideratum in politics, and a point in which the most enlightened republican statesmen are far from being agreed. Witness the great diversity of practice adopted by the constitutions of the several state governments, respecting the period of their elections. Frequent elections are unquestionably6, most congenial with the republican spirit, and most favourable to the liberties of the people: and yet it must be acknowledged, that there are mischiefs connected with either extreme. In the above observations, therefore, I pretend not to act the part of a Censor, nor even to hazard an opinion; but simply to state facts, and trace effects to their true cause. Perhaps, the evil complained of, party spirit, is an unavoidable appendage of a free government: arising from the weakness and imperfection of human nature: and may always be expected to exist, and be, more or less operative, under every republican institution; until the religious principle has a more general, and powerful influence; or, in other words, until men are more disposed to conduct like rational creatures, and become fitter subjects for the enjoyment of rational liberty.

28. See Dr. Buchanan’s Christian researches in Asia.

29. James iii. 17.

30. Job xxix. 2, 3, 4, 5.

31. Psalm xxii. 28.

32. Rev. Messrs. Timothy Pitkin, of Farmington; George Colton, Bolton; Benjamin Wildman, Southbury; James Dana, D. D., New-Haven; Joseph W. Crossman, Salisbury; Asahel Hooker, Norwich; Noah Benedict, Woodbury; Samuel Camp, Ridgefield.

Sermon – Election – 1817, Massachusetts


Thomas Snell (1774-1862) graduated from Dartmouth in 1795. He briefly taught in Haverhill (1795). Snell was pastor of the 2nd Congregational Church in North Brookfield, MA (1798-1862). This election sermon was preached by Snell in Massachusetts on May 28, 1817.


sermon-election-1817-massachusetts

A

Sermon,

Preached Before

His Excellency JOHN BROOKS, Esq.
Governor;

His Honor WILLIAM PHILLIPS, Esq.
Lieutenant Governor,

The Honorable Council,

And The

Two Houses Composing The Legislature

Of The

Commonwealth Of Massachusetts,

May 28, 1817

Being The Anniversary Election.

By Thomas Snell
Pastor Of The Church In North-Brookfield

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

IN SENATE, May 28, 1817.

Ordered, that the HONORABLE OLIVER CROSBY, SAMUEL PORTER, and WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON, Esquires, be a Committee to wait upon the REVEREND THOMAS SNELL, and in the name of the Senate, to thank him, for the Sermon, delivered this day, before his Excellency The Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two branches of the Legislature; and to request a copy thereof, for the press.

Attest,
Samuel F. McCleary, Clerk.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
ISAIAH, IV. 5.

For upon all the Glory shall be a Defense.

ISRAEL, though a favored nation, was subject to many reverses of fortune. Their prosperity, depending upon the pleasure of God, ebbed and flowed much according to their national character, which received a completion from their kings and priests. When a deceived heart had turned them aside from the safe and pleasant paths of wisdom, they found by sad experience, that it was an evil and bitter thing to forsake the God of their fathers. Withdrawing the protecting wing of his Providence and removing the hedge he had built around them and all they had, God left them weak and defenseless as other nations, and delivered them into the hand of their enemies, whose tender mercies were cruelty. Of such unwelcome events were they seasonably apprized to make their escape by repentance. While seeing the storm, which had long been gathering, actually bursting upon the nation; or viewing its awful desolations around them, their hearts were often cheered with a gracious message from Heaven, inspiring the hope that a brighter day would arise, even a morning without clouds. An instance of the kind is to be seen in the Prophet Isaiah’s address to his nation: “Thy men shall fall by the sword, and thy mighty in the war. Jerusalem is ruined and Judah is fallen; because their tongue and their doings are against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory.” [Isaiah 3:25, Isaiah 3:8] But a happy day is to succeed this scene of national distress and desolation. “The branch of the Lord shall be beautiful and glorious and the fruit of the earth shall be excellent and comely for them that are escaped of Israel. He that is left in Zion, and he that remaineth in Jerusalem shall be called holy, even every one that is written among the living in Jerusalem: when the Lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion, and shall have purged the blood of Jerusalem from the midst thereof, by the spirit of judgment, and by the spirit of burning. – And the Lord will create upon every dwelling place of Mount Zion, and upon her assemblies, a cloud and smoke by day, and he shining of a flaming fire by night; FOR UPON ALL THE GLORY SHALL BE A DEFENSE.” [Isaiah 4]

The truth suggested by these words for our consideration is this: The glory of a nation ensures their safety.

We may inquire in what the glory of a nation consists, and how this glory ensures their safety.

FIRST. In what does the glory of a nation essentially consist? As many are the streams which serve to swell the majestic river in its way to the ocean, so, many are the circumstances that may sub serve the glory of a state in which, however, it does not principally consist. That which forms the essential glory of one rational being, would be the glory of every other. The essential glory of God is his holiness. With his infinite majesty, God would have no glory, if he were not holy. “God is love.” [1 John 4:8] All his moral attributes are but different branches of this holy affection, denominated according to existing circumstances, and the different objects toward which it is exercised. The Lord is good, and his tender mercies are over all his works. When he would show Moses his glory, he made all his goodness pass before him. The blessed throng that surrounded the throne of Jehovah, are ever crying in transports of joy and praise, “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty,” [Revelation 4:8] as though his holiness formed his chief glory and laid the foundation of all their ascriptions of praise. To ascribe perfect moral purity to the living God with corresponding feelings and practice, is to do him the highest honor. Because the sovereign of the universe is glorious in holiness. HE is fearful in praises, and worthy the undivided affection and unlimited confidence of angels and men. Contemplate God as no longer dwelling in that light not to be approached unto and full of glory; and you strip him of every perfection that challenges the first love of his creatures. Having inculcated indiscriminate love to men, and enforced it by the divine example in the dispensations of a kind Providence, our Savior exhorted his followers, “Be ye perfect as your Father which is in Heaven is perfect.” [Matthew 5:48] Inculcating the same duty, God said to Israel, “Be ye holy, for I the Lord your God am holy.” [Leviticus 19:2] By holy love, men become the children of their Father who is I Heaven.

If the glory of the ever living God, consist in the moral purity of his nature, which is displayed in his works, then holiness forms the highest glory of man. What can be so honorable for a rational creature as to bear the moral likeness of his Creator, in which the resplendent glories of his character are alone to be found! Does holiness form the excellence of God? And must it not also form the excellence of man? Can that be no glory in the creature, which renders God infinitely amiable, demands the adoring love of his rational offspring, and secures the affectionate homage of all the good? The nearer man approximates to God in his moral feelings, and the more perfectly he bears his image of love, the greater his excellence and the brighter do his glories shine.

Man was made after the image of God that created him, in righteousness and true holiness. In this consisted the excellence of his character. This crown of righteousness constantly emitted beams of glory. But when he offended by sin, all this glory departed, and shame covered the fallen, debased creature. The revolted angles, while remaining in their primitive state of moral purity, united to God by holy love and satisfied with the place assigned them by divine wisdom, possessed a true glory of character. But when they rebelled against the Lord their King, all their glory was lost, in which they had shone with so much splendor as morning stars and as the sons of God.

The adorable Messiah is ‘the brightness of the Father’s glory and the express image of his person.’ [Hebrews 1:3] His whole life was but on bright display of a benevolent and holy heart. To the pollutions of the world he was ever a stranger, and the unhallowed passions which war in the human breast, and, like conflicting winds upon the great deep, cast up mire and dirt, found no place in his bosom. Clad in the robes of spotless innocence and love, how resplendent were the glories that beamed through the veil of his flesh! Christ is both our pattern and example to conduct us to true glory.

IF the spotless purity and love of Jesus – if the perfect holiness of the eternal God, form the highest glory of his nature, nothing can give so much excellence to man, as that moral goodness which assimilates him to his God and Savior. What is the glory of man individually considered, must be the glory of men in their national character. If man has no true glory without Christian virtue, how can a nation have? The mass partakes of the nature of its component parts. If these be precious, the body they compose will possess a proportionable excellence and value. If one gem glitter in a crown, how glorious must be the crown filled with gems? If Christian virtue give worth to man as an individual, how great is the sum of glory in a nation of righteous men! This is the glory to which the prophet alludes in the text. “He that is left in Zion, and he that remaineth in Jerusalem, shall be called holy, even every one that is written among the living in Jerusalem: When the Lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion, and shall have purged the blood of Jerusalem from the midst thereof, by the spirit of judgment and by the spirit of burning.” [Isaiah 4:3-4]

Sin is a reproach to any people. The moral pollution of Israel was a stigma upon their national character; and their unprovoked abuse of God’s messengers and groundless disaffection to his truth were to their lasting disgrace. But here is a period foretold in which they are convinced of their sin, with godly sorrow look upon the Lord of glory whom they have pierced, their moral pollution is purged away by the Spirit of God, their dross consumed as by fire, they are a holy nation, and the Lord remembers their sin and iniquity no more. All the people becoming righteous, the nation is glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and God himself is their glory. When he led them out of the house of their bondage, the token of his presence was with them in the pillar of cloud by day and in the pillar of fire by night. So when they should again be purged from their sin and turn to God, from whom they had deeply revolted, the tokens of his gracious presence would be equally conspicuous, as if he should again appear in the pillar of cloud and of fire. Upon this pillar, the symbol of God’s presence, is it written as in capital of gold, ye are my people, and I am you God. A righteous nation is to him a peculiar people. They have not only the glory of national righteousness; but the honor of Jehovah’s presence. The throne of God and the Lamb is among them; as his servants, they serve him; they see his face and behold his glory, while his name is inscribed on their foreheads. In the midst of a holy nation God sheds forth the mild glories of his love, and renders them a praise and an excellency in the earth.

A righteous nation has the glory of just rulers. If the government be hereditary, God in His all controlling providence, will prepare good men for the throne, in mercy to a willing people. But if it be elective, where power immediately emanates from the will of the people, a righteous nation will delight to honor righteous men, while they are securing their best interest and adding luster to their crown of glory. Under a republican government, the people are responsible for the character of their rulers; and with them the error begins, which often terminates in their misery.

But when all our children are taught of God, our sons grow up as plants of righteousness in their youth, and become as polished pillars in the state. Instead of the fathers are the children, who become princes in all the land. The reflected glory of good rulers and a good people is reciprocal. The God of Israel said,He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth, even a morning without clouds.[2 Samuel 23:3-4] With what majestic glory does the rising sun beam upon the earth in a cloudless morning! With no less glory does the wise and good man sway the scepter over a virtuous people. When civil rulers magnify their office by a display of righteousness, truth, and mercy, how much glory is reflected upon the state they govern. Their administration is as refreshing as the vernal showers, and as pleasant as the sun after the rain. A ruler of this description, raised to a place of eminence, is as a city set upon a hill, whose glory is seen from afar – he is to the nation, what the sun is to our system, when shining in his strength. While it was a glory to Israel to have the symbol of God’s presence in their camp, it was an honor to have Moses, the just, the meek, the prayerful, for their guide. It was a glory to that nation to be conducted into the land of promise, by one who was not ashamed to say to Israel and the world, As for me and my house, we will serve the Lord. [Joshua 24:15] How much glory accrued to the kingdom from having a man after God’s own heart to fill the throne, who fed them according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them by the skillfulness of his hands! Had ever Athens greater glory, than that derived from Aristides the just? And how much luster was reflected upon the American name, when Washington, the wise and good, presided over the destinies of our country! And would it be more than a just tribute of respect, while the feelings of a grateful community would accord with the sentiment, to say, that glory has been reflected upon this Commonwealth from that venerable patriot, of tried virtue and a long course of eminent services, who has lately withdrawn from public life to enjoy the sweets of retirement!

A righteous nation has the glory of a pious and faithful ministry, well instructed into the things of the kingdom. A course of degeneracy is natural to fallen men. They quicken their pace in the downward road, when corrupt and false teachers guide their faith and form their manners. “My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge. Because thou hast rejected knowledge, I will reject the, that thou shalt be no priest to me: – As they were increased, so they sinned against me: therefore will I change their glory into shame. – And there shall be like people like priest.” [Hosea 4:6-7,9] Would you know the state of the people, you must look to the state of the temple: – From the sons of a righteous people, God will raise up men to minister at the altar, who will be burning and shining lights in the church. Trembling for the ark of God, they will not, like Hophni and Phinehas [sons of Eli], convey it to the camp and expose it to the uncircumcised Philistines; but labor to protect this glory of their Israel. While Moses was in the cabinet dispensing righteousness to his people, Aaron was a glory to his nation by ministered in the temple. When the ark of God was taken, it was said that the glory had departed from Israel. – But while the ark was still amongst them, their glory was awfully tarnished by the profaneness of the priesthood. Equal to the disgrace of an unholy ministry is the glory of pious an faithful teachers. Contemplate the dishonor upon Israel, when Jereboam took the lowest of the people, the ignorant and immoral, and made them the ministers of the sanctuary. Their character well corresponded with the stupid nature of the gods they worshipped. But the holy God of Israel, the Eternal Spirit, must have a holy ministry before the altar, to present spiritual sacrifices. And the people who have the Lord for their God – who are washed from their moral defilement by the spirit of judgment – who put a difference between the holy and profane, will be satisfied with no other ministry to present their spiritual offerings. The sin and scandal of an unholy priesthood will be attached to the state; while the glory of an Elijah, and of an Elisha upon whom his mantle fell, is reflected upon the people to whom they statedly minister. The adorable Savior Himself is an high priest, a minister of the sanctuary, and of the true tabernacle which the Lord pitched, and not man. Being holy, harmless, undefiled, and separate from sinners, he is an everlasting glory to the church which he has redeemed by his blood, instructed by his truth, and guided by his example. All his ambassadors who have imbibed his spirit and embraced his truth – who tread in his steps and faithfully deliver his message, are a crown of glory to the people whom they serve in the Lord.

A righteous nation has the glory of active usefulness and of being a blessing to the world. The views and efforts of real goodness are not circumscribed within the narrow sphere of self-interest or personal connections. Christian love is not an inert, but a living and active principle, which finds a pleasure in communicating happiness and is never satisfied while any good remains to be done. Nor are her views of usefulness bounded by the narrow limits of one generation, or even of time; but embrace an endless hereafter – not confined to the alleviation of man’s outward miseries, but extended to his emancipation from sin and death, that he may reign in life by one, Jesus Christ. Benevolence in good men is of the same diffusive nature with the love of God in extending his tender mercies over all his works; and the same with that of the glorious Emmanuel in dying for the redemption of the guilty.

A righteous people then, animated with holy love, while they regard the happiness of those that are near, will not be forgetful of those that are afar off they will be diving plans for doing good both at home and abroad. The state of their own country and the necessities of their own citizens will demand and engage their first attention. They pity the unfortunate and relieve them, solace the afflicted who have no comforter in their sorrows, and deliver those who have no helper in their distress.

Vice and impiety being the principal source and immediate occasion of human woes, will be vigorously assailed by a virtuous people, in their individual and associated capacity, countenanced by legislative influence and authority. Under the impression that those who have grown old in vice are rarely reformed, the greatest exertions are made with the young, and with the greatest encouragement. Barriers are formed to secure their virtuous habits and the sacred institutions of the gospel from the insidious influence and unhallowed violence of the profane and dissolute. – Inspired with benevolent affections, a people combine their efforts to disseminate the word of life and give moral and religious instruction to the neglected portion of the rising generation training up for mischief and ruin in ignorance of God and their duty. These efforts are extended to the suppression of profaneness and impiety which are followed with a train of evils; and intemperance, that monster, which has been stalking through the earth scattering misery and death around him; together with those haunts of men of the baser sort, where vice is taught with alarming success. Good men unite their influence to render virtue honorable and predominant and to brand vice and impiety with lasting disgrace; while their individual and associated strength opposes the spread of their desolating floods.

While fired with patriotism, righteous men extend their sympathy beyond the limits of their country to the distressed and perishing objects abroad in the earth, and with corresponding efforts commiserate the suffering nations groping in darkness and enslaved by sin. Touched with the feeling of their miseries whose ears were never saluted with the calls of grace and whose minds were never illumed by the gospel of peace, they will cherish every institution that looks to the mitigation of human sorrows for its object and promises lasting good to the world. While the blessing of many ready to perish will come upon them, they will attach a glory to their national character that will never fade. Such a land is more glorious than the mountains of prey. The triumphs of love vastly transcend the triumphs of power: The first is attended with peace and salvation, the last with violence and misery. The glory of Alexander in his bloody career of ambition and conquest, the military achievements of Caesar in crushing his foes and conquering the world, and the brilliant feats of the modern tyrants of Europe are unworthy to be named with the glory of attempting to conquer the world by truth and love. How is the luster of these military characters absorbed in the superior glory of the Christian prince in the north of Europe, who has adopted the principles of our holy religion for the basis of his administration, and is lending his personal influence and wealth to extend the blessings of the gospel through his empire? Were the benevolent spirit of a Swartz and a Howard to inspire a whole nation, would any wretched portion of the human family be forgotten? Would any measure of zeal be thought enthusiasm, or any schemes for their relief, too expensive? Would not the millions now wasted in dissipation and extravagance, or expended in war, be cheerfully devoted to relieve the miserable and make a happy world! Would the light and blessings of the gospel be long confined to the smaller portion of the human family? Would such a nation relax their exertions until the clouds of ignorance and sin were dispelled and the sun of righteousness had arisen upon every land?

Having Shown what constitutes national glory, viz. a virtuous people, with just rulers, a pious ministry, and active benevolence; let us enquire.

SECONDLY, how this glory ensures a nation’s safety. By a nation’s safety, we are to understand its security against anarchy, oppression, and violence within; the designs of enemies without, and the distressing judgments of Heaven. This safety involves the permanent union, order, and tranquility of a State.

The enquiry before us is this, How does the glory of a nation, as now described, ensure their safety?

First, By its natural influence upon the state of society, and secondly, by securing the favor of God.

By its natural influence upon the state of society. The benevolence of God is impressively exhibited in connecting the duty of man with his happiness. The religion taught us in his word calls man from the ways of sorrow and ruin to those of peace and life. It demands no service unconnected with reward, no duty without a promise, no sacrifice without a greater gain. While righteousness leads to ineffable glory in another world, it carries its own reward with it in this, by its happy influence upon society.

(1) A righteous nation enjoys internal tranquility.

The prophet observes, when speaking of a time, in which the spirit should be poured from on high to turn away ungodliness from men, Then judgment shall dwell in the wilderness, and righteousness remain in the fruitful field. And the work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteousness quietness and assurance forever. And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, and in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting places.[Isaiah 32:16-18] In the reign and triumphs of Emmanuel, The mountains shall bring peace to the people, and the little hills by righteousness. In his days shall the righteous flourish; [Psalms 72:3, 7] and abundance of peace so long as the moon endureth. Civil dissentions ripening into enmity and open violence, have a most threatening aspect upon the existence of a State, while they destroy the sweetest pleasures of social life, and fill the minds of the virtuous with fear and trembling, as they await the issue. Such unhappy dissentions usually result from men of corrupt minds, or from those nominal patriots who hold themselves in readiness to immolate everything sacred and precious, even their country itself, upon the polluted altar of their ambition. One active and insidious enemy in the bosom of a State, who has access to the feelings of his fellow citizens, and knows how to strengthen their prejudices and inflame their passions, can do more to sap the foundations of the government, disturb the tranquility and overturn the liberties of a nations, than a host of avowed enemies without. Aspiring men of talents and subtlety, but void of religious principle, are ever dangerous characters. But a virtuous nation – a nation made up of men whose hearts are warmed with charity that seeketh not her own – men who esteem others better than themselves; of retiring feelings, rather than aspiring views, will cherish no such dangerous foes in her bosom. Men of Christian benevolence, whose objects is usefulness, rather than gain, are unshaken friends of the Commonwealth. Nor will they attempt to cast able and just men of tried virtue and unsullied character into the back ground, to make room for themselves; nor to distract the State with dissentions, tarnish her glory, and endanger her liberties for the sake of personal advantage. A prevalent spirit of righteousness and love will never suffer the seeks of anarchy and revolt to sprout and mature under a wise and impartial administration. Christian virtue is not the soil in which unprincipled ambition will generate, and grow with dangerous luxuriance; nor will it be found congenial to the spirit of party. Where non are disposed to make the passions of the populace a stepping-stone to power, party spirit will die: the axe is laid at the root of the tree.

Mutual love produces mutual condescension and forbearance. If the fire of party begin its destructive work, it can make no serious progress, so long as this fountain is pouring in its water to extinguish it. Unhallowed affections subdued, reason and grace enthroned, man could not proceed in this work of national destruction, but would rather sacrifice individual interests and party feelings for the common safety. The following questions are from an inspire pen, Whence come wars and fightings among you? Come they not hence, even of you lusts that war in your members?[James 4:1] Subdue the unholy passions of malice, pride, envy and avarice, and a nation would exhibit no unhappy scenes of animosity, contention and violence; but its citizens dwell together in unity, as brethren.

Since a righteous nation has the happiness and glory of just rulers, there is no reasonable occasion of rebellion or complaint – no pretext for attempting a revolution to the hazard of their liberties. Wise and good men may unintentionally err; a good people will view such errors with lenity. When there are none to misrepresent and exaggerate through prejudice or envy, or to spread abroad an evil report to inflame the passions of the populace, or alarm their fears, good and able men will still enjoy the confidence of a grateful people – a confidence, neither misplaced nor unmerited, since the measures of their administration result from their united wisdom, rectitude and love.

(2) A virtuous nation will enjoy the blessings of good government. To many have rested their hopes of national happiness upon the distinctive form of government they have adopted, without a due regard to the character of their rulers. Every conceivable form has, in succession, been devised and established with the hope of avoiding the evils incident to all other anarchy and the want of energy on the one hand, and the abuse of power on the other. But where power is delegated in a degree sufficient to give energy to government, it is always liable to gross abuse. But good men at the head of state – men solemnly impressed with their trust and responsibility, will ensure the blessings of good government, even if the form be not so eligible. But a constitution the most wisely framed, dividing and balancing power with the greatest precaution, affords no security to our rights and liberties, when the vilest of men are exalted. But personal distinction and emolument are not the governing motive of those who rule in the fear of God. The happiness of the public is increased by the confidence that just men inspire, that the affairs of state will be well conducted. They are ministers of God for good to the people. Their first object is the general and permanent good of the Commonwealth. They are the rulers of the State, and not of a party. As an affectionate parent regards every branch of his numerous household, so in tenderness and love, they watch over the concerns of the whole community. Civil government under a wise administration, extends its protecting and fostering hand over the person, reputation, substance, and liberties of every peaceable citizen.

The sword of the Lord is committed to the hand of the civil magistrate to protect the innocent and punish the guilty: Nor does he wield it in vain. He is a terror to the wicked, and a praise to them that do well. He rules for God, as well as for man; suppressing iniquity, so baneful to national prosperity; and encouraging religion, peace, and truth. The path to justice is made as plain and easy as possible, that all may have their wrongs redressed, without consuming their life and sacrificing their fortune in a fruitless attempt. When the officers of a state are peace and her exacters righteousness, the virtuous are countenanced in their attempts to effect a reform, profaneness is checked, vice suppressed, and judgment runs down her streets as a stream and righteousness as an overflowing flood.

(3) A righteous nation enjoys a high degree of happiness through the influence of active benevolence. Much of our enjoyment is of a social nature, or results from a state of society, cemented by love and endeared by mutual kindness. Society without friendship, or any happy bond of union, and, especially, with feelings of disaffected and hostility expressed by acts of violence, is far more intolerable than the solitude of an hermitage. But when no man goeth beyond or defraudeth his brother, when the law of kindness is in his lips and governs his life, when all the members of the community are bound together by the cords of love, and vie with each other in promoting general and individual happiness, when all are regulated by the great law of love, ‘Do to others as ye would that other should do unto you,’ how manifold the blessings that flow in upon society, to improve its state and enhance its enjoyment! What miseries of the human family would not be mitigated? How many avenues of sin and woe would be closed! The hand of the extortioner would no more be felt, nor the cry of the oppressed reach our ears. Violence would no longer be heard in the land, nor wasting and destruction within her borders. The obstinacy of men would yield to their interest, and a sense of duty and a desire for usefulness control their headstrong passions, and excite them to becoming efforts for the common good.- Beneficence would flow in ten thousand streams for the comfort of the unfortunate, while every charitable institution directed to the best interests of man would find numerous and powerful patrons. When the holy affection exemplified by our Lord rules in the heart, the lion in human shape, loses his ferocity and love of carnage, becomes the helper of the helpless and a guardian of the common interests. When each on becomes the promoter of others joys, the tide of national happiness and prosperity swells and flows like a mighty stream. “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity! It is as the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion: For there the Lord commanded the blessing.”

(4) Christian virtue, the health of a state, is perpetuated in a righteous nation by means of a pious ministry. Ministers of the sanctuary inspired with the true spirit of their office, and drawing all their instruction from the sacred stores of revealed truth, teach for doctrine the will of God and not the commandments of men. This is the appointed means of making men good and happy – the sword which the Mighty Redeemer girds upon his thigh when riding forth to the victories his grace. A divine influence descends as the dew of Heaven to refresh the ground that receives the word. The grace of God sways the heart to obedience, and men being converted to the wisdom of the just, are a people prepared for the Lord. While the fathers are ripening for glory and congregating with the dead, the children are springing up as willows by the water courses, and become plants of renown.- The pure instructions and sacred precepts of the gospel, enforced by its commanding motives, and in prospect of an eternal state of rewards, curb the restive passions of men, while they yet remain unattempted with Christian love. A holy people and pious ministry surrounding the mercy-seat in humble supplications, have power with God and prevail. “Even before they call, God will answer: and while they are speaking he will hear.”

(5) A virtuous people will escape the dangers of needless contests. The misery and ruin of nations often result from their unwarrantable attacks upon others, and intermeddling with contentions in which they have no concern. Prompted by a thirst for conquest and renown, rather than by a sense of duty and regard to righteousness, they too often enlist in contests questionable in their nature and long doubtful in their issue, as well as destructive in their progress and fatal in their effects. Nations have long rued the day in which they publicly declared their purpose to unsheathe the sword. The desolating progress of war has reared around them lasting monuments of their folly, to warn succeeding generations of the troubled sea, in which they have foundered.

The treatment which all nations will receive from a righteous people, will rather conciliate their favor and secure their confidence, than excite their jealousy and arouse their passions. Virtuous men are the sons of peace – the master they service is the Prince of peace – the Gospel they embrace is a message of peace – the Heaven they expect is a world of peace – and as much as in them lieth, will they not live peaceably with all men? Their war is not with mankind, but with sin and misery; and in this war, Christ is the captain they follow. And is it not time that Christian nations adopt the mid principles of their holy religion and carry them into the administration of their government and their national intercourse – that by common consent they shut the temple of war and forever secure its gates with bars of iron?

A nation inspired with the peaceable spirit of the Gospel, while ready to defend their soil and liberties, will reluctantly stain their garments with blood. The equity, expedience, and necessity of war must be unquestionable before they will enter the field of death, and hurry thoughtless mortals of their last account. – The Lord of love, who came not to destroy men’s lives but to save them, has no where taught his disciples to thirst for blood, but to subdue those lusts whence come wars and fighting’s. And when a people has imbibed, his spirit, neither the prospect of conquest, no, nor all the glory of a splendid triumph, will induce them to unsheathe the sword. In respect to the controlling influence of the Gospel over the hearts of men and the reign of righteousness and love, it stands recorded in the oracle of truth, They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain: for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.

(6) It is further to be observed, that if a nation be compelled to draw the sword in self-defense, the Christina spirit will give them strength, by creating union. As to the success of war, nations have calculated upon their physical strength. But circumstances occasion a vast disparity between their physical and their real strength. The first is principally determined by numbers, the second by union. A nation of the greatest physical strength, agitated by party and torn by dissentions, may sink under its own weight, or become an easy prey to the first daring assailant; while a small state becomes formidable by union. This union is ensured by love and righteousness. These are a cement which binds together virtuous men and forms them into one solid mass in defense of their common rights. Pervading the whole community, it forbids ruinous dissentions and fatal treachery, while it renders abortive the influence of artful emissaries. A state, thus united and faithful to the vows of allegiance, abides the dreadful blast of war, like the deep-rooted mountain against which storms and tempests beat in vain. Enfeebled by luxury and rent by divisions, the Roman empire, with its vast extent, had no strength against the hardy tribes of the north: While the union of the small states of Greece enabled them to withstand the mighty kingdom of Persia. “A kingdom divided against itself cannot stand:” but by virtuous union, “a little one becomes a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.”

But still “the race is not the swift nor the battle to the strong.” If a people have not Israel’s God for their defense, they cannot dwell in safety. Which leads me to observe,

II. “Promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge; he putteth down one and setteth up another.” The counsels of the wise he turns into foolishness and blasts the towering hopes they have built upon their mighty schemes of ambition. – He comes forth from his place arraying the elements for the defense of his people, against the mighty. – “He that stretcheth out the Heavens alone; that spreadeth abroad the earth by himself: – that turneth wise men backward and maketh their knowledge foolish; that confirmeth the word of his servant and performeth the counsel of his messengers,” can bless a people and they shall be blessed; “for there is no enchantment against Jacob.”

While the God of Heaven dispenses his blessings with a sovereign hand, they are pledged to a willing people by gracious promise. “Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.” A holy nation is God’s peculiar people, whom he places as a seal upon his heart, and keeps as the apple of the eye. Israel’s calamities are all traced up to their unrighteousness, while they were uniformly assured that it should be well with them and their children, if they would sanctify the Lord of Hosts and let him be their fear and their dread. “At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation – to pluck up, and pull down, and to destroy it: If that nation turn from his evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them.” It is a general principle of the Divine government tot treat nations much according to their national character. A virtuous people may rely upon God’s safe and holy keeping. “As an eagle stirreth up her nest, fluttereth over her young, spreadeth abroad her wings, taketh them, beareth them on her wings;” so the Lord doth lead and protect the people serve him. He giveth peace in their borders, plenty in their streets, and health in their habitations. His work appears unto his servants and his glory unto their children, whilst his everlasting arms of mercy are around them. Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

In the light of this subject it appears, that many, both in public and private life, have formed incorrect ideas of national glory. Objects may have an external splendor which dazzles the eye and excites the admiration of the multitude, while they possess no real excellence. And in circumstances of minor importance has the glory of nations been thought to consist: indeed, some have even gloried in their shame. Vast extent of territory, whether by purchase or conquest – an immense population, whether by natural increase or an influx of foreigners escaping from justice – exhaustless stores of wealth, whether gained by honest industry or lawless plunder – mighty armies crimsoned with blood and crowned with victory, whether in self defense or in destroying the innocent – and triumphant navies scouring the ocean and scattering death and ruin around the earth, have been considered separately and unitedly, as forming the true glory of nations, while they have been the servants of corruption. Such was the glory of Babylon when Nebuchadnezzar was filling her with spoil and treading down the nations as the mire of the streets. Alexander thought it the glory of Greece that he should conquer the world, and Hannibal the glory of Carthage, that he should vanquish the armies and carry war to the gates of Rome. The Romans made it their glory to conquer the surrounding provinces and widely extend their dominion; and no greater glory did the modern usurper seek for France, than to crush and plunder the nations and give laws to the world. But things of this nature remain to be told at another day, before the impartial tribunal of Jesus, where a different, but just estimate will be formed of the deeds of men, and of what constitutes their true glory. The considerations before names are insufficient of themselves to render a nation either happy or glorious. At best, they are fading laurels, unproductive of peace and enjoyment. How lamentably have the great men of the earth, with all their wisdom, mistaken their own, and their country’s glory. May the Lord by whom kings reign and princes decree judgment, give wisdom to our wise men, and knowledge to our men of understanding, that they may discern and pursue what pertains to the true glory of the State and our common country.

This subject addresses itself to civil rulers. The great object of government is to render the community safe and happy. This object tis not to be secured without national glory, which essentially consists in that moral goodness which assimilated man to his God. It then becomes the imperious duty of those who rule over men, to adopt every wise and judicious measure for the promotion and predominant influence of righteousness and truth. This they may do both by their authority and example.

Corresponding with the general principles of the constitution, the charter of our rights, legislators are to establish laws promotive of the best interest of society – laws, to deter evil-doers from crimes against piety – laws, that will hedge up the path of the wicked and make the way of transgressors hard. Vie and profaneness are not only a reproach to men, but lead to disorder, violence, and misery as their natural fruits; while they awaken the displeasure of a holy God, and arm against themselves, their posterity, and their precious interests, the judgments of his Providence. While civil statutes should never aim to control man’s faith and conscience, they should stand as a sacred enclosure around every religious institution of divine appointment, and secure the friends of order, religion, and their country, in the quiet enjoyment of the precious gifts of Heaven.

Protecting the Christian Sabbath by civil statutes from open violation, is not to be considered an infringement on the rights of any man’s conscience; but only a wholesome restraint upon lawless men who neither fear God, nor regard the peace and safety of their country. Do we encroach upon any man’s rights by restraining him from crimes injurious to individuals or to the commonwealth? How then are the rights of men infringed when they are restrained form treading down an institution most precious to fathers, most conducive to civilization and Christian virtue, necessary to maintain a sense of God, of moral obligation, and personal responsibility, and on whose support and sacred observance, essentially depend the safety to glory of the state? Be entreated, ye guardians of our rights, to consider the sacredness of the Sabbath, its gracious design, its public utility, its solemn bearing upon the best interests of man for time and eternity, and leave no the hopes of the virtuous to be disappointed; nor their exertions for its support to be paralyzed by any defect of law.

But what are laws if unsupported? What better than a dead weight to sink the majesty of civil authority and bring it into contempt? When laws are suffered to sleep transgressors are awake; and collecting new courage and strength, become daringly bold. Having long since silenced the voice of conscience and put the enteral judgment out of sight, they now imagine their triumph complete, when the sword of justice no longer awakes against them. In times of degeneracy, laws can have no force, if magistrates have no conscience.

Ye ministers of justice, has not the public, and the generation ye to be born, a solemn claim to your fidelity? Is not the oath, the oath of God upon you? We look to our Legislators as the guardians of our rights, to you, as the life and guardians of our laws. Bear not the sword of the Lord in vain. But remembering that you judge for God and stand amenable at his bar, rise superior to the controlling influence of popular motives, exercise your authority with wisdom and moderation, and still with firmness. You love your country, you wish her safe and happy. Then labor to advance her glory by suppressing vice and supporting the sacred institutions of Christianity, those pillars on which this glory must rise. See the many thousands of our Israel, who have confided their important concerns to your hands, feel the awful responsibility of your station, and betray not your trust.

But what will laws avail if ruler be the first to break them? How can Christian virtue appear so honorable, if not practiced by those who move in the higher spheres of life? If our civil fathers themselves respect not the institutions of religion and the laws designed for their support, will not others take encouragement to treat them with sovereign contempt? The example of those who enjoy the honorable and confidence of the public, has a secret, but powerful influence in forming the characters o four young men who are looking forward for promotion? When they see virtue and piety in places of honor, vice and irreligion excluded, it will be a powerful inducement to maintain an unsullied reputation, and respect the sacred institutions of our holy religion. In the conspicuous stations you fill, your example cannot be hidden, and its influence will be commanding. Then let it shine with all the glory it can derive form Christian piety, inspiring our youth with an awe of God and winning them to the practice of every virtue.

And ye ministers of the sanctuary, set for the defense of the truth and for the light of the land, he not forgetful that you may detract from the honor of the state and expose it to the frowns of Heaven. Let not he light that is in you be darkness. A pious ministry is a glory to a people, but a faithless priesthood a disgrace. By the purity of your morals, the fervency of your piety, the humble sincerity of your prayers, your unshaken attachment to the truth, and your fidelity in delivering the message of God, add a luster to the glory of the State, while you are training up a people for the glories of Heaven.

We would congratulate his Excellency the Governor on his re-election to the first magistracy of the Commonwealth with such evident tokens of the increasing confidence of the pubic in his administration. It is fondly hoped that the will continue to give unequivocal evidence that his mind is solemnly impressed with the sentiments, that a state has neither safety nor glory without religion. May he long live both to enjoy, and, by his personal services, to perpetuate the independence and liberties which he labored to achieve.

His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, will accept a tribute of grateful respect for his past services to the Commonwealth in the honorable station to which, with pleasure, we once more see him called by the unsolicited suffrages of a free people. We would remember the example of munificence which he has set to others in public life, and in which we see a practical illustration of the sentiment, that active benevolence, while its ministers to individual enjoyment, contributes to national glory.

The Honorable Legislature, to whom we tender our respects, will never forget that he State can be neither happy nor glorious without virtue and piety – that these can live and flourish only by the aid Christian institutions. These, they will ever feel it the imperious duty to support and foster with sacred and paternal care, and faithfully defend against the unhallowed violence of the profane.

And now, ye men of state, whom the people have delighted to honor, and whom it is no less my pleasure than my duty to respect, allow the preacher to express this one fervent desire, that you may, individually and conjointly, both in your public and private stations, be a glory and defense of the state; and having been faithful in promoting the righteousness that exalteth a nation, with the blessing of a grateful people upon your memory in the favor of your God, may you shine in glory as the stars forever.

Thou land of our birth! Once the asylum of our Fathers from oppression, now the land of their sepulchers, and dear to us their children, washed from thy pollutions and purged from thy blood, may the Lord create upon all thy dwelling places and upon thy civil and sacred assemblies, a pillar of cloud by day and the shining of a flaming fire by night; and upon all this glory may there be an everlasting defense.

Sermon – State Prison – 1812


sermon-state-prison-1812

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

STATE PRISON,

IN

MASSACHUSETTS,

November 29th, 1812.

BY CHARLES LOWELL,
Minister of the West Church in Boston

This Sermon was necessarily composed in much haste. In committing it to the press, the author has yielded to the wishes of friends, whose judgment he respects, and who thought the publication of it might be useful. The intelligent reader, recollecting the occasion and circumstances, will not be surprised at its plainness and simplicity.

SERMON.

Romans, ii. 4.
The goodness of God leadeth thee to repentance.

In addressing an audience like the one which is now before me, it may, at first view, appear extraordinary that, of all the attributes of God, I should select his goodness for the theme of my discourse. Deprived of that liberty, which is usually considered as the most precious birthright of man; prohibited, in a great measure, that social intercourse, to which the instincts of our nature forcibly impel us; and destitute of those domestic enjoyments which, next to religion, give the sweetest relish to human life, it may seem as if you, my friends, have but little reason to meditate on the goodness of God. His justice, indeed, has appeared to overtake you, and, in exhorting you to repentance, you might think it proper for me to dwell on the further infliction of that justice, if you continue impenitent. But where have been the proofs of his goodness, and what motives can be drawn from thence for penitential sorrow?

Listen to me, my hearers, with serious attention, and I will endeavour, in plain and simple language, to shew you that God has indeed been good to you, and that the recollection of this goodness ought to lead you to repentance.

In common with those of your fellow creatures whose situation is apparently more favourable than yours, you have received the gift of life. Life is in itself a blessing, and if rightly improved, is a source of much happiness. If you have not improved the blessing as you ought, if you have rendered life a source of unhappiness and misery, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow life, and in bestowing it, it was his design to confer happiness.

In common with others of your fellow creatures, you have received the gift of reason. This raised you above the brutes of the field, rendered you capable of acquiring knowledge and virtue, of holding intercourse with your fellow creatures, and of enjoying felicity both here and hereafter. If you have abused and perverted this gift, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow reason, and in bestowing it, it was his design to promote your happiness.

In common with other, you have received the gift of conscience, to deter you from sin, or to admonish you of guilt. If this faithful monitor has been disregarded, and its reproaches stifled, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow this gift, and it was his design that it should prompt you to virtue and happiness.

In common with others of your fellow creatures, you have been possessed of parents and friends. Your parents watched over you, and, under God, provided a supply for your wants, when you were unable to take care of yourselves; and many other of the friends whom God had given, have probably added to your comfort and enjoyment. Some of you have undoubtedly had parents and friends, who were anxious to bring you up in the fear of God, and thus to make you a blessing to yourselves and to society. If you have not been sensible of the value of these blessings, or heeded the advice or admonition you may have received, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow these blessings, and it was his design that they should promote your benefit and increase your happiness.

In common with some of your fellow creatures, you have been offered the gift of religion, of that religion which points out to you the path of duty and happiness here, and which promises you, if you accept of it, through the merits and mediation of Christ, the possession of perfect and everlasting enjoyment hereafter. If you have despised and rejected this gift, if you have turned a deaf ear to the voice of those who urged you to accept of the terms of salvation, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. He was good, infinitely good, in offering you so great a blessing; and it was his design, that you should accept of it and be happy.

In thus enumerating the instances of God’s goodness towards you, my friends, I have necessarily confined myself to a general view of it. The particular circumstances of your past lives are best known to yourselves. You can, each of you, call up to mind numerous and essential benefits with which you have been favoured. The enjoyment of health, relief in seasons of distress, escape in times of danger, the favourable opportunities you may have possessed, however misimproved, for gaining knowledge and piety, or for success in the world by honest industry. All these things, and many more of which each of you must be conscious, are proofs, strong and affecting proofs, of the goodness of God.

And now let me ask you, let each one ask himself, what return he has made to God for so much goodness? Alas, my friends! The situation in which you are now placed, is a most sad and impressive reply. But, even here, even in your present circumstances, confined within the walls of this prison, you have reason to acknowledge and adore the goodness of God. Why were you not arrested in your career of iniquity by the hand of death, and hurried, with all your sins unrepented of, into the presence of an offended God? It was, because he would give you a longer space for repentance, not willing that you should perish, but that you should turn unto him and live.

Reflect, for a moment, how dreadful, how unspeakably dreadful would have been your condition, if, at the instant you were perpetrating the crime for which you were condemned to this place, you had been called, not to an earthly tribunal, but to the tribunal of the Almighty; of that Being who is of purer eyes than to behold evil, and who cannot look upon iniquity, but with the utmost abhorrence; of that Being, who is not only able to destroy the body, but can destroy both body and soul in hell.

Why, I may further ask, are you placed in a situation comparatively so comfortable, where you have the means of religious instruction and improvement, and where those who superintend the institution, are so anxious to lessen the evils of your lot, instead of being secluded in a dark and gloomy cell, or confined to a place where you would be destitute of the advantages you here enjoy? It is, because God is good to you.

Let me ask you again, what return have you made for all this goodness?

God gave you life, that you might glorify him, and promote your own welfare, and that of others. How unmindful have you been of the important ends for which life was bestowed upon you! Instead of devoting it to the service of God, have you not devoted it to the service of the enemy of God and man? Instead of promoting your own welfare, and that of others, have you not been pursuing a course destructive of your own welfare, and highly injurious to the welfare of your neighbor? Instead of a blessing, have you not been a pest to society?

God gave you reason, that you might know and love and adore him, that you might fulfill your duty in this world, and make preparation for a better world. How much have you abused and perverted this precious gift! It raised you above the level of the brute creation; have not many of you, by drowning it in intemperance and debauchery, often sunk yourselves far below their level? Instead of seeking to acquire a knowledge of God, have you not shewn by your conduct that you desired not the knowledge of his ways? Instead of glorifying God with the speech which he had given you, have you not often blasphemed his holy name and imprecated his vengeance upon yourselves and others? Instead of fulfilling your duty in the world, and devoting your powers and faculties to an useful purpose, have you not neglected your duty, and employed your powers and faculties in devising and executing plans of mischief and wickedness? Instead of preparing for heaven, have you not been pursuing the broad way that leadeth to destruction?

God gave you conscience to deter you from sin, or to excite you to repentance for it. Instead of heeding this faithful monitor, have you not stifled its reproaches, and some of you even seared it “as with a hot iron?”

God gave you parents to take care of you when you were unable to take care of yourselves, and friends to promote your comfort and happiness in life. How dreadfully have you requited those parents for their care of you, and how poorly have you fulfilled the claims of friendship!

Perhaps some of you have even abused the parents who gave you birth, have reviled them, have lifted up your unhallowed hands against them, or by your misconduct have brought down their heads in sorrow to the grave. This may have been the case with some of you whose parents not only gave you birth, and took care of your infancy and childhood, but endeavoured to teach you your duty to your God and your neighbor, that you might be respectable, useful and happy; who wept and prayed and labored for you. Oh, unfeeling, ungrateful men! Where was the vengeance of the Almighty that it did not forever silence the tongue that was uttering reproachful words of a father or a mother, that it did not wither the hand that was raised to smite a parent, that it did not at once arrest the guilty wretch in his mad career, and consign him to endless woe? How long-suffering, how compassionate is God!

Perhaps some of you have wronged the friends who trusted to your friendship and confided in your honour; or have corrupted and ruined them.

God offered you the gift of religion. He provided a way of salvation for you by Jesus Christ. He sent his son into the world to die that you might live; the just for the unjust that he might bring sinners to God. Have you not despised the gift? Have you not been unmindful of the sufferings and death of Christ on your behalf? Have you not turned a deaf ear to the invitations and warnings and threatening’s of God’s word? Have you not neglected the means and opportunities of religious instruction? Have you not followed the devices and desires of your own evil hearts, and been careless about the one thing needful, even the salvation of your immortal souls?

God has spared your lives, and given you a space for repentance in this place. How well you have requited this great and unmerited goodness, I cannot tell. But in the review of the goodness of God, and of your own ingratitude, disobedience and guilt, let me exhort you, let me earnestly exhort you, to deep and sincere repentance. I would fain hope that there are many of you who can be touched with a sense of the goodness of God, and with sorrow for having sinned against so much light, and so much love. This is the foundation on which repentance should be built. This is the repentance that will be most acceptable to God.

But if any of you are so hardened as to be unmoved by the recollection of the goodness of God, perhaps you may be affected by the view of his justice, which will assuredly be exercised upon you to the utmost, if you do not repent. An awful judgment day is at hand; it may come upon you unawares, and dreadful indeed will it be, if it find you unprepared for its arrival. Your portion will be weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth.

Be persuaded then, be excited to repentance and prayer, to seek earnestly for the forgiveness of your sins, for an interest in your Saviour, for peace with God. Let the sincerity of your repentance be manifested by a meek and quiet spirit, by respectful obedience to those who have the rule over you, by an obliging and affectionate conduct towards each other, and by a diligent performance of the work assigned you.

Many of you are here but for a limited period, and some of you are perhaps soon to return again to that world, which was the scene of your temptations and your guilt. Let me beseech you to endeavour to carry with you such principles and habits, as will enable you to redeem the time you have lost, and to compensate to society the injury you have done it. Perhaps you have parents still living, prepare to be a comfort to them in their old age, to sustain their feeble hands, to support their faltering footsteps, and to smooth their passage to the grave. Perhaps you have a wife, tender and affectionate, prepare to make her happy by a life of sobriety and virtue. Perhaps you have children, whom by your example, if not by your precepts, you may have been training up to vice and misery. Prepare to be yet a blessing to them, and to teach them by your future conduct, that having tasted the fruits of sin, you have found them indeed bitter. Thus you will be respectable and happy. You will regain the affection and esteem you may have forfeited, and retrieve the character you have lost.

Let those of you who are destined to finish their earthly course within these walls, endeavour to acquiesce in their lot, as the appointment of a wise and righteous Providence. Be thankful, my friends, that you have so many comforts, and especially, that you have the means of spiritual improvement. Use these means with diligence, I entreat you. Be earnest in your prayers, and sincere in your repentance, and you may then hope, through divine mercy, when the term of your probation is ended, to exchange a state of bondage and imprisonment, for the glorious liberty of the sons of God.

The most painful and arduous task I have yet to fulfill, in addressing you, my unhappy brethren, who by the sentence of the law are condemned to die. 1

How awful, how exceedingly awful is the situation in which you are placed. But a few short days will pass away, before you, who are now in health and in the vigour of life, will suffer an ignominious death, and appear at the judgment seat of God. How shall I address you? What words shall I use to impress you with a true sense of your condition, and of the importance of devoting the few remaining days of your life to diligent, to unwearied preparation for eternity?

You have heard me discourse of the goodness of God, and you have a witness in yourselves, that he has been good to you; that you are allowed this space for repentance, and that the officer, 2 to whose charge you have been committed, is so attentive to your spiritual, as well as temporal welfare, is a strong, but unmerited, proof of divine goodness. Do not, I conjure you, do not cast away from you the privileges you now enjoy!

How great, how aggravated have been your offences, against the clearest light; against the dictates of your reason; against the admonitions of your consciences; against the warnings of your parents; against the laws of society of which you could not be ignorant; against the suggestions of the Spirit, and the invitations and threatening’s of the word of God; against love unparalleled, mercy unbounded;

Let the goodness of God lead you to repentance. You have a little space left to you; fill it up with duty. Does any thing burden your consciences? Relieve yourselves from the burden. Can you repair any injury you have done to a fellow-creature by confession and acknowledgment? Do it. You are bound by all your hopes of happiness hereafter to do it. Have you kept back anything, that you have been exhorted to reveal? Do so no longer; you cannot deceive God, and in his presence you will soon appear.

My friends, this is the last time that I shall address you in this public manner. Soon, very soon, the curtain of eternity will hide you from my view; and the execution of the awful sentence of the law will deprive you, forever, of the means of instruction, will place you beyond the reach of any warning voice. I feel the solemn, the unspeakable importance of my situation. Oh, that I could be instrumental in exciting or encouraging repentance! Oh, that I could be instrumental in bringing you to your Saviour and your God! Turn ye to the strong hold, ye prisoners of hope! The blood of Christ cleanseth from all sin. Pray, earnestly pray, that you may be cleansed in that blood, and that you may secure an inheritance above, before it is forever too late. Let me again and again, entreat you, by the goodness of God, by the tender mercies of your Saviour, by the convictions of your own consciences, and by the prospect of a judgment to come, to seize this moment, which is given you for repentance.

Farewell—a long farewell.—Go to your cells again, and in that solemn retirement, where God only is present with you, meditate on what has now been said.

May God of his infinite mercy, carry it home to your hearts, and to the hearts of each one of us. And at last, when our course of duty and of discipline on earth is ended, may we all meet again in heaven, to celebrate, forever, the goodness of God, and the wonders of redeeming love!—Amen.

 


Endnotes

1 Samuel Tulley an American, and John Dalton an Englishman, then under sentence of death for piracy. They were convicted at the Circuit Court in Boston, October twenty-first.

2 The Marshal of the Massachusetts District, who has been unwearied in his humane attentions to these miserable men, and anxious that they should have, to the utmost, the benefit of religious instruction.

Sermon – Election – 1817, Connecticut


The following sermon was preached by Rev. Abel McEwen on May 8, 1817.


A

SERMON

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

HARTFORD,

MAY 8, 1817.

BY

ABEL McEWEN,

PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN NEW-LONDON

HARTFORD:

GEORGE GOODWIN & SONS…PRINTERS.

1817.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, Anno Domini 1817.

ORDERED, That the Honourable Henry Champion and Christopher Manwaring, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Abel McEwen, for his Sermon delivered before this Assembly on the 8th instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
THOMAS DAY, Secretary.
 

ELECTION SERMON.
ROMANS XIII. 1.

LET EVERY SOUL BE SUBJECT UNTO THE HIGHER POWERS: FOR THERE IS NO POWER BUT OF GOD: THE POWERS THAT BE ARE ORDAINED OF GOD.

 

The strength of civil government, and the good order and happiness of civil communities result much, from a knowledge of duty and a sense of responsibility in the people. Christians ought to be examples to the world. In discretion, and meekness, and subordination, they should surpass all other men. Actuated by the fear of the Lord; taught his will on the subject of civil obedience; protected in their dearest interests, by authorities of his appointment; they owe to human rulers a signal tribute of reverence and fidelity. Their profession should be the pledge of a quiet and peaceable life. Before them are the precepts and example of their Lord Jesus Christ. As God he was the lawgiver of the universe: nevertheless, having become man; and having taken upon him the form of a servant he obeyed; and he taught his followers to obey, the injunctions of civil rulers.

As a man, and as a teacher of Christianity, Paul had powerful reasons for walking in the footsteps of his Lord. The evils which Christ foresaw, in an abuse of Christian liberty, became more threatening in the day of the apostle.

The Jews, after their subjection to a foreign scepter, had many scruples about obeying heathen magistrates. Instructed and directed by prophets of the Lord, they were prone to plead the authority of these guides; as an excuse from a conscientious submission to the injunctions of the Roman government. If in this spirit of revolt and independence they embraced Christianity; they would be in danger of pleading the authority of Christ as paramount to that of their human conquerors. An expectation of deliverance from temporal bondage, by the Messiah, was their national delusion.

If Jews and proselytes to Christianity from the Jewish nation were beset with this factious spirit, it might be contagious. Rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft. All Christians; even Roman and those of other nations; under, either the pretence, or apprehension of allegiance to a distinct kingdom, of more than earthly importance, might be disposed to rebel against their civil rulers. Over the Jews God had, in fact, reigned King on earth. Christ Jesus, according to his own profession, supported by miracles of divine power; and, agreeably, to the faith of his people; was King, and Lord Supreme, in that kingdom which is over all, and above all. No titled mortal on the mighty throne of the Caesars could boast of authority and power which could vie with that, which had calmed the raging of the sea, had raised the dead, and had cast out devils. A mistaking zeal for God, and a contempt of human greatness, might very naturally have degenerated into a licentious disregard of legitimate and salutary civil government. Christ had appointed religious rulers over his church; to whom all its members were commanded to be strictly and affectionately subordinate. Human nature is inclined to pervert the best institutions. It would have been but the natural result of human pride, for these rulers; after having been clothed, by Christ, with ecclesiastical authority; to seat themselves in the chair of state: and it would have been grateful to the selfishness of Christians to limit their responsibility to rulers of their own profession. It should not be forgotten that the Roman government was at this time tyrannical and oppressive; nor, that Nero, who was upon the throne, was a monster of malice, caprice and cruelty.

Most seasonably then did the apostle, impressed with the attitude of existing circumstances, and with the prospect of future scenes open to his prophetic eye, say; “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers: for there is no power but of God; for the powers that be are ordained of God.” A universal application of this injunction is made to mankind, under the gospel, by the emphatic expression; “let every soul be subject.” Rulers and ruled in the church; and all, in every Christian community, of whatever office or dignity, must yield due reverence and prompt obedience to the constituted authorities of civil government. An exemption would prostrate the authority of the gospel.

This duty is not only inculcated; and the extent of it fixed; but the propriety of it is explained. “The powers that be are ordained of God.” Invert the order in which these things are presented in the text; and it may be said that civil government is of divine institution—and consequently, that obedience to its existing authorities, is a duty, which every man owes to God.

I. Civil government is of divine institution.

On this subject a diversity of opinions has prevailed amongst mankind. Atheists have conceived and have endeavoured to prosecute a design of rendering a citizen amenable, only to his fellow men. Many of better religious creed, have inadvertently fallen in with this impious and demoralizing project. Much ingenuity, and more zeal have been displayed in defence of the scheme. Still it is easy to be understood that the authority which civil rulers possess is derived, from God alone; that to him, and not to men, they are primarily accountable; and consequently, that the transgressor of civil law is guilty, in the most affecting sense, before God.

Those who deny that civil government is of divine institution, pretend to find its origin, in what they term a social compact; whence they would derive all the authority which may be exercised by civil rulers. By a social compact, they understand, an agreement, into which the people of a country enter; and in which, they convey away the control of their personal liberties and privileges to men restricted, or not restricted, in the exercise of their civil functions, according to the provisions of the compact. Such an original act of the people is said to be what alone, in any age or place, clothes men with authority to rule.

Such covenants, it is conceded, have been made, in many ages and countries; many still exist and are known, as constitutions of civil government. They are also acknowledged to be useful, and requisite to a proper exercise of that right of government which God hath given to men. Nevertheless, it is contended, that no people, of any age, or country, would have a warrant to form such a compact, were it not given them by God; and that rulers would have no authority over their fellow men, after such an act of the people, had it not been given them by the Sovereign of the universe.

To perceive that civil government, derived solely from a social compact, is unwarrantable, we are to look at the nature of this source of authority. The consent of the governed is said to invest governors with a right to rule—a consent which must be obtained; but which, when obtained, is an ample warrant for governmental transactions. Contemplate then a nation without any government, where the people enter into an agreement, by virtue of which, they give to a man, or to a number of men, authority to dispose of the lives, and property, and liberties of their community. The questions now are; have these people a right to convey away the disposal, for instance, of their lives? And have these rulers a right to dispose of these lives, without an express warrant from God? It will not be denied that the great Author of human life hath revealed a prohibition on this subject, which is to be regarded. “Thou shalt not kill,” is the high and unlimited command. Were not provision made by the Judge of all the earth, for the exercise of civil authority, in taking away the lives of transgressors, this prohibition would restrain civil rulers, as much as murderers, from putting men to death; and it would as clearly forbid all mankind to put their lives into the hands of civil rulers, as it does from putting them into the hands of murderers; or from committing suicide. The right which civil government has to kill malefactors is derived, not from the consent of the governed; but from the decree of God; “Whosoever sheddeth man’s blood; by man shall his blood be shed.” God alone has a right to qualify and limit his own prohibitions. But for any man, or any combination of men, to assume this prerogative, is stern rebellion. Life is to men an unalienable blessing from the hand of their Maker: to commit it to the disposal of their fellow-men, without a warrant from the giver, would be a license for murder, given to rulers, in contempt of the express prohibition of God. To maintain civil authority, derived from a social compact, would be as impracticable, as it would have been unwarrantable to originate it from this source. The right of government would not outlive the preservation of the compact. How long this could be preserved, may from the nature of it be satisfactorily calculated. The people of a nation consent to be ruled, agreeably to principles, or grand regulations, specified in the covenant, made between themselves and the constituted authorities. What preserves inviolate this covenant, and prolongs its binding force? Obviously, an exact compliance of the rulers, with those fundamental principles of government, which are specified in the compact. Should they swerve in the least degree from these principles, they would fail to fulfill their engagements; the other party in the contract could not be holden; the compact would be null and void: the people would be absolved from all obligation to submit to the authority of their rulers. Such are the ignorance, the inadvertency, and the imperfect integrity incident to all men; that it is impossible, for the ablest, and most honest rulers, strictly to comply with the provisions of any civil constitution. So frail, therefore, is that civil government, whose authority is sustained on the tenor of a social compact, that an error of administration would be a national failure; the mistake of a ruler would be the loss of an empire. The wisdom of the world could not construct a government on these principles which could sustain a legitimate right to rule, for a year, or a month.

The practicability of maintaining it, is not to be contemplated, simply, in the fallibility of publick men. A government, of such an origin, is carried to hasty destruction, by an intrinsic fatality. It has, in its nature, the seeds of death. The generation which makes a compact soon goes off the stage. A youth succeeds to the place of his father; enters into his possessions and business; affirms that he does not approve of the compact, into which his father entered; that he will not consent to have his life, family and property under the control of the existing government. Upon such an inconvenient character, no principle of coercion can be brought to operate. From the nature of the compact, all the authority of the government rests upon the consent of the governed. This youth has not consented; and he never will consent, that this government shall have any authority. He, therefore, must be permitted to exist in his native country, as an independent power; or by force, must be driven into exile. If the whole of a rising generation be actuated by the same spirit; if none consent to be governed; all authority constitutionally terminates.

Upon such a government, refractory foreigners might bring a fatal embarrassment. They enter the country; proclaim their dislike of the government; their determination, never to consent to the compact. But one measure can be adopted. These intruders may be driven from the land; and all foreign emigration may, by law, be prohibited. Even the raveling of foreigners through the country could not be safely tolerated; for without their consent to the authority of the government, even the debts, which they might contract, could not be collected; nor could redress he had for the abuses which they might practice.

Let it not be said, that people who come by birth or immigration into a country, where such a government is in operation, do, by tacit consent, bind themselves to submit to all the conditions of the compact, and to all the civil authority derived from it. This argument supposes, that this rising generation, and these foreigners, enter, by tacit consent, into the original agreement, to all intents and purposes, as completely, as the original framers of it did. But we cannot bind ourselves, by a bargain, without knowledge and design in what we do. Certain it is, that the great mass of people who are born and grow up under civil governments, never are conscious; never have a thought of bequeathing to the constituted authorities, the control of their property, lives and other privileges. How then do they make a compact? Should they, beginning to feel the weight of civil power, complain of its violence and burdens; and object to its authority; could rulers say, we rule by your consent; we dispose of you by your consent. If the subjects of civil government are responsible “to the powers that be,” in consequence of what they themselves have done; of that voluntary act, by which they are bound, they must have been conscious. But no voluntary act is requisite; no consciousness of a consent given, or of a compact made, is necessary to render man responsible to a divine institution. The very law of his existence peremptorily dictates accountability to authority which is from a commission of his Maker.

On this point, a question of moment is; at what age does this tacit consent become of binding force? If no objection have been urged against the existing government, at the age of ten, or fifteen, or twenty, shall the youth have committed himself to subjection? No advantage ought to be taken of incapacity, ignorance, or inexperience. To make the obligation derived from consent, reasonable, and valid, this consent should be given under a full knowledge of what the government is, of what it may demand, and of what it will probably do. The Chinese, Persian and Hindoo sovereigns rule according to their own will. To be at their control is to be exposed to all the caprice of men, whose pride, and pleasure, and convenience, and malice may give law to their empires. If the youth within their dominions might; until a given age; by a solemn declaration, save themselves from allegiance and submission to those despots; and were they conscious of their privilege; who has the credulity to believe, that by a known, tacit consent, they would commit themselves, their fortunes, their prospects and their hopes, to the mercy of arbitrary power? Indeed, were this liberty given to youth who live under governments of the mildest form, and of the most happy influence; such is the licentiousness of the human mind, that almost all would be cautious, how they gave their consent to irrevocable obligations. If all civil authority rest on the consent of the governed; in every social compact made for a civil constitution; provision ought to be made for successive generations to give, or to withhold their consent. To say that a future generation is bound to yield either tacit or express consent, is no less than to say that it shall have no opportunity to consent or refuse. The inevitable conclusion is, that if all legitimate authority rest upon a social compact; every government, which survives the original contractors, must maintain its right and prerogatives, by the ignorance of their posterity, who know not, that they bind themselves, by tacit consent, to lasting subjection.

“There is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God.” Here every honest mind finds relief: Here every peaceful citizen finds a rule of action: Here civil government finds a foundation. The design of the Apostle was, to teach subjects of civil government, the duty of submission; and to show the origin of the obligation, which bound them to this duty. Before they obeyed an established government, he would not have them go into an enquiry, whether the government were a usurpation; because, the learned often cannot settle this question; much less, the common people. Neither need they, previous to subjection, be assured that governmental measures were not oppressive; for, if they were, resistance would be rebellion, and by rebellion, they would commit themselves to the horrors of anarchy. How a government came into existence; whence it sprang; how it obtained its power; are not the questions. The simple consideration that it exists, and is in actual operation, is a warrant for obedience; an obligation to submission. If it exist, God gave it existence; if it operate, God gives it power, means, and opportunity. To resist the ordinance, would be, to resist his providence.

When a revolution in any country has taken place, and a new government is once established; though the people at large may be incompetent to decide, whether the scepter were rightly gained; this is a question, with which those who have come into power are usually better acquainted; and it is one, in which their responsibility is intimately involved. Had Paul, instead of inculcating the duty of subjects, been consulted by Nero concerning his duty; he would, perhaps, have reasoned upon righteousness, as he did with Felix; or have administered reproof, as John did to Herod.

If God have given no warrant for men, in any circumstances to exercise authority over nations; he hath manifested an indifference, whether the people of this world live in anarchy, or enjoy the blessing of civil order. Whatever may be the conclusion of atheists; we who believe the Bible, have not so learned the will of God. For the Jewish nation; the people whom he chose; he framed a constitution of civil government; in which he revealed to the world, the grand principles of jurisprudence. In the revelation of his will, he hath bound mankind to the discharge of many duties; which can be performed only by a civil government. Murderers, for instance, are to be put to death; still to execute the divine decree, would be a crime, in any one, not clothed with public authority. Having, in his word, instituted many and important duties for civil rulers; in his minute and constant providence, he brings rulers, in every nation into existence and authority, to do his will. Hence, in language which should fill the world with reverence, he says, “by me kings reign, and princes decree justice; by me, princes rule; and nobles; even all the judges of the earth.”

Much, on this subject, has been said, by theorists, about a state of nature, in which no civil government existed. Of such a state we find no account in history; nor even in the legends of romance. On the flights of a distempered imagination men may go back in vain for such an opportunity; for the origin of civil blessings, from a social compact. But with the Bible in our hand, we will go back to Adam, made, not by a compact with his family, but by God, a ruler over his household. Down the current of time we may come; noticing the progress of government in the hands of Noah, and Nimrod, and Abraham, and various patriarchs, ruling either by a use or an abuse of those instructions which God originally gave mankind. Such was the tenure of civil power; until Moses the great lawgiver was sent by God to the Hebrews. From the creation, until that event; and from that, until this hour, we may perceive that men have been set in authority by the hand of Divine Providence. “God standeth in the congregation of the mighty; he judgeth among the gods.”

II. Obedience to the existing authorities of civil government is a duty which every man owes to God.

It is the pride and policy of men, who cast off the fear of God, to make everything depend upon their will. An elective government is one of a very happy form. But it is one thing for a nation to elect rulers to rule over them, by the authority of a warrant from God; and according to revealed principles of righteousness; and another to choose men into office, who are to be responsible and subservient to the lusts and caprice of the community which they nominally rule. The Bible teaches men to regard their rulers as ministers of God; a maxim of later currency makes them servants of the people. Were they such; their first accountability would be to God. Servants of the public communities surely ought not to be holden in a more degrading servility to their employers; than the servants of individuals and families are to their masters. Even menials of this description are primarily to regard God: They are to serve their masters; “not with eye service as men-pleasers; but as the servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the heart.” Until people hail their rulers as dignified servants of God, authorized, and bound by the most solemn obligations to execute righteousness in the earth; they will be restless and querulous; licentious and violent. While they look at a civil office merely as a place of emolument or distinction, which many for their private advantage are to share; it will be the perpetual sport of some of the vilest passions of human nature. Let them in their estimation exalt a civil office to the dignity of a divine ordinance; then their conclusion will be that “whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves condemnation.”

From legislators, judges, and executive magistrates who sustain the honour and responsibility of acting under a warrant from God; much will be expected which shall directly fulfill his revealed pleasure. They will not be approved, nor even excused, by the public sentiment; unless they effectually protect the sacred name and day of God from profanity; unless by laws scrupulously framed and faithfully administered, they suppress, as much as is practicable, the sins of drunkenness and impurity; of fraud and violence; and give every possible accommodation to the progress of that salvation which God, for his principal glory, executes upon earth.

When such a public demand is made of rulers; subjects will be prompt and conscientious in their obedience. Every law emanating from the laws of God; every one coincident with his requirements; will be reverenced as a delineation of his will. Transgression of it will be regarded as rebellion against him.

Conscientious subjects will go farther. Every civil injunction, which is not a violation of some divine rule or doctrine, they will honour, by a scrupulous compliance. Their opinions concerning the expediency of some governmental acts may vary from the opinion of their rulers. On questions of policy, the judgment of rulers is, by divine appointment, to prevail. For the consequences of their decisions they are responsible. No consideration of expediency can be a warrant for a violation of the commands; “let every soul be subject to the higher powers—Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man; expediency justify an act of rebellion; for the consequences of obedience to an injunction, which is simply impolitic, cannot be so deplorable as anarchy, the legitimate offspring of rebellion.

There is a limit, however, beyond which, subjection to civil magistrates becomes a crime. When it is forbidden, not by expediency; but by the express will of God. The Author of the Holy Scriptures never intended that obedience, of one of his precepts, should be a violation of another. To every ordinance of man, we are to submit; to the higher powers we are to be subject; but not when we are commanded to violate a revealed law of God. Before we refuse to obey “the powers that be,” we must not merely suspect; but must be convinced that their commands are subversive of those of God; for his injunction to civil obedience is clear and positive.

To mankind at large, God has given reason, conscience, and revelation; that as individuals; as moral agents; they may give up a final account of their deeds, done here in the body, at his bar. They are not to risk the momentous interests which depend on their doing right, or wrong, on the infallibility of public men. To say that the responsibility of a ruler, in every case, supersedes the responsibility of his subjects; is no less than to assert, the will of the civil magistrate, to be the origin of all moral obligation. This is one of the grossest impositions of infidelity. It sunders the moral relation between the great mass of mankind and their God; supposes divine revelation to be made exclusively for rulers; gives them power to bind and to unbind the conscience; and to convert whatever God hath called a crime, into a virtue. If, in one instance, a law is to be obeyed, simply because it has become a law of the government established over us; then in every instance, obedience, though it be an horrid impiety, must be rendered. This doctrine, fraught with the deadliest poison of infidelity, conveying death to the vitals of religious liberty, should be watched, by every man, with a trembling jealousy, for his own soul, and for God. Let it have free course among us; let it control our conduct; let it be publicly conceded, that in all things rulers must be obeyed; whatever may be the incompatible requirements and prohibitions of God; and there is an end of conscience toward him; and an end of civil privilege.

Revive the law of Egypt, requiring the slaughter of the first born: then, if responsibility belong only to rulers, fathers and mothers, without scruple or remorse, are to give up their children to the executioner. Dissolve, by law, every marriage covenant: then, every endearment and every duty of domestic life would be justly disregarded. There is nothing sacred to humanity, nothing sacred to religion, which a nation might not only be doomed to give up; there is nothing but what, with violent hands, they might be commanded to destroy. The Bible, the Sabbath, the church, it might become their duty to annihilate.

Men and brethren; it is our happiness, that we have no such lengths to go. The same Bible, which inculcates civil obedience, bounds the exercise of public authority: It presents to the eyes of rulers and ruled a common God and Judge, before whom every individual is, for himself, to stand or fall. It gives to the man whose well instructed mind and tender conscience forbid him to act, a precedent for saying, to rulers who demand known sin, “whether it be right, in the sight of God, to hearken unto you, more than unto God, judge ye.”

To this lamentable alternative the people of this state have not been driven. From it, past experience declares, they may still be saved. Let counsel still be taken of God; and the laws of the state, and the laws of God will continue to coincide. “Provide out of all the people, able men; such as fear God; men of truth; hating covetousness; and place such over them;” and the people will have a common path of civil obedience and of piety.

If civil offices be of divine appointment; if God have ordained the powers that be; if knowing this the people of this state, under the indulgence of heaven be permitted to fill these places with men of their choice; a most affecting forfeiture will be made of all the kindness of God; if men, after his own heart, be not elevated to that power, by which his purposes are to be accomplished.

The assembled magistrates and rulers of this commonwealth will, from our subject, at once, perceive the honour, and feel the delicacy of their stations.

Respected leaders: the hand of our God has placed you over us. His will you are to perform. What we should be in morals; what we should be in religion; whatever of public and relative duty we should do; whatever of liberty we should enjoy; whatever of restraint we need; think, we pray you, on these things; and let your influence be our glory and defence. We see you blessed, we trust, that you may be blessings to us and to our children. May that mind which God so kindly gave to Moses, to Joshua, and to David be given to you; that the world, seeing us under your authority, may say “happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

Fathers and brethren in the ministry; our primary sphere of action is in a kingdom which is not of this world; yet we have something to do in the kingdoms of men. It is our business and our glory to preach a crucified Saviour to perishing sinners; but we have the example of Paul, the aged, the learned, the pious, the chosen of Christ, for inculcating the duty of a quiet and peaceable life, under the government of our country. It is not our task, to plead for reverence to a Nero and his menial court: to teach submission and patience under a public scourge. Had God given us a king, in his wrath, our lot would have been to teach righteousness under the severe rebuke. If we have turned the public eye to powers ordained over us; we have not pointed out “a terror to good works; but to the evil.” With boldness we have been able to say, “do that which is good; and thou shalt have praise of the same.”

To the God of our forefathers let us come, confiding in him to preserve the foundations, in which the righteous trust.

While we labour for the quietude, and order of the state, let us “pray for the peace of Jerusalem.” After all the prosperity of our churches; after all which the government, and people of the state have done, in works of benevolence; after times of refreshing from the presence of the Lord, which should be rehearsed, in our most public praise; much remains to be accomplished for the salvation of men; and for the edification of the churches. The time is short. Events of the past year have left us to prosecute the great work, of our calling, with diminished numbers. Our fathers; the distinguished among our fathers! Where are they? How much of talents; how much of learning; how much of piety; how much of usefulness has the grave swallowed up. We trust that heaven has had its share of the vast loss which we have sustained; and that grave has found a triumph, in those faithful men, in whom it found its most conspicuous instruments. The gloom of this house, the bereavement of our seminary of science, and other remembrances of death tell us, that what is ripe for heaven God takes to himself. To prayer, to watchfulness, to fidelity, to labours, let us be quickened; that we may severally say “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith: henceforth, there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me, at that day; and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing.

Sermon – Election – 1816, Vermont


Samuel Austin (1760-1830) graduate from Yale in 1783. He was President of the University of Vermont (1815-1821). The following sermon was preached by Rev. Austin on October 10, 1816.


In General Assembly of Vermont, Oct. 11, 1816.
Resolved that at the thanks of this House be presented to the Rev. Samuel Austin, for his Election Sermon, and that he be requested to furnish a copy for publication.

W. D. SMITH, Clerk.
RELIGION THE GLORY OF A COMMUNITY.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF GENERAL

ELECTION,

AT MONTPELIER, OCTOBER 10, 1816,

BEFORE THE HONORABLE

LEGISLATURE OF VERMONT.

BY SAMUEL AUSTIN, D. D.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VERMONT.

MONTPELIER, Vt.
PRINTED BY WALTON AND GOSS, OCTOBER,
1816.

An

ELECTION SERMON.

 

ISAIAH lx. 19.

“THY GOD, THY GLORY.”

 

These words are a part of a discourse in which the prophet presents a predictive description of the future prosperity of Israel, as a community. The foundation of this prosperity was to be laid in the universal influence of religion. The cause and the effect are concurrently displayed in the animated address which introduces, and is continued quite through the chapter. The closing passages are these; “Thy sun shall no more go down, neither shall thy moon withdraw itself; for the Lord shall be thy everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended. Thy people also shall be all righteous, they shall inherit the land forever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified. A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation; I, the Lord, will hasten it in his time.”

It is true, in distinction from every false religion, whose diffusion and effects are here described. A sincere subjection to religion in the individual secures the unfailing covenant favor of God. And his favor is life. God is the portion of the religious man. It is his glory to know, love, and serve him; to be like him in his views and affections, and to be under his protection. What is true of the religious individual must be true of a community, yielding itself to be governed in all things by the counsel of God; and the words relate more especially to a common religious character.—And the effects of religion, when it becomes a general character, as presented in the context, are common, and respect principally the present world.

The words then warrant and invite our attention to this position,

Religion, embraced in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, is the proper glory of a community.

To illustrate and establish this position, it will seem requisite for me,

I. To shew, by a brief statement, what religion is.

II. That a real subjection to religion, comprehending the adoption of its principles and obedience to its precepts, is absolutely necessary to its producing its legitimate effect. And,

III. To point out the leading particulars, which constitute the true glory of a community, and which must be secured upon a universal subjection to religion.

I. We are to shew, by a brief statement, what religion is. Religion may be considered as a personal character. In that view it is moral rectitude. The man who should be entirely actuated by religion, as sinless spirits are in heaven, would be perfect as God is perfect. “Whatsoever thing are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there e any praise,” they are all comprehended in religion.

We have a perfect exemplification of religion, as a personal character, in Him, and in Him only, who is the light and the life of the world. In Him were hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge; and, in temper and conversation, he was “holy, harmless, undefiled, and separate from sinners.” In him we see all conceivable moral excellence, without being obscured by weakness or enthusiasm, and unpolluted by policy and an over-weening attachment to ceremonies and forms.

Religion may be considered as a system, and it is in this light especially that we now speak of it. In this view it comprehends all truth and all righteousness. It is a dispensation of light, of law, and of grace. Religion regards the duty and the highest felicity of man. It respects all beings between whom and us there are moral relations, and everything which we can employ to a useful end. It relates to the understanding, the heart, and the practice. It relates to the understanding, as it enriches it with knowledge, particularly the knowledge of God, his government and salvation, and our duty and highest interest. It relates to the heart, as it enjoins and produces right affections towards all objects of good will, of esteem, and of displeasure. It relates to practice, as it not only purifies the spring, but sanctifies the powers and the instruments of action; and extends its control over the affections, and over the whole of a man’s behavior. It prescribes a uniform course, according to that perfect law, which requires us to love God with all our heart, and our neighbors as ourselves. The love, which is its great practical principle, is not such in its nature as depraved men are actuated by, terminating in self; but is disinterested or impartial. It is an authoritative law, giving to conscience its proper efficacy, effectually guarding against the commission of moral wrong, and impelling to the worship of God, and all works of charity towards men.

To estimate religion rightly, we must consider it in its simplicity; not in the fantastic attire with which many persons have thought they could adorn it; not spoiled with inter-mixtures; not as the Shibboleth of a sect; not as a mere subject of speculation and controversy; or an instrument which crafty statesmen can employ to accomplish their designs.—Many objections made to it would vanish in a moment, if the distinction were candidly made between what it is, and what it is injuriously made to be, by those who wish to shape it to their own humours.

Let us now consider,

II. The necessity that religion be embraced in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, in order to its producing its legitimate effect. By principles I mean those truths, which, as they come to us by the testimony of God, are objects of faith. They may be other ways called doctrines, to a specification of which I have not time to descend. By precepts is meant the entire sacred code of the Bible; all the requirements, and all the prohibitions affecting us, which it contains. The principles and the precepts are inseparable. They mutually illustrate and establish each other. They have the same origin, advance their claims with the same authority, and are equally at agreement with goodness of heart. We are not excused from embracing the principles on the pretence that they are involved in mystery, and are subjects of altercation. There would be no dispute respecting them if all men were duly humble and teachable. They are distinctly set before us, “and the meek will he guide in his way.” We are not excused from obeying the precepts on the pretence of their strictness or our depravity. For “the commandment is holy, and just, and good.” The principles must be embraced cordially; and it is impossible to obey the precepts, but in this way. If we embrace them, we accord with them in our belief, feelings, and practice. We possess the holiness they require. If we receive them not, they fail in their spiritual design, and their salutary influence is lost. “For if any be a hearer of the word, and not a doer, he is like unto a man beholding his natural face in a glass; for he beholdeth himself, and goeth his way, and straightway forgetteth what manner of man he was. But whoso looketh into the perfect law of liberty, and continueth therein, he being not a forgetful hearer, but a doer of the work, this man shall be blessed in his deed.”

Religion cannot have its proper effect, if it merely float in our imagination, or hang upon us as a dead profession; if we substitute opinion for faith, and an imperfect exterior morality for strict obedience.

We will now turn our attention,

III. To the leading things in which the true glory of a community consists, and which, it is evident, must be effected, supposing religion to have a universal influence.

1. The universal influence of religion must extirpate and preclude all idolatry, and all utopian systems of philosophy, tending directly to the subversion of social order.

It is no small part of the glory of a community to be exempt from whatever is the debasement of nations, and contributes, by an irresistible fatality, to their overthrow. Mankind have been, in all ages, addicted to idolatry, and it has sunk them into an extreme moral degradation. It has made them ignorant, ferocious, and cruel. Even the favored people of God were perpetually and strongly inclined to it. The greatest of their abominations were the idols they imported from the nations around them: and their frequent apostacies to idolatrous worship were the causes of the wasting judgments, which, in succession, fell upon them. Idolatry is a base usurpation of the rights and honors of Jehovah, and leads to the remorseless and unblushing perpetration of all manner of sin. It ever assimilates its votaries, in temper and practice, to the objects of its worship. Some of these are creatures of mere sentient and instinctive powers. Some of them the product of mechanical art, and presented to the eye of the beholder, in shapes, and by associations, directly adapted to excite vicious inclinations. Some of them, as the Moloch of ancient times, and the ghastly god of Jugernaut, in modern, are honored chiefly by human sacrifices. Some of them are patrons of fraud, lust, and rapine. In their number we find a God of war, a God of drunkenness, and a Goddess of licentious love. Even the Jupiter optimus maximus of the Greeks and Romans, was addicted to flagitious crimes. Hence the horrid scenes of sensuality and cruelty which are presented in the pages of history, and in nearly all countries. Idolatry is forbidden in the two first laws of the Decalogue, and is reprobated throughout the scripture, as singularly offensive to God. True religion, consisting essentially in the knowledge, love, and worship of Jehovah, cannot have any agreement with this false worship, or with the crimes it generates. There is an eternal repugnance between them. It is the avowed object of the former to extirpate the latter; and the latter is ever hostile and rigorous towards the former. They do not admit of society, at any time, or under any circumstance. “What fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness? And what communion hath light with darkness? And what concord hath Christ with Belial? And what agreement hath the temple of God with idols?” If the former universally triumphs, the latter, with its train of evils, must be banished.

A philosophy, falsely so called, and but another name for that wisdom which is from beneath, which is earthly, sensual, and devilish, has coexisted with idolatry. It is wholly deceptive and ruinous. It has appeared recently in a combined and formidable effort to overturn Christianity, and to substitute in its place, the worship of Reason, or rather, to support an unqualified atheism. In this effort it has made an imposing display of talent, and learning. It has professed a strong attachment to civil liberty, and an universal philanthropy. But has produced just the opposite of its promises. It has spread usurpation and blood. Experiment has torn off its vizard, and exposed its malignity. Religion rescues and preserves from this philosophy, which, the more a man has of it, the more a victim of delusion he is. Instead of raising expectations but to disappoint them, religion begets a blessed hope, which is an anchor to the soul, sure and stedfast, entering to that within the vail. Instead of training up men to a singular adroitness in works of mischief, it makes them wise unto salvation. It would be a great point indeed, gained by a community, to be completely rid of this false philosophy, and to have those insurmountable barriers raised against its reentrance, which the universal prevalence of religion must form.

2. Religion, embraced by a community, as has been stated, would produce a very thorough, and most salutary reformation of morals. Moral disorders, may, and do often, prevail, extensively, to the exposure of property, chastity and life, where infidelity is not acknowledged, and where a false philosophy is not known. Comparatively pure as we are, they are prevalent in our own country. They agitate neighborhoods, and sometimes convulse family society. They mislead, betray, impoverish, and destroy. Laws are enacted, courts are instituted, and moral societies are organized, to restrain these disorders. But they refuse to be checked.—The end is only partially gained. The Sabbath will continue to be broken; the name of God will be profaned; perjuries will find their way into tribunals of justice; chastity will be assaulted and sacrificed; frauds will be practiced; intemperance will be indulged. Health and property will be wasted upon vicious enjoyment. Religion is the effectually reforming principle. It lays the axe at the root of the tree. The individual who embraces it, becomes at once, and finally, more than moral. He puts on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and true holiness. “And such were some of you, but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified, in the name of the Lord Jesus, and by the spirit of our God.” As a visible reformation is ever co-extensive with the prevalence of religion, a universal spread of it, will certainly be accompanied with a universal and thorough reformation of the public morals. “Violence shall no more be heard in thee, wasting nor destruction within thy borders; but thou shalt call thy walls salvation, and thy gates praise.”

3. Religion, universally embraced in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, would exclude party collisions, and extend a grateful reciprocity of affection and kindness among all classes of the people.

Divide and conquer, was the maxim of Caesar; and it has been the practical maxim of all the Caesars of the world. If party animosity can be spread among a people, they are easily dissipated and wasted. Their own hands will probably be employed in the work of self-destruction. Recollect the extinction of the Grecian States, following, by a terrible and inevitable consequence, their divisions. See Jerusalem sacked by the troops of Titus, and laid in ashes, as the effect of the intestine feuds of its inhabitants. Look at that mass of embodied war, the Roman Republic, and mark how it is perpetually convulsed, and at last subverted, by the contests of opposing parties and rival chiefs. Nor is it to be forgotten how a late revolution on the Continent of Europe, which promised much, at the outset, in behalf of humanity, has had an abortive issue, through the divisions which rent asunder its most forward promoters.

Party animosity is a Pandora’s box. It scatters plagues of every description, and of fearful malignity. Is there no cure for this disease? In my opinion there is but one; and, blessed be God! This is sovereign. In no case can recourse be had to it in vain. It is the balm of Gilead. And religion is this balm. Religion is the cement of minds. It converts embittered enemies into cordial friends. It retreats from the scene where injuries are done, and blood is shed, to the kinder office of binding up the wounds, which wrong has made. It is the principle of a true equality, not ambitious of distinction, nor envious of the honors which others receive; holding office, and discharging its duties, merely for the public welfare. It inspires the magistrate with the feelings of an affectionate father, and the subject with a disposition to yield a prompt obedience to law. It forgets sinister ends, and heeds not the buzz of party murmur, in the grand effort of doing right and promoting good. It sweetens the intercourse of neighborhoods, and in everything is conciliating. Such was the affection which warmed thy heart, O Howard, philanthropist indeed, friend and benefactor of man, in whatever country he was found, or under whatever due he appeared. Religion was the holy fire which expanded thy mind till it embraced all thy fellows, and stimulated thee to deeds of self-denial, which have made thee the admiration of all the wise and the good!

What is the Jerusalem of our God? It is a city which is compact together. What is it that brings it into this compact state? It is the attractive power of that love which is the fulfilling of the law. Let religion then be spread among all the members of a community, party collision will perish. The governors and the governed, will make one affectionate family; their union will be more and more perfected by the goodness they practice, and they will be perpetually cheered with the prospect of dwelling together forever in heaven.

4. Religion, embraced as has been stated, would banish ignorance, and facilitate the progress of useful knowledge. Knowledge is the proper aliment of mind. It is essential to moral action and felicity. It sets before men the end they should pursue, and the means; the objects which ought to attract their hearts, and the principles which ought to rule their conduct. It is to degradation that ignorance is destined. Respectability, usefulness and enjoyment are connected with knowledge. Religion has hardly received the honors that are due to it, for the influence it has had in banishing ignorance from the world, and increasing its stock of valuable information. Christianity presents the only correct system of theology. And if we will trace the progress of science in its several branches, we shall find that it has flourished incomparably most, in Christian countries and in Christian schools.

Religion is friendly to the increase of knowledge, because it brings the possessor of it into the midst of its objects. It teaches him its value. It makes him give to mind its due superiority to matter. It makes him impartial in his enquiries, and industrious in his pursuits. It spurns indolence, and refuses to yield up the precious moments of life to self-indulgence. Was not the revival of letters cotemporaneous with that memorable event, which is commonly termed the Reformation? Do not the most valuable literary establishments of Europe owe their existence to the influence of Religion? And are not the most liberal and efficient promoters of true knowledge, now acting their parts on the theatre of life, to be found among the friends of Christianity? Then let religion pervade a community, ignorance will retire from it; facilities for the attainment of knowledge will be multiplied; and “knowledge and wisdom will be the stability of its times, and strength of salvation.”

No country in the world has felt the benign influence of religion in this respect more than our own. The first fathers of New-England, were distinguished for their piety. And, to preserve, to spread, and to perpetuate, through succeeding generations, useful knowledge, was, with them, a primary object. In pursuit of this object, they founded and endowed colleges and schools. In consequence of which, knowledge is more diffused through this section of the country, than through any other portion of the globe. We do not pretend to vie with Europe in philosophic and classical learning. Our opportunities and means, and indeed the excitements which most powerfully operate upon the human mind, as they exist with us, are not equal to theirs. But our progress has been honorable to us; and every year adds something to our elevation. Religion has certainly had a primary influence in raising us to that measure of literary eminence to which we have arrived. Nor has this influence been inconsiderable upon this State. Its legislative fathers have not forgotten the interests of letters. Besides the provision they have made for instruction in schools and academies, they have consulted the progress of education in its higher walks. We assure ourselves that this most important interest will not be suffered to languish, since the conviction must remain, and be strengthened by daily proofs, that, as religion excites to the pursuit of knowledge, the advancement of knowledge is friendly, and even essential to the interests of civil liberty.

5. Religion, universally embraced, would avert the judgments of God, and secure, in the ordinary course of things, and by a particular blessing, an abundance of all the comforts of life. “The earth mourneth and fadeth away, the haughty people of the earth do languish, the earth also is defiled under the inhabitants thereof, because they have transgressed the laws, changed the ordinances, broken the everlasting covenant.” God is known, in every age, by the judgments he executeth. He is governor among the nations, and asserts his authority and rights, as such, by rebuking those who despise him. He commissions the sword to devour. He denies the requisite heat of the sun, and the vivifying rain of heaven. “Who can stand before his cold?” The expectations of the husbandman are disappointed. “The children ask for bread, and their soul is poured out into their mother’s bosom.” By such dispensations God stretcheth out his hand, and smiteth a rebellious people. Over us his indignation has passed. New-England has not probably seen a more gloomy appearance on the face of nature for a century, than that which has excited alarm since this year commenced. The partial prevalence of religion in a measure reverses these melancholy scenes. What they would the universal prevalence of it produce? “Bring ye all the tithes into the storehouse, that there may be meat in mind house, and prove me now herewith, saith the Lord of Hosts, if I will not open you the windows of heaven and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it.” It would produce peace, health, and plenty. It would give a propitious course to the seasons. It would spread fertility and beauty over the face of nature. These temporal blessings are confessedly great. Their value may be enhanced in our esteem, by the most cogent kind of instruction, distressing experience.

6. The universal acceptation and practice of religion would secure the wisest form and administration of civil government. “For forms of government,” said Pope, “let fools contest! That which is best administered is best.” This is partly wise, and partly foolish. Unquestionably very much indeed depends on the administration of government. But can there be no guards against male administration, in the constitution or fundamental laws of a government? Be it so, that a government in theory despotic, as by a singularly merciful disposal of Providence, it may fall into the hands of a very benevolent and upright man, one of a thousand, is so managed as in the best manner to promote the happiness of the people; can we warrantably act upon the expectation of the frequent recurrence of such a disposal? Is anything more common in this world than the abuse of confidence and authority? Then, should not, must not, a wise people, (and a religious, will be a wise people,) set up every possible guard, in the very texture of their government, against abuse in the administration of it? But if the members of a community were universally religious, would they need such a guard? In some measure they would. For virtuous men are preserved in their virtue by means.

Supposing a community, unawed by foreign power, deliberately to institute a constitution of government, as has been the fact in this country, a fact almost singular in the history of the world, arising partially, I dare not say wholly, from a religious influence, what would religion, acting universally, effect in regard to the administration of it? We may safely say, that its administration would be very kind. It would certainly manifest economy in the public expenditures, equity in the apportionment of taxes, a careful management of revenue, a satisfaction with moderate salaries, impartiality in the decisions of courts, promptitude and fidelity in the discharge of every official duty, and liberal plans for secular improvement.

7. Religion thus embraced, would unite a community to God, by covenant bonds, and place it under his paternal and infallible protection. Such is the relation which the church actually sustains, and such is the protection which it enjoys. In this view, God is emphatically its glory. Allied by grace and promise on the one part, and love and subjection on the other, the Church is in the bosom of God, as his peculiar treasure. He keeps it as the apple of his eye. It cannot sink, for underneath are the everlasting arms. It cannot be diminished, it cannot fail of a perpetual increase, for the engagement is, “A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.” It cannot want either light or security. For God is both a sun and shield. While the nations who know not God are wasted by their follies and their crimes, as the effect of the wars they wage, and the indignation from above which they provoke, the Church proceeds, lengthening her cords and strengthening her stakes. Let religion, then, pervade throughout a civil community, and it will become at once an integral portion of the church, united to God by covenant bonds, and enjoying his protection. This protection would be the munition of rocks. It would be a better defence than the greatest number of ships of war, or veteran armies. It would banish all the solicitudes which commonly grow out of the insecurity attached to human affairs.

Finally, such a universal influence of religion would make a civil state most useful in its influence upon the whole human family; especially, as it would act in subserviency to that kingdom, which is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. All its proceedings would be useful upon the broadest scale. Its power and its means would be employed, not to ravage and destroy, but to diffuse the knowledge of the Redeemer, to propagate the word of life, to send heralds of salvation to the ends of the earth. It would act on this benevolent scale with great effect. For effects are commonly proportionate to their causes. In the grand struggle for the universal emancipation of mankind from sin and the curse, it would move indeed, like an army with banners. A new phenomenon would appear in the moral world, admirably indicating the near approach of that eventful period, when a nation shall be born in a day.

Let us now collect into one general view what has been said upon this last, and leading part of my subject. Religion as taught and enjoyed in our Bibles, believed in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, would constitute the proper glory of a community, as it would extirpate and preclude all idolatry and false philosophy—it would produce a very thorough and most salutary reformation of morals—it would exclude party collisions, and extend a grateful reciprocity of affection and kindness among all classes of the people—it would banish ignorance and facilitate the progress of useful knowledge—it would avert the judgments of God, and secure, in the course of things, and by a particular blessing, an abundance of all the comforts of life—it would secure the wisest form, and the most beneficial administration of civil government—it would place the state under God’s infallible protection; God would be in the midst of it, so that it could not be moved—and it would make the state most useful in its influence upon the whole human family, especially as it would act, by one impulse and a powerful concert, in the promotion of that kingdom, which is to survive all other kingdoms, and last forever.

These remarks will lead to a few useful conclusions.

1. To cherish the religion of the Bible, by a wise direction of legislative influence, is not only a sacred duty, but a dictate of the soundest policy. What is the end of legislation? Is it the aggrandizement of a few, or the highest benefit of the whole? The latter certainly. What is the end of a sound and vigorous policy? Is it to wheedle other nations into a coincidence with our plans, and to wrest from them their rights, or to advance a substantial, internal good? The latter surely. But ordinary expedients have hitherto failed.—Government, law, civilization, and science, however necessary, are found to be, in their best state, but partially productive of this end. In some cases they seem rather to minister to infidelity. After the labors and sufferings of a long series of years, the dismal story still is “So I returned, and considered all the oppressions that are done under the sun, and beheld the tears of such as are oppressed, and they had no comforter, and on the side of their oppressors there was power, but they had no comforter.” Religion is the effectual relief. It is a remedy of easy application, and always at our command. It solicits our acceptance, and ever exceeds our largest interpretation of its promises. It is infallibly productive of the effect even upon the foolish hypothesis that the Bible originated in imposture. The most intelligent deists have been constrained to acknowledge its salutary efficacy, and have been forced to it to supply the great lack of other expedients. Our rock is better than theirs, our enemies themselves being judges. Let religion, then, be honored according to its most evident claims; and let not the suggestions of those misguided adversaries, those monstrously miscalculating politicians, who imagine that religion is a mere load upon the human intellect and upon civil society, be regarded a moment.

2. If religion, universally embraced, and holding its due authority over the hearts and lives of men, is the proper glory of a community, irreligion, which is its opposite, must be its deep dishonor and its bane. Thus we are told in the scripture, that while righteousness exalteth a nation, sin is the reproach of any people; and that when the wicked bear rule the people mourn. Facts, in the whole history of the world, and as they are perpetually presenting themselves to our view, are in perfect agreement with this testimony. Whether then those who are impious in their principles and vicious in their practice, are to be considered as faithfully attached to the community, and seeking its best prosperity, by a pure patriotism, judge ye.

3. If religion, embraced universally in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, is the glory of a community, legislators and magistrates ought to be amiable examples of it.—This obligation devolves upon them, not only as men, as creatures of God, and pensioners on his bounty, under his law, and necessarily accountable to him; but by virtue of the rank they hold. “The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds, as the tender grass, springing out of the earth, by clear shining, after rain.” The name of one king of Israel is transmitted to us under the dishonor of having employed his authority and example to make Israel to sin. And under this infamy he must forever lie. The name of another is transmitted to us under the singular honor of being an efficient reformer in a time of extreme degeneracy. “Moreover the workers with familiar spirits, and the wizards, and the images, and the idols, and all the abominations that were spied in the land of Judah, and in Jerusalem, did Josiah put away, that he might perform the words of the law. And like unto him was there no king before him that turned to the Lord with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his might, according to the law of Moses, neither after him arose there any like him.” Indeed there cannot be too much of so excellent a thing. It was therefore peculiarly honorable to Josiah that he turned to the Lord with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his might. The memory of the magistrate, who possesses his spirit, and imitates his examples, shall be blessed.

4. The subject is adapted to correct some prevalent, and very pernicious errors respecting glory, as an object of pursuit. Glory, that glory which the scripture properly denominates vain glory, and of which it admonishes us not to be desirous; consisting, in personal elevation and fame; in national aggrandizement; in an extensive territory gained by conquests; in a successful commerce, through it be prosecuted in a disregard of the principles of equality and justice; in fleets and armies; in martial triumphs by sea and by land; in a dictating preeminence and celebrity; is a leading object with mankind. It is unhappily made estimable by opinions and maxims, which a correct understanding cannot justify. In dereliction of the wholesome instructions of God’s word, which our forefathers respected with conscientious reverence, there has been a systematic effort, in our own country, to put the love of this glory into action as the grand stimulus to heroism. This glory is most expensively acquired, and, when possessed, is an unsubstantial enjoyment. It is destructive in proportion as it is fascinating. It is indeed a demon, under whose iron dominion, humanity sighs, and before whose altars, thousands of victims continually bleed. It is high time to denounce this image of jealousy, grind it to powder, and scatter its dust to the four winds. Let us see the detestable nature of vain glory, and prefer that more excellent way which is shown to us in the oracles of God.

5. The subject calls the benevolent to high congratulations, that the Christian religion, is at this moment spreading in the world with unparalleled success, and that we have a sure word of prophecy, certifying us of its speedy universal triumph. It is a fact that the religion of the Gospel never had, since the days of the Apostles, so commanding an attitude as it now has. It is embraced by millions of sincere professors. Revivals, remarkably free from error and enthusiasm, are multiplied. Numerous societies have been formed, since the memorable epoch of the rise of the London missionary society—for the extension of the missionary interest—for the circulation of the scriptures—for the reformation of morals—for the spread of religious instruction by tracts—for the abolition of slavery—to give language to the dumb and hearing to the deaf—to relieve the needy, and to wipe the tear from the eye of sorrow. Recently powerful monarchs have united, in the form of a treaty, and by mutual pledges of fidelity, to promote, by a special care, Christianity, in their respective dominions, and to make its holy precepts the rule of their policy. Thus, by a course of events entirely beyond expectation, and perpetually exciting surprise, the schemes of infidelity are defeated, and the Church advances, with speed, to her destined elevation.

Undoubtedly this work will go on. As it proceeds, great and glorious effects will be realized. The idols will be utterly abolished. Crimes will cease. Discord will yield to vows of amity. Knowledge will be extensively diffused.—Government will be mild and friendly to human happiness. Equal, and a chastened liberty, will succeed oppression. Peace, with her full horn, will force the bloody, ghastly, insatiate demon of war to the place where hell and horror reign. The tabernacle of God will be with men; he will dwell among them and be their God, and wipe away all tears from their eyes. In these assured prospects let us felicitate ourselves, and join the chorus of all benevolent dependent intelligents, and say, “Alleluia, for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth.”

We meet this day upon a joyous occasion. It is a pleasing spectacle to behold the representatives of a free people, unawed by power, assembling to legislate for the public benefit. But the occasion is the more joyful, as it is, in the devotional forms of it, a recognition of the truth and claims of our religion. We are in the presence of the Majesty of heaven and earth. We owe our being and powers, our liberties and hopes, to his goodness. Every passage of our lives adds to the aggregate of motives to persuade us to devote ourselves most promptly and faithfully to his service. His service is a great reward. There is none like the God of Jeshurun, who rideth in the heavens for our help, and in his excellency on the sky. Let us then come into his presence with thanksgiving, and into his courts with praise. Let us be thankful unto him and bless his name.

HIS EXCELLENCY

Will be pleased to permit the preacher, as an organ of the community, on this occasion, to present a tribute of respect to him, and a cordial felicitation, in view of passing events. A pure conscience, and the unconstrained suffrage of an enlightened people, preclude the necessity of individual attestation to personal merit. The former is the best source of consolation. The latter is all the homage that a true patriot can covet. Your Excellency has the pleasure of possessing the executive authority of the state in a time of national repose. Enjoying, you cannot but duly appreciate, the blessings of tranquility. All the means of perpetuating them will undoubtedly be cherished by you with paternal care. Deeply must your mind be impressed with the truth, that civil magistrates are on a level with their constituents, as creatures of God, as under the obligations of his law, as dependent on his grace, as responsible to his bar. It is a maxim of infallible authority that, “He who walketh uprightly walketh surely.” Your Excellency’s official course will be precisely this. May the duties which it involves, as they cannot be neglected, be made easy, by the consolations of religion, and the prompt co-operation of all your coadjutors in government. May your advancing years be full of piety and honor. And when it shall please the Sovereign of the world to terminate your labors here below, may you be admitted into the mansions of the blessed.

HIS HONOR

The Lieutenant Governor, the Members of the Honorable Council, and the Legislative Body, will allow us to express our congratulations on the occasions of this day, and our devout wishes, that their proceedings, in their legislative capacity, may be honorable to themselves, and contribute to raise the State to an eminence, worthy of it, as an integral part of the nation. It cannot be expected that one who has so recently become an inhabitant of the State, should enter minutely into its local and relative concerns. But it is obvious to say, that you are legislators of a Republic, Gentlemen, advancing in agricultural improvements, in population, in knowledge, and in regard to the infinitely superior interests of religion, and this is our common joy. Legislation, in such a community, must have nearly a uniform character. It can hardly fail to be directed by public spirit, and to consult the general weal.

I have insisted on a subject, Gentlemen, not new, but ever claiming the most serious regards. Multitudes there have been, of late years, and legislators have been found in their ranks, who have thought religion to be an imposition, and that it was time to discard it. But they rebel against evidence. Their wisdom is foolishness. Their doctrine leads directly to political suicide. Religion is as far as possible from being an imposition. Instead of enchaining the human mind, by mystical dogmas, and a vain superstition, it vindicates it into a spiritual liberty. It enriches the mind with sublime conceptions, and fills it with celestial joys. I flatter myself that the remarks that have been made, have gone to strengthen a conviction, which you already possessed, on this subject. Let me ask you then, citizen legislators, to rise, in all the majesty of Christian virtue, and, by such means as are at your command, give to religion its best possible effect. Unite with its ministers in this labor of wisdom, and give to its children your blessing. May your measures and your lives be such as reflection can approve; and as those who are relatively and officially gods, must die like men; may your exit from these abodes of infirmity and sin, be such as angels can behold with pleasure.

And let every individual of this assembly immediately, and cordially submit to Him, in whom the beauties of religion, have a full display, and who is exalted at the head of principalities and powers, that in all things, he might have the preeminence. To Him be glory and dominion forever….

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1816, New Hampshire

sermon-election-1816-new-hampshire

A

Sermon,

Preached
at Concord, Before His
Excellency the Governor,

The Honorable Council, The
Honorable Senate, and House of

Representatives, of the State
of New Hampshire,

June 6
1816.

Being
the Anniversary Election.

By
Pliny Dickinson,

Pastor
of the Church in Walpole.

State of New Hampshire, In the
House of Representatives, June 6th, 1816.

Voted, that Messrs. Appleton,
Healey and Brown, of Alstead, with such as the Senate may appoint, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Dickinson and present him with the thanks of the Legislature for his ingenious, elegant and interesting discourse delivered this day before his Excellency the Governor, the Honorable Council and both branches of the Legislature, and request a copy for the press. Sent up for concurrence. D.L. Morril, Speaker.

II
Chron. XXIV. 2.

And
Joash did that which was right in the sight of the Lord all the days of Jehoida
the priest.

This Joash was the son of Ahaziah , king of Judah, who was slain by Jehu. After his death, the mother Atheliah, usurped the throne; and to perpetuate her possession of it, she destroyed all the seed royal of the house of Judah, except Joash; who, being then an infant, was secretly conveyed away by his aunt, the wife of Jehoida the priest, and was hidden in the house of God, and there preserved under the care of the priest, six years. It now being difficult to conceal him longer, Jehoida determined to place him on the throne; and he concerted his measures with such prudence and caution, that he effected his design without opposition: The usurper was at once deserted and given up to justice; and the young king was universally acknowledged, and the revolution diffused a general joy. Joash, at this time, was about seven years old: The times were exceedingly difficult; there had within a few years, been frequent changes in the government, and such as were not for the better: some partook of political oppression, and some tended to the extermination of true religion. Idolatry had been established in its grossest forms; the house of God had been broken up, and the sacred utensils had been carried away, and bestowed on the temple of Baal; so that the young king had much to do, and a difficult part to perform in a critical time:But it is remarked much to his honor, that he did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, all the days wherein Jehoida the priest instructed him; he chose him for his counselor, and acted by his advice. Educated in the temple of God, and under the care of this aged and godly priest, he seems to have entertained just sentiments of the divine character, and of the nature and importance of religion; especially as connected with a mild administration of government, and the prosperity of a nation. When he was raised to the throne, far from being intoxicated with his elevation, or inflated with pride, with a modesty becoming his youth, he sought the counsel of the wise; listened to the speech of the trusty, and leaned to the understanding of the aged. He did not, like Rehoboam, choose the young for his counselors; he prudently retained near his person the man whose wisdom and fidelity had been proved in his personal preservation and political promotion. He early discovered a zeal for the pure worship of God, while witnessing the deplorable declension of it. He had seen the ruinous state to which the house of God had been reduced by his idolatrous predecessors, and he was desirous to repair it. He called together the priests and Levites, and gave them orders to make that collection of money from the people which the law of Moses required, and to apply it when collected to this sacred purpose. When he saw them apparently slack in executing his orders. He expostulated even with Jehoida, and endeavored to animate him in the work. The zeal for religion which glowed in the young king soon spread through all ranks, civil and ecclesiastical. Both priests and princes, and all the people united and vied with each other in the great design. A collection was soon made more than sufficient to repair the house. With the surplus they restored its utensils and provided for its daily services. It is said, they set the house of God in its state and strengthened it; and of the rest of the money were made vessels for the house of the Lord, to minister and to offer withal, and spoons and vessels of gold and silver; and they offered burnt offerings in the house of the Lord continually all the days of Jehoida: And this undoubtedly was for a considerable length of time; for Jehoida lived till he was an hundred and thirty years old; and Joash continued on the throne forty years.

From a man, and especially from a ruler, who had so early discovered a zeal for true religion; had done so much to promote it, and had all along paid so much regard to the advice of the wise and good, we should have expected a constancy in a religious course, a perseverance in it to the end of life. If, when he was but a youth, he used his influence and authority so wisely, what might not be hoped from him, when arrived to maturity. But alas! we now find him quite another man. Though the worship of the true God was maintained in the nation, yet there were many, even among the leading men, who were friends to idolatry and infidelity: These, as soon as Jehoida was dead, and his restraining influence had ceased, came to the king, and by their insinuating address gained such an ascendancy over him, that he entirely renounced the good principles which he had received in his youth; and at the suggestion of his new counselors, established the worship of idols: And the people soon left the house of the Lord God of their fathers, and served groves and idols, till the divine displeasure kindled into wrath and consumed them.

In this time of alarming degeneracy and threatening calamity, there were some faithful prophets who testified against the apostasy of the people and labored to bring them back to the Lord; but, were unsuccessful: Among others, Zechariah, a son of the late priest, publicly expostulated, warned and entreated: Why transgress ye the commandments of the Lord that ye cannot prosper? because ye have forsaken him, he hath forsaken you: And they conspired against him, at the commandment of the king, and stoned him to death in the court of the Lord’s house. Thus Joash the king, the historian subjoins, remembered not the kindness, which Jehoida had done him, but slew his son, who, when he was dying, foretold that the Lord would look upon it and require it; which was fulfilled in a most memorable, melancholy manner.

This in substance is the history of Joash; and it may lead us to some profitable reflections.

1. We are reminded of the beneficial effects of a religious education. Although, it does not always prove as successful as might be hoped, yet there is always some benefit resulting from it; if not to those who are the immediate subjects of it, yet to others around them; and it is usually beneficial to the subjects. It operates, at least, as a restraint from vice and an aid to virtue, if it does not permanently improve the heart.

2. We see, in connection with the case before us, the fatal effects of listening to the advice of the wicked. Good beginnings are often defeated by corrupt counsel. Few youth ever enjoyed greater advantages, or seemed to make a better use of them, for a time, than king Joash. But as soon as his late instructor was laid in the grave, all his promising beginnings were blasted at once by the advice of wicked men.

3. Another thing observable, in view of the character before us, is the happy influence of religion in a ruler. As our observations upon this head will be predicated upon the character of Joash, we may here premise, that our deductions or references will respect him as he appeared in the days of Jehoida; not as he in heart may have been: We shall not stop to enquire, whether he acted solely under the influence of this pious priest; or whether his own feelings then cordially acquiesced; or in what sense, or to what degree, he, destitute as he was of a permanent principle of holiness, is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord: It is sufficient for our present purpose to consider the religious part of his reign, and recommend it to others in authority.

Great good was done and much evil prevented under this part of administration. The nation, from the grossest idolatry, was raised to the rank of revealed rational religion. The king’s zeal provoked many; he led the way to this general reformation; his subjects fell in and followed of course. A ruler, who possesses the confidence of the people, and administers under influence of religion, as every one ought to, becomes a minister of God to the people for good, and may do wonders; may not only preserve the civil privileges, and promote the temporal prosperity of his subjects, but also enhance their spiritual happiness. Not that he can renew or sanctify a sinful heart, which is God’s prerogative; but he may honor, advocate and support the institutions by which God usually effects these ends. He may enact laws for promoting the observance, and for preventing the profanation of the Sabbath; for the encouragement of virtue and for the suppression of vice; for the distribution of justice, and for staying oppression; and having made, he will urge a prompt obedience to them. The former is useless without the latter. What is there, terrific, or restraining in a law which shrinks at the touch of the transgressor, or approaches him with a sluggish pace? While judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, the wicked walk on every side, the enemy rush in like a flood, and perilous times appear: Shall I not visit for these things, shall I not be avenged on such a people, saith the Lord? But let a magistrate, as he would avoid perjury, act agreeably to his oath, put on judgment as a robe, clothe himself with righteousness as he is clothed with authority; gird on his armor, and become a terror to evil doers: Let him mingle mildness and mercy with justice; but while slow to condemn, be ready to protect; let him confirm the maxim, that the certainty rather than the frequency of punishments prevents crimes. Ah, rather let the transgressor pity the magistrate, and not challenge him to extremities; or have compassion upon himself, regard his own interest, refrain from his violations, reform, and consign the law to oblivion.

Is it not a little surprising, that men should lay violent hands upon any, and especially upon the principal pillar of civil, social and religious order, and tear down the edifice upon their own heads? And yet nothing less than this is the tendency of every breach of the Sabbath. Strike off from your calendar, this sacred day, or profane it which is the same thing, and you drive away with it the appalling presence of God; the sense of man’s accountability; the solemnity of an oath; the thought of a judgment to come, and all the influence of morality and virtue; and where is your safety for your persons, or your property, to say nothing of your spiritual prospects?

In renewing our remarks upon the influence of religion in rulers, we may observe, that many will always form their opinion of a government from what they know of the characters of the men who administer it. They are better judges of the private characters of men, with whom they are conversant, than they are of the constitutionality, tendency or propriety of their political measures. When a government is administered by men of acknowledged wisdom and rectitude, it will have the confidence, attachment and support of good men. When it is administered by the irreligious and vile, it will be dreaded and despised.

A sound judgment and a general knowledge of the public interest are necessary qualifications in rulers; but these, useful as they are, will not ensure them the respect and confidence of an enlightened and virtuous people, unless they themselves are so. The greater their abilities and acquirements, if they are believed to be destitute of moral principle, the more they will be objects of fear and distrust. The servile and corrupt will seek and secure their favor, by co- operating with them in their nefarious designs; but good men, alarmed and discouraged at the degeneracy of the times, will, like Aristides the just, give way to the ambitious; submit to the Ostracism; retire into the shade, accounting, in such a state of things, a private station the most honorable post. It is expected of the ministers of the gospel, that they be fearers of God and haters of covetousness, patriotic and pious, not seekers of their own emolument and promotion, but of the welfare of their people. And why may not the same be reasonably expected of the ministers of state; and if essential to the former, why not to the latter? And alike endowed, and united in their exertions, how much may they strengthen each others hands; how much promote the public weal; purify the morals, correct the principles, perpetuate the peace and enhance the happiness of community?

The examples and exertions of men in places of public trust, are generally more influential and effectual, and more likely to be imitated, than those of other classes, who move in the lower walks of life. Their elevation renders them conspicuous, and attracts the public attention. Besides, there is a general disposition in people to pattern after their superiors; but unfortunately, they more easily learn to imitate their vices than their virtues. For this reason, men who are clothed with power, or raised by their wealth above their neighbors, ought to feel themselves in a degree responsible for the behavior of those around them.

While speaking upon the influence of example, we may observe, that good example acts with the greater effect, because it reproves without upbraiding; and teaches us to correct our faults, without giving us the mortification of knowing, that any but ourselves have observed them. We feel the force of counsel or authority, in proportion to the degree in which it is exemplified by the one from whom it proceeds. The best counsel from one who obeys not his own precepts, nor practices upon the principles of his own statute or creed, will generally be but little regarded.

“Would you, your public laws should sacred stand,

Lead first the way, and act what you command:

The crowd grow mild and tractable, to see

The author governed by his own decree:

The world turns round, as its great matter draws,

And princes’ lives bind stronger than their laws.”

4. The subject naturally leads us to consider more particularly the connection and mutual dependence of civil and religious institutions. They are the principal pillars of the same edifice; the protection, the temporal and spiritual happiness of man. Impairing this connection is exposing the whole superstructure; is putting asunder what God has joined together; joined and connected, we say, not blended. They are distinct establishments, but mutually dependant, and may be mutual assistants. The connection between them we can trace back to the civil administration of Moses and to the priesthood of Aaron. Though they were appointed to different offices, and in some respects officiated separately; yet in their mission to the children of Israel, they were sent forth together; to walk hand in hand; to speak alternately; to co- operate; to receive and enforce both the civil and sacred law. Under all the primitive dispensations, we find this connection recognized; particularly in the law that required the people to contribute a certain part of their annual income to the support of the services in the temple. Indeed, this connection is explicitly acknowledged in our own State constitution; particularly in the article, which, after specifying that morality and piety give the best and greatest security to government, empowers the legislature to authorize towns and societies to make provision, at their own expense, for the support of public Protestant teachers of religion.

And again: What less than a sense of this connection, is expressed by the oaths of initiation into office? Nay, what less is the intention of our present assembling, but to implore a blessing upon the several branches of our government; thus acknowledging the necessity of religion to a wise administration; and, of course, a readiness to reciprocate the influence it may receive; a readiness to observe and uphold those religious institutions which are the life of rational liberty; the foundation of a free government; and which, in their full, restraining, pacific influence, would be a complete substitute for it. The great use an design of civil government is to enforce the same duties; to restrain men within the same bounds; and to keep them from the same danger; and, in a measure to accomplish the same ends, to which the gospel and its ordinances are directed. The latter, therefore, are a mighty aid to the former; and might supersede the necessity of it; leaving nothing for the ruler to do, but simply to regulate the prudentials of society.

And even the present partial influence of religion, where it is acknowledged and maintained, greatly facilitates and strengthens civil government, and befriends and meliorates the conditions of man. But let it once decline; let its authenticity be doubted and its institutions neglected; imagine, if you can, the fatal effects that would follow! Look at those places, both ancient and modern, where the experiment has been tried; at Jerusalem, after Joash’s apostasy from the worship of the true God, and his establishing idolatry; witness the outpourings of the wrath of God upon him and his subjects. Consider the unparalleled prosperity of Israel, during the administration of King David and that of his son Solomon: and again, the melancholy contrast, the national calamities that followed, as soon as Jeroboam and Rehoboam, in turn, took the reins of government, adopted new political measures, and especially, forsook, and drave their subjects from following the Lord. Oppression, embarrassments and war immediately ensued. But were these special judgments of heaven? Consider, then, the natural political effect.

Let a nation assume the purest republicanism, and work into their constitution the most refined principles of liberty, and then discard the doctrines and crush the institutions of religion, and their fine wrought threads will be wiped away, like a cobweb, and chains will supply the place.

Where there is no influence of religion, of course no inherent principle to govern men, they must be held under restraint and kept in order and awe by the fear of punishment. Republicanism, divested of the influence of religion, sinks into despotism. Not aware of all this, but charmed at the name of the one, and frightened at the sound of the other, nations, not a few, have felt the iron rod and the scorpion’s sting, before they were even apprehensive of danger. The Romans were not only amused, but really made vain, by the boast of their liberty, while they sweated and trembled under the despotism of emperors, the most odious monsters that ever infested the earth. We have heard a more modern people prattle about their rights, shouting liberty and equality, even while tyranny was loading them with chains, dragging them to the scaffold, and deluging their streets with blood. Men frequently start at the name, and at the same moment, greedily grasp the nature of the some thing: frequently in fleeing from the shadow, rush upon the substance.

The soil and atmosphere of Turkey are probably no more adapted to the spontaneous production of despotism, than those of America: Let the latter be divested of the influence of religion, equally with the former, and you probably would see a despotic sway, equally prevalent in both. To improve upon the various systems of government, much has been written upon the balance of power; particularly as to the point where it should be placed. Some have fixed it in an individual; some in a few; and some in a popular government. But after all, unless the scales of legislation and jurisprudence are held by hands sanctified, and steadied by wisdom that cometh from above, they will tremble and waver and give you fraudulent weight. Every government, of whatever form, without the influence of the one thing needful, degenerates into oppression and anarchy: Every ruler, of whatever name, whether king, emperor, governor, legislator, judge or magistrate, without the fear of God before his eyes, without a sense of his accountability, without feeling an interest and a responsibility for the persons and privileges of his fellow men, all which is among the first requisitions of religion, he will become an oppressor to all within his power. As the tyranny of a single despot is more tolerable than that of many, the oppression of a popular government, unchecked, uninfluenced by virtue, may be the greatest of all. The rage of one man, even that of a Tiberius, a Nero, or a Caligula, may be eluded by art or flight; or like a gust, may soon be expended, after having uprooted the trees that overtop the forest; but the frenzy, the fire of the people, once excited to action, by the friction of licentiousness, is universal, unavoidable and irresistible; it sweeps, deadens and demolishes every thing before it. It is a Briareus, with an hundred hands, each bearing a dagger: It is a Cerberus, a Hydra with ten thousand throats, all parched and thirsting for blood. The power of a single despot, like the scorching summer’s sun, dries up the grass, but the roots remain in the soil. But a popular despotism, if I may use the expression, like an Indian tornado, instantly strews the fruitful earth with promiscuous ruins, and turns the sky yellow with pestilence. To approach its atmosphere, is to perish in the attempt. Men inhale a vapor like the Sirocco, or like the effluvia of the Upas, and die in the open air for want of respiration: “It is a winged curse that envelopes the obscure as well as the distinguished, and is wafted into the lurking places of the fugitives.” Indeed the revolutions and consequences of a licentious popular government, are as dangerous and destructive as the irruptions of Vesuvius. They are an earthquake that loosens its foundations, lifts them to the skies, and buries, in an hour, the accumulated wealth and wisdom of ages. Those, who after the calamity, would reconstruct the edifice of the public liberty, will scarcely be able to collect enough of the scattered fragments; to rake out enough from the ruins, to make even a model of the former magnificence. “Mountains have split and filled the fertile vallies; rivers have changed their beds; populous towns have sunk, leaving only frightful chasms, out of which are creeping the remnant of living wretches, the monuments and victims of despair.”

This is no exaggerated description. A review of the history of nations, presents a cloud of witnesses to the melancholy facts. It shows us rulers and governments of every description, when unrestrained by virtue and led on by licentiousness, trampling on the necks, rioting on the spoils, and sporting with the miseries of their subjects. Subjects, falling before them with impious homage, or rescuing themselves from oppression, to run mad with the frenzy of anarchy, and to wanton in plunder and blood. Nations, of this character, as if in love with misery, and unsatisfied to see their sufferings so small, have reached out an eager hand to grasp at woe. Hence war has become a profession for man, and dexterously to wield the weapons of death an honorable achievement. Of course, conquest, like a roaring lion, has stalked around the desolated globe, seeking whom might devour. In his train, ambition has smoked with slaughter; avarice has ground the poor into dust; and pollution, like the messenger of death to the army of Sennacherib, has changed the host of men into putrid corpses: fiends have looked on and triumphed; angels have wondered and wept; and heaven, as if discouraged from efforts, has given up its work to waste & destruction.

God forbid that we should ever see this dismal group, but upon yonder heights of history; yet, let it not be doubted, that every step of degeneracy lessens the distance between us; and tends to bring the whole train to our doors; to lay waste our heritage, and to subject us to all the calamities incident to national apostasy. As it is easier preventing than remedying an evil, let the state, the nation, that thinketh it standeth, take heed lest it fall. Let her know, and attend to the things that belong to her peace and prosperity, before they are hidden from her eyes. Strong as our mountain appears, it may be moved. Those, as strong, and perhaps stronger, have been shaken to the centre. Witness the republics of ancient Greece, and modern Europe; particularly those of Italy, which sickened and died as it were in a day: while virtue was their basis, they stood; when infidelity touched and contaminated them, they fell. “The turnpike road of history is white with the tombstones of such republics.”

Hence we are cautiously to adopt the opinion, that our political probation is ended; that a republican constitution, when “once fairly engrossed in parchment, is prepared for perpetual practice, is a bridge over chaos that defies the discord of all its elements.”

Believe not, my brethren, that these remarks are made to excite false alarm; to weaken your confidence in the state or national constitution, or in those who administer agreeably to their true intent, and the sure standard of righteousness; God forbid, nothing can be further from my heart; but they are designed the more indelibly to impress the doctrine before us, that virtue and religion are essential to the establishment, administration and continuance of a good governmentI would therefore that these suggestions stand as beacons to point out the rocks and whirlpools to which you are exposed, and by which you may, as others have been, be dashed in pieces and swallowed up. I would that they correct, or qualify the prevalent impression, that true republicanism is commensurate with, and inseparable from the American soil; that the genius of genuine liberty has here erected a permanent asylum for oppressed humanity.

Do we open our arms and extend our embrace to every wayfaring foreigner? No matter in what land or language his birth was announced; no matter of what country or complexion incompatible with freedom; whether an Indian, or an African sun may have burnt upon him; whether the sands of Arabia or the snows of Switzerland may have beaten upon him; whether he be from Ceylon or England, from Bombay or France; from the barbarous and impoverished, or from the civilized and improved parts of the world; from heathen or Christian climes; whether he have been consecrated at the pagan altar, or at the baptismal font; “The first moment he touches the soil of America he breathes a new air; he rises in the ranks of rational beings; he stands redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation.”

Do we hold out such alluring encouragements to emigration; let us not deceive, or be deceived; present is not perpetual possession. If we have privileges, let us take care to preserve them. And in respect to the present, particularly, remember, that righteousness exalteth a nation; that it is the life, the substance of a good government; detach it, and you leave nothing but the caput mortuum. They who imagine, says an eminent divine, that if religion and government, in the present state of things, were wholly separated, both would be more perfect; may as well go a little farther, and say, If in such a world as this, body and soul were separated, both would live much betterthe soul would labor better without a body, and the body would reason better without a soul. If a separation be made, the soul indeed will live; but it will pass away, and carry with it all that is rational; and the body will be left a mass of corruption, the food of worms. If from government, you banish religion, the latter will live; but it will take with it all that is amiable and excellent; and government will be like that putrid carcass. It may breed and nourish some odious vermin, but to those who have their senses, it will be an object of disgust and horror. Religion is connected with government by the principles of morality, as the soul is connected with the body by the principles of animation; and in both cases, a separation, though it will not extinguish the former, yet will be death to the latter.

As in point, I will here introduce the familiar remarks of another illustrious Sage, who, though dead, yet speaketh:

“Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness; these firmest props of men and citizens.The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them: A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it be simply asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.” Thus spake the man, whose maxims we delight to repeat, whose memory we delight to honor; thus declared he, the inseparable connection between religious influence and political prosperity.

5. We may next observe, in connection with the character and subject before us, the intoxicating influence of popular favor; and the not less fatal effects of the fear of man that bringeth a snare. Joash, while under the influence of Jehoida and the principles of piety, did that which was right in the sight of the Lord. But after good Jehoida was dead and gone, the subtle princes went and made obeisance to him, and flattered him to renounce Jehoida’s system of religion and government, and try experiments; strike out a new course. He complied; but woeful was the effect. As soon as he forsook the Lord, the Lord forsook him; suffered his servants to assassinate him; and sent an enemy and slew all the princes of the people. Saint John speaks of the rulers of his day, who did not confess Christ, because they were afraid of the Pharisees; loved the praise of men more than the praise of God. Aaron was overawed by the clamors of the Israelites, when he consented to make them an image to worship. Pilate condemned our Savior and sentenced him to be crucified, not because he found him guilty of any crime, but to please the people. Herod, the king, stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the church; killed James, and because he saw it pleased the Jews, proceeded further to take Peter also. Felix, Festus and Agrippa conducted in the same manner, and were actuated by the same motives in the arrest and trial of Paul. And even Peter, if I may mention him in this connection denied his Lord, through the fear of man that bringeth a snare. But the sequel is very different from the other cases: “The blush of dishonest shame had hardly time to tinge his cheek, ere the tears of contrition washed away the stain. The tempter dropt his prey as soon as he had grasped it; the moment of his fall coincided with the moment of his repentance.”

6. We further infer the importance of firmness and stability, particularly to a man in a public station. To these, among other directions, he will do well to take heed: Be not carried about with every wind of doctrine, and cunning craftiness of men, whereby they lie in wait to deceive; but be steadfast and unmovable, always abounding in the work of the Lord. The man in whom I see these exemplified; who, unmoved by the seducing charms of promised promotion on the one hand, or by threatening deposition on the other, conscientiously and self- collected, proceeds to the independent and faithful discharge of his duty; who, like the magnanimous Mansfield, chooses rather to merit and precede, than to run after popularity; who can say, with Paul, “None of these things move me:” such a character, whether in the principal chair of State, in the Senate, at the altar, the bar, or the bench, I venerate; I view him as a minister of God sent to the people for good. Dazzled with his angelic appearance, I almost forget that he is a mortal. Like the polar star, he remains fixed, while the inflated, self- promoted patriots, chase each other, like meteors across the galaxy; they appear, blaze, dash and dissolve.

In connection with the subject, I may, in the next place, respectfully remind His Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, the Senate and House of Representatives, of the high responsibility attached to their respective offices.

 

Gentlemen-

Your appearance here is a proof that you possess the confidence of your constituents, and warrants a belief that you will not disappoint their reasonable expectations. For them you are to legislate; not only so, but for posterity also; future generations, long after you are in the grave, will feel the effect of what you do: were we to predicate your legislative proceedings upon the past, or upon wisdom and prudence, we should predict favorably. Notwithstanding the conflict of political parties, and the several changes of administration incident to popular governments, we are happy to believe that a sacred regard has ever been had to ancient establishments, both civil and religious; and particularly a readiness uniformly shown, to recognize and cherish, rather than to deny and exterminate, their mutual connection and reciprocal influence. And we confidently hope that the same respect will continue to be conspicuous; to be a prominent feature in the government of New- Hampshire.

Any particulars wherein your predecessors may have erred, you will avoid; wherein they have done well, you will go and do likewise. It is presumed that a pacific, tranquilizing spirit will pervade all your measures. You have many motives to moderation and fidelity; but none that ought so deeply to impress you as thisthat you are accountable for all your conduct to the King of kings and Lord of lords; who standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the nations. Your public and private conduct now will have a permanent influence on your future state. You will consider, therefore, that though you are rulers over men, you are God’s servants; and his approbation is of more importance than all other interests. May you have his benediction here, and be thus addressed by him hereafter: “Well done, good and faithful servant; enter into the joy of your Lord.”

As to our late Chief- Magistrate, who for several years held a conspicuous office under the old Constitution, and that of Governor fourteen years under the present, eleven in succession; few have had stronger and more repeated expressions of public confidence; but, as he has done; has closed his political course, and is retiring to private life. we wish him a calm retreat; hoping that the evening of his days will be passed in as much pleasantness, as the meridian has in usefulness; that the gloomy thought of his leaving none in office whom he found there, the most of them having gone to the grave, and that he must soon draw after them, may be cheered by an assurance, that he has not forsaken the faith of his fathers, but has fought a good fight and kept the faith; and that there is laid up for him a crown of glory which fadeth not away.

Men and brethren, rulers and subjects!

Though ye be gods on earth, know that ye must die as men. You have an affecting proof of this, in the recent removal of the amiable and eminent Judge Ellis. While you lament his loss, embalm his memory upon your hearts.

Finally; one thought more, and I have done. My friends and fellow- mortals!

The impression that I shall see your faces, collectively, no more; that this solemn assembly will, identically, meet no more, till they meet at the bar of God, chills my heart, and checks the current in my veins. In taking leave of you, permit me to urge the importance of living in reference to you accountability, and to the consummation of all things. Look forward to your dying day; to the awful era, when time shall be no longer; when these visible heavens shall depart as a scroll; when the elements shall melt with fervent heat; when the earth, and the works that are therein, shall be burnt up; when the Judge shall descend and every eye shall see him; when the last trumpet shall sound, and the dead in Christ shall rise first; then they who are alive and remain, shall be caught up with them to meet the Lord in the air, and so shall they be forever with the Lord. Wherefore comfort one another with these words.

Sermon – Election – 1816, Massachusetts


John Thornton Kirkland (1770-1840) graduated from Harvard in 1789. He was ordained and installed as the pastor of the New South Church in Boston in 1794 and continued there until he was elected president of Harvard University in 1810. He served as president of the University for seventeen years during which time the schools of Divinity and Law were established.


A

Discourse,
Pronounced Before
His Excellency Caleb Strong, Esq.
Governor,
His Honor William Phillips, Esq.
Lieutenant Governor,
The Honorable Council,
And the
Two Houses Composing the Legislature
Of the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
May 29, 1816,
Being the Anniversary Election.

By John Thornton Kirkland, D.D.
President of Harvard University.

Boston:
Printed by Russell, Cutler and Co. for Benjamin Russell,
Printer to the State.
1816.

A Sermon

Psalm CVI. 45.

O visit me with thy salvation, that I may see the good of thy chosen, that I may rejoice in the gladness of thy nation, that I may glory with thine inheritance.

YOU enter this temple, civil Fathers, to offer prayers to the Supreme Governor of Nations for your country, as the object of your cares and labors; and for yourselves, as the appointed guardians of that country’s welfare.

You engage in this solemnity as an act, expressing the obligations and sentiments, at once of patriotism and piety. Impressed with the belief of the presence and agency of the Most High, the source of all life and happiness, the witness and judge of character and conduct, you are led by duty and feeling to his throne. Affected with solicitude for the course of public affairs, and the direction they may receive from your deliberations and measures, you commit to God the commonwealth, and the country for his blessing; and yourselves for his guidance and aid. It pertains to each of you to adopt the prayer of the psalmist, – “O visit me with thy salvation, that I may see the good of thy chosen, that I may rejoice in the gladness of thy nation, that I may glory with thine inheritance. – The nation, with all the separate portions of it is thine, O, God, thy chosen, thy inheritance. It has been enriched by thy bounty, guarded by thy providence, instructed by thy word, corrected by thy visitations of mercy and judgment. Accept the expression of my concern, for what thou hast shewn to be dear to thee. Give me the joy of seeing its prosperity – grant me the privilege of being permitted to co-operate with thee in advancing its felicity and glory.”

It belongs to the man, the citizen, and the Christian, in whatever station, and especially in public office, to have a heart to offer such a prayer as this – to cherish and maintain that affection for the public good, which is implied in his prayer, and carefully and habitually to consider in what that good consists.

I. Let me then speak of the obligation and value of a public spirit – and

II. Offer some remarks on a few of the most important objects of our patriotic solicitude.

We estimate the duty and worth of a public spirit. – The love of our country, rightly interpreted, is a disposition approved by reason and religion, as well as dictated by nature. The feeling of citizenship, and of political duty, is an essential expression of that charity, which the gospel enjoins. It is a branch of the love of our neighbour, operating according to occasions, and extending from the parts to the whole. It is the affection, which is due to human nature, to man as man, directed to those members of the great family, who are near us, and to whom we have most opportunity to be useful. If we are to love all that good and excellence which we can produce or affect, or only imagine, we are undoubtedly to express our benevolent regards towards the country or district which is the seat of our personal enjoyments, the proper sphere of our activity, and the station assigned us by Providence for the exercise of every social duty. Self love is in alliance with principle to endear a home, a native land to every human heart; to give us an interest in a society with which we must rise or fall; to engage our attachment to the spot where we first draw our breath, and where our tender infancy was reared; with which are associated all the soothing remembrances of early years, and all our hopes of quiet and serenity in the evening of our days.

The sympathies and affections that grow out of the near relations of private life, constitute elements of the love of country. It presents itself to our thoughts with the recollection of a mother’s smile, a father’s revered image, with the loved idea of a spouse and child, a brother and a sister, a benefactor and friend, and from this connexion has a power over our feelings that makes patriotism an instinct. A common interest in ancestral worth promotes this affection. We love our country for the sake of those who have loved and served it in former and later periods; honored worthies, whose labours have subdued her fields and wisdom guided her councils, and eloquence swayed her assemblies – whose learning and talents have exalted her name – whose piety has sustained her churches, and valour defended her borders.

Religious sentiments and emotions hallow the feeling that unites us to our own land, and to one another. Here is the church of the Most High, and here the houses of our solemnities in which we are accustomed to seek the favour, and celebrate the praises of the God of our fathers, the God of our salvation.

The marks of divine favour shown to our nation, the striking interpositions of Divine Providence, in our behalf, cannot fail to enliven the patriotic sentiments of a pious mind.

There is no want of arguments and motives to cultivate in ourselves and others a public spirit. Truly the maker of our frame and the disposer of our lot, requires us to regard the advantage and honor, to feel for the dangers and sufferings – to wish well to the inhabitants of the country, which we call our own. All should care for all, bound together as they are by strong and tender ties, with interests blended, and though various, not opposite. Geographical divisions must not be suffered to limit the walk of our benevolence; nor shades of difference in religion, manners, state of society, to make us aliens; nor should the passions produced by competition for influence, nor even the sense of unfriendly conduct in one section towards another countervail, though they cannot but impair the force of incentives to sympathy and expanded patriotism. It is right to feel a peculiar and intimate concern for the smaller divisions and communities to which we immediately belong. For members of a great confederacy to have no country but their State, of a State to be indifferent to all but their own town or district, is miserable narrowness or overweening self love. To be destitute of local attachment, on the other hand, and to have proximity and distance, alike to our feelings, is against nature, and truth and reason.

I have hinted at a few of the ties which bind us to the place of our nativity, or to the collective body on which we are members.

II. I proceed to point out the objects of patriotic affection. What is in the operation of a real public spirit – and what are a few of the most important interests included in an enlightened and regulated attachment to country? I select a few topics for general remarks. I do not think to speak of all the effects and appearances of this principle, or represent all the great things, good and bad, which it has proved itself able to achieve; still less to describe the consequences of its irregular, eccentric and criminal action. When the love of our State, association, country is not merely principal, but exclusive, or when it is uninformed, or misguided, when it is only another name for selfishness, cupidity, resentment, or party feeling, it must generate sins and follies. It may prompt us to justify and encourage the community, or those who direct its affairs, in wrong; to serve the views of our country at the expense of justice or humanity; to flatter her passions at the sacrifice of her interest, or to help her to accomplish a present purpose at the price of her permanent good; to be not only tender, but blind to her faults. It may require us to partake her guilt, or meet her frown – to lend countenance to the excesses of her pride, and the pretensions of her vanity, or be considered doubtful friends, or perhaps real enemies.

Whilst I turn from this dark side of the subject, and abstain from dilating on the sinister effects of mistaken, or spurious patriotism, I shall also decline topics relating to the intricacies of government, that most complicate of sciences, and difficult of arts. I shall not attempt to find out new doctrines, or to throw new light upon those, which are old; but invite you, honoured auditors, to contemplate received but important truths respecting the duty and welfare of rulers and people.

I shall make observations on several of those general interests of a community which claim and occupy the solicitude of the enlightened patriot, which all persons, according to their abilities and means are bound to regard, and particularly those who are charged with public functions, and which a good citizen and a serious Christian can ask a righteous God to favor.

1. The thoughts, wishes and prayers of a good man are directed to the civil government of his country. – Without government there can be no society.

The government of every collective body of men is its blessing or its scourge; sometimes both by turns, or both with deductions and mitigations. Who shall be the depositaries of power, and how they shall discharge their trust, are questions which may involve every social benefit and external religious privilege. Whether the possessor of authority, the monarch, elective chief magistrate, or popular leader, be wise or weak, devoted to a part or considerate of the whole, guided by principle or swayed by passion, decides much of the good or evil of a state or nation. Thanks be to God, who though he tries and visits, does not any where wholly forsake the children of men, nor leave them without check or remedy, entirely to the passions of one another, that the worst government is better than anarchy; that amidst all the flagrant defects and abuses of civil institutions, arising from the excess of resistance or restraint, from faction or despotism, so many of the sources of human subsistence to accommodate themselves with greater or less contentment to evils resulting from established modes, and that so much of the happiness of every individual is derived rather from his feelings and character than the precise circumstances in which he is placed.

The specific form of the government is commonly determined for us by the order of Providence; authority being variously distributed, in hereditary or elective rulers, in a few or in many, by the operation or permanent and uncontrollable causes. Our business in this respect is seldom to change or abolish, but only to preserve, amend or improve the existing arrangement. The fortunes of our country are, under Heaven, staked on the issue of popular constitutions. The Supreme Disposer has assigned us these American States the solemn, the interesting destination of being the subjects of an experiment, on an extensive scale, on the capacity of men in society for self government.

Happy for the result, if those who are to feel the restraint of laws have integrity and wisdom for their enaction and administration; – happy if the sovereign, the popular majority, have the magnanimity and uprightness to bind himself to his duty, and refrain from all oppression of the minor part, overcoming the temptation to “feel power and forget right.” It is included in our love of country to be attached to this republican form of civil polity, for its intrinsic advantages, and its adaptation to our character and habits and state of society, not because we think it absolutely best for every people under all circumstances; and that those who are not governed upon our model, are, of course, objects of our pity. Events of late years have brought just discredit upon political doctrines derived from metaphysical abstractions, in contempt of simple matters of fact. The project of applying a form of polity to a nation, without regard to circumstances, has been tried; and for a series of years, it produced scenes which surpassed description, at which humanity recoiled; till at length, after dreadful agitations, it subsided in a government so essentially military and despotic, that neither the actors in it nor the world could bear it. We are attached to our republican constitutions, because they are the best for us; because, after all deductions, they have accomplished much good, and proved better than the fears of some of their truest friends; because they have cost the painful consultations of our wisest and best men to frame, and their strenuous exertions in successive periods to maintain. – We prize them for the dangers they have passed, and the storms they have had strength to outride. – Who will not wish and labor to preserve us a republic as long as possible, knowing that we cannot cease to be so without fearful convulsions, and the hazard of evils of immeasurable extent and indefinite duration? – Shall we not pray to the God of our fathers to secure to us the benefit of their councils and toils, and for this end to direct us in the proper methods of making our forms of government adequate to their purposes; to establish in the hearts of all a sacred respect for those fundamental laws and compacts, the constitutions, designed to restrain the majority in the exercise of their power; and a disposition to amend and improve them in the spirit, which presided in their formation? May he vouchsafe to incline us always to “seek of Him a right way for us, for our little ones, and for all our substance.”

2. Not only government, but liberty is comprised in the wishes and prayers of a good man for his country. National independence, civil and religious freedom, are precious gifts of the Author of good. The love of liberty is the impulse of nature; and the love of regulated liberty, the effect of love to mankind. We of this country may surely hold independence dear, whose fathers preferred a wilderness to bondage, and afterwards breasted the hazards of revolution, and met the perils and toils of a long and doubtful war, to bequeath the blessing to their children. We of this age may well prize the possession, who have seen the fate of nations, bowing to a haughty and inexorable master, bound to a foreign will, their spirit crushed under the yoke of a relentless conqueror, their treasures exhausted to satiate the rapacity of invading armies, and their sons compelled to fight the battles of a stranger. – Patriotism exalts the blessing of freedom as friendly to the exercise and improvement of all respectable faculties of man, and auspicious to the discovery and communication of truth. It gives dignity to character, and interest to existence.

Whilst the lover of his country and his race covets their rights for his fellow men and fellow countrymen, he intends real not spurious freedom, the substance, and not merely the form. He wishes that civil liberty may be understood; that it may be known to consist not so much in the power as in the security of every citizen; and in his power so far only as requisite or useful for his security. He prays that it may be esteemed the fruit of civil establishments and laws, and the cause, not of the poor against the rich, and of the humble against the eminent, but the protection of the weak from the strong, of the simple from the cunning, and the innocent from the guilty. – It is “equal rights, but not to equal things.” It secures to every one his honestly acquired condition, however peculiar and distinguished, and is the guardian alike of the riches of the opulent, and the pittance of the necessitous.

The desire of the end implied regard to the means. The friend of his country wishes and prays that the virtues on which liberty depends may mark the character of the people; that the constitutional barriers, designed for its safeguard, may remain inviolate; that in the State and in the Nation it may be always under the patronage of a legislature, actuated by a regard to the public welfare, and if not exempt from attachment to party, not blinded or corrupted by it – sacrificing private views and passions to justice, and integrity; of a judiciary, skilled in jurisprudence, with an equal concern for the rights of all parties, unawed by the fear of encroachment from the other departments of the government; of an executive, employing its authority and influence, not with an anxious view to the prolongation of its power, or for the indulgence of its resentments, but to promote justice and union at home – safety and respectability abroad.

He must desire that the benefit of the religious liberty, provided by the constitution and laws, may not be defeated by the prevalence of a spirit of exclusion and monopoly among the members of the same body of Christ. – He prays that the God of truth and love will direct each one to such views of his duty, as will reconcile his adherence to the dictates of his own conscience, with a reasonable respect for the conscience of his neighbour.

Finally, it is worth of a wise and good man to avoid being too much disturbed by the collisions and contests that are incident to liberty, and are the price of it; convinced that “liberty with all its parties and agitations is more desirable than slavery” – that we are placed in this world for exercise and discipline, to find our chief good in disposition and character; that the relation of living active natures to each other is not merely that of juxta position and place, “like that of stones in a wall or an arch, but of activity and co-operation in different functions, of balance, counterpoise, and mutual correction, where the operation of any single power may be partial and wrong, and yet the general result, salutary and just.”

3. The means of subsistence and the degree of plenty and wealth in a country, enter into an estimate of the general good. While the protection and encouragement of the diversified industry of a people constitute one of the stated cares of the public functionaries, they have a peculiar and often arduous charge in the duty of providing and managing the revenues of the state.

There are many important truths and maxims, relating to the value and use of wealth, not always sufficiently regarded and felt, which the limits of the occasion do not allow me to offer to your attention.

The common good requires that men in the advancement of society should be influenced by the desire of gain, beyond the supply of the mere necessaries of life. It has its appointed place among the inferior aims and immediate motives designed to act upon human nature, in subordination to higher principles; and to be regulated, not suppressed. “It is the office of reason and religion to give the appetites and passions their task – not to do it for them.” This desire has a claim to be encouraged within proper limits, as a stimulant to enterprize, and to the prosecution of beneficial arts and employments; as a motive to attach men to their private concerns, and to annex pleasure to success in their pursuits. A busy life is a school to call forth the faculties, and form the virtues. Whilst we acknowledge the uses of a measured love of gain, we have a reason to deprecate the evils of its excessive and irregular operation. It is liable to become a restless passion, a diseased not a healthy action – the source of inquietude, injustice, envy. The philanthropist and the patriot does not desire nor expect to have wealth divested of attraction; but he wishes and prays that men may feel enough of its excitement to be worthily and diligently occupied, without that greedy appetite for accumulation, which corrupts and debases the character, and opposes the nature of things and the institutions of society. For after all that the most paternal and most prosperous government can do, to place riches within the reach of all, it is only a small number in any community who can possibly be opulent, whilst the great body of persons can go no further that obtain a healthy subsistence by the constant application of their skill and labor to some vocation. – Shall we all be unhappy at wanting the superfluity which the order of things makes attainable only by a few? It is peculiar to our country to have resources to feed the “mouth of labour,” however multiplied its wants. We have cause to acknowledge our distinction in the circumstances that enable the least favoured part of the society to subsist by moderate exertions, exempt from the necessity of that excessive toil, which wastes the health, exhausts the spirits, discourages virtue, and surrounds life with cheerlessness and discomfort. Where the wealth that is diffused in a nation is the consequence of good habits, of diligence, skill in arts and frugality, where it indicates the security of property and a good administration of the laws, it is a subject of felicitation. If it be the fruit of injustice or rapine, and the source of licentiousness and prodigality, it cannot be regarded as a public blessing.

4. The social felicity of a country is involved in its condition of peace or war. Shall not a good man pray and strive that his country may never incur the guilt of unjust and unnecessary war; that she may not bring on herself and others, the moral and physical calamities attending a conflict of arms, by insisting on doubtful rights and minor interests; that she may have the virtue and wisdom to grapple with the prejudices and aversions, that tend to pervert the judgment on difficult questions, and to widen breaches, that a disposition to amicable compromise might find a way to heal? While the man with public affections, covets peace and deprecates war, and most of all, war which good and honest counsels in the rulers and a reasonable temper among the people might prevent; he knows that he is not allowed to think his country exempt from the danger of this calamity – War may be required to be chosen, as the least evil. It may be necessary to decide the question of existence, or of security – War or subjugation may be the only alternatives. It will be no strange thing, if those, who have the power of peace and war in a country, though with no more of moral infirmity than may belong to minds generally upright, shall fail to escape the hazard of a deceived conscience; and in cases which make a strong appeal to  the feelings, shall have their judgment of right and wrong disturbed, and mistake the illusions of prejudice and passion for the indications of duty and honor; brandishing a sword, which should never have been drawn from its scabbard. Not to supply a forethought excuse for taking arms without necessity, but to show our nature and circumstances, it is proper to observe, that the lover of peace is compelled to admit, that there is sometimes and inveteracy in the disease of the collective body, that will yield to none but an extreme remedy; a misapprehension and intractableness upon certain subjects and relations, the long continued effects of which may be worse than the consequences of open rupture. The event may prove, that war is in some cases a method of teaching lessons, which will not be learned in any other school; and serves to dispel mists and calm agitations, which have never ceased to endanger and harass the vessel of state. Whether a patriot shall have reason to pity or congratulate his country in such a season depends on her cause and her conduct.

Does she contend for safety and true honor, and manifest the virtues that answer to her condition, he does not consider her state as necessarily a state of misery. In a pacific and in a hostile position, the happiness of a people is to be measured by their observance of disregard of the maxims comporting with their advantages and their trials.

Whoever values peace, will be obliged to desire for his country the military and naval preparation necessary to maintain it; – believing that till the world shall greatly mend, the ability and disposition to repel aggression, will afford one important security against encroachment, and hoping, at the same time, that the union of moderation and energy in the public councils will save the occasion of applying the public force.

Internal peace is a vital blessing and a religious as well as a social duty. “If it be possible, as much as lieth in you live peaceably with all men.” – It may indeed be difficult or impossible. Where the tranquility of a country proceeds from the impotence of forbearance of those who suffer wrongs which they seek in vain to have redressed, wrongs inflicted by the many on the few, or the few on the many, it is real war, though all on one side; and is a condition of the citizens aggrieved, which breeds in the mind animosities of the most rancorous kind.

It pertains to the character of a good citizen to prevent the causes not less than to control the effects of contention; to endeavor to correct the false views, to rebuke the eager desires, the fierce jealousies, the keen resentments that are incident to a popular government; to check the fermentation of discordant elements; and obviate the consequences of rival pursuits, and the contests of proud and ardent minds for the distinctions of life and places of authority and renown.

5. The happiness of a people is connected with their character, intellectual and social, their manners, improvements, and accommodations, the quality and directions of their tastes and desires. Here is a wide field foe the enquiry, the observation and influence of a person interested in the public welfare – in whatever tends to make power safe and salutary, and obedience liberal and cheerful – in whatever contributes to multiply the sources of innocent enjoyment, and to strengthen the foundations of order and virtue.

I confine my remarks under this head to the importance of the diffusion of knowledge, and the cause of education.

Sciences and arts belong to the unrestrained progress of society. Knowledge may be abused. Yet light should be better than darkness. In an enlightened and inquisitive period, undoubtedly some will be found, with half learned twilight views, that serve rather to minister to presumption than to render the possessors of them more useful; and seem to justify a wish that they knew less or more. They may be prone to misapply their smatterings of science and shreds of learning, and set up for teachers and reformers of the world without qualifications. Yet the diffused cultivation of the mind and the taste should seem to be attended with a great over balance of good. It exalts the character of the individual; it strengthens and multiplies the social ties, and adds value to intercourse; it gives a higher enjoyment of the gifts of nature, and what is beautiful and orderly in the frame and course of the world. Inquiry should be friendly to true religion; morals should be promoted by the study of the nature and the relations of man. Public opinion has a subtle and mighty influence. Must we not desire and endeavor to have it intelligent – What will be the consequence in the political body, of the wide diffusion of the right of political deliberation and function among a people very imperfectly instructed, or extremely ignorant. It is true that private persons are not called on to prescribe remedies for the public disorders; – but they are obliged to exercise a choice about the physician; and in judging of men, have occasion for a degree of light on the utility of measures. Will not a knowledge of the mechanism of society and of the principles and preservatives of social order, fit and dispose men for their civil duties? In a country and form of society in which, by the exertion of talents and industry, any individual, born in the obscure walks of life, may raise himself above his present condition, it is a duty of patriotism and benevolence to provide for every one so much education, as, in the event of an advantageous change in his circumstances, may enable him to make his advancement a good, and avoid the inconvenience and mortification of gross illiterateness.

The interests of education awaken the solicitude of every considerate and benevolent man. Education was a chosen care of our fathers. It has engaged the frequent and earnest attention of their descendants, both in private and public capacity. It lies with you, guardians of the State, charged with the patronage of good institutions, it lies with all the teachers and guides of the young, and with us, especially, who are intrusted with public seminaries, to feel the greatness of this concern. It is indeed a solemn and affecting inquiry, what man can do, by early culture, to assist the powers, to model, to control the thoughts, principles, affections, actions, habits, character of man. By what methods shall we seek to preserve the succession of young and helpless generations from the waste of talents, the perversion of feelings and the ruin of hopes, to which they are exposed; how insure the progress of their minds and the development of their virtues; how make their existence a blessing to society, to themselves and to those from whom they sprung; in what manner shall we best do, what can be done but once; and seize the fugitive moments of uncertainty and contest, on which their character and destinies are suspended?

The solution of these interesting problems is under God’s blessing, to be sought in the influences of the family society and of religious institutions, of the school and academy; and of the seminaries for enlarged education.

These seminaries have ever been considered with us a public not less an individual interest. They are approved methods of preserving and extending the knowledge of the various departments of literature and science. They are designed to train a portion of each succeeding race who may be qualified for responsible situations in the community, for the learned professions and for public stations. A limited number of persons, formed in a course of rigorous mental discipline, answer to the exigencies of the social body, and fill a place, which cannot be left vacant.

While the University and Colleges in this Commonwealth have found their objects espoused by generous individuals, and have received from private munificence large endowments for various branches of instruction; and means for enabling them to give the public the benefit of distinguished powers drawn from every class of citizens–the Government of the State have thought it their duty to encourage and partake of these good services rendered to the cause of knowledge and education, by stated and occasional aids for these purposes, in former times, and recently, by a liberal benefaction. Thus have they evinced their participation in the spirit and principles of our ancestors in relation to the concern of the republic in our seats of learning. We trust the fruits will appear; that our University and Colleges will be enabled and excited more and more to promote the diffusion and to extend the boundaries of knowledge, and to send forth continually, learned, pious and virtuous youth to support and adorn the church and the state.

6. The morals and religion of a people are primary objects of solicitude to a lover of his country, and of mankind.

The other interests of individuals, or of the public, which I have considered, are subservient to these; and of little or no value without them. Every plan of escaping evil, or obtaining good, that depends on external things, is either inpracticable in its nature, or of temporary duration. We rely in vain on peace and freedom, riches and territory, letters and arts, without virtuous principles and habits to direct their use and secure their continuance. Could a corrupt nation be prosperous they would not be happy. Happiness is suspended on disposition and character; and refuses to dwell in disordered hearts, or be the portion of those who are slaves to their evil passions. Virtue is more than well conducted selfishness, more than prudence; it is a principle, sentiment, affection, operating in actions; it is the love and practice of what is right. Yet individuals and a people have abundant reason to look for the greatest aggregate of good in adherence to rectitude. Virtue is wisdom, and includes prudence and discretion. Vice is a canker, a poison, tainting the sources of enjoyment. A curse hangs upon the steps of wickedness; and criminal passions, in one form or another, react, in bitter consequences, upon those who indulge them, while good intentions, integrity, and beneficent conduct, have a sure reward. Instructors and monitors, with more or less light and power to engage us to the practice of virtue, present themselves in our frame and situation, in reason, and the sentiment of order and fitness, in natural conscience, in the desire of personal well being, in the social affections, and the sense of reputation, in positive laws, in the lessons derived from the experience of life, and from the observation of a moral Providence. Here are some valuable sources of morals. So many inducements and restraints must have some effect. But after all that they can do, more is wanting to withstand the powerful tendencies to evil. Dwarfish virtues, gigantic vices, dissatisfied hearts, furnish melancholly proof that more is necessary to resist the tyranny of appetites and passions – to overcome the moral lethargy to which we are liable – and produce a genuine rectitude of temper and conduct. Human tribunals have but a limited jurisdiction. The law of honor fails to include some of the most essential virtues, is capricious, and in some things hostile to reason and humanity. How often is natural consequence overborne or mis-guided – Natural affections are vague and uncertain guides. Motives drawn from enlarged self interest are subject to many defects. The profitable and the right appear here and there disjoined, and we are compelled to witness prosperous crimes and defeated virtues — the discomfiture of a good cause, and sufferings and losses incurred by integrity. We are tempted to sacrifice a principle to an end, and pursue the expedient in violation of the right.

In the exigencies of our moral relations, our was is obscured, our strength insufficient, shall we not look beyond this narrow world, this limited sphere; – and hear the call, invoke the aid of heaven-born religion? Let us ally ourselves to the power that made us. Virtue is God’s law. It is under the patronage and protection of a rewarding and avenging Deity.– By his unalterable will, virtue and happiness are, in the ultimate result, bound together in an indissoluble chain. Think not, short-sighted presumptuous mortal, to make a computation about the possible advantage of doing wrong in a single instance. Never imagine that you have an inducement to attempt to serve or deliver yourself by departure from right – or any reason to be discouraged from duty by a doubt of final support and reward. Say you that natural religion leaves these truths open to question? We have the articulate voice of God, an extraordinary light from heaven to dispel every doubt, to make them clear and certain.

The christian revelation establishes the doctrine of the universal and absolute safety and final benefit of virtue – of the inevitable ruin of vice. It also corrects our misapprehensions of the nature of goodness. It contains discoveries, facts and influences, to make virtue not only a principle, but an affection. It is designed indeed to qualify us for a higher happiness than the world can give. We are acting and suffering for eternity. But it forms a character adapted to the best use of the present life. The christian is to live soberly, righteously and godly in the present world. – The principles and motives of his conduct are chiefly drawn from distant objects; but he is taught that his business lies near at hand. His religion blends itself in one system with the common rules of behaviour, and makes his duties to men duties to God. He is not taken out of society to live in inactive seclusion, but enjoined to be diligent in business, as well as fervent in spirit, serving the Lord. No useful principle or propensity of his nature is eradicated or suspended by religion – but all are controlled and chastised. In whatsoever state he is, he is instructed to be content, whilst he uses opportunities to improve his condition. The gospel is a well-spring of charity. Kind affections, disinterestedness, mutual deference, respect to the rights and feelings of our fellow men in great and in small concerns, mark the temper and demeanor or every disciple of Christ.

Do we desire the good of our native country, the order and peace of the whole community, we shall concern ourselves in every proper way about the means and safeguards of morals and religion. Have we abilities, station, authority, fortune? We can be eminent instruments for advancing the interests of truth, piety and virtue. Are we destined to a smaller compass of action? We may do the little in our power with fidelity. Christians are exhorted to remember, that there is one way of pleading for our principles, faith and worship, a way which is likely to be the most effectual of any, and is liable to none of the objections, which are, with much reason, alleged against many other methods of making proselytes. It is such a method of converting and reforming others as will at least have a good effect on ourselves – it is the practise of virtue, the conscientious discharge of those duties, and the cultivation of those graces which are enjoined by the acknowledged principles of morality, and which, by the confession of all, pertain to the essence of our holy religion.

When we speak of the value of religion to society, we mean the spirit and substance, not merely the form. If it come to be generally viewed as only an engine of state, it must soon cease to be even so much as that. Whilst we must approve decency in all, and wish sacred seasons and rites to be observed, we pray that religion may appear to be the sincere conviction and governing principle of those, who pay it the homage of exterior respect. Do any recommend that as necessary to others, which their conduct shows they do not think necessary to themselves, they are liable to be thought to overrate the importance of their principles, or not to be in earnest in recommending them.

I have represented some of the objects, which the friend of the community and the man of generous spirit, in his private character, and in a public station, considers with affection, which he remembers in his prayers and promotes by his talents and influence: the order, freedom, plenty, tranquility and improvement, the manners, the morals, the religion of his country.

Let us give thanks to the Author of good counsels and just desires, for all the spirit of patriotism which, amidst the influence of selfishness and party, is alive in our state and nation. Let us hold in honor all those in former and later periods, who have sought the welfare of the republic–and particularly, who have maintained the conflicts, incident to the conduct of her political affairs, with unshaken resolution and unwearied patience.

We are this day to take leave of one of this number, for many years at the head of this Commonwealth – who, having declined our suffrages, claims the privilege of a long course of services to authorise his retirement from public cares. Permit me, I ask your Excellency, in the name of those to whom you have devoted your talents and  influence, to express our sense of the value and the importance of your agency in the high and responsible stations, which your respect to the wishes of your fellow citizens and your interpretation of your duty in the aspects of Providence have led you to accept. Permit me to acknowledge in their behalf the benefits of your wisdom, moderation, activity and firmness, displayed in framing the constitutions of the Commonwealth and of the Union, in taking a conspicuous part in administering the government under them, and in maintaining the interests of republican liberty; – your countenance of the cause of learning and education, and your exemplary respect to the religion we profess.

However reluctant to resume the load of public duties, when last called from your retirement, you cannot fail to account it a privilege, to have been the character desired in a period of difficulty and agitation; and to have be resorted to as a shield from the dangers, that seemed to be gathering round us – to have been able, under the favor of Heaven, to guide us safely in a dark and troubled season, and now to resign the chair of the Commonwealth to an honorable man, high in your esteem, with auspices so benign, and prospects so cheering; – the world at peace, and a career of public improvement and happiness opening before us. Your principles and example will continue our valued possession, though your immediate services be withdrawn. The recollection of your public course will enliven our feelings of complacency and confidence towards our republican institutions, which placed authority in your hands, and made it so effectual for the conservation of the public interests.

The affectionate wishes and prayers of your fellow citizens attend your Excellency to the shade of honorable privacy. May the best comforts and hopes gild the evening of your life; and after prolonged years of tranquil enjoyment, in the scenes of your affection and peace to which you repair, may the God you have served receive you from earthly distinctions, duties and trials, to the rest and reward of eternity.

We congratulate our Commonwealth on the election of a Chief Magistrate, acknowledged and honored as a “patriot from his youth,” a laurelled hero of the revolution which made us a nation, a son of liberty, who shared the dangers and councils which were the purchase of our independence; – an able and faithful guardian of our rights and interests in the important offices which he has since sustained, and the object of heartfelt respect and attachment in private life for the virtues of the man and the christian. – May we be worthy of that patriotic solicitude with which he will watch over us, and appreciate the discernment and disinterestedness, which we have the fullest reason to believe will mark his administration. May his feelings be gratified by finding in all who share authority with him, a conciliatory disposition, which he will not be the last to exemplify, and which the circumstances of the times encourage; a disposition to unite moderation with consistency; to embrace openings for concert and co-operation; to remove dissentions, and allay animosities, and soften the acrimony of party.

We bid his Honor, the second Magistrate, a respectful and cordial welcome to a renewed participation in the councils of the State. May he have the joy of seeing the objects of his affection secured; – the interests of order, of freedom, of learning and religion, which have ever derived support from his influence, countenance from his example, and encouragement from his liberality.

We tender respects and felicitations to the Honorable Council, to whom, entrusted with delicate and important functions, we have been accustomed to look for enlightened views of the public welfare; for equity and candor joined to a steady adherence to the sentiments of duty – may they have the gratification of “seeing things go well in our American Israel.”

I respectfully salute the Honorable members of each branch of the Legislature. We rejoice in the pledges of the love of the public, and the eminent ability to serve it, in your respective bodies.

The study of the public happiness is your peculiar care – “the greatest good of the greatest number,” pursued by means adapted to our forms of political association, and consistent with the eternal laws of righteousness. In regard to a great part of our moral conduct, and especially to those cases which arise in legislating for a community, there is scope for deliberation and choice. The general rules are supplied, and ends proposed; but we are left to discover the windings and turnings of the way by the exercise of our judgment and skill. In performing the work of patriotism, our duties are not meted out in weight and measure, but we are subjected to the necessity of the continual interpretation of conscience. To guard against the opposite attractions of private and public interest, and to detect the illusions of prejudice and self love, is the point of solicitude which is surrounded with danger. But upright minds are not left, without remedy, to be perplexed with interminable scruples. They are assured that a good conscience is a safe and sufficient guide; and that an honest intention – with care to enlighten the judgment, constitutes all their concern For the obligation of moral precepts lies only upon our purposes and endeavors, and not upon the events and issues of conduct. Only let us see to it, that because the line between right and wrong is not exactly defined, we do not proceed under the cover of doubts, perhaps even under the pretext of duty, to the gratification of unlawful desires; – nor forget how much it belongs to the human passions to justify themselves, and be blind to all objects but their own. May the “Father and God of mercy send wisdom from his holy heavens, that she may be present with you and labor with you,” and make you the honored instruments of advancing the purposes of divine goodness in favor of your beloved country.

Whilst we rejoice in the pleasing circumstances and recollections of this day, we would take a serious and becoming notice of solemn events, which this occasion brings to our thoughts. Affecting instances of  mortality have occurred, fitted to show us the precarious tenure of our lives, to renew our convictions of truth and duty, and to lead our meditations to that invisible state, where the secrets of all hearts shall be revealed, and the spirits and actions of men be weighed in an unerring balance. The distinguished citizen,[*] to whom the wishes of many would have appropriated the first honors of the Commonwealth, has suddenly fallen beneath the stroke of death, teaching us, in an impressive manner, “what shadows we are, and what shadows we pursue.” Instruct us, O God, Sovereign Arbiter of life and death, so to number our days, at to apply our hearts unto wisdom.

When we think of the condition and prospects of our country, and present our desires in its behalf to the Supreme Ruler of nations, we would not be unmindful of our fellow men in other regions. As men, and as Americans, we contemplate with great sensibility the interesting circumstances of the European world. What extraordinary scenes have passed on that theatre in our days. The spirit of improvement, of reform, and change, became a spirit of innovation and turbulence, till in one country it exploded in a revolution, which tore the fabric of society in pieces. From the ruins, a military power sprung up, whose portentous bulk and formidable strength seemed for a long time to be increased by the efforts made against it. Bu the day of recompenses came; the great disturber of the world was compelled to descend from his elevation. Again, however, he seemed to be resuming his sceptre; – he arose and stood upon his feet, as if his deadly wound was healed, and the spirit of conquest and desolation was again to extend itself over prostrate nations. – But he had gone beyond the permitted line, and was baffled in his purpose. By united councils and efforts, by an emulation in generous sentiments, in willing self devotion, and determined valor, the new danger which threatened the world, was turned away.

Let us pray and hope that the inhabitants of the earth may learn righteousness from the experience of adversity; that the root of the evils, which have afflicted the nations may be cut up; that liberty, with order may be established; that the restored sovereigns, and governments of Europe may be preserved from hurtful extremes, not reviving obnoxious institutions which should be suffered to perish; and that a long period of quiet and improvement may be allotted to that fair portion of the earth.

In a view of the events of Providence, so instructive and monitory, are we not prepared to join in the ascription, “Great and marvellous are the works, Lord, God, Almighty, just and true are thy ways, thou King of Saints. Who shall not fear thee, O Lord, and glorify thy name? for thou only art holy, for thy judgments are made manifest, Amen.


[*] The Hon. Samuel Dexter, after a short illness, died at Athens, in the state of New York, on the 4th of the present month, in the 54th  year of his age.

Sermon – Election – 1815, Massachusetts


Rev. James Flint preached the following election sermon in Massachusetts on May 31, 1815.


sermon-election-1815-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED IN THE AUDIENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY CALEB STRONG, ESQ.

GOVERNOR,

HIS HONOR WILLIAM PHILLIPS, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONRABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE TWO BRANCHES OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 31, 1815.

BY JAMES FLINT,
Minister of the Church in the East parish of Bridgewater.

DISCOURSE.
DEUTERONOMY iv. 9.

Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things, which thine eyes have seen, and lest they depart from thy heart all the days of thy life; but teach them thy sons and thy sons’ sons.

Since the last return of this anniversary, the public mind has been agitated by the most affecting alternations of joy and gloom, of awful apprehension and unmingled gladness. We have witnessed, what at the time we deemed the winding up of the great drama, which, for so man years, had been exhibiting in Europe, in which might nations were the actors, and which awakened the most profound commiseration and terror in the bosoms of all, who beheld the novel and stupendous scenes, which marked its progress. We have seen, also – all thanks to the God of our fathers, who in judgment hath remembered mercy – we have seen the conclusion of the less sublime but to us not less interesting under plot, which our own government, in conjunction with the sanguinary hero of the piece, contrived to weave into that drama. Events so astonishing, so important in their consequences, and so pregnant with solemn and instructive lessons to our country, merit to the indelibly engraven upon our memory by frequent recollection, and that we should teach them, “with lessons they have taught us, to our sons and our sons’ sons.”

I would, therefore, ask the attention of my respected auditors to a brief review of these events, of “the things, which our eyes have seen,” – to a cursory notice of some of the important lessons moral and political, which people and rulers, electors and legislators have alike been taught by these things, and are bound to remember; and lastly, to the mention of certain objects, in the promotion of which every patient and philanthropist, and certainly the appointed guardians of a Christian commonwealth, will feel themselves urgently called upon to exert their influence, from the extraordinary character of the times and state of the world, in which we live.

I. A year has not yet elapsed since the friends of liberty, of religion and human happiness in this country, spontaneously and publicly testified their devout and joyous sympathy with the exulting nations of Europe when they heard the tidings of their emancipation from the galling yoke of tyranny, of their delivered from the desolating demon of war, of their restoration to mild and equitable rule, to the quiet cultivation of the arts and enjoyment of the blessings of peace. We had long taken a humane and anxious interest in the great events, that were passing upon the tragic theatre of the old world. We saw, with dismay and deep concern for the liberty, the religion and all the salutary institutions for the improvement and happiness of civilized man, a stern and unrelenting despot, a contemnor of God and man, at the head of a mighty empire, a leader of unnumbered legions trained to the work of destruction in the midst of atheism, carnage and crimes, accustomed to victory, athirst for conquest and plunder, going forth conquering and to conquer. We saw immense armies scattered before him. We saw ancient thrones, principalities and powers fall prostrate at this approach. We saw kings and emperors casting their crowns at his feet. We saw the iron yoke fastened upon the necks of his victims, while terror stifled their groans. We saw him wringing from them, with insatiable cupidity and unsparing cruelty, tribute upon tribute, sacrifice upon sacrifice of their best blood and few remaining comforts; and all this to rivet more firmly the chains, which bound them to the chariot wheels of their conqueror – to satiate his lust of boundless conquest, and to spread the portentous glare, the blasting splendors of his name and despotic communion over the whole civilized world.

We saw, indeed, one people, and one only, who kept the tyrant at bay, who never bowed the knee to this great Baal, who never trembled at “this goals, who then bestrode the” continental “world.” And this people – shall we not exalt in this claim? – this people are our kindred by blood, the descendants of the brethren of our fathers. Their St. George’s channel, their wooden walls and hearts of oak, and more than all, perhaps, the prayers and slams of their “noble army” of Christian philanthropists formed a barrier, which the myrmidons of the tyrant could never pass. England stood unmoved within view of his shores, queen of isles, mistress of the ocean, vanquisher of his fleet and colonies, the asylum of the proscribed objects of his jealousy or revenge, mocking at his important rage, engrossing the commerce of the world, and carrying, in exchange for the perishable products of their soil, the bread of life, the glad tidings of salvation to farthest Indian, and the remotest islands of the Gentiles.

We saw, in the mean time, the despot inflicting upon his passive subjects and allies unheard of hardships and privations by that barbarous engine of tyranny, the continental system, the only weapon with which he could hope to reach that object of his hate and terror, the maritime supremacy of unshaken, undaunted England. The oppression of this system added to others, stamped with the character of the blackest treachery and most outrageous insult, rouse, at length, the slumbering energies of Spain, stirred the proud spirit of Spaniards, and inflamed with a sudden fever of resentment and revenge the blood, which till then they had seems to have forgotten, that they had derived from a brave and warlike ancestry. We saw and admired their desperate daring, their noble struggle. But we rather wished and prayed, than hoped it would be crowned with success, although backed, as it was, with the generous and powerful aid of England. The then little known, but now illustrious Emperor of Russia, finding his empire degraded and burdened by the conditions, which is an unfortunate moment, he had entered into with the mighty oppressor of the continent – convinced, by the fate of neighboring princes, that to be in league with him in any form was to enter into compact for his own destruction, and that his only alternative in order to save anything from the illimitable claims of his imperial friendship, was to hazard every thing in determined hostility against him – warmed also with a generous glow of indignation at oppression, and animated by the heroic example of England and Spain united – above all, elevated and sustained by a pious confidence in God and the justice of his cause – he prepares and calmly waits for the assault, which he was aware had been long mediated by the modern Sennacherib against this crown and empire. We saw that “scourge of God” go forth in his wrath with his hundreds of thousands madly confident of an easy victory over the only remaining empire of the continent, that had courage and strongly to resist his desolating progress to universal dominion.

The prayers of all who cherished in their bosom a spark of interest for the liberty and happiness of mankind, were earnestly preferred dot the righteous Father of the world, that he would interpose. Neighboring and distant nations seemed alike interested, and alike waited the issue of the contest in trembling suspense. Nor were they left long to doubt of the result. For, behold, “the Lord of hosts, mighty in battle, what his glittering sword, and his hand took hold on judgment.” He not only inspired the hardy men of the north, with unconquerable energy and intrepidity in defense of their homes and temples, and of a severing, whom they loved, because they had found in him, not an oppressor, but a father of his people; but he brought, also, to their aid the irresistible might of his ministering servants, the elements, flaming fire and frost, “stormy wind and tempest fulfilling his word.” He scattered by thousands the carcasses of the invaders in the wilderness. He emphatically spoiled the spoilers. And, by a rapid descent from his dizzy eminence, before the close of a second year from his proud entrance into Russia, at the had of perhaps the most powerful and best appointed army the world has yet seen, we saw this disturber and terror of the world reduced to the condition of a despised, and therefore, alas, unguarded exile – the man, whose plans of empire were bounded only by the limits of the earth, restricted to the diminutive island of Elba, –

“The desolator desolate,
“The victor overthrown,
“The arbiter of others’ fate,
“A suppliant for his own,” –

the nations, that he had subdued, restored to their independence, and the calm of peace succeeding to the tempest of war throughout all Europe. This we saw, and as became men we rejoiced; as became Christians we gave glory to God.

But there was much at that time to damp our joy. We had to blush for our country, that it had taken no part in the triumphant cause of God and man. Had taken no part do I say? O blot of infamy, dark eclipse of American glory! Our country did take part in this cause, but it was against it. The only remaining republic upon earth, a nation descended from freemen, whose proudest boast was their hereditary love of liberty, and hatred of tyranny, harnessed themselves to the war chariot of the tyrant, in which he was riding over the necks of prostrate millions. Yes, the exclusive republicans of America voluntarily added themselves to the long list of degraded nations, who were by force leagued with the infidel power of France, against England; and lent, with cordial good will, their utmost aid to beat down that last remaining bulwark in the old world, of rational liberty, and “of the religion which we profess.”

It was soon seen that we must fare, as men, soon or late, must ever fare, who take side with those, who are at strife with God and right and humanity. When the pitying Father of the world opened his ear to the cries of the oppressed nations, when the measure of their chastisement seemed to be full, and he arose to lay aside, with signal dishonor and contempt, though not, as we hoped, forever, the blood steeped instrument of their correction – when the great instigator and patriot of our wicked war thus became, in the view of all, “a thing of naught,” we were left singly exposed to the merited resentment of our enemy, to the pity or derision of the whole world, and probably, if England had insisted, to united hostility of her allies.

Europe rejoiced, and all good men in this country rejoiced to see, in the fallen fortunes of the tyrant, the removal of that example of successful guilt, which had so long emboldened the wicked in every country, and in none, perhaps, more than in this. The central throne of iniquity, infidelity, perfidy and crime seemed to us to be thus overthrown to its base; and we regarded its wide spread ruins, like the traces of the deluge, as a monument to the world of God’s eternal abhorrence of oppressions, violence and blood – as a lesion of awful admonition to all those, who have been abettors or admirers of the French league of atheistic philosophy and hostility against the most sacred principles and institutions, against the most consoling hopes, against, in short, the virtue and happiness of mankind. We considered this league as effectually broken in the overthrow of the despot. In his fall, we saw the head of this serpent bruised. And we rejoiced to see the death wound, as it then appeared, thus inflicted upon the head of the venomous best in Europe extending downwards, till the tail of it, as we may say, which had twined itself about the Genius of America, felt the unexpected stroke, and writhed in sympathetic agony. Divided as it now was, from its head, and but a fragment of the original monster, although like a monster of the polypus species, it continued to retain feebly the power of life and motion, yet it must ere long have perished of itself, had not the imprudent Hercules, that came to our shores to destroy it, in attempting to tear its poisonous folds from the Genius of our republic, unhappily wounded that Genius in the attempt. 1

This touched our pride of country, and awakened in all a determined spirit of resistance, an united zeal to defend our soil and our cities against every attempt of the enemy, to repeat the humiliating scenes which had been exhibited at Washington and Alexandria. Those, who from principle, abhorred the war in its origin, its entire character and conduct hitherto, now, that it had assume da new character, stood ready to repel the foe that should have the temerity to invade the soil, which they had inherited from their fathers, and which had been consecrated by their blood to liberty and independence.

Dreading and preparing for the worst, the people assumed, as one man, a determined attitude of self-defense. While we had nothing to hope from our own government, except that the necessity of making peace must soon grow out of their inability to prosecute the war, we had every thing to apprehend in the approach of the enemy with his whole force, from the natural disposition of man to avenge, when he becomes strong, an injury inflicted on him when he was weak. At the same time, we had something to hope from the moderation, magnanimity, and desire of peace, previously manifested by the nation, with which we were contending, notwithstanding our government had been the assailants in the unrighteous contest.

Such, for some time, had been the state of things, and of men’s minds, in regard to the unnatural and hopeless war in which, while all Europe had rest, we found ourselves involved. And when we recollect the gloomy aspect of affairs in our country, at that time, and the appalling prospects, which were opening before us – the nation without revenue, the treasury empty, public credit gone, the people shrinking from the oppressive burden of taxes, that was lain and coming upon them, many states beginning reluctantly to contemplate temporary separation of their fortunes from those of the general government, as their only security from ruin – all eyes in the mean time, turned with anxious waiting to receive intelligence from our commissioners at Ghent – the thoughts of all recoiling from the distress, the devastation and bloodshed, which must be the result of another season of hostilities, should England determine to prosecute the war with her undivided strength, and with that spirit of resentment and animosity, which the time and circumstances, in which it had been declared by our government, might seem to justify; – already many thousands reduced from competence to poverty, and other thousands with the same disheartening prospects before them; – when we recollect all this, we cannot wonder at the unexampled rejoicings, and the fervor of thanksgiving to Heaven, which the people manifested at the conclusion of a war, which had been waged at incalculable expense without the attainment of a single object, a single claim, for which it was professedly declared. What stronger evidence could we have that the war was no war of the people’s choosing, that in its whole character and in all its aspects, it was odious and had become insupportable to the great mass of the nation, that the almost frantic joy with which the return of peace, of bare peace, without brining with it the shadow of an equivalent for its absence was universally welcomed.

True it is, we saw nothing of this joy – I speak not here of those brave men, who have fronted danger and fought the battles of our defense “by flood or field” and how have covered themselves and their country with all the glory that can be derived from arms; but we saw nothing of this joy, I say, in those sauntering “dogs of war,” who have been distinguished only by wearing about them the badge which showed to what master they belonged, and who heard the tidings of peace, so grateful to the people, with selfish and sullen regret, that they could no longer fee din idleness at the public charge. We saw, indeed, nothing of this joy in the servile pimps an spies of government, who had been thriving upon the distresses of their fellow citizens, and whose occupation and gains were now at an end. We saw nothing of this joy in the many thousand occupants of new offices, which the war had created, those patriotic pensioners upon cabinet patronage, and who, like so many devouring locusts, had overspread the country, and consumed tis resources. But we saw this joy in all its fullness and sincerity, in those private and peaceable citizens, who could gain nothing by the war, who beheld in the peace a limit to those wasteful expenses, of which they must pay their full proportion out of the hard earned fruits of the sweat of their brow; and who, had the war continued, must have presented their own breasts to an invading foe, in place of that defense, which they had a right to demand of the national government, but which had been to the last denied them. We behold this joy in parents, who in another season of hostilities, were anticipating the dreadful spectacle of their sons lying mangled and breathless courses upon the field of battle – in wives, who were foreboding a final adieu from the husband of their youth – in children, who, catching the contagion of their mothers’ fears, beheld the demon of war robbing them of their fathers.

These rejoiced and still rejoice in the event which bade them dismiss their melancholy anticipations, and welcome the heart cheering prospects of quietness in our borders, of returning propriety, of domestic tranquility, and of fathers, husbands, and sons waiting the gentle summons of nature, instead of the abrupt and appalling signal of battle, to resign their spirits to God, who gave them. And in unison with this joy were all the better feelings and sympathies of the human heart. If some dark and perturbed spirits, “who delight in war,” refused to join in the loud chorus of gratulation and gladness, which rang from one extremity of the union to the other, the bright and lovely train of the civil and domestic virtues, the smiling attendants upon peace, were heard mingling their mild voice in the common joy at the return of their long banished patroness and queen. Humanity rejoiced that the earth ceased to be crimsoned with the blood of man, spilt by the hand of his brother; and that the sword was stayed from adding to the number of windows and orphans. Religion, peaceful daughter of heaven, was glad and hymned new anthems of praise to the God of peace, that her voice, which speaks good will toward all men, was no longer to be drowned in the horrid din of battle, in the groans of expiring nature mingling with the savage shouts of victory. Patriotism exulted that our rapid progress to national ruin was arrested and that happier prospects were once more beginning to open upon our suffering country. Justice triumphed in the vanishing of those unholy visions of conquest, which had so long haunted the disordered imagination of our rulers, which had carried fire and sword into so many peaceful villages of Canada, and which have rendered that province the scene of such boundless waste of treasure, of so many signal defeats and disasters, and of one of two splendid and dear bought, but useless victories. In abort, truth, reason, and common sense, so long exiled from the counsels of the nation, hail with gladness this auspicious pause in the reign of delusion, absurdity, restrictive energy, and mad experiment. And who, that loves his country, will not devoutly pray that the pause may be perpetual?

II. From our hasty retrospect of “the things, which our eyes have seen,” we return to notice, as we proposed, some of the important lessons, which we ought to learn form them, and to “teach our sons and our sons’ sons.”

Let the first be lesson of gratitude to the God of our fathers. However ardent, and strong and lasting this gratitude may be, it can hardly equal what we ought to feel for our deliverance from the confusion and ruin, which but recently seemed inevitable, and that we have escaped, with no heavier loss and suffering, great as these have been, from the rash plunge of the nation into the awful perils of war, at a period when the unexampled terrors and miseries of war in Europe solemnly admonished our favored country to remain at peace, and to mitigate, if possible, instead of adding to the woes of an afflicted and bleeding world.

2. We ought, in the next place, to derive new and deeper convictions, from the things we have seen, of the superintending and controlling providence of the Sovereign of the universe, in the direction of human affairs.

In the astonishing change and revolutions, which have marked the age of wonders, in which it is our lot to live, especially in those which have occurred in Europe within the few last years, the supremacy of God, and the agency of his Providence in the government of the world have been so visibly and remarkable manifested, a that even the blind, one would think must see, the hardened feel and be constrained to acknowledge, “that verily there is a God who judgeth in the earth, who enlargeth of straiteneth the nations, who setteth up on end putteth down another, and who doeth all his pleasure among the inhabitants of the earth, as well as among the hosts of heaven.” When we saw the remorseless oppressor of nations ready to take the last step in his march to universal empire, and we were in read lest the whole Christian world must been beneath the sway of an infidel and ferocious despot, with what ease, how speedily, and in a manner how unexpected did God abase to the dust the pride and the might of “the terrible one,” and exalt the weak to the throne of the mighty.

Fear not, then, ye who tremble because the head of the dragon2 is again lifted up. Let him and his angles renew their impious war. The arm of the Almighty hath not waxed feeble. He hath still his Michael and his angles, by whom he hath once given response to the world, and who, when he commissions them, shall again prevail against he dragon; and in the appointed hour, the monster shall be consigned to a safer prison than the islands of Elba.

3. A third lesson, which we have been impressively taught by “the things we have seen,” – and this is another reason for banishing our fears for the result of the renewed contest in Europe – is, that “the triumphing of the wicked is short.” Never, perhaps, since the generation, which God in his wrath swept from the earth with a flood, – never certainly, in any age, or portion of the world that has been shone upon by the blessed lights of Christianity, has there been such a general and open contempt of all religious and moral obligation, such insolent defiance or denial of the divine government and authority, as has been seen in those parts of the old world, which adopted the principles, and afterwards felt the power of revolutionary France. When we saw this colossal power wielded by an individual, “at whose name the world grew pale,” when we saw him successful in all his enterprises of unparalleled daring and guilt, when we saw his humble admirers and obedient followers sitting in the high places of power in our own country, the entire world, to our desponding fears, seems destined by its incensed Creator to fall under the empire of the wicked.

But when they were rearing the last battlements of their Babel, whose impious height had long insulted the Heavens, and from which they began proudly to dictate their laws to the whole earth, we saw their chief in company with numbers of his satellites suddenly hurled from its summit by the hand of retributive justice. We saw him, for a time, and as we hoped forever, left in miserable banishment to “the vultures of his mind,” his own reflections; and like the wretch in the hell of the poet, to admonish by his doom guilty rulers and their adherents in every country to learn righteousness and to fear God. 3 And notwithstanding his unexpected and, wet rust, short reprieve from this doom, it has given us condoling assurance, in which we will rest, that although men without religion, without virtue, without pity or remorse, “join hand in hand,” abuse power, and “frame mischief by a law,” yet shall not the wicked go unpunished. “As a dream, when one awaketh, so, O God, when thou awakest, shalt thou despise their image. And the righteous shall rejoice, when he seeth the vengeance.”

4. We have, again, been taught, what indeed was foreseen by the considerate and has now been made manifest to all by our ill-fated war, that our form of government, our institutions and habits, disqualify us for engaging in wars of conquest. Events have shown that the attack made upon Canada was as impolitic, as it was cruel and wicked. The crying sin of blood-guiltiness was strictly chargeable, in the view of all men of Christian feelings, upon the authors of that measure; to the honor of New England, it will be remembered that by a large majority of its inhabitants, the measure was regarded in the light of an unprovoked and murderous assault upon peaceable and unoffending neighbors. Nor ought it ever to be forgotten by us, or “our sons, or sons’ sons,” that while the war was thus entirely offensive, a war for conquest, and consequently unjust, God was against us; and we accordingly met only with defeat, disaster, and disgrace. But the moment the character of the war was changed, and become a war of defense, and therefore just, God was with us; and, in every instance of importance, except in the attack of the enemy upon the immediate seat and citadel of improvidence and imbecility, the head quarters of the redoubtable heroes of Bladensburg, we were successful in repelling invasion.

5. This nation, moreover, in addition to the innumerable lessons that have gone before in past ages, have received another, and a very serious one, from the things they have recently seen and suffered, upon that inherent vice and ultimate destruction of all republics, party spirit – a blind devotion of the people to the men, who, to obtain office and power, inflame their passion, and flatter their prejudices and pride of opinion. The people of this country have been taught by bitter and costly experiment, to what evils the indulgence of these passion, these prejudices and this pride of opinion may lead. They have seen for what purposes their antipathies to one nation, and attachment to another have been so industriously cherished by incessantly proclaiming and exaggerating the injuries of the one, and anxiously concealing or excusing those of the other. They have seen that their flatters, and the fermenters of strife and war, have achieved nothing for their country, which they promised – have obtained no security against the violation of “trade and sailors’ rights” and while they have been enjoying the emoluments and honors of office, the people have deprived from their counsels no other fruits than general embarrassment and distress, loss of public and private property, and an entail of taxes, which neither they nor “their sons, nor sons’ sons” will probably see cancelled. The people must, we think, have been feelingly persuaded of the truth of the remark long since made, that “party is the madness of many, for the gain of a few.” We trust that the lessons upon this point, so dearly purchased, will not be lost upon the citizens, who have to pay for it; and that they will learn from it to judge of political as they do of religious profession, by its fruits – to distinguish the true friends and able guides of their country from the smooth and fawning pretender to patriotism and disinterested love for the dear people; and, in future, to trust with office those men only, whose known principles and tried virtues entitle them to the public confidence. To have been once deceived by men who promised fair, proves only that we charitable believed them honest and were mistaken. “But when men,” says an eminent statesman, 4 “whom we know to be wicked, impose upon us, we are something worse than dupes. When we know them, then their fair pretenses become new motives for distrust.”

Tempests, engendered in the natural world, by a foul and heated atmosphere, if they sometimes destroy the fruits of the field and the labors of man, are usually succeeded by a purer air, and a brighter day. Noxious insects, pestilent vapors, and obscuring mists, are dispersed. Objects are seen through a clearer medium, and in a new light; and more distinct and correct impressions of them are conveyed to the mind. We will hope that, in like manner, the tempest and fury of the passion, that have been excited among us, and the storms of war produced by them, now that they are spent and gone by, will be followed by moral and political consequences equally salutary and beneficial to our country. And, great as have been the gloom, and distress, and ruin, which have marked their course, we might pronounce the evil incurred small, compared with the good obtained, should we find that they have also swept away, and that forever, “the refuges of lies,” by which an abused people heave been made the victims of series of oppressive and calamitous measures, the effects of which will be felt long after the present generation shall have passed away.

As it is from experience and by sober reflection upon event, that nations as well as individuals learn wisdom, it is, therefore, the bounded duty of the citizens of our republic not only that they retain in remembrance and meditate much and often upon the things they have witnessed and endured for the last few eventful years, that, soberly viewing the causes and pondering the consequences of these things, they may gather from them the instructive lessons we have noticed and others equally obvious and important; but they are bound also to teach them to their children and to warn them of the dangers to which their prosperity and liberties will ever be exposed, from the arts of ambitious and corrupt men and from their own passions and prejudices.

God, by his servant Moses, enjoined it upon the Israelites, as in our text, to be ever mindful of the astonishing events which they had witnessed alike in their deliverances and their chastisements. They were commanded to teach them to their children, “to their sons’ sons,” that the salutary lessons which they inculcated might be transmitted and perpetuated among them. And it is from what others or themselves have experienced, from recollection of their errors and miscarriages, and reflection upon their causes and consequences that men are admonished, instructed and disciplined into prudence and virtue. This is the great end of God’s various dealings with individuals and nations. For this, history unrolls her faithful records. For this, the faculties of memory and reflection hold so distinguished a place in the endowments of the mind. To consign to oblivion, therefore, when they are past, evens, which deeply affected us while passing – to forget our calamities when they are removed and to avert the attention form the true causes and immediate authors of them or to attribute them to false causes or imaginary instruments, is “to despise reproof and to hate instruction;” is not only, like obstinate children, to suffer the infliction of the rod without deriving from it any equivalent for the smart, but is also to invite a repetition of its strokes.

Surely then, it is not expecting too much from the good sense and calculating character of our fellow citizens that they will divest themselves of the unreasonable prejudices, and attachments of party, the immediate or remote cause of most of the evils they have suffered – that they will turn from their political idols whom they have found to be “vanity and a lie,” to the men under whose auspices they were once prosperous and happy; and that they will yet furnish a refutation of that severe maxim of the statesman before cited, that “the credulity of dupes is as inexhaustible as the invention of knaves.”

III. I hasten in the last place to name to my indulgent auditors – for time will hardly permit me to do more – certain objects, in the promotion of which every patriot and philanthropist, and certainly the appointed guardians of a Christian commonwealth, will feel themselves urgently called upon to exert their influence from the extraordinary character of the times and state of the world in which we live.

1. The passing age has been remarkable for its wild speculations, extravagant theories and daring experiments in government, in morals and religion. The people in our own country, as well as in others, have been taught new doctrines upon these subjects – doctrines sanctioned no more by the sober conclusions of reason than by the voice of experience. Their tendency has been to inflate the minds of the uninformed with an overweening sense of their own lights, of their own important – to weaken their respect for the sound maxims, the salutary principles and usages of our fathers – to loosen and in to many instances, to sever the sacred bonds which bind man in allegiance to his God, in equity and in love to his neighbor, his country and his kind. The effects have been answerable – such as we have witnessed have felt and deplored. The order, virtue, happiness, and stability of our republic have been sensibly impaired – its very existence endangered. To remedy these evils if possible, to repair these breaches will be regarded by every good citizen and magistrate as an object of the first importance. And, if this is ever to be affected in any good degree, it must be brought to pass by the same means by which our fathers founded and built up the social edifice which they left to us strong and beautiful, and taught us by their example how to preserve and enjoy.

They were well aware that no free government could be long supported but by the united influence of knowledge, and virtue and the fear of the Lord generally diffused throughout the great body of the citizens. To promote, maintain, and extend the influence of these qualities they bent all the energies of their powerful minds. To this end looked all their public institutions and laws, all their instructions in the pulpit, the college, the school, and in families – those natural seminaries which under Christian parents are of all others foremost in importance as they are in order, in forming the human mind in imbuing it with pious sentiment and virtuous principle.

In order, then, that our free and equal forms of government, our invaluable institutions and usages may recover of the shocks and long survive the changes which they have recited from the licentious and innovating spirit of the age, the united and persevering exertions of the wise and good in every station, aided as far as may be, by the influence of legislative authority, must be strenuously employed to bring back the people to “the old paths and good ways,” in which our fathers walked – to re-establish the authority of the plain and sure maxims, and to put in more general and vigorous operation those tried and effectual means of diffusing knowledge, virtue, and piety, by which the sons of the Pilgrims that have preceded us, formed of New England “a mountain of holiness, a habitation of whatsoever things are true, honest, just pure, lovely, and of good report.”

Knowing therefore the conditions upon which alone the prosperity and permanency of our republican institutions can be insured, the genuine patriot, whether acting in a private or official capacity, will feel himself bound as he would secure, and transmit to his children the rich privileges which he has inherited from his fathers, to exert his utmost ability and influence to enlighten public opinion, to correct and elevate the public morals, to foster the interests and extend the influence of useful learning and pure religion.

2. I would name another object, which is beginning to excite much attention among the reflecting and benevolent in our own country, which is of universal interest to mankind, and in the prominent of which legislators and rulers might, if disposed, do a great deal. The object is no other than to do something, if possible, to bring into discredit and disuse the barbarous and horrible practice of determining national differences by the sword. I know that a proposition of an attempt to abolish wars will be though by many a proof of little else than of a good natured madness in the proposer. But by Christians it ought to be heard with respect and a readiness to cooperate in any measure that may tend to a “consummation so devoutly to be wished” by all the friends of humanity. Surely, our religion gives no countenance to wars, scarcely of defense, and in no case to offensive wars. If wars, as we know from the sure word of prophecy they will, are one day to “cease to the ends of the earth,” how is this great change in the world to be accomplished? Not, we have all reason to think, by miracle, and at once, but gradually, by the combined influence and agency of Christian principles and Christian societies formed for this very end. Traffic in slaves, not long since, was as universally tolerated, as war. But Christian philanthropy and Christian perseverance have already done much and are still going on prosperously to complete the extermination of this infamous practice from out of the limits of Christendom. Were a combination formed in this country, in this state, of the friends of human happiness, aided by legislative concurrence and authority, and let them make their appeals to Christians everywhere, to cooperate in their attempts to impress all hearts which they can influence with abhorrence of the savage customs of war; and perhaps, in tie, by the blessing of God upon their benevolent exertions, the Christian world may owe as much to a New England Association for the abolition of wars, as Africa does to the bond of British philanthropists who led the way in the abolition of the inhuman traffic in slaves. There never was a time more favorable than the present for an attempt of this kind. Should the peace of Europe be speedily re-established by the fall of the outlaw, who hath broken it, as we devoutly hope, government and people, exhausted with the waste and smarting with the wounds of war, will be universally in a condition to listen to an appeal made to their interests and feelings upon this subject. 5 We may at least calculate with assurance, that the legislature of this, and we trust of the other states of the union, will persevere in their endeavors to obtain the constitutional security recommended by the late New England convention, against a repetition of an offensive war, like that from which we have recently escaped.

3. Indulge me in the mention of one object more which merits even more than all the extraordinary interest and exertions which it has so generally produced in the Christian world, and which of all others will, perhaps, be eventually found the most efficient means of accomplishing the object last mentioned, I mean the diffusion of the Holy Scriptures.

Although we doubt not the glorious work will proceed effectually in the hands of the societies and individuals engaged in it, et I would respectfully ask whether it be not an object deserving the liberal patronage of legislative bodies. While this patronage would ensure to these bodies the augmented respect and confidence of their pious constituents, would it not contribute to awaken a more general attention throughout the community to that Sacred volume, which should appear as thus it would, to be an object of peculiar esteem and reverence to the highest order of men in the state? Every friend of Zion, every Christian philanthropist, whose heart glows with the benevolent desire and daily breathes to Heaven the fervent prayer that the kingdom of Christ that blessed empire of light and love, of righteousness and peace, may be extend and established throughout the world and built up in all hearts, must have witnessed with holy joy and exultation the wide spread and still extending triumphs of British charity in the distribution of “the words of eternal life” in all ands and in all languages. What fountains of consolation have thus been opened to the poor and afflicted in those countries which have been swept with the desolating tempests of war? While a night of double darkness, of infidelity and gloomy despotism was brooding over the fairest portion of continental Europe, form the Bible societies in England, the sun of righteousness seemed to arise with new brightness and healing in his beams. In that fortunate isle, while the upas of atheism, rooted and nurtured in France, was spreading wide its baleful shade, dripping with poison to the souls and destruction to the bodies of men, we have seen the tree of life flourishing with unexampled luxuriance, reaching forth its branches and expanding its leaves for shelter and for medicine to the weary and bruised nations. We have shown that we can vie with the men of that illustrious land of our ancestors in wielding the weapons of death and in managing the engines of destruction. Let us emulate them in their more noble and Godlike efforts to save, to enlighten, to console mankind. When appointed to this service it was my pleasing hope that I might be permitted to congratulate my fellow citizens upon the established repose of Europe, as well as of our own country. But the unsearchable counsels of God have appointed otherwise. While we almost imagine that we heard resounding through the world the echoes of the angelic song, which once announced from Heaven peace on earth and good will to men, the terrific genius of destruction again welcomed into fickle and perfidious France, startled us with new alarms of war. Again,

“Red battle stamps his foot and nations feel the shock.”

It is not for us to penetrate or arraign the purpose of God in suffering this. He governs the world; the wrath and crimes of no created being can pass the bounds which he assigns. Confiding in his goodness, it becomes us to submit with silent reverence to what we cannot comprehend. While we sympathize with Europe again convulsed and bleeding, let it renew our gratitude to that kind Providence which hath made us to differ. And God, of his mercy, make us wise to preserve and worthy to enjoy, this distinction, till it is lost in the universal and permanent repose of the world.

Your Excellency, during “the troublesome times” we have seen has given your constituents a decisive and endearing proof that your heart corresponds to this wish in the spirit of a sincere disciple of the Prince of Peace, with the feelings of a lover of his country and of his kind. So long as we remember “the things which our eyes have seen” will not forget but will teach it to “our sons and our sons’ sons” what we owe to this guide who, under God, hath conducted the people and guarded their rights with a wise and paternal vigilance through all the perils that have encompassed them. If Your Excellency has had no part nor lot in the glory of those magistrates who have sent their citizens to gather laurels and to find the cypress in the wilds of Canada, Your Excellency has that which will be far more soothing in the silent and solitary house of life and its close that which is far more illustrious in the esteem of the wise and good, the glory of having sanctioned no measures that have carried mourning and distress into the dwelling of a single family in the state.

In ancient Rome, he that in battle had saved the life of a citizen was rewarded with a civic crown and was honored as a father by the person preserved. The citizens of this Commonwealth between whom and the deadly contagion of a camp and the weapons of an invaded people, Your Excellency has effectually interposed the shield of the Constitution have no civic crowns to give. But they have repeatedly given the highest mark they have to give of their gratitude and respect; and the same time they acknowledge, in each repeated acceptance of it, a new obligation conferred by Your Excellency upon themselves.

The Christian patriot derives his first best earthly reward from the consciousness of upright intention in the discharge of every trust reposed in him by his fellow citizens; the next, from seeing them manifestly benefited by his services; and next to this, form the uniform and often repeated proofs of their cordial attachment and confidence. His last exceeding great reward, to which he steadily but humbly looks is that transporting eulogium form his final Judge, “well done, good and faithful servant; enter thou into the joy of the Lord.”

Your Honor will accept our respectful congratulants upon being again called to fill the office of Second Magistrate in the Commonwealth; and upon which is far more grateful to your Honor, the reviving prosperity of our country which promises to the benevolent increased means of experiencing what your Honor so well knows, “how much more blessed it is to give, than to receive.”

Counsellors, Senators, and Representatives of the Commonwealth; we rejoice with you that the new political year is ushered in with so much happier auspices than the last. You will not need that I should remind you of the high and solemn responsibility which rests upon you in your official character. No one, surely, of your honorable body, can have received the trust reposed in him by his constituents, without feeling the importance, not of the honor, but of the duties attached to it. Least of all should we suppose it possible for a man to take this trust lightly upon him, when an impression of the calamities, which an abuse of it may bring upon his country is so fresh and deep in his mind, as it must be in the mind of every man who remembers what he has recently seen and felt.

Bringing with you, to the counsels of the state, this impression, you will give your sanction to not measures affecting the common interests of your constituents, till looking as far into all their bearings and issues, as the ken of human foresight, assisted by the lights of experience and reason is permitted to penetrate, you conscientiously believe them to be good and salutary. When entered upon the exercise of your legislative functions, you will feel yourselves to be standing upon holy ground. You will, therefore, as becomes the place and your character put off and remove far from your minds, the narrow prejudices and blinding passions of party, the sordid considerations of private interest or personal ambition, as most unworthy to enter into those solemn deliberations and decrees on which depend, in no small degree, the order, security, and prosperity of the Commonwealth.

We may confidently expect from the civil fathers and guardians of the state, all that can be done by legislative authority alone, or in concurrence with the exertions of societies or individuals, to aid the great interests of humanity, to enlighten public sentiment, to improve the public morals, to preserve and increase, in the public mind, a reverence for the name, the word, the Sabbaths, and worship of God, to invigorate and extend the influence of our inestimable civil, literary, and religious institutions.

In all your labors for the promotion of these most important objects, we, the ministering servants of God, are by our office, and form the nature of our charge when faithful to it, “fellow-workers together with you.” We have, therefore, a claim upon your countenance and support, so long as we quit not our sphere. And, if you sometimes find a brother among you, and concern for his flock prompt the question, once put by Eliab to the shepherd, son of Jesse, “Why hast thou come down hither? And with whom hast thou left those few sheep in the wilderness?” Add not, we beseech you, the uncharitable charge laid by the churlish Eliab to his brother, “I know thy pride, and the naughtiness of thy heart; for thou art come down that thou mightiest see,” and mingle in “the battle of contentious partisans.” Your honorable body will rather impute to him a generous zeal to aid you in promoting the great interests of our common Christianity. At least, let the presence of our brethren serve to remind you, that these interests are intimately connected with the great interests of all the state and of our country – that however excellent our constitution and laws, there can be no permanent order, security, or happiness in our republic, unless the citizens composing it are, generally, influenced by the awful sanctions of religion, the hopes and fears of eternity.

Confiding in the wisdom of your counsels in the integrity and patriotism of your intentions, in your zeal for the common welfare not doubting that you will act under a just sense of your accountability to your constituents, and, we trust, to the Searcher of Hearts, we bid you God, speed in the duties before you. May you honorable acquit yourselves, respected Rulers, of your allotted parts in the accomplishment of those high destinies, to which, we trust, it was in the counsels of God to raise this nation, when we planted our fathers in this good land. And while we hail it, as an omen of better days to our country, that so many of our brethren in various parts of the union misled by the false lights of the age, are retuning to the sound maxims of policy and of morals, exemplified and bequeathed to them by the Father of our Republic, we will hope that its glory, emerging like the sun from the clouds that have transiently obscured the brightness of its morning’s rise will hold on its way, like that luminary, with increasing splendor, till it reaches the western ocean, emitting its wildest blaze of effulgence, the moment it touches the waves.

 


Endnotes

1. The destruction by the British cruisers of our fishing-craft, and o four dismantled coasting the merchant vessels, in our small harbors, laying defenseless towns, and even salt works under contributions, especially the burning of the public buildings at Washington, excited a very general indignation in all parties. And Mr. Randolph has asserted, and probably with reason, that, but for these glaring acts of indiscretion in the enemy, “nothing could have sustained Mr. Madison after the disgraceful affair at Washington. The public indignation would have overwhelmed, in one common ruin, himself and his hireling newspapers.”
Mr. Randolph’s Letter to Mr. Lloyd.

2. Rev. 12 ch. 7 ver. & c.

3. “Phlegyas que misserimus omnes
Admonet, et magna testator voce per umbras:
Discite justiniam moniti, et non temnere Divos.”
Virg. Aen. Lib. 6, ver. 618, & c.

4. Mr. Burke.

5. See an excellent pamphlet upon this subject, entitled “A Solemn Review of the Custom of War,” & c.