Sermon – Fasting – 1805, New Hampshire


Seth Payson (1758-1820) graduated from Harvard in 1777. He was the pastor of the Congregational church in Rindge, NH (1782-1820). This sermon was preached by Payson in New Hampshire on the state’s annual fast day of April 11, 1805.


sermon-fasting-1805-new-hampshire

AN ABRIDGMENT

OF TWO

DISCOURSES,

PREACHED AT RINDGE,

AT THE

ANNUAL FAST,

APRIL 11TH, 1805.

BY SETH PAYSON, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN RINDGE.

A
FAST SERMON.

 

DANIEL IV. 17.

TO THE INTENT THAT THE LIVING MAY KNOW, THAT THE MOST HIGH RULETH IN THE KINGDOM OF MEN, AND GIVETH IT TO WHOMSOEVER HE WILL, AND SETTETH UP OVER IT THE BASEST OF MEN.

Right views of the Divine Government are strongly connected with practical religion. The various exercises of submission, gratitude, trust in God, and prayer to him, evidently much depend upon our ideas of a superintending providence. A large proportion, both of the doctrinal and historical parts of the sacred writings are, therefore, calculated to enforce right sentiments upon this subject; and especially to teach us that wicked men, and wicked spirits, are under the entire control of the Supreme Ruler. The Providence of God is no less to be acknowledged in the evils we suffer from wicked agents, than in natural and accidental calamities, although less regarded in the former case, than in the latter.

To teach us that wicked men are instruments in the hands of God, to execute his holy purposes, is declared in the test to be the design of the memorable event to which this passage relates. It was signified to the king of Babylon in a dream that, as a punishment of his crimes, he should be seized with such a peculiar delirium, as should not only deprive him of the understanding of a man, but reduce him to the feelings and the life of a brute; so that, quitting the society and food of men, he should for seven years, dwell with the beasts of the field, and eat grass as oxen. And that the design of this uncommon judgment was to teach him, and other vain mortals, that there is a righteous God who sees, and will punish their pride and wickedness.

In our meditations on this passage, our attention is particularly led to consider – the character here given of Jehovah as Most High – that the fate of kingdoms, and the rise and fall of empires are determined by his will – and the special act of his providence, in setting over the nations of the earth the basest of men.

First. The character here given of Jehovah, as the Most High, affords a subject for devotional meditations. It is a title expressive of the infinite and incomparable perfections of the divine nature. With what propriety is it given to him whose power is Almighty – who by one omnipotent word gave being to the universe, and in comparison with whom “all the nations of the earth are but as the drop of the bucket, and the small dust of the balance”? Because creatures acquire more force, with respect to their fellow-creatures, by uniting their strength and numbers; hence, judging of their Maker by themselves, sinners feel a security arising from the numbers combined with them in rebellion. But the atheism of the heart is the only foundation of this delusive hope. What did numbers avail the sinners of the old world – or what the multitude of Pharaoh’s host, when justice decreed their destruction? The joint force of men and angels forms no obstacle to the process of omnipotent wrath.

Nor is Jehovah less exalted above creatures in wisdom and understanding than in power. The enemies of God have much confidence in the subtlety of their machinations. They fancy themselves able at least to embarrass the measures of the divine administration. The partial success he is pleased at times to grant them encourages this vain confidence; but when almost at the pinnacle of their hopes, they are ready to shout that the victory is their own, how oft by a sudden turn of the wheels of his providence does he crush all their counsels, and plunge them into the pit which they have digged. The Wisdom of God is able not only to defeat the most subtle craft of his enemies, but to render their attempts subservient to that very purpose they were intended to defeat. The wrath of man, and the rage of devils shall promote his praise.

Secondly. The fate of kingdoms, and the rise and fall of empires are determined by his sovereign will. The events of human life impress the mind very differently, accordingly as they are viewed either by faith, or an eye of sense. The natural eye discovers nothing in the events of human life, but a series of causes and effects, in which the visible means only are regarded. But the believer sees all events subjected to the disposing mind of God, pursuing, by a steady and invariable progress, its own designs – overturning all opposition, and converting the efforts of its enemies into means of effecting its high and holy purposes.

Indeed, second causes have their place. God operates by means and instruments; but natural, no less than miraculous events, are minutely fulfilling the purposes of his will.

We have no grounds to suppose that any thing out of the ordinary course of providence appeared in the advancement of Pharaoh to the throne of Egypt, yet the hand of God in this event is expressly asserted. The rise and downfall of the four distinguished monarchies of Assyria, Babylon, Greece and Rome, were effected by natural causes, yet in those events we see the fulfillment of divine predictions. Before men were blessed with the instructions of a complete revelation, to make his hand more visible, God often miraculously interposed both in acts of mercy and judgment. There needs not the supernatural interposition of a divine power to overturn the walls of a devoted nation; nor that the “stars in their courses” should be armed, as against Sisera of old. Were other means wanting, the blindness of man’s minds, and the strong corruptions of their hearts, afford abundant means of inflicting the heaviest calamities upon a guilty nation.

The hand of God is asserted in the judgments which Abimelech, and the Sechemites inflicted on each other, as the punishment of their mutual crime, while their own wicked tempers, were the instruments of this punishment. And in the predicted destruction of Jerusalem, it was notorious, and acknowledged by Titus the Roman general, that a divine vengeance gave into his hand fortresses, impregnable to every human effort; yet the only visible mean by which this end was effected, was the madness of party rage.

“Heaven first infatuates whom it would destroy.”

Thirdly, – The subject offers to our consideration a particular act of his providence, viz. in raising to power and dominion the basest of men. Whether we consider this phrase, as descriptive of persons low in birth, and the rank they sustain in society, or of those, who are vile in a moral and religious view, facts are not wanting to confirm its truth.

He raises to rank and power those, whose former conditions gave no prospect of such advancement. “The Lord maketh poor and maketh rich; he bringeth low and lifteth up. He raiseth up the poor out of the dust, and lifteth up the beggar from the dunghill, to set them among princes, and to make them inherit the throne of glory.” 1 Joseph who was raised from a prison, to be the Lord of Pharaoh’s house; and David, exalted from the sheepfold to the kingdom of Israel, are instances, which illustrate this explanation of the text.

But as a low rank in society, unless the result of wicked practices, does not render men really base, the term applies to such, merely in a figurative sense. In strict propriety it belongs only to those who are base in a religious view. All wicked men are base. They are strangers to those principles of action which adorn human nature, and which constitute the glory and dignity of rational beings. Wicked men have a conviction of their own vileness; and where their judgments are not under the influence of self love, they reprobate those very principles, by which, they themselves are actuated. Whenever they attempt to paint an excellent character, unless lost to all moral feelings, they never take the portrait from themselves. Instead of describing their hero as proud, selfish, ambitious of power, hypocritical in religion, or as pursuing his own private interest under a pretended concern for the public weal, they present us with the picture of a virtuous and good man – a friend of mankind – rising above selfish views, and possessing the soul of genuine benevolence. Conscious of their own baseness, wicked men carefully conceal their real characters, under the garb of virtue, fidelity, zeal for the public good, and the welfare of mankind.

The phraseology of the text likewise reminds us, that, among this base part of society, there are degrees of deformity. All who are destitute of fixed principles of goodness, have not arrived to that hardiness and impudence in sin – that unfeeling stupidity of conscience – that entire depravation of moral sense, which renders them deserving the infamous distinction, of the basest of men.

That persons to whom this epithet is applicable in its full extent, are raised to places of dignity and power — and that this takes place by the disposing, righteous providence of Jehovah, are two distinct branches of the general doctrine now under consideration.

1. That the basest of men in the sense above explained, have been raised to places of dignity and power — is a truth, however reproachful to those who have been instrumental in their exaltation, conspicuous in the history of every nation. Never was a term more properly applied, than this in our text, to many who have been invested with imperial crowns, and raised to stations of the highest responsibility.

They are fitly characterized, the basest of men, for hey have risen to power by the basest means. Some wading to empire through torrents of blood—the blood of innocents. Others have gained by bribery, by flattery, and the basest collusion, what they wanted the means of effecting by coercion. The garb of flaming patriotism has been assumed—the vices and follies of mankind have been addressed—the weak and uninformed, misled, and all the arts of popular deception put in practice, to gain an influence promotive of their aspiring views. The wise and good, in every society, form a barrier to the ambitious designs of these men. To crush his opposition, to destroy the confidence which their virtues have inspired, and to excite in the public mind, a jealousy which shall annihilate the influence of their counsels, their measures and their characters, the aid of slander and defamation has been invoked.

Power, thus basely acquired, has been no less basely used, for confirming this usurped dominion—for subjecting their fellow citizens more entirely to their will—for suppressing all who justly merit the public confidence, and for promoting those whose tempers and feelings are congenial with their own. Thus have the best interests of a nation been sacrificed, to the pride and ambition, or revenge of the basest of men.

Instances illustrative of these truths, both in sacred and profane history, are innumerable. In he sacred volume, the story of the vile Abimelech, is replete with pertinent instruction. By his soothing flatteries, and misrepresentations, he persuaded the Sechemites to forget Gideon, his father, and their deliverer from the apprehensions of Midian – to slay the seventy legal sons of their benefactor, and to chose this base wretch for their king.

Another vile character in sacred story, distinguished for its baseness, is that of Absalom. By pretending an uncommon regard to justice, and concern for the interests of the people, intermixed with such reflections on his father’s administration as he found the public mind would bear, he allured the fickle, changeable multitude of ancient Israel, to forget the many virtues, and military achievements of David, and the glory to which he had raised the nation; and to chose for their king a murderer, a vile parricide, who had proved himself the enemy of all goodness.

Among the many base men who gained the throne of ancient Israel, Jeroboam also stands distinguished as one of the basest. It was peculiar mark of infamy affixed to his name, by the sacred writers, that he was the man who made Israel to sin. In his subtle machinations to establish himself in the throne which he had acquired, his first effort was, to seduce the ten tribes from the religion of their fathers, and the worship of the true God, to that of the calves which he had set up in Dan and Bethel: The origin of this detestable policy was this. The tribes of Judah and Benjamin, together with the most pious men of the nation, still adhered to Rehoboam the son of Solomon, and the temple worship. Upon these circumstances, Jeroboam, like a genuine Machiavelian, reasoned thus: “If this people go up to do sacrifice in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, then shall the heart of this people turn again unto their Lord, even unto Rehoboam King of Judah.”2 Regardless of the glory of his Maker, and destitute of all concern for the spiritual interests of his people, whose eternal salvation he would have sacrificed to his own ambition, he set himself with design, and yet with a pretended regard to religion, to draw off their attention from the instituted worship of God at the temple. For this end we are told “the king took counsel, and made two calves of gold, and said unto them it is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem; behold thy gods, O Israel, which brought the up out of the land of Egypt.”3At the same time that he acknowledges the obligations of religion, we find him introducing two gods, instead of that one true God, who is the only rational object of worship; and thereby intimating that it was of no consequence who or what they worshipped. O how lost to all goodness must those be, who can thus trifle with the most awful concerns of religion and duty!

Nor less replete is profane, than sacred history, with glaring instances of the truth before us. Ambition’s object is still the same—the same, the pernicious, falsely soothing arts, by which she pursues her hateful designs. We can scarcely avoid recollecting in this connection the fate of a neighboring empire, which we have seen, within the period of a few years past, by the like insidious practices, reduced from the boasted privileges of a republic, to a state of the most absolute despotism.

But it is needless to multiply instances which occur in the history of every nation. The restless attempts of ambitious men grasping at power, are continually embroiling society, and prove a fruitful source of misery to mankind. But our text teaches us to raise our thoughts above these instruments of mischief, to him who rules above; and piously to acknowledge with the Poet,

“They are the sword, the hand is thine.”

We accordingly proceed to remark,

2dly. That it is by the disposing righteous providence of Jehovah, that such men acquire power and dominion. If further evidence, than has already been exhibited of this truth be necessary, we may find it in the history of those vile characters alluded to above. The prophet Nathan, years before the event, predicted the usurpation of the vile Absalom. In reference to Jeroboam’s gaining the ten tribes, it is said, “For the cause was from the Lord, that he might perform his word.”4 Nebuchadnezzar’s advancement to the throne, is, in like manner attributed to the same governing providence. “For the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power and strength, and glory.” 5 To all these pests of society, the divine declaration is as applicable as to Pilate, to whom it was primarily made, “Thou couldst have no power at all against me, except it were given thee from above.” 6

Nor does this doctrine imply any impeachment of the wisdom, and holiness of providence.

1. In this way the just judgment of God is executed against those who are thus prospered in their wicked designs. As afflictions are not unusually the messengers of divine mercies; so, oft does God punish the wickedness of men, by permitting them to prosper in their proud ambitious designs. Prosperity in wickedness is the surest road to destruction. The respite given to Pharaoh was the evident means of completing his ruin!

2. The providence of God in raising wicked men to power, is to be considered as one of those heavy judgments by which he punishes the transgressions of an offending people; and it is worthy to be reckoned among the greatest calamities of human life.

When men regardless of duty and conscience, and who are pursuing their own aggrandizement, are invested with the supreme powers of a nation, consequences of the most pernicious nature, even to the temporal prosperity of such a society, cannot but ensue. These base men will either rule with the iron rod of despotic power; or aiming by secret craft to curtail the rights of the subject, and demolish one after another, those regulations which constitute the only security of privilege, and of property. Not to benefit mankind, but to extend, or establish their own authority, will be the governing objects of their policy. Could this evil be confined to an individual, although one raised to the highest national dignity, some check might be given to its pernicious operation; but continual experience verifies the observation of the Psalmist, “The wicked walk on every side, when the vilest men are exalted.” 7 Such men, while they fly from the virtuous and the good cordially unite with those whose feelings and designs harmonize with their own; and who, are ever ready to combine with them in undermining the firmest bulwarks of national glory.

Represent to your own minds, my hearers, a nation, whose rulers are of this description—who are bandied together for crushing all, whose principles and practices are a reproach to their own—who support their influence by flattery, by falsehood, and a continued misrepresentation of facts, and proportionably endeavor to suppress all useful information, and whose exertions are systematically directed to enervate all patriotic sentiments and the energies of the constitution; thereby to extend their own influence, and perpetuate their authority. This will ever be the effect when such vile persons are invested with power; and what of strength, of soundness, or safety can remain in a nation subjected to such misrule—what can ensue but inevitable ruin.

But far more deplorable will this calamity appear, if we view its aspect on the moral and religious interests of society. How demoralizing must the examples of wicked rulers prove, when recommended by the pomp and glare of that power and wealth, which have such a fascinating influence on the minds of the thoughtless multitude?

But not from their examples alone is evil to be apprehended. All their feelings are at war with piety and goodness. These are “the rulers who take counsel together against the Lord, and against his anointed.” 8 If a regard to public opinion, should induce them to pay a pretended respect to religion, their religion, like the idolatrous practices of Jeroboam, will tend, by corrupting, to exterminate the true worship of God. Rulers of this description know, that good men must be in opposition to them, for the same reason that they are the friends of righteousness and truth; their feelings towards such men, will therefore be similar to those, which Ahab expressed towards the prophet of the Lord. “I hate him; for he doth not prophecy good concerning me, but evil.” 9

The pernicious tendency of such rulers, as it respects the interests of religion, is very visible in the history of God’s ancient people. There it appears, that the advancement of a wicked prince to the throne, was like opening the flood-gates of ungodliness. And had they not been blessed with some pious princes, who reclaimed the people from idolatry, and restored the temple worship, it appears, that the interests of true religion would have sunk, and the very form of it have been lost among them. What heavier judgment then, does the righteous Governor of the universe ordinarily, inflict upon a guilty nation, than by setting over them the basest of men?

Let us now apply these truths to their instructive, and practical uses: —

1. It appears, that the providence of God suffers no stain, in the use it makes of the unlawful practices of creatures, for promoting the holy objects of the divine government. The gratification of their own lust, covetousness, pride and ambition, is the sole consideration which puts men upon the commission of crimes. Neither, are they impelled by a divine decree, to act contrary to their own inclinations, nor, is it any part of their aim to fulfill the counsels of the Almighty. Is it a reflection on his providence to assert, that he renders subservient to the good of his universal empire, the wicked designs and practices of men? An instance, may perhaps exhibit this truth in a more convincing light, than any reasonings upon the subject.

The avarice of Judas, and the insatiable malice of the Pharisees against the Savior, had long prepared them for perpetrating the enormous crime they afterwards committed; but for a time, insuperable obstacles were thrown in the way of their designs; for “his hour was not yet come.” It would not have comported with the divine plan, to have permitted them, then, to execute, what they had long meditated. At length these preventing obstacles were removed, and an opportunity given for perpetrating the horrid deed; and it was done – not, you will observe, by the influence of a foreign power, but by the strong instigation of their own hearts. A bare statement of these facts, carries conviction to the mind, that neither the avarice of that vile traitor, nor the malice of the Jews, were, in any degree, imputable to that providence, which used them for promoting the most gracious designs.

2. If God makes use of the wickedness of creatures, to serve his purposes, and in particular to punish the guilty, we are hence taught the propriety of resignation under those evils which we suffer from the injustice of men. The Christian duty of submission, under the evils of life, has its foundation in the perfect rectitude of a governing providence. But no less is the providence of God concerned in the evils we suffer from the wicked dispositions of men, than in those, which we attribute to other causes. It may be doubted indeed, whether every evil we suffer is not effected by the instrumentality of creatures. This at least is plain, that right views of the divine government, will lead us to acknowledge God, in whatever we wrongfully suffer from men. Job, we find piously noticing the hand of God under the loss of those possessions, of which he was deprived by the Chaldean and Sabean banditti. 10 And with a like pious sense of divine providence, as extended over the wrath of man, David endured the curses of Shemei, sensible that however undeserving of such treatment from this madman, it was perfectly just, as inflicted by a righteous God, for his deeper humiliation.11

3. The truth under consideration affords a pleasing view of the safety of those, who have fled to the Almighty for protection. As a needful chastisement, and as means of driving them nearer to God, his people may, for a time, be given up to the buffetings of Satan, and the persecutions of the ungodly; but not long “shall the rod of the wicked rest upon the lot of the righteous.”12 Waves dashing and breaking upon the rocks of the shore, exhibit a just emblem of the vain designs of the enemies of God, and his people. Perfectly known to him who rules above, are all their mischievous counsels; nor further than he permits, can they afflict his saints. At his pleasure “He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise.” While therefore, the friends of God humbly submit to the evils they suffer from the injustice of men, both the glory of God, and their own peace call them to “rejoice that the Lord God omnipotent reigneth.

4. As the high providence of God, and the absolute dependence of nations, as well as individuals, on his sovereign will, is the leading sentiment of the test, so is it that which I wish, my hearers, to have strongly impressed upon your minds. One great cause of the prevailing security of mankind, is undoubtedly, a vain dependence on present circumstances of prosperity , and apparent safety. Is not this to be numbered among the causes of that impenitent hardness of heart, so unhappily prevalent among us? We please ourselves with the idea, that intervening oceans secure us from the convulsions of the European world—that our happy climate is a defense against the general spread of pestilential diseases, and that our fruitful land has never withheld a supply of the necessaries of life. Eminently favored indeed, of him who rules above is our lot; and to him be all the praise. But even were we secure from these calamities, has God no other arrows in his quiver? Are we, therefore, beyond the reach of omnipotence? However absurd the idea, it well accords with the atheistical feelings of the heart.

But let it be remembered, that he who rules in the kingdoms of men, extends his empire over our land, and that, when the measure of our iniquities calls for vengeance, it will be found, that the strongest asylum of our secure abode, affords no shelter from the arrows of his wrath.

Our free and popular government particularly exposes us to those base men, who, to gratify their own ambition, are prepared to put in practice every engine of mischief. Whose utmost efforts will be exerted by every flattering insidious art to draw us into anarchy and licentiousness—to render us dissatisfied with the restraints of duty—to undermine our national constitution, the palladium of our liberties, and to demolish those wise, and pious institutions, which form the glory and defense of our nation.

It may be thought, that by retaining the election of our own rulers, we are effectually secured against this evil; but he who has profitably attended to the history of man, has been taught the weakness of this defense. If the Sechemites could so soon forget the deliverer of their country, if the multitude of Israel could be led, by the insinuations of the deceitful Absalom, to overlook the virtues of David, and chuse this vile wretch for their king; if the ten tribes could be induced to give up their religion, and their temple, so lately their glory and their boast, what dependence can be made on the wavering multitude, who, without any reason for change of opinion, cry hosanna to-day, and to-morrow crucify, crucify him.

Greece once was free. Rome was free. Our ears have been filled with shouts from France, in favor of liberty and equality; but in all these nations, licentiousness came to be mistaken for temperate liberty—anarchy ensued, and vile ambitious men seized the fair occasion, and lulled the people with songs of freedom, until they had fast riveted upon their necks the yokes of despotism.

By the power of delusion, the mind may become as really enslaved, as a body loaded with chains and fetters. When a flatterer has stole the hearts of the multitude, he leads them at his pleasure. They see nothing in their idol but perfection. Their eyes are shut against every interesting truth; and their ears are open only to the glozing falsehoods of the demagogue, who has thus enslaved their minds.

Our government, as has been observed, does, from its nature, tend to this evil: and the danger will appear more threatening if we consider the many circumstances which are leading to such an issue; and in particular the prevailing current of party zeal, which often carries men who aim right, wide from their object; and also the large emigrations of foreigners to our country, many of whom, we cannot doubt, are destitute, not only of every virtuous principle, but of all the feelings of Americans—of that attachment to our interest, which strongly binds most men to the land of their nativity. But means of punishing sin, can never be wanting to him, who can convert our food into poison, and impregnate the vital air with pestilence and death—who can cause “the heavens to be as brass, the earth as iron, and the rain of our land as powder and dust.”

Abundant are the privileges, with which we are invested, by the great Author of good; but upon a right use of them depends their continuance. Genuine liberty will not long dwell where she is not protected by a firm, and equitable government; nor where religion and virtue are not her companions. Remember that liberty and licentiousness, are not only different, but opposite; they cannot exist together. Turn away from those who flatter, that they may rule you, and render you the dupes of their ambition. Listen to the voice of truth; and especially to the instructions of your Maker, and the warnings of his word. Forget not your entire constant dependence on him, and let no circumstances of prosperity delude you into the idea “that peace can be the portion of the wicked;” or, that safety can be found but in the favor and protection of the Most High. “Break off your sins then, by working righteousness.” Bow to the extended scepter of his mercy. By sincere humility and unfeigned penitence, may we be prepared to receive the abundant pardons of our offended God. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. I Samuel, ii 7, 8.

2. I Kings, xii. 27.

3. I Kings, xii. 28.

4. I Kings, xii. 15.

5. Dan. ii, 37.

6. John xix, 11.

7. Psalms xii, 8.

8. Psalms ii, 2.

9. I Kings xxii, 8.

10. Job i. 21.

11. II Sam. Xvi, 10-12.

12. Job. v. 2.

Sermon – Fasting – 1805, Massachusetts

John Foster (1771-1839) preached this sermon in Massachusetts on the state’s annual fast day of April 4, 1805.


sermon-fasting-1805-massachusetts

A

S E R M O N

DELIVERED

TO THE FIRST AND THIRD SOCIETIES

IN

CAMBRIDGE,

ON THE ANNIVERSARY FAST IN MASSACHUSETTS,

4 April, 1805;

BY JOHN FOSTER A. M.
PASTOR OF THE THIRD CHURCH AND CONGREGATION
IN THAT TOWN.

SERMON.

EZEKIEL, vii. 23.

Make a chain; for the land is full of bloody crimes—

The Jewish scriptures, beside their primary design to prepare the way for the advent of the promised Messiah, and illustrate the nature and divinity of his mission, disclose to our view the invariable process of divine providence in the government of nations. The various incidents, in the history of this chosen people, “happened unto them for ensamples, and are written for our admonition, upon whom the ends of the world are come.” 1 Even the messages of the prophets, which relate originally to them, in conjunction with their appropriate sense, admit of a secondary and more general application: For “no prophecy of scripture is of any private interpretation.” 2 It was the common, if not the constant practice of those “holy men of old, who spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost,” 3 with a principal, to connect a subordinate object; and at once to foretell the fate of their countrymen, and admonish the rest of mankind. By this mean, “the benefit of their predictions, instead of being confined to “one occasion, or to one people, is extended to every “subsequent period of time,” 4 and to all parts of the habitable earth. Hence, when Ezekiel denounces the judgments of heaven against the Jews, on account of their aggravated offences, the spirit of the denunciation may be transferred to all other political bodies, which have imitated their impiety and rebellion. America, therefore, in common with every other section of the globe, may be instructed and warned by the solemn words, to which our attention is directed.

The prophecy, of which these words are a part, was delivered in the fourteenth year of the Babylonish captivity; and was designed to apprize the Jews, whom Nebuchadnezzer had already brought into Chaldea, of the dreadful calamities which still impended their devoted country. These calamities he exhibits under the bold and impressive metaphor of a chain; a metaphor often employed in modern as well, as ancient times, to signify a state of abject dependence and servitude. Without descending to detail, it gives to slavery a kind of visible form; and fills, and overwhelms the imagination with an indistinct and gloomy view of the countless miseries, resulting from the loss of rational liberty, and a consequent subjection to the capricious cruelty of arbitrary and lawless power. It invites the tyrants and oppressors of the age to feed their ambition to the full, upon the spoils of those, who had criminally exposed themselves to their arts or arms.

To this awful catastrophe the Jews had been hastening for many years. Ever since the defection of Jeroboam and the ten tribes, both Judah and Israel had degenerated with a rapidity, unknown to former times. The idolatrous institutions, and the impious example of this aspiring chief incurably corrupted the public morals. The apostacy of the ten tribes had already produced its penal effects, and subjected them to the Assyrian yoke; 5 and the sins of Judah had received a partial punishment in the successful invasions of the king of Babylon and other neighbouring enemies. 6 Still however she repented not; nor was it, afterward, in the power of her most pious and patriotic princes to close the floodgates of iniquity, and accomplish her effectual amendment. From the account of what Josiah, the last good king of Judah attempted, 7 with a view to stop the progress of idolatry, and put an end to every other abomination, it clearly appears that the most atrocious and execrable vices had been introduced under the former reigns, and openly practiced ever since. Menassah, in particular, the grandfather of Josiah, had set all the obligations of religion and morality at defiance, and committed unexampled outrages upon his subjects. “He filled Jerusalem with innocent blood, which the Lord would not pardon.” 8 His wickedness diffused its baneful influence among all ranks of the people, who, making it their own by adoption, at once increased their guilt and accelerated their ruin. On this ground it is, that the prophet threatens them with the severest tokens of divine displeasure. “Make a chain; for the land is full of bloody crimes, and the city is full of violence. Wherefore, saith the Lord,” as he proceeds to explain and enforce the threatening, “wherefore I will bring the worst of the heathen, and they shall possess their houses: I will also make the pomp of the strong to cease, and their holy places shall be defiled. Destruction cometh, and they shall seek peace, and there shall be none. Mischief shall come upon mischief, and rumor shall be upon rumor; hen shall they seek a vision from the prophet: but the law shall perish from the priests, and counsel from the ancients. The king shall mourn, and the prince shall be clothed with desolation, and the hands of the people of the land shall be troubled. I will do unto them after their way, and according to their deserts will I judge them.” All this was literally accomplished in the course of a few years; when Nebuchadnezzer again besieged and took Jerusalem, and having seized king Zedekiah and his household, slew his sons before his face, barbarously deprived him of sight, loaded him with fetters of brass, carried him away captive, and sent Nebuzaradan, the captain of his guards to plunder and burn the temple and city, to demolish its walls, and to transplant the remaining inhabitants of the land to Babylon. Here they remained in degrading bondage, till Babylon itself was conquered by Cyrus, and annexed to the Persian empire. 9

With this signal instance of divine justice in view, need I adduce arguments to prove that the general prevalence of profligate opinions and manners tends, both in the nature of things, and by the decree of heaven, to the total destruction of national independence, and individual freedom?

This is the awakening truth, which our subject inculcates; a truth attested by the history of all generations of men, from the beginning of the world to this day. Did time permit, it would be no less instructive, than curious to observe the alternate rise and fall of the mighty empires, kingdoms, and states which once shone in the Eastern Hemisphere; and to trace the wonderful conduct of providence, in overruling and employing the passions of men, who in their hearts “meant not so,” 10 for the chastisement, or extirpation of licentious communities. At one period, we behold the Egyptians, unrivalled in science and power, stretching forth the iron rod of oppression over the children of Israel, while as yet they were few in number. Anon this despised handful of bondmen are, by a series of extraordinary events, emancipated from the cruel tyranny of their masters; conducted to “a land flowing with milk and honey;” 11 and, in their turn, made the scourge of the idolatrous Canaanites. In process of time they become a great and prosperous people; but “forgetting the God that made and established them,” 12 and claiming the fatal liberty of “doing what was right in their own eyes,” 13 they split into factions among themselves, and the kingdom is rent asunder. At once demoralized and weakened by this separation, Israel falls an easy prey to the Assyrians, and Judah to the Babylonians. Nor is the pride of Assyria, or the superstition of Egypt suffered to go unpunished. The same Babylonians, who had subjugated the Jews, carry their victorious arms into both these countries, and humble their inhabitants in the dust. Elated by success, great Babylon herself at length fills up the measure of her sins, and the Medes and Persians are ready to execute deserved vengeance upon her. The Medes and Persians, blended into one extensive and potent empire, become effeminate, luxurious, and haughty; till they tempt and provoke the Greeks to invade their dominions, and are overrun and vanquished by that warlike people. Enervated and subdued by the vices of their Asiatic conquests; and rendered factious and faithless by licentious and visionary theories of liberty, the Greeks are next compelled to relinquish their proud distinction; bow submissive to the more practical policy and persevering courage of the Romans; and descend to the degraded condition of a dependant and tributary province. The Romans, after rising to the highest summit of human grandeur; commanding the respect and homage of remotest climes; and destroying nations not a few, fall victims to their own vices, and are overcome and dispossessed by hordes or barbarians, who once trembled and fled at the approach of their legions.

Such was the tragic end of these ancient nations! “And surely at the commandment of the Lord came this upon them, to remove them out of his sight for their sins;” 14 not however by any immediate or miraculous interposition of providence, a few instances relating to the Jews excepted, but by the natural operation and connection of events. Their sins were the visible cause of their destruction. Read the prophecies which describe their character, and denounce their doom; or the histories which detail their sufferings and trace them to their origin, and you cannot be ignorant that the crimes and errors which prevailed among them, were obviously calculated to produce the identical effects, in which they finally resulted. “They ate the fruit of their own way, and were filled with their own devices.” 15

But why should we recur to antiquity, when examples in point are exhibited in modern times? Among these examples, France holds a conspicuous rank, and speaks instruction and warning to the whole civilized world. In the progress of her late revolution, countless numbers have fallen by the cruel hands of political fanatics, who, with vociferous pretensions to ardent patriotism, bade open defiance to the laws, both of God and man, and commenced indiscriminate warfare with every established institution, whether civil or sacred, which was calculated to restrain and regulate the licentious propensities of the human heart. Infatuated and deceived by high sounding professions of regard to their rights, and specious promises of a kind of liberty and equality, which can have no existence, but in the disordered brain of the visionary philosophist, the multitude madly joined in the work of destruction. By the incessant flattery of their vanity and vices, they were rapidly wrought up to a degree of insolence and ferocity, which prepared them, at the nod of those leaders, who exceeded the rest in noise, tumult, and malignity, to prostrate every rival in the dust, and exterminate his family, connections, and friends! Thus encouraged and supported, new clans of tyrants, still more unprincipled and abandoned than the last, constantly aspired to dominion, and murdered and succeeded their predecessors. “The land was fully of bloody crimes,” and the chains of slavery were inevitable.

At this awful crisis, a Corsican adventurer, educated in a military school, and early taught and accustomed to anticipate distinction and fame from the discomfiture and wretchedness of his fellow men, seized he reins, and subjected the nation to a more despotic and arbitrary control than their fathers had known, under the worst of their hereditary kings. In this deplorable condition they must probably remain for ages to come! At least, there is no prospect of their emancipation, but by suffering the tremendous reaction of their revolutionary atrocities, and submitting to bleed afresh at every pore!

“That which has been, is now; and that, which is to be, has already been.” 16 The causes, which, in former ages, approved destructive to civil liberty, are alike injurious in their aspect and tendency at the present day; and will forever continue to produce the same disastrous effects. The great law of gravitation is not more uniform, nor more irresistible in its agency.

Impressed therefore with the solemn truth, that our destiny, like that of the Jews and other nations, to which we have alluded, must be determined by our practice; that if we forsake the God of our fathers, and “walk in the way of our hearts, and in the sight of our eyes,” 17 our envied freedom will gradually disappear, and give place to misrule, anarchy, and despotism, let us bring our character to the test. If found wanting, when weighed in that balance, the infallible correctness of which is asserted by the Spirit of God, and proved by the experience of all the world, let us not, like wicked Ahab, hate and persecute those, who conscientiously “prophesy evil concerning us;” 18 but, like good Josiah, “when we hear the words of the law,” 19 let us “make a covenant before the Lord to keep his commandments, and his testimonies, and his statutes with all our hearts.” 20

Time was, when America could claim preeminence in piety and good morals; when the things, that are pure and honest, were almost universally approved; when the profligate votaries of licentiousness and irreligion were constrained to hide themselves from the observation and censure of a virtuous community. But “how is the gold become dim! How is the most fine gold changed!” 21 No sooner was our independence achieved and recognized, than the jealousy which had been hitherto directed against the British cabinet, was unreasonably transferred to our own government. The public mind, still impassioned, and indignant at the recollection of injuries received from the exactions of arbitrary power, was predisposed to anticipate encroachment, and to magnify even the necessary restraints of law and justice into acts of oppression. Availing themselves of this prevalent weakness, the dissolute, designing, and desperate, who can never rise to eminence but by turning the world upside down, industriously circulated suspicions and complaints among the people, till many believed themselves ruled with a rod of iron, and daringly resorted to arms for relief, at the very moment when the true cause of their grievances was the want of a more energetic system of policy. A temporary check was given to this destructive infatuation, and its insidious abettors, by the adoption of the federal constitution, and the wise administration of our beloved Washington; which at once conciliated the confidence and respect of surrounding nations, and inspired the pleasing hope of domestic prosperity and peace. But the distracting commotions of Europe soon extended their baneful influence to these western regions, interrupted our growing harmony, and clouded our fairest prospects. These commotions furnished a new, and imposing pretence to those restless beings, who had found it necessary to suspend their labors, not for want of inclination, but for want of means and opportunities to continue them. France, it was proclaimed and echoed, had delivered us from colonial oppression; and was therefore entitled, not only to our gratitude, but to our assistance and imitation. 22 As if we also were engaged in the work of revolution, societies were organized in these States, who claimed fraternity with the Jacobin clubs of the French republic; and openly adopted the same principles, if not the same appellation. 23 In the mean time, increasing swarms of fugitives from the old world were disgorged upon our shores, who, joining in the current clamor for reform, extended and prolonged the reign of licentiousness and innovation. The doctrines of disorganization were repeated, till they became too familiar to excite just alarm. Inured to scenes of political intrigue, and infested by a rancorous spirit of party, we imperceptibly lost that veneration for the gospel and its institutions, and relinquished that purity and simplicity of manners, by which our fathers rose to honor and greatness.

No longer impressed or awed by the solemn truths of revelation, “the wicked walk on every side.” 24 Numbers are found, who professedly “cast off fear and restrain prayer;” 25 represent the bible, as an artful fabrication, calculated by ambitious priests and statesmen to terrify and enslave a credulous world; and recommend, as real and important discoveries, those absurd and impious sophisms, which tend alike to the destruction of social order, and the subversion of all the moral distinctions of right and wrong! Others, who have not the hardihood to avow their apostacy from the Christian faith, have learned, nevertheless, to treat many a clear dictate of reason, and injunction of scripture, as the mere prejudices of ignorance, transmitted from a superstitious ancestry! By exaggerating the enthusiasm and intolerance of former times, and extolling the enlightened liberality of the present, they give a kind of sanction to prevailing dissipation, and are emboldened to “speak peace to themselves, though they walk in the imagination of their hearts!” 26

The frequent exemplification of impious and immortal practice naturally tends to diminish and destroy that aversion, which it necessarily excites in every mind, not habituated to behold it. Hence excesses, which would once have subjected their authors to a universal burst of public indignation and censure, are witnessed without a frown; and, either for want of inclination, or from a persuasion of its impracticability, to fix the merited stigma of disgrace upon unprincipled and abandoned characters is seldom attempted. Such characters, of course, appear with boldness, and spread the contagion of their example far and wide. Beside the alarming prevalence of infidelity, profaneness, luxury, sensuality, and the long catalogue of transgressions, which flow from an undue attachment to sublunary possessions and pleasures, perpetration portending the most insupportable evils to society, and putting everything dear to humanity at immediate hazard, abound among us. Nor are these perpetrations confined to the desperate and shameless votaries of vulgar profligacy. They are displayed, with all their horrors, in the more elevated walks of life; and by men, whose talents and stations give them a most extensive and pernicious influence. Duels have been repeatedly fought by members of our national legislature! And the constituted guardians of our rights disclaiming all jurisdiction over transactions of this nature; and neglecting in any form to bear testimony against them, 27 the horrid practice has rapidly increased, both among rulers and citizens, till a spectacle is presented to our astonished minds, for which history has no parallel, and language no description! The second magistrate of the nation imbrues his hands in the blood of a fellow citizen, whom the dictates of humanity, the obligations of religion, and the oath of office required him to protect from violence and outrage. 28 With these polluted hands he flees from the demands of justice; and, proceeding in a circuitous route to the Capitol, resumes his seat, as PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE, and VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES! Nor is it once made a question, in either house of Congress, whether he shall continue to retain and exercise the prerogatives of this exalted station! Say not, that the constitution makes no provision for the punishment of such offenders; and therefore, that the discussion and decision of this question would have exceeded the limits of their authority. Does not the constitution provide, that the most dignified officers in the administration shall be impeached and removed for “high crimes and misdemeanors?” 29 If a justice of the Supreme Court of the Union is to be arraigned, as an evil doer, on the unsupported charge of partiality in the conviction and punishment of men, who had confessedly “made insurrection,” and exerted all their talents to bring the government into disrepute and contempt, ought the Vice President, who had notoriously usurped the prerogatives of judge, jury, and executioner in his own cause, not only to escape with impunity, but to preside at the trial? Is this to render “equal justice to men of all opinions, political and religious?” What could more directly tend to multiply those “bloody crimes,” with which the land, if not yet full, is apparently and deeply stained; and which, separate from such other atrocious acts of wickedness, as prevail among us, and in the language of scripture are figuratively said to “defile with blood,” give the dreadful charge in the text a direct and literal application to our guilty country? What, in future, is to set bounds to that virulence of party zeal, which has pervaded the public mind; and what is to prevent “every man from slaying his brother, and every man his companion, and every man his neighbor?” 30 If the passions of the wicked are to be uncontrolled; if neither disgrace nor inconvenience is to be attached to the murder of a rival; if both the government and the people are to connive at deeds of horror, and admit the principle of personal revenge and political persecution, the reign of terror will commence in reality; and a perpetual collision of contending factions ensue, till some aspiring demagogue, more bold and successful than the rest, shall usurp supreme command; and “make a chain,” too strong for us, or our children to sever! This, to say the least, is the natural tendency of “violent disorders and implacable discord in free States; they lead to anarchy and end in despotism. There may be much diversity in the process, but the result is nearly the same.

When political disputes are conducted with moderation and candor, they are innocent, and may be useful. But when parties become eager and vehement; when in the heat of contention they loose sight of the public interest, and endeavor to mislead the citizens by false representations, they corrupt the public morals, and tend directly to licentiousness and confusion. In such cases, there would be danger that the most unprincipled would be the most successful. They might resort to measures, which their opponents might be unwilling to adopt; for honest men would disdain to deceive the people, and would never deviate from right conduct to promote any cause, or produce any change in opinions or measures. But if men of corrupt principles should predominate, they might choose rather to submit to a despot of their own selection, than hazard the loss of their ill acquired influence.” 31

Men of corrupt principles and ambitious designs are “the rod of God’s anger,” 32 and employed by his righteous providence to chastise prevailing iniquity. Nor are such men ever wanting in a degenerate and backsliding community. With us, their numbers are increased, and their machinations aided by the continued influx of discontented foreigners; the pernicious effects of which have been remarkably portrayed by an active statesman of our own country. “It is,” says he, “for the happiness of those united in society to harmonize as much as possible in matters which they must of necessity transact together. Civil government being the sole object of forming societies, its administration must be conducted by common consent. Every species of government has its specific principles. Our perhaps are more peculiar than any other in the universe. It is a composition of the freest principles of the English constitution, with others derived from natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet, from such, we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They will bring with them the principles of the governments they leave, imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness; passing as is usual from one extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they to stop precisely at the point of temperate liberty. These principles, with their language, they will transmit to their children. In proportion to their numbers, they will share with us the legislation. They will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its directions, and render it a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass.”

Time has proved the truth of this prediction. The evils it anticipates and describes are believed by many to exist among us. Yet no measures are adopted to arrest their progress, or prevent their continuance! On the contrary, the emigration of foreigners is encouraged, and their naturalization facilitated, under the administration, and at the official request of the same active statesman, 33 from whose “NOTES ON VIRGINIA,” 34 the preceding remarks are quoted!

Thus allured to our shores, and admitted to our councils, is it not more than possible that foreigners may ultimately gain an ascendency over us, which open hostility could never insure them? For a time, they may condescend to act in the subordinate capacity of auxiliaries; and aid the party, whose views and wishes are most congenial to their own, to counteract and crush their rivals. Caressed and rewarded for these exertions, will it be miraculous, if their numbers and influence increase, till they become formidable to every description of native Americans, and elevate some daring chieftain of their own, on the ruins of our republican freedom? In any event, will they not transplant the ices and intrigues of the old world into our once united and happy country, and expose us to the awful destiny of being “devoured one of another?” 35 Here, perhaps, our greatest danger lies. Placed at a desirable distance from the more ancient and corrupt regions of the earth, we have little to fear from their arms: and, if we can surmount their arts, may long be exempt from their crimes and miseries. But if their outcast adventurers are to participate with us the rights of suffrage; to take upon themselves the direction of our public prints; 36 and to sustain various and important offices in the national government, 37 our altars, both of liberty and religion are in jeopardy. Security from the invasion of foreign foes can afford little consolation to the reflecting mind, while thus exposed to the insidious machinations of designing men; “carried about by every wind of doctrine;” 38 and apparently hastening into the fatal vortex of those domestic feuds, which admit of no remedy, but the unlimited authority of a master! These are “signs of the times,” 39 which by the attentive observer are as easily discerned, as “the face of the sky.” Reason, revelation, and history conspire to render them obvious, and to point out and prescribe the only effectual antidote. “Now, therefore, saith the Lord, turn ye even to me with all your heart, and with fasting, and with weeping, and with mourning; and rend your heart and not your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God; for he is gracious and merciful, slow to anger, and of great kindness, and repenteth him of the evil. Who knoweth if he will return and repent, and leave a blessing behind him. Sanctify a fast, call a solemn assembly; gather the people, sanctify the congregation, assemble the elders; let the priests, the ministers of the Lord, weep between the porch and the altar; and let them say, Spare thy people, O Lord, and give not thine heritage to reproach, that the heathen should rule over them.” 40

It is impossible to escape the ills, which threaten us, but by combined and individual exertions for the commonweal. If we “mock the messengers of God and despise his words, the anger of the Lord will rise against us, till there is no remedy.” 41 But if we humble ourselves under his mighty hand, and seasonably “ask for the old paths, the good way, and walk therein,” 42 we may yet find rest and safety.

Let us, then, recur to first principles, and test our practice by the long tried maxims of wisdom and virtue. Our fathers esteemed it all important that “they who rule over men, should rule in the fear of God.” 43 In our day, this inspired aphorism has been much contested. Because the national compact requires no particular profession of faith, as a qualification for office, it has been argued, that the citizen has not even a right to prefer the Christian to the infidel candidate; but is bound by the supreme law of the land totally to disregard religious character, in the bestowment of his suffrage. Nothing can be more sophistical and absurd than such reasoning. The proper inference from he fact is directly the reverse. An additional obligation is hence inferred upon us, uniformly to fix our eyes upon the “faithful of the land,” 44 and elevate none to posts of power, but those, whose piety and virtue are unquestionable; those, who have no need to inform us or the world, that they are Christians. Our constitution leaves the ultimate decision of this question, not with those, whose ambition may impel them to falsehood and perjury; but with the community at large, whose interest and duty jointly require circumspection and integrity, in the exercise of the electoral prerogative. It is well known, that infidels have seldom, if ever been deterred from seeking or accepting places of honor and emolument by religious tests.

Collins, and Shaftsbury, two of the most artful, unwearied, and notorious adversaries of Christianity, who have disgraced the English nation, shrunk not from the solemn and impious mockery of receiving the sacrament of the Lord’s supper, as a prerequisite to their investiture with office! 45 Nor can it be expected, that the disciples of such masters will, in any age or country, scruple to adopt means, equally hypocritical and base, for the sake of aggrandizing themselves.

Nothing, I am bold to affirm, nothing short of a decided predilection for evangelical purity, in the source of power, can save the world from the chastisement of wicked rulers. And since in the United States all power emanates from the people, every citizen has the public morals and the public happiness entrusted to his care.

He, who invariably discountenances the unprincipled and dissolute courtiers of popularity, and exclusively supports the friends of religion and virtue, contributes his share to banish guilt and misery from the land, and to multiply the years of our tranquility. He presents a constant and powerful inducement to all, who aim at distinction, to cultivate and exemplify the things that are excellent; and, instead of the obsequious imitator of fashionable iniquity, appears in the dignified attitude of a guardian and guide to his country. But woe to him, who deliberately throws his weight into the scale of impiety and licentiousness, by favoring the promotion of their pestilent votaries. Not to insist on the ruinous effects of evil example in exalted stations, by the encouragement of which he becomes a “partaker of other men’s sins;” 46 and, far beyond the extent of his personal influence, spreads corruption and wretchedness around him; he exposes himself to “make shipwreck of faith and a good conscience.” 47 For in proportion as he contemplates the enemies of the cross with affection, esteem, and confidence, he necessarily looses his former reverence for the doctrines, and precepts of the gospel, which they counteract and despise; suspects its professors, and teachers of arbitrary and tyrannical designs; and proceeds by imperceptible, yet swift degrees, from the dupe to the partisan and advocate of irreligion. Beheld in this light, an awful solemnity, importance, and responsibility are annexed to the obligation in debate. It is no longer a matter of mere political expediency, unconnected with our moral character and destiny, and affecting only our temporal convenience and safety. It is a Christian duty, with which we cannot dispense, but at the risk of our eternal salvation.

Under this impression, be it our ardent desire and endeavor, whenever we are called to the interesting and honorable task, to “provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over us to be rulers.” 48 Let no coincidence of opinion on subjects of less moment, no regard to personal advantage, no partiality to friends induce us to aid the advancement of “bloody or deceitful men,” 49 who “turn the grace of God into lasciviousness; deny the Lord that bought them;” 50 and, “while they promise us liberty, are themselves the servants of corruption.” 51 Having done our utmost to vest integrity and talents with legal authority, let us “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.” 52

Sensible that human laws extend only to the outward behavior, and that even this is, in many instances, beyond their reach; that conscience is the only tribunal on earth, at which we can be arraigned for many of our actions, and for all our designs; and that it is only by the purity of this internal arbiter of right and wrong, that a great variety of injurious purposes and perpetrations can be prevented, let us cultivate habitual devotion to God, and practice the social, as well, as the personal and divine virtues, in obedience to his holy will. This alone can give worth and stability to our exertions of patriotism, and reconcile us to the frequent sacrifices of private interest and ambition, which the national prosperity and independence may demand.

How desirable, in this view, is the revival of a primitive regard to the Christian Sabbath and worship. The neglect and contempt of these have given rise to a much greater proportion of the immorality and unbelief of our times, than we may imagine. So fascinating are the pleasures, and so engrossing the cares and labors of life, that without the recurrence of stated periods of retirement and meditation; without being often reminded of their relation to a future world, and the obligations it imposes, the best informed, much more the ignorant and unreflecting are soon absorbed by the selfish gratifications and pursuits of time, and loose the main spring of every nobler acquisition and achievement.

Instead therefore of floating with the tide of popular dissipation and excess, let us take a resolute and active part. Let us resist “the overflowing scourge” 53 of foreign influence and foreign vice, and while we stem the torrent of modern innovation, let us revere and recommend those ancient institutions, usages, and manners, which are so obviously adapted to the preservation of social order, and individual enjoyment. For the sake, both of ourselves and others, let us pay an exemplary attention to every mean of moral improvement, which reason and scripture prescribe. In this way, let us imbibe the spirit of the gospel, and prepare ourselves to “serve our generation by the will of God.” 54 While in our closets and families as well, as in the house of prayer, we bewail our own, and the sins of the land; deprecate the righteous displeasure of heaven, and implore divine forgiveness and protection, let us exert our respective influence to excite a general attention to “the things, which belong to our peace, before they are hidden from our eyes.” 55 “For behold the Lord cometh out of his place, to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity.” 56 Europe, deluged in blood, and deprived of every alternative but slavery or war, calls aloud to America, to know and improve “the day of her visitation.” 57 Beside the powerful motives, which always result from a due regard to our present and future welfare, the peculiar situation of our country, and I may add of all Christendom urges the fitness and necessity of decision. “Never,” to conclude in the words of a late impressive writer, 58 “never were times more eventful and critical; never were appearances more singular and interesting, in the political, or in the religious world. You behold, on the one hand, infidelity with dreadful irruption, extending its ravages far and wide; and on the other, an amassing accession of zeal and activity to the cause of Christianity. Error, in all its forms, is assiduously and successfully propagated; but the progress of evangelical truth is also great. The number of the apparently neutral party daily diminishes, and men are now, either becoming worshippers of the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, or receding fast through the mists of skepticism into the dreary regions of speculative and practical atheism. It seems as if Christianity and infidelity were mustering each the host of the battle, and preparing for some great day of God. The enemy is come in like a flood; but the spirit of the Lord hath lift up a standard against him. Who then is on the Lord’s side? Let him come forth to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty.”

 


Endnotes

1. I Cor. X XI.

2. I Pet. i. 20.

3. Ibid. 2I.

4. Bishop Porteus’ Lectures. New Haven edit. 1803. Page 302.

5. 2 Kings, chap. xvii.

6. Ibid. xxiv. I, 2.

7. Ibid. chap. xxiii.

8. Ibid. xxiv. 4.

9. 2 Kings, chap. xxvi. – Also 2 Chron. xzxvi. 17, ad fin.

10. Isaiah, x 7.

11. Exod. Xiii. 5.

12. Deut. Xxxii. 6.

13. Judges, xxi. 25.

14. 2 Kings, xxiv.3.

15. Prov. i. 3I.

16. Eccles. Iii. 15.

17. Ibid. xi. 9.

18. 2 Kings, xxii. 8.

19. 2 Kings xxii. 2.

20. 2 Kings, xxiii. 3.

21. Lam. Iv 3.

22. If the reader will be at the pains of reviewing the public prints of that period, he will readily ascertain the truth of this remark. In the mean time, he is presented with two short extracts, in point, from a “SERMON” published at the Chronicle press, Boston in the year 1795, and addressed to a respectable Clergyman in the county of Middlesex. “PAR CITOYEN DE NOVION;” a native American, (as he has been reputed, and a man too of high pretensions to patriotism; but not a preacher of the Gospel) whose love for France absorbed his proper name, and country; and constrained him, in the person and style of a Frenchman, to say; “You have grossly insulted and abused our nation, which saved years in a very generous and unexpected manner from impending ruin. America would not have become a nation; and your Washington, your Jefferson, your Hancock, and Adams would have now been numbered with traitors and felons, if it had not have been for us. And the returns of gratitude which we receive, are slanders and calumnies.” Page 7. “We, Sir, shall succeed, and shall establish our liberties, and AGAIN give aid in saving those of United America from foreign despotism.” Page 24.

23. Here again “De Novion” speaks to the purpose. After tracing the word Jacobin, to the name of a convent in Paris, where the sittings of the Club were first held, he adds: “But it was their system, not their house, which rendered them so odious in the eye of European despots, and in that of some Anglo American politicians.” Page 21.

24. Psalm xii.8.

25. Job, xv. 4.

26. Deut. Xxix. 19.

27. A motion was brought forward in congress during the session of 1802, (if I mistake not) designed to punish, or at least to discountenance this barbarous custom. This motion, however, was rejected, as beyond the power, vested in the representatives and guardians of the people. And yet the Constitution expressly provides, (Article II, Sect. 5.) that “each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.”

28. “No person,” says the 7 article of amendments to the Constitution, “No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment, or indictment of a grand jury; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; not be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” As Vice President of the United States, Col. Burr had solemely sworn “to support this Constitution.” Did he then, or did he not perjure himself, when he took the life of General Hamilton, without indictment or process of law?

29. The words of the Constitution are, “The President, Vice President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, OR OTHER HIGH CRIME AND MISDEMEANORS.” Article II. Sec. 4.

30. Exodus, xxxii, 27.

31. See Gov. Strong’s excellent speech to the legislature of Massachusetts, published in the Repertory of January 22, 1805.

32. Isaiah, x. 5.

33. Thomas Jefferson Esq. now President of the United States; who, in his first message to Congress, after his induction to office, holds the following language. “I cannot omit to recommend a revisal of the law, on the subject of naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under fourteen years, is a denial to a great proportion of those who ask it; and controls a policy, pursued from their first settlement, by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity. And shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality, which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers, arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe? The Constitution has wisely provided that for admission to certain offices of important trust, a residence shall be required sufficient to develop character and design. But might not the general character, and capabilities of a citizen b safely communicated to everyone, manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes permanently with us?”

34. Pages 119, 120 of H. Sprague’s Boston Edition, 1802.

35. Galatians, v. I5.

36. Already are a very considerable proportion of the leading newspapers in the United States edited by foreigners. Whether these imported editors, who have undertaken the philanthropic task of teaching Americans how to be free, “have brought with them the principles of the governments, they have left;” or whether they have “thrown them off in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness;” or whether they have wrought “a miracle, and stopped at the precise point of rational liberty,” is worthy the serious inquiry both of their patrons and opposers.

37. The number of native Europeans, who represent the people of the United States in both houses of Congress, and hold places of trust and influence in other departments of the administration, has long been a subject of regret and alarm to many honest, patriotic, and intelligent citizens.

38. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 16.

39. Matth. xvi. 3.

40. Joel, ii. 12-17.

41. Ephes. Iv. 14.

42. Jeremiah, vi. 16.

43. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3.

44. Psalm, ci. 6.

45. See Fuller’s “Gospel its own witness” p. 75. New York edit. 1802.

46. I Tim. v. 22.

47. I Tim. i. 19.

48. Exod. xviii. 21.

49. Psal. v. 6.

50. Jude, ver. 4.

51. 2 Pet. ii. 19.

52. I. Tim. ii. 2.

53. Isaiah, xxviii. 12.

54. Acts, xiii. 36.

55. Luke, xix 42.

56. Isaiah, xxvi. 21.

57. Luke, xix. 45.

58. Ferrier’s discourses delivered at Paisly (Eng.) June 1798.

Duel Hamilton and Burr 1894 Book

Sermon – Dueling – 1805


Timothy Dwight (1752-1817) graduated from Yale in 1769. He was principal of the New Haven grammar school (1769-1771) and a tutor at Yale (1771-1777). A lack of chaplains during the Revolutionary War led him to become a preacher and he served as a chaplain in a Connecticut brigade. Dwight served as preacher in neighboring churches in Northampton, MA (1778-1782) and in Fairfield, CT (1783). He also served as president of Yale College (1795-1817). Dwight preached this sermon in 1804 and again in 1805 on dueling.


sermon-dueling-1805

A

SERMON

ON

D U E L L I N G,

PREACHED

IN THE CHAPEL OF YALE COLLEGE,

NEW-HAVEN,

September 9th, 1804,

AND

IN THE OLD PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH,

NEW-YORK,

January 21st, 1805.

BY TIMOTHY DWIGHT, D. D.
President of Yale College.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The Gentlemen to whom the publication of the following Discourse was entrusted, think proper to mention, that a cop of it was requested for the Press, by a number of the Citizens both of New-Haven, and of New-York, who heard it preached, and who considered it as calculated to be extensively useful.

New-York, May 20, 1805.

When this Sermon was delivered, it was prefaced with a declaration, of the following import.

The following discourse will not intentionally apply to any facts or persons; it being the Preacher’s design to examine principles, and not to give characters.

 

A
SERMON
ON
D U E L L I N G.
Proverbs 28th Chap. 17th Verse.

A man that doeth violence to the blood of any person, shall flee to the pit; let no man stay him.

This passage of scripture is a republication of that general law concerning homicide, which is recorded in Genesis 9. 5, 6. But surely your blood of your lives will I require: at the hand of every beast will I require it, and at the hand of man; at the hand of every man’s brother will I require the life of man. Whoso sheddeth men’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed: for in the image of God made he man. This law was published at the time when the killing of beasts for food was permitted. No time could have been equally proper. As the shedding of animal blood would naturally remove the inherent horror at destroying life, and prepare men to shed the blood of each other; the law became indispensable for the prevention of this crime, from the beginning. It ought to be observed, that the detestation with which God regards this sin, is marked with a pen of iron in that singular declaration: “At the hand of every beast will I require it.” If homicide is so odious in the sight of God, as to expose the unconscious brute, which effected it, to the loss of his own life, as an expiation; with what views must He regard a man, a rational agent, formed in his own image, when accomplishing the death of his brother with design, from the indulgence of malice, and in the execution of revenge?

As this original law was given to Noah, the progenitor of all post-diluvian men, it is evidently binding on the whole human race. Every nation has accordingly felt its force, and executed it upon the transgressor.

In the text, the same law is promulged with one additional injunction—“He shall flee to the pit, let no man stay him.” However strongly the past services of the criminal, or the tender affections of his friends, may plead for his exemption from the sentence; no man, from any motive, or with any view, shall prevent, or even retard, his progress towards the punishment required. To this punishment God has consigned him, absolutely, and with his own voice. No consideration, therefore, can prevent, or hinder, the execution.

A sober man would naturally conclude, after reading these precepts, that, in every country, where their authority is acknowledged to be divine, homicide would in all cases, beside those excepted expressly by God, be invariably punished with death. At least, he would expect to find all men in such countries agreeing, with a single voice, that such ought to be the fact; and uniting, with a single effort, to bring it to pass. Above all, he would certainly conclude, that, whatever might be the decision of the vulgar, and the ignorant, there could be but one opinion, in such countries, among those who filled the superior ranks of society.

How greatly then, must such a person be astonished, when he is informed, that in Christian countries only, and in such countries among those only, who are enrolled on the list of superiority and distinction, homicide, of a kind nowhere excepted by God from this general destiny, but marked with all the guilt of which homicide is susceptible, is not only not thus punished, but is vindicated, honoured, and rewarded, by common consent, and undisguised suffrage!

The views which I entertain of dueling, may be sufficiently expressed under the following heads:

The Folly,

The Guilt, and

The Mischiefs, of this crime.

Duelling is vindicated, so far as my knowledge extends, on the following considerations only: That it is

A punishment,

A reparation, and

A prevention of injuries; and

A source of reputation to the parties.

If it can be shewn to be neither of these, in any such sense as reason can approve, or argument sustain; if it can be proved to be wholly unnecessary to all these purposes, and a preposterous method of accomplishing them; it must evidently fail of all vindication; and be condemned as foolish, irrational, and deserving only of contempt.

As a punishment of an offence, which for the present shall be supposed to be a real one, dueling is fraught with absurdity only. If a duel be fought on equal terms, the only terms allowed by duelists, the person injured exposes himself, equally with the injurer, to a new suffering; always greater in truth, and commonly in his own opinion, than that which he proposes to punish. The injurer only ought to suffer, or be exposed to suffering. No possible reason can be alleged, why the innocent man should be at all put in hazard. Were tribunals of justice to place the injured party, appealing to them for redress, in the same hazard of being obliged to pay a debt, with the fraudulent debtor; in the same danger of suffering a new fraud, with the swindler; or in an equal chance of suffering a second mayhem, with the assaulter of his life; or were they to turn him out on the road, to try his fortune in another robbery, with the highwayman; what would common sense say of their distributions? It would doubtless pronounce them to have just escaped from bedlam; and order them to be strait-waistcoated, until they should recover their reason. Here the injured person constitutes himself his own judge; and resolves on a mode of punishment, which, if ordered by any other umpire, he would reject with indignation! “What!” he would exclaim; “am I, because I have been injured once, to be injured a second time? And is my enemy, because he has robbed me of my character, to be permitted also to rob me of my life?” Let it be remembered, that the decision is not the less mad, because it is voluntarily formed by himself. He who wantonly wastes his own well-being, is of all fools the greatest.

As a reparation, duelling has still less claim to the character of rational. What is the reparation proposed? If it be anything it must consist either in the act of fighting, or in the death of the wrong-doer. If the injury be a fraud, neither of these will restore the lost property; if a personal suffering, neither can restore health; nor renew a limb, or a faculty. Or if the wrong be an injury to the character, it cannot need to be asserted, that neither fighting as a duelist, nor killing the wrong-doer, can alter at all the reputation which has been attacked. The challenger has, perhaps, been charged with lying. If the charge is just, he is a liar still. If it be known to be just, neither fighting, nor killing his antagonist, will wipe off the stain. The public knew him to be a liar before the combat; with the same certainty they know him to be such after the combat. What reparation has he gained? No one man will believe the story the less, because he has fought a duel, or killed his man. If, on the other hand, the charge is false; fighting will not, in the least degree, prove it to be so. Truth and falsehood must, if evinced at all, be evinced by evidence; not by fighting. In the days of knight-errantry this method of deciding controversies had, in the reigning superstition, one rational plea, which now it cannot claim. God was then believed to give success, invariably, to the party which had justice on its side. Modern duellists neither believe, nor wish, God to interfere in their concerns.

The reparation enjoyed in the mere gratification of revenge, will not here be pleaded, because duellists disclaim with indignation, the indulgence of that contemptible passion. In the progress of the discourse, however, this subject will be further examined.

As a prevention of crimes generally, it is equally absurd. I acknowledge readily, that the fear of and suffering will, in a greater or less degree, prevent crimes; and that men may, in some instances, be discouraged from committing private injuries by the dread of being called to an account in this manner. But these instances will be few; and this mode of preventing injuries, therefore, almost wholly ineffectual. Duelling is always honourable among duellists; and, to be generally practiced, must be generally esteemed honourable. That which is honourable will always be courted. The danger to life will, therefore, recommend dueling, to most men, instead of deterring from it. None, who call themselves men of honour, ever shew any serious reluctance to give, or accept, a challenge. All are brave enough to hazard life, whenever the hazard becomes a source of glory. Every savage, that is, every man in a state of nature, will fight, because it is glorious. Civilized men have exactly the same natural character. Persuade them that it is glorious to give and accept challenges, and to fight duels, and few or none of them will hesitate. The dread of danger, appealed to, and relied on, in this case, is therefore chiefly imaginary. Few persons will, ultimately, be prevented from doing injuries by the practice of dueling. Affronts, on the contrary, will be given, merely to create opportunities of fighting. Fighting, in the case supposed, is glory; and to acquire glory men will make their way to fighting through affronts, injuries, and every other course of conduct, necessary, or believed to be necessary, to the end. This fact in the case of humbler and more vulgar battles has long been realized. Many a bully spends a great part of his life in fighting; and will at any time abuse those, with whom he is conversant, not from malice or revenge, but merely to provoke them to battle, that he may obtain the honour of fighting. The nature of all classes of men is the same; and polished persons will do the same things, which are done by clowns, without any other difference than that which exists in the mode. The clown will fight vulgarly; the polished man genteelly: the provocations of the clown will be coarse; those of the gentleman will be more refined. With this dissimilarity excepted, the conduct of both will be the same; but as the gentleman, will feel the sense of glory more exquisitely, so he will seek it with more ardour, and will do wanton injuries with more frequency, and less regret. Thus the ultimate effect will be to increase, and not to prevent, injuries; and the extent of the increase cannot be measured. Besides, injuries so slight as to be ordinarily disregarded; nay imaginary and unintended injuries, will, amidst the domination of such pride and passion as regulate this custom, be construed into serious abuses; and satisfaction will be demanded with such imperiousness, as to preclude all attempts at reparation, on the part of the offender; lest, in the very offer of them, he should be thought to forfeit the character of an honourable man. Wherever fighting becomes the direct and chief avenue to glory, no occasion on which it may be acquired will be neglected. The loss of any opportunity will be regarded of course as a serious loss; and the neglect of the least, as a serious disgrace. The mind will therefore be alive, vigilant, and jealous, lest such a loss, or such a disgrace, should be incurred. Almost everything, which is either done, or omitted, will by such a mind be challenged as an affront, and resented as an injury. Thus the injuries, which will be felt, will be incalculably multiplied. To what a condition will this reduce society!

But dwelling is considered as a source of reputation. In what does the reputation, conferred by it, consist?

The duelist is a brave man.” So is the highwayman; the burglar; the pirate; and the bravo, who derives his name from gallant assassination. Nay the bull-dog is as bold as either. Bravery is honourable to man, only when exerted in a just, useful, rational cause; where some real good is intended, and may hopefully be accomplished. In every other case it is the courage of a brute. Can a man wish to become a competitor with an animal?

But this claim to bravery is questioned. If from the list of duellists were to be subtracted all those, who either give, or receive, challenges from the fear of being disgraced by the omission, or refusal; how small would be the remainder! But is acting from the fear of disgrace, merely, to be regarded as bravery in the honourable sense; or as courage in any sense? Is it not, on the contrary, simply choosing, of two evils, that, which is felt to be the least? Is there any creature which is not bold enough to do this?

Genuine bravery, when employed at all, is always employed in combating some real evil; something which ought to be opposed. When public opinion is false and mischievous, it will of course meet, resolutely, public opinion; and dare nobly to stem the torrent, which is wasting with its violence the public good. Genuine bravery would nobly disdain to give, or receive, a challenge; because both are pernicious to the safety and peace of mankind. No man is truly great, who has not resolution to withstand, and will not invariably and undauntedly withstand, very false and ruinous public opinion.

But suppose it were really reputable in the view of the public; the question would still recur with all its force—Is it right? Is it agreeable to the will of God? Is it useful to mankind? No advance is made towards the defence of dueling, until these questions can be answered in the affirmative. The opinion of the public cannot alter the nature either of moral principles, or of moral conduct. In the days of Jeroboam, the public opinion of Israel decreed, and supported, the worship of two calves; and, both before and afterward, sanctioned the sacrifice of children to Moloch. The public opinion at Carthage destined the brightest and best youths of the State as victims to Saturn. In a similar manner public opinion has erred, endlessly, in every age and country. An honest and brave man would, in every such case, have withstood the public opinion; and would always firmly resolve, with Abdiel, to stand alone, rather than fall with multitudes. He who will not do this, when either the worship of a stock, the immolation of a human victim, or the murder of his fellow men, is justified by public opinion, is not only devoid of sound principles, but the subject of miserable cowardice. It is a mockery of language, and an affront to common sense, to call him, who, trembling for fear of losing popular applause, sacrifices his faith and his integrity to the opinion of his fellow men, by any other name than a coward.

But duellists claim the character of delicate and peculiar honour. On what is this claim founded? Are they more sincere, just, kind, peaceable, generous, and reasonable, than other men? These are the ingredients of an honourable character. They themselves cannot deny it. That some men, who have fought duels have exhibited greater or less degrees of this spirit, I shall not hesitate to acknowledge. Men of real worth have undoubtedly been guilty of this folly and sin, as well as of other follies and other sins. But these men derived all their worth from other sources; and gained all that was honourable in their minds, and lives, by the character which they sustained as men, and not as duellists. As duelists, they fell from the height, to which they had risen. He, who will explain in what the honour or the delicacy of the spirit of duelling consists, will confer an obligation on his fellow men; and may undoubtedly claim the wreath due to superior intellect.

On the contrary, how generally are duellists haughty, overbearing, passionate, quarrelsome, and abusive; troublesome neighbours, uncomfortable friends, and disturbers of the common happiness? Their pretensions to honour and delicacy are usually mere pretensions; a deplorable egotism of character, which precludes them from all enjoyment, and prevents those around them from possessing quiet, and comfort, unless everything is conformed to their vain and capricious demands.

There is neither delicacy nor honour, in giving or taking affronts easily and suddenly; nor in justifying them on the one hand, nor in revenging them on the other. Very little children do all these things daily, without either honour or delicacy, from the mere impulse of infantine passion. Those who imitate them in this conduct, resemble them in character; and are only bigger children.

But duelling is reputable in the public opinion.” I have already answered this declaration; but I will answer it again.

Who are the persons of whom this public is constituted? Are they wise and good men? Can one wise and good man, unquestionably wise and good, be named, who has publicly appeared to indicate duelling? If there were even one, his name would, ere this, have been announced to the world. This public is not then formed of such men, and does not include them in its number. Is it formed of the mass of mankind; either in this, or any other, civilized country? I boldly deny, that the generality of men, in any such country, ever justified duelling, or respected duellists. Let the appeal be made to facts. In this country, certainly, the public voice is wholly against the practice. Some persons, who have fought duels, have unquestionably, been here respected for their talents, and their conduct; but not one for duelling. The proof of this is complete. This part of their conduct is never the theme of public, and hardly ever of private, commendation. On the contrary, it is always mentioned with regret, and generally with detestation. Who then is this public? It is the little collection of duellists; magnified by its own voice, as every other little party is, into the splendid character of the public. That duellists should pronounce duelling to be reputable, cannot be thought a wonder, nor alleged as an argument.

“But it is dishonourable not to give a challenge when affronted; and to refuse one, when challenged. Who can endure the sense of shame, or consent to live in infamy? What is life worth without reputation; and how can reputation be preserved, as the world now is, without obeying the dictates of this custom?”

This, I presume, is the chief argument, on which duelling rests; and by which its votaries are, at least a great part of them, chiefly governed. Take away the shame of neglecting to give, or refusing to accept, a challenge; and few men would probably enter the field of single combat, except from motives of revenge.

On this argument I observe, that he, who alleges it, gives up the former arguments, of course. If a man fights, to avoid the shame of not fighting, he does not fight, to punish, repair, or prevent, an injury. If the disgrace of not fighting is his vindication for fighting, then he is not vindicated by any of these considerations; nor by that of delicate honour, nor by anything else.

The real reason, and that on which alone he ultimately relies for his justification, is, that if he does not fight he shall be disgraced; and that this disgrace is attended with such misery, as to necessitate, and justify his fighting.

In alleging this reason as his justification, the duel list gives up, also, the inherent rectitude of duelling; and acknowledges it to be in itself wrong. Otherwise he plainly could not need, nor appeal to, this reason, as his vindication. The misery of this disgrace, is therefore, according to his declaration, such, as to render that right, which is inherently, and which but for this misery would still be, wrong, or sinful.

This is indeed a strange opinion. God has, and it will not often be denied that he has, prohibited certain kinds of conduct to men. These he has absolutely prohibited. According to this opinion, however, he places men by his providence in such circumstances of distress, that they may lawfully disobey his prohibitions; because, otherwise, they would be obliged to endure intolerable misery. Has God, then, published a law, and afterwards placed men in such situations, as to make their disobedience to it lawful? How unreasonably, according to this doctrine, have the scriptures charged Satan with sin? His misery, as exhibited by them, is certainly more intolerable than that, which is here professed, and of course will warrant him to pursue the several courses, in which he expects to lessen it. This is the present plea of the duelist; Satan might make it with double force.

Had the Apostles bethought themselves of this argument, they might, it would seem, have spared themselves the scorn, the reproach, the hunger, the nakedness, the persecution, and the violent death which they firmly encountered, rather than disobedience to God. Foolishly indeed must they have gone to the stake, and the cross, when they might have found a quiet refuge from both in the mere recollection, that the loss of reputation was such extreme distress, as to justify him who was exposed to this evil, in any measures of disobedience, necessary in his view to secure his escape.

What an exhibition is here given of the character of God? He has published a law, which forbids homicide; a law universally acknowledged to be just; and particularly acknowledged to be just in the very adoption of this argument. At the same time, it is in this argument averred, that he often places his creatures in such circumstances, that they may lawfully disobey it. Of these circumstances every man is considered as being his own judge. If then any man judge, that his circumstances will justify his disobedience, he may, according to this argument, lawfully disobey. If the argument were universally admitted, how evident is it, that every man would disobey every law of God, and yet be justified. Obedience would therefore vanish from men; the law become a nullity; and God cease to govern, and be unable to govern, his creatures. This certainly would be a most ingenious method of annihilating that law, every jot and tittle of which he has declared shall stand, though to fulfill it heaven and earth shall pass away.

On the same ground might every man, in equal distress, seek the life of him who occasioned it, however innocently, and hazard his own. But poverty, disappointed ambition, and a thousand other misfortunes, involve men in equal sufferings; as we continually see by the suicide, which follows them. Of these misfortunes, generally, men, either intentionally, or unintentionally, are the causes. He, therefore, who causes them, may, on this ground, be lawfully put to death by the sufferer. What boundless havoc would this doctrine make of human life; and how totally would it subvert every moral principle!

How different was the conduct of St. Paul, in sufferings inestimably greater than those here alleged! Being reviled, says he, we bless; being defamed, we entreat. Thus he acted, when, as he declares in the same passage, he was hungry and thirsty, and naked, and buffeted, and had no certain dwelling place.

But what is this suffering? It is nothing but the anguish of wounded pride. Ought, then, this imperious, deceitful, debasing passion to be gratified at the expense of murder, and suicide? Ought it to be gratified at all? Is not most of the turpitude, shame, and misery, of man the effect of this passion only? Angels by the indulgence of this passion lost heaven; and the parents of mankind ruined a world.

But a good name is by the Scriptures themselves asserted to be an invaluable possession.” It is. But what is a good Name, in the view of the Scriptures? It is the Name, which grows out of good principles, and good conduct. It is the result of wisdom and virtue; not of folly and sin; a plant brought down from the heavens, which will flourish, and blossom, and bear fruit forever.

But is not the esteem of our fellow-men an inestimable enjoyment? And have not wise men, in every age of the world, given this as their opinion?” The esteem, let me ask, of what men? The esteem of banditti is certainly of no value. The character of the men is, therefore, that which determines the worth of their esteem. The esteem of wise and good men is undoubtedly a possession, of the value alleged; particularly, because it is given only to wise and good conduct. If you covet esteem then, merit it by wisdom and virtue; and you will of course gain the blessing. By folly and guilt you can gain no applause, but that of fools and sinners; while you assure yourself of the contempt and abhorrence of all others.

I shall conclude this part of the discussion with the following summary remarks.

Duelling is eminently absurd, because the reasons, which create the contest, are generally trivial. These are almost always trifling affronts, which a magnanimous man would disdain to regard. A brave and meritorious Officer in the British army was lately killed in a duel, which arose of the fighting of two dogs.

As an adjustment of disputes, it is supremely absurd. If the parties possess equal skill, innocence and crime are placed on the same level; and their interests are decided by a game of hazard. A die would better terminate the controversy; because the chances would be the same, and the danger and death would be avoided. If the parties possess unequal skill, the concerns of both are committed to the decision of one; deeply interested; perfectly selfish; enraged; and precluded by the very plan of adjustment from doing that which is right, unless in doing it he will consent to suffer an incomprehensible evil. To avoid this evil he is by the laws of the controversy justified in doing to his antagonist all the future injustice in his power. Never was there a more improper judge, nor a more improper situation for judging. To add to the folly, the very mode of decision involves new evils; so that the injustice already done can never be redressed, but by doing other and greater injustice. 1

Finally, it is infinite folly, as in every duel, each party puts his soul, and his eternity, into extreme hazard, voluntarily; and rushes before the bar of God, stained with the guilt of suicide and with the design of shedding violently the blood of his fellow-man.

The guilt of dueling involves a train of the most solemn considerations. An understanding, benumbed by the torpor of the lethargy, only, would fail to discern them; a heart of flint to feel them; and a conscience vanquished, bound, and trodden under foot, to regard them with horror.

Duelling is a violation of the laws of Man. “Submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake,” is equally a precept of reason and revelation. The Government of every country is the indispensable source of protection, peace, safety, and happiness, to its inhabitants; and the only means of transmitting these blessings, together with education, knowledge, and religion, to their children. It is therefore a good, which cannot be estimated. But without obedience to its laws no government can continue a moment. He, therefore, who violates them, contributes voluntarily to the destruction of the government itself, and of all the blessings which it secures.

The laws of every civilized country forbid duelling, and forbid it, in its various stages, by denouncing against it severe and dreadful penalties; thus proving, that the wise and good men of every such country have, with one view, regarded it as an injury of no common magnitude. The duelist, therefore, openly, and of system, attacks the laws, the peace, and the happiness, of his country; loosens the bonds of society; and makes an open war on his fellow-citizens, and their posterity.

At the same time he takes the decision of his own controversies out of the hands of the public, and constitutes himself his own judge and avenger. His arm he makes the umpire of all his concerns; and insolently requires his countrymen to submit their interests, when connected with his own, to the adjudication of his passions. Claiming and sharing all the blessings of civilized society, he arrogates, also, the savage independence of wild and brutal nature; wrests the sword of justice from the hand of the magistrate, and wields it, as the weapon of an assassin. To him government is annihilated. Laws and trials, judges and juries, vanish before him. Arms are his laws, and a party his judge; his only trial is a battle, and his hall a field of blood.

All his countrymen have the same rights which he has. Should they claim and exercise what he claims, what would be the consequence? Every controversy, every concern of man would be terminated by the sword and pistol. Civil war, war waged by friends and neighbours, by fathers, sons, and brothers; a war of that dreadful kind which the Romans denominated a tumult, would spread through every country: a war, in which all the fierce passions of man would be let loose; and wrath and malice, revenge and phrenzy would change the world into a dungeon filled with maniacs, who had broken their chains, and glutted their rage with each other’s misery. Thus duelling, universally adopted, would ruin every country, destroy all their peace and safety, and blast every hope of mankind. Who but a fiend could willingly contribute to this devastation?

The guilt begun in the violation of the laws of man, is finished in the violation of the laws of God. This awful Being, who gave us existence, and preserves it; who is everywhere, and sees everything; who made, and rules, the universe; who will judge, and reward, both angels and men; and before whom every work, with every secret thing, shall be brought into judgment; with his own voice proclaimed to this bloody world, from Mount Sinai, Thou shalt not kill. The command, as I explained it in this place, the last season, forbids killing absolutely. No exception, as I then observed, can be lawfully made to the precept, except those which the lawgiver has himself made. These, I farther observed, are limited to killing beasts, when necessary for food, or plainly noxious; and putting man to death by the sword of public justice; or in self-defence; whether private or public: this being the only ground of justifiable war. As these are the sole exceptions, it is clear that duelling is an open violation of this law of God.

The guilt of duelling in this view is manifold; and in all its varieties is sufficiently dreadful to alarm any man, whose conscience is susceptible of alarm, and whose mind is not too stupid to discern, that it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God.

If the duelist is a mere creature of solitude, in whose life or death, happiness or misery, no human being is particularly interested; if no bosom will glow with his prosperity, or bleed with his sufferings; if no mourner will follow his hearse, and no eye drop a tear over his grave; still he is a man. As a man, he owes ten thousand duties to his fellow-men; and these are all commanded by his God. His labours, his example, his prayers, are daily due to the neighbour, the stranger, the poor, and the public. He cannot withdraw them without sin. The eternal Being, whose wisdom and justice have sanctioned all these claims, will exact the forfeiture at his hands; and enquire of the wicked and slothful servant, why, in open defiance of his known pleasure, he has thus shrunk from his duty, and buried his talent in the grave.

Is he a son? Who licensed him, in rebellion against the fifth command of the Decalogue, to pierce his parents’ hearts with agony, and to bring down their grey hairs with sorrow to the grave? Why did he not live, to honour his father and his mother; to obey, to comfort, to delight, and to support them in their declining years; and to give them a rich reward for all their toil, expense, and suffering, in his birth and education, by a dutiful, discreet, and amiable life, the only reward which they asked? Why did he shroud the morning of their happiness in midnight, and cause their rising hopes to set in blood? Why did he raise up before their anguished eyes the spectre of a son, slain in the enormous perpetration of sin; escaping from a troubled grave; or coming from the regions of departed spirits to haunt their course through declining life; to alarm their sleep, and chill their waking moments, with the despairing, agonizing cry,

“Death, ‘tis a melancholy day
To those that have no God.”

Is he a husband? He has broken the marriage vow; the oath of God. He has forsaken his wife of his youth. He has refused to furnish her sustenance; to share her joys; to sooth her sorrows; to watch her sick bed; and to provide for his children and hers, the means of living here, and the means of living for ever. He has denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel. Where, in that fatal, guilty moment, when he resolved to cast away his life, were his tenderness to the partner of his bosom; the yearnings of his bowels towards the offspring of his loins; his sense of duty; his remembrance of God? In every character, as a dependent creature, as a sinful man, his eternal life and death were suspended on his forgiveness of his enemies. He, who alone can forgive sins, and save sinners, has said, If ye forgive not men their trespasses, neither will your heavenly Father forgive you. He has gone farther. He has forbidden man even to ask pardon of God, unless with a forgiving spirit to his fellow-men. In vain can the duelist pretend to a forgiving temper. If he felt the spirit of the cross, could he possibly for an affront, an offence lighter than air, shed the blood of his neighbour? Could he plunge the friends of the sufferer into an abyss of anguish; sink his parents in irrecoverable despair; break on the wheel the hearts of his wife and children; and label on the door-posts of his house, Mourning, Lamentation, and Woe?

Satisfaction for a professed injury is the very demand which he makes; the only basis of his contest. Is this the language of forgiveness? It is an insult to common sense, it is an outrage on common decency, to hold this language, and yet profess this temper. The language is the language of revenge. The spirit is the spirit of revenge. The varnish, notwithstanding it is so laboriously spread, is too thin to conceal the gross materials, or to deceive the most careless eye. Revenge for a supposed affront, revenge for wounded pride, for disappointed ambition, for frustrated schemes of power, dictates the challenge, seizes the weapon of death, and goads the champion to the field. Revenge turns the heart to stone, directs the fatal aim, and gloomily smiles over the expiring victim. Remove this palliation, miserable as it is, and you make man a fiend. A fiend would murder without emotion; while man is hurried to the dreadful work by passion only.

But what an image is presented to the eye by a man, thus dreadfully executing revenge! A worm of the dust; a sinful worm, an apostate, who lives on mercy only; who would not thus have lived, had not his Saviour died for him; who is crimsoned with ten thousand crimes, committed against his God; who is soon to be tried, judged and rewarded for them all; this worm raises its crest, and talks loftily of the affront which it has received, of injured honour, of wounded character, of expiation by the blood of its fellow worm. All this is done under the all-searching eye, and in the tremendous presence, of Jehovah; who has hung the pardon of this miserable being on his forgiveness of his fellow. Be astonished, O Heavens, at this! And thou earth, be horribly afraid!

Nor is this crime merely an execution of revenge; it is a cold, deliberate revenge. The deliberate killing of a man is Murder, by the decision of common sense, by the decision of human laws, by the decision of God. How few murderers have an equal opportunity, or equal advantages, to deliberate! By a mind informed with knowledge, softened with the humanity of polished life, enlightened by revelation, conscious of a God, and acquainted with the Saviour of mankind, a cool, deliberate purpose is formed, cherished, and executed, of murdering a fellow-creature. The servant, who forgave not his fellow-servant his debt of an hundred pence but thrust him into prison, was delivered over to the tormenters by his Lord, until he should pay the ten thousand talents, which he owed, when he had nothing to pay? What will be the destiny of that servant, who, in the same circumstances, for a debt, an injury, of the tenth part of the value of an hundred pence, robs his fellow-servant of his life?

Had an Apostle, had Paul, amidst all the unexampled injuries which he suffered, sent a challenge, or fought a duel, what would have become of his character as an Apostle, or even as a good man? This single act would have destroyed his character, and ruined his mission. Infidels would have triumphantly objected this act, as unquestioned proof of his immorality, of his consequent unfitness to be an Apostle from God to mankind, and of his destitution, therefore, of inspiration. Nor could Christians have answered the objection. But can that conduct, which would have proved Paul to be a sinner, consist with a virtuous character in another man?

Had the Saviour of the world 2 (I make the unnatural supposition with shuddering, but I hope with becoming reverence for that great and glorious Person) sent a challenge, or fought a duel, would not this single spot have eclipsed the Sun of Righteousness forever? Can that spot, which would have sullied the divinity of the Redeemer, and obscured his mediation, fail to be an indelible stain, a hateful deformity, on those whom he came to save? If any man have not the spirit of Christ, he is none of his.

All these things reason, and humanity, and religion plead; yet how often, even in this infant country, this country boasting of its knowledge and virtue, they plead in vain! Duels in great numbers are fought; revenge is glutted; and the miserable victims of wrath and madness are hurried to an untimely end. Come then, thou surviving, and in thine own view, fortunate and glorious champion; accompany me to the scenes of calamity, which thou hast created, and survey the mischiefs of duelling.

Go with me to yonder church-yard. Whose is that newly opened grave? Approach, and read the letters on the yet uncovered coffin. If thou canst retain a steady eye, thou wilt perceive, that they denote a man, who yesterday beheld, and enjoyed, the light of the living. Then he shared in all the blessings and hopes of life. He possessed health, and competence, and comfort, and usefulness, and reputation. He was surrounded by neighbours who respected, and by friends who loved him. The wife of his youth found in him every joy, and the balm of every sorrow. The children of his bosom hung on his knees, to receive his embrace, and his blessing. In a thousand designs was he embarked, to provide for their support and education, and to settle them usefully and comfortably in the world. He inspired all their enjoyments; he lighted up all their hopes.

Yesterday he was himself a creature of hope, a probationer for immortality. The voice of mercy invited him to faith and repentance in the Lord Jesus Christ, to holiness, and to heaven. The day of grace shone, the smiles of forgiveness beamed upon his head. While this happy day lasted, God was reconcilable, his Redeemer might be found, and his soul might be saved. The night had not then come upon him, in which no man can work.

Where is he now? His body lies mouldering in that coffin. His soul has ascended to God, with all its sins upon its head, to be judged, and condemned to wretchedness, which knows no end. Thy hand has hurried him to the grave, to the judgment, and to damnation. He affronted thee; and this is the expiation which thy revenge exacted.

Turn now to the melancholy mansion, where, yesterday, his presence diffused tenderness, hope, and joy. Enter the door, reluctantly opening to receive even the most beloved guest. Here mark the affecting group assembled by this catastrophe. That venerable man, fixed in motionless sorrow, whose hoary head trembles with emotions unutterable, and whose eye refuses a tear to lessen his anguish, is the father who begat him. That matron wrung with agony, is the mother who bore him. Yesterday he was their delight, their consolation, the staff of their declining years. To him they looked, under God, to lighten the evils of their old age; to close their eyes on the bed of death; and to increase their transports throughout eternity.

But their comforts and their hopes have all vanished together. He is now a corpse, a tenant of the grave; cut off in the bloom of life, and sent unprepared to the judgment. To these immeasurable evils thou hast added the hopeless agony of remembering, while they live, that he was cut off in a gross and dreadful act of sin, and without even a momentary space of repentance: a remembrance, which will envenom life, and double the pangs of death.

Turn thine eyes, next, on that miserable form surrounded by a cluster of helpless and wretched children. See her eyes rolling with frenzy, and her frame quivering with terror. Thy hand has made her a widow, and her children orphans. At thee, though unseen, is directed that bewildered stare of agony. At thee she trembles; for thee she listens; lest the murderer of her husband should be now approaching to murder her children also.

She and they have lost their all. Thou hast robbed them of their support, their protector, their guide, their solace, their hope. In the rave all these blessings have been buried by thy hand. If his affront to thee demanded this terrible expiation, what, according to thine own decision, must be the sufferings, destined, to retribute the immeasurable injuries, which thou hast done to them?

The day of this retribution is approaching. The voice of thy brother’s blood crieth from the ground, and thou art now cursed from the earth, which hath opened her mouth to receive thy brother’s blood. A mark is set upon thee by thy God; not for safety, but for destruction. Disease, his avenging Angel, is preparing to hurry thee to the bed of death. With what agonies wilt thou there recall thy malice, thy revenge, and the murder of thy friend! With what ecstacy will thy soul cling to this world, and with what horror will it quake at the approach of eternity! Alone, naked, drenched in guilt, thou wilt ascend to God. From him what reception wilt thou meet From his voice what language wilt thou hear? “Depart, thou cursed into everlasting fire.” And lo! The melancholy world of sin and suffering unfolds to receive thee. Mark, in the entrance, the man, whom thou hast plundered of life, and happiness, and heaven, already waiting to pour on thy devoted head, for the infinite wrongs which thou hast done to him, the wrath and vengeance of eternity.

At the close of this awful survey, cast thine eyes once more around thee, and see thyself, and thy brother duellists, the examples, the patrons, and the sole causes, of all succeeding duelling. Were the existing advocates of this practice to cease from upholding it; were they to join their efforts to the common efforts of man, and hunt it out of the world; it would never return. On thee, therefore, and thy companions, the innumerable and immense evils of future duelling are justly charged. To you, a band of enemies to the peace and safety of man, a host of Jeroboams, who not only sin, but make Israel to sin through a thousand generations, will succeeding ages impute their guilt, and their sufferings. You efficacious and baleful example, will make thousands of childless parents, distracted widows, and desolate orphans after you are laid in the grave. You invite posterity to wrest the right of deciding private controversies out of the hands of public justice; and to make force and skill the only umpires between man and man. You entail perpetual contempt on the laws of man, and on the laws of God; kindle the flames of civil discord; and summon from his native abyss anarchy, the worst of fiends, to lay waste all the happiness, and all the hopes of mankind.

At the great and final day, your country will rise up in judgment against you, to accuse you as the destroyers of her peace, and the murderers of her children. Against you will rise up in judgment all the victims of your revenge, and all the wretched families, whom you have plunged in hopeless misery. The prowling Arab and the remorseless Savage, will there draw nigh, and whiten their crimes by a comparison with yours. They indeed were murderers, but they were never dignified with the name, nor blessed with the privileges of Christians. They were born in blood, and educated to slaughter. They were taught from their infancy, that to fight, and to kill, was lawful, honourable, and virtuous. You were born in the mansion of knowledge, humanity, and religion. At the moment of your birth, you were offered up to God, and baptized in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. You were dandled on the knee, and educated in the school of piety. From the house of God you have gone to the field of blood, and from the foot of the cross, to the murder of your friends. You have cut off life in the blossom, and shortened, to the wretched objects of your wrath, the day of repentance and salvation. The beams of the Sun of righteousness, shining with life-giving influence on them, you have intercepted; the smile of mercy, the gleam of hope, the dawn of immortality, you have overcast forever. You have glutted the grave with untimely slaughter, and helped to people the world of perdition. Crimsoned with guilt, and drunk with blood, Nineveh will ascend from the tomb, triumph over your ruin, and smile to see her own eternal destiny more tolerable than yours.

 


Endnotes

1. This, however, is beyond a doubt the real state of the subject. Duellists profess to fight on equal terms, and make much parade of adjusting the combat so as to accord with these terms. But all this is mere profession. Most of those who design to become duellists, apply themselves with great assiduity to shooting with pistols at a mark placed at the utmost usual fighting distance. In this manner they prove that they intend to avail themselves of their superior skill, thus laboriously acquired, to decide the combat against their antagonists. It makes not the least difference, whether the advantage consists in better arms, a better position, an earlier fire, or a more skillful hand. In each case the advantage lies in the greater probability which it furnishes one of the combatants of success in the duel. Superior skill ensures this probability, and is, therefore, according to the professions of duellists, an unfair and iniquitous advantage.

2. It is, I believe, universally admitted by Christians, that the conduct, which would have been sinful in Christ, considered merely as placed under the law of God, and required to obey it, is sinful in every man acquainted with the Gospel; and that the conduct of Christ as a moral being, is in every instance applicable to our circumstances, a rule of duty to us. I have put this strong case, because I believe few of those, who may evade with various pretences the preceding arguments will be at a loss to determine here. In the same manner divines customarily make, on certain occasions, the supposition of injustice, falsehood, or other turpitude, and apply it to the divine character; to shew, forcibly, what deplorable consequences would follow, were the supposition true.

Sermon – The Infirmities and Comforts of Old Age – 1805

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

In this 1805 sermon, preached when he was 74 years old, Rev. Lathrop encourages his listeners to adopt a Biblical perspective on aging: to recognize that its effects are inevitable; to lean more heavily on God for grace to deal with the weakening of the body; and to maintain a positive testimony of faith before others. (Rev. Lathrop would preach another sermon on aging, Old Age Improved, in 1811, when he had reached his 80th year. Read it here.)


The Infirmities and Comforts of Old Age

A Sermon To Aged People

By Joseph Lathrop, D. D. Pastor of the first Church in West-Spring field

My aged Brethren and Friends, You will permit an aged man, like yourselves, to speak, this afternoon, a few words to you…Or, if you please, he will speak to himself in your hearing…Pertinent to our case, and worthy of our adoption, is the Petition of the Psalmist in:

Psalm 71:9

Cast me not off in the time of old age…Forsake me not when my strength faileth.

There is little doubt, that David was the author of this Psalm. And from several expressions in it we learn, that he wrote it in his old age. He prays in our text, “cast me not off in the time of old age.” And, in verse 18, “Now, when I am old and gray headed, forsake me not.” But David, when he died, was but about seventy years old, and he probably wrote the Psalm some years before his death; perhaps in the time of Absalom’s rebellion; for he speaks of “enemies, who then took counsel together, and laid wait for this life.” And we find not, that he was ever in this perilous and critical situation after that rebellion.

David, then, realized old age earlier than some seem to do. He noticed its first appearance; he brought it near, in his meditations, before it had actually invaded him; or, at least, when he began to perceive its approach in the decline of his strength, and the increase of his gray hairs. But many choose to view it as distant. “Grey hairs are here and there upon them, and they perceive it not.” They enjoy, in a comfortable degree, the pleasures of life; and that evil day, in which there is no pleasure, they put far from them.

It would be wise for us to imitate David’s example; to think of, and prepare for the evil day before it comes; to secure God’s gracious presence now; and in our daily prayers to ask, that “he would not cast us off in the time of old age, nor forsake us when our strength faileth.”

The Psalmist here reminds us, that old age is a time when strength faileth: And that at such a time God’s presence is of peculiar importance.

I. Old age is a time when strength faileth. There is then a sensible decay of bodily strength.

As we come into the world, so we depart, impotent, feeble and helpless. From our infancy we gradually acquire strength, until we arrive to our full maturity. We then for a few years continue stationary, without sensible change. After a little while we begin to feel, and are constrained to confess an alteration in our state. Our limbs lose their former activity; our customary labor becomes wearisome; pains invade our frame; our sleep, often interrupted, refreshes us less than heretofore; our food is less gustful; our sight is bedimmed, and our
ears are dull of hearing; “they that look out at the windows are darkened, and the daughters of music are low;” the pleasures of reading and conversation abate; our ancient companions have generally withdrawn to another world, and the few who are left are, like us, shut up, that they cannot go forth…Hence social visits are more unfrequent and less entertaining; and our condition grows more and more solitary and disconsolate.

With our bodily, our mental strength usually declines. The faculty which first appears to fail is the memory. And its failure we first observe in the difficulty of recollecting little things, such as names and numbers. We then perceive it in our inability to retain things which are recent…What we early heard or read, abides with us; but later information is soon forgotten. Hence, in conversation, aged people often repeat the same questions, and relate the same stories; for they soon lose the recollection of what has passed And hence perhaps, in part,
is the impertinent garrulity, of which old age is accused… You see, then my young friends, the importance of laying up a good store of useful knowledge in early life. What you acquire now, you may retain: Later acquisitions will be small and uncertain. Like riches, they will make them wings and fly away. In the decline of life you must chiefly depend on the old stock; and happy, if you shall have then a rich store to feed upon.

When memory fails, other faculties soon follow. The attention is with more difficulty fixed, and more easily diverted: the intellect is less acute in its discernment, and the judgment more fallible in its decisions.

The judgment is the last faculty which the pride of age is willing to give up…Our forgetfulness we cannot but feel, and others cannot but observe. But we choose to think our judgment remains solid and clear. We are never apt to distrust our own opinions; for it is the nature of opinion to be satisfied with itself. It is certain, however, that judgment must fail in some proportion to the failure of attention and recollection. We form a just judgment by viewing and comparing the evidences and circumstances, which relate to the case in question. If then any material evidence, or circumstance escapes our notice, or slips from our memory, the judgment formed is uncertain, because we have but a partial view of the case. In all matters, where a right judgment depends on comparing several things, the failure of memory endangers the rectitude of the decision.

When we perceive a decline of bodily and mental strength, fear and anxiety usually increase. Difficulties once trifling now swell to a terrifying magnitude, because we have not power to encounter them. Want stares upon us with frightful aspect, because we have not capacity to provide against it…The kind and patient attention of our friends we distrust, because we know not how long we may be a burden to them, and we have nothing in our hands to remunerate them, except that property, which they already anticipate as their own. “The grasshopper now becomes a burden’ we rise up at the voice of the bird; we are afraid of that which is high, and fear is in the way.”

This state of infirmity and anxiety, painful in itself, is rendered more so by the recollection of what we once were, and by the anticipation of what we soon shall be.

We contrast our present with our former condition…Once we were men; now we feel ourselves to be but babes. Once we possessed active powers; now we are become impotent. Once we sustained our children and ministered to them with pleasure; now we are sustained by them; and we are sure, our once experienced pleasure is not reciprocated. Once we were of some importance in society; now we are sunk into insignificance. Once our advice was sought and regarded; now we are passed by with neglect, and younger men take our place: even the management of our own substance has fallen into the hands of others, and they perhaps scarcely think us worthy of being consulted. And if we are, now and then, consulted, perhaps our jealousy whispers, that it is done merely to flatter our aged vanity and keep us in good humor.

Such a contrast Job experienced, and he found it no small aggravation of his adversity. Looking back to former days, he says, “When I went out of the gates through the city, the young men saw me, and hid themselves; the aged arose and stood up. When the ear heard me, then it blessed me; and when the eye saw me, it gave witness to me, because I delivered the poor and fatherless, and the blessing of those, who were ready to perish, came upon me. -But now they who are younger than I have me in derision. They abhor me and flee from me. They mar my path, and set forward my calamity.”

And not only the remembrance of what is past, but the forethought of what is to come, aggravates the calamity of the aged man.

In earlier life hope stood by him to comfort him in all his troubles. If he was disappointed in his business, he hoped to succeed better in a future essay. If he met with misfortune, he hoped by and by to retrieve it. If he lost his health, he hoped by time and medicine to regain it. If he suffered pain, he hoped it would be short. Whatever calamity he felt, he looked forward to better days…But now hope has quitted its station and retired from his company. “His days are spent without hope.” The joys of life are fled, never to return. He anticipates the increase of infirmities and pains from month to month, and the probable even of total decrepitude and confinement, and the entire loss of his feeble remains of sensibility and intellect.

Well might Solomon call this an evil day.

In the probable expectation of such a day, there is no solid comfort, but in the hope of enjoying the presence of God. Therefore, as we observed,

II. We ought to adopt the prayer of David, “Cast me not off in the time of old age: Forsake me not when my strength faileth.”

In the first place, the Psalmist may here be supposed to request, that God would not cast him off from the care of his providence.

When we have reached old age, or find ourselves near it, we may reasonably and properly pray, that God would excuse us from those pains of body and infirmities of mind, with which some have been afflicted; that he would place us in easy and unembarrassed circumstances, and allow us liberty for those devout exercises, which are suited to prepare us for our momentous change. David had seen the gross misbehavior of some of his children, and was now probably suffering under the cruel persecution of an ungracious son, who wished the father’s death, that he might possess the father’s throne. In this situation the old man prays, “Deliver me out of the hand of the wicked, out of the hand of the unrighteous and cruel man. O God, be not far from me; make haste to my help.” Under this severe affliction he doubtless requested, that God would incline the hearts of his children to treat him with filial duty and affection, and to study the peace and comfort of his declining age.

The happiness of the parent, in the latter stages of his life, depends much on the good behavior of his children; and particularly on their kind attention to him…I pity the aged man, who, when his strength fails, looks anxiously around, and sees not a son on whom he can lean: No; not a child, who will reach out a hand to sustain his sinking frame, and guide his tottering steps… But I congratulate the happy old man, who sees his children about him, all attentive to his wants, listening to his complaints, compassionate to his pains, and emulous each to
excel the other in acts of filial duty…I honor the children, when instead of seeing the old father tossed from place to place, unwelcome wherever he is sent, they adopt the language of Joseph, “come to me, my father; thou shalt be near to me, and I will nourish thee.” Such filial kindness soothes the pains, and cheers the spirits of the parent. It makes him forget his affliction, or remember it as waters which pass away.

But, secondly, what David principally requested was, that God would grant him the presence of his grace. Thus he prays, in another Psalm, “Cast me not away out of thy presence; take not thy holy spirit from me; restore to me the joy of thy salvation, and uphold me with thy free spirit.”

His outward man was decaying; but he solicited such supplies of grace, as should renew the inward man day by day. In his increasing infirmities he could take pleasure, when the power of God rested upon him; for however weak in himself, he was strong in the Lord.

1. In this prayer he asks grace, that he may maintain a temper and behavior suited to his age and condition.

It becomes the aged to be grave and sober, for they stand on the brink of the eternal world. And who would not be sober there? If we should ever happen to see such men light and vain, addicted to frothy discourse, fond of dissolute company, and seeking guilty amusements, we should be shocked at the spectacle. We should naturally conclude, that their hearts were totally alienated from God and religion, and completely stupefied by the habits of sin.

It becomes them to be temperate and vigilant, and to avoid every indulgence, which might tend to increase the peevishness and irritability naturally incident to a period of pain and infirmity.

It becomes them to be patient and resigned. As they are subject to peculiar trials, and the strength of nature fails, they should implore the presence of that good spirit, whose fruits are gentleness, meekness and long-suffering. They should call to mind former mercies, and meditate on God’s works of old. They should consider that their time is short, and their trials will soon be over. “Now for a season, if need be, they are in heaviness through manifold temptations; but if patience has its perfect work, the trial of their faith, which is more precious, than that of gold which perishes, will be found to praise and honor at the coming of Christ. And these light afflictions, which are but for a moment, will work for them a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory.”

2. They should pray for grace, that by a pattern of piety and heavenly mindedness, they may recommend religion to others. They are required to be sound in charity, as well as patience-not only to bear their troubles with fortitude and dignity, but to exhibit in all things a behavior, which becometh holiness, that they may teach the young to be sober minded. This is the best exercise of their charity.

David, in his old age, felt a benevolent concern for rising posterity. Hence he prays, “O God, forsake me not, when I am old, until I have showed thy strength to this generation, and thy power to every one that is to come.”

The aged man, taken off by his infirmities from the active business of life, can in no way do more service for God and for mankind, than by exhibiting a visible example of contentment and humility, piety and spirituality, faith and hope, in the near views of another world. He thus demonstrates the excellence and power of religion, and calls on all around him to embrace and cherish it, that, like him, they may pear affliction with serenity, and meet death with fortitude.

3. David here solicits communion with God. “Cast me not off.” Deny me not free access to thee. “Turn not away my prayer, nor thy mercy from me.”

The good man, in all circumstances, would maintain a heavenly intercourse. But he desires and values this privilege most in a time of affliction, and in the near expectation of death. Our Savior, who was, at all times, filled with a devout spirit, exercised this spirit most fervently and frequently toward the close of his life. And so ought the aged saint. As he is discharged from the labors and occupation of the world, let him dismiss his worldly affections and thoughts, and give himself, more than formerly, to self examination, meditation and prayer, viewing the time as at had, when, taking leave of all earthly things, he must enter into a new world, mingle in new connexions, and appear in the presence of God, let him employ himself in the contemplation of heaven and in the exercises of devotion more constantly than he could ordinarily do in former years, when the world had greater demands upon him. Looking forward to the last stage of life, and realizing the condition in which he may then be placed, let him often ask beforehand, that God would give him at that time, the spirit of prayer in a superior degree, would grant him, under nature’s weakness, ability to collect and arrange his thoughts, and a fervor of pious affection in making known his requests. This, in a similar case, was the employment and the comfort of the Psalmist. “My soul,” says he, “is full of troubles, and my life draweth near to the grave; mine acquaintance are put far from me; and I am shut up, that I cannot go forth.” And what could he do in this condition? One thing he could do; and this he did. He applied himself to prayer, which is the best relief of an afflicted soul. “I have called daily upon thee, and to thee have I stretched out my hands Unto thee have I cried, O Lord, and in the morning shall my prayer prevent thee. Let my prayer come before thee; incline thine ear to my cry.”

4. David, in this petition, “Cast me not off in the time of old age,” requests that, by the power of Divine Grace working in him, his faith and hope might hold out to the last; and that, by the sensible displays of Divine Light, and by increasing evidence of his title to salvation, he might be freed from the distressing apprehension of being finally cast off and forsaken of his God. Thus he prays, on another occasion, “Cast me not away out of thy presence. Restore unto me the joy of they salvation.”

In all seasons and conditions of life, the hope of glory is much to be desired, and earnestly to be sought. This will lighten our afflictions and sweeten our mercies; defend us against temptations and smooth the path of duty; dispel the gloom which hovers round the grave, and brighten the prospect of eternity… But this hope is never more important, or more delightful than in old age. Now the joys of life have fled, and earthly prospects are cut off; now the day of probation is expiring, and the solemn hour of retribution is at hand…How unhappy the case of those, who are going down to the grave without hope, and going to judgment with a consciousness of unpardoned guilt; who, in the review of life, see nothing
but vain amusements, sensual pleasures, earthly affections, and avaricious or ambitious pursuits; and in the contemplation of futurity see nothing before them, but death, judgment and fiery indignation… But how happy the aged Christian, who can look back on a life employed in works of piety to God, and beneficence to men, and who now feels the spirit of devotion and charity warmed within him and acting with fresh vigor to confirm his hopes of heaven, dispel the fears of death, and light up fresh joys in his soul? He can take pleasure in his infirmities, regarding them as kind intimations, that “now is his salvation nearer, than when he believed.”

Such was Paul’s felicity, when he was ready to be offered, and the time of his departure was at hand. “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith, henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, will give me in that day.” How did Paul obtain this felicity?-“He counted not his own life dear to himself, that he might finish his work with faithfulness, and his course with joy.” “He kept under his body to bring it into subjection, lest by any means, when he had preached to others, he himself should be a castaway.” That we may obtain the full assurance of hope, we must be followers of them, who by faith and patience inherit the promises; and in this course we must give diligence to the end.

Our subject powerfully applies itself to us, who are advanced in age. We begin to feel the decays of strength, and to perceive the indications of our approaching dissolution. In a few a days, we must go the way, whence we shall not return. Soon we shall see man no more with the inhabitants of the earth; but shall be placed in new relations and in a new condition. While we tarry here, our infirmities will probably increase; our days and nights will become more wearisome; the pleasure of senses will lose their relish; the burden of worldly business will be too heavy for our bending shoulders; the implements of our labor will drop out of our palsied hands, and we shall have no more a portion in any thing that is done under the sun. And it is not improbable, that some of our last months may be spent in helpless confinement of body; ah, and perhaps too in derangement or stupor of mind.

Looking forward to such a season, let us daily pray, “O God, cast us not off in the time of old age; forsake us not when our strength faileth. Give us kind and patient friends, who will cheerfully minister to our necessities and bear our infirmities. Vouchsafe to us rich supplies of thy Grace, that we may sustain our own infirmities; may enjoy communion with thee; may maintain our heavenly hope, and by a pattern of Christian piety, charity and spirituality, may commend to those who stand around us that Divine Religion, which is our support, our comfort, and our joy…And if, in thy sovereign Wisdom, thou shouldst see fit to deny us the privilege of reason, let the prayers which we now offer be graciously remembered; and grant us pious and prayerful friends, who will send up petitions to thee in our behalf…And whether we shall then be capable of making a petition to thee, or not, we now humbly ask, That thou wouldst not cast us out of thy presence, nor take they holy spirit from us, but by thine own wonderful and secret operation make us more and more meet for heaven; and when our flesh andour heart shall fail us, be thou the strength of our heart, and our portion forever.”

My brethren, if we wish to enjoy the comforts of religion at last, we must cultivate the temper, and keep up the exercise of religion now. It will be no easy matter to take up the business then, unless we have been accustomed to it before.

You, my friends, who are in the midst of life, and you who are young, are not uninterested in this subject. You all think, that we, who are aged, need the comforts of religion. God grant, that we may have them. Do you not sometimes think of us in your prayers? We hope you do. But know, if you live to be aged, (and you all desire many days) these comforts will then be as necessary for you, as they are now for us. But how can you be sure of them then, unless you obtain an interest in them now? To have the comforts of religion, you must have religion itself. Embrace it, therefore, in your hearts; cultivate the holy tempers which it requires; maintain the good works which it enjoins, and ascertain your title to the eternal blessings which it proposes…Thus lay up for yourselves a good foundation against the time, which is to come, that you may lay hold on eternal life.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1804


This sermon was preached by Thomas Mason on November 19, 1804.


sermon-thanksgiving-1804

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT NORTHFIELD

ON THE DAY OF

PUBLIC THANKSGIVING:

NOVEMBER 29, 1804.

By THOMAS MASON, A. M.

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN

NORTHFIELD.

 

NORTHFIELD, Nov. 29, 1804.

DEAR SIR,

The underwritten, for themselves, and in behalf of a very considerable portion of the inhabitants of Northfield, wait on you to express their thanks for the patriotic and excellent SERMON, you have this day delivered; and to request a copy for the Press.

We are dear Sir, with great
Respect and esteem,
Your servants,
JOHN BARRETT,
SOLOMON VOSE,
OBADIAH DICKINSON,
EDWARD HOUGHTON,
CALEB LYMAN.

Rev. Th: Mason.

 

ANSWER.
NORTHFIELD, Dec. 3, 1804.

GENTLEMEN,

Please to accept, for yourselves and those you represent, my thanks for the favorable opinion, you have manifested, of the ensuing DISCOURSE; which I submit, without apology, to your disposal, and the candor of the public.

Yours with esteem,
THOMAS MASON.

 

A
SERMON.
 

The energies of the human mind are waked into action, by an almost infinite variety of motives. Of the abstract intelligent spirit, very little either is, or can be known by men. Yet, of its certain existence, we can entertain no reasonable doubts or suspicions. In its exercises we observe something, which we venture to call its attributes. But, strictly speaking, I conceive that, neither love, hatred, hope, fear, joy, grief, benevolence, gratitude, nor any of the intellectual or moral passions are found to be constituent parts of the human mind. The soul of man is a separate existence, independent of all the affections and passions, to which it is occasionally incident. Without motives to excite it—without objects to call its powers into action, the mind of man would be forever at rest, and remain in a state of perpetual infancy.

That infinite variety of objects, by which the rational mind is capable of being affected, has been appointed in infinite wisdom and goodness, as the means of its progression in the attainment of that perfection, for which it was originally designed. And all the passions, when properly regulated and controlled, are capable of contributing to this desirable end—of aiding man in the acquisition of his ultimate perfection.

The external ordinances of religion are all designed for awakening the powers of the human mind, and bringing into exercise its better, and more noble passions, and affections. To impress the soul with a principle of love to God, as a being perfect in all his attributes; and benevolence to man, under all his imperfections and necessities, is the final object of all religion—the end of all human perfection. And such measures, as are best fitted to the promotion of this end, are those, which ought to be cordially embraced, and steadily and uniformly pursued.

In all valuable improvements, external forms have always been found indispensably necessary. To attain the eminence at which it aspires, the human mind, as well as the body, must proceed by regular steps and gradations. Men may as well attempt to ascend the highest mountain, by a single effort of the body, as to rise to intellectual or moral eminence, without the intervention of external aids and assistances.

In all our pursuits, we ought always to make a clear distinction between the means, and the end; the external forms, and the thing to be acquired. As labor is not bread, and as books are not science; so neither are the external ordinances of religion to be accounted religion itself. There may be labor without bread, books without knowledge, and the forms of religion, without its genuine influences upon the soul. But, notwithstanding this, as we are not to expect bread without labor, nor knowledge without reading and meditation, so neither can we look for true religion, where its external forms and ordinances are not duly respected and regarded.

The separation of this day, to the business of religious worship, is designed as a mean of awakening the soul to sentiments of piety and devotion. And the method employed is justified, not only by the usage of our ancestors, but by the probable tendency of the thing itself.

In the very nature of the thing, it seems highly proper, at this season of the year, when the bounties of divine providence are collected for our participation, to come together, acknowledge the source of our enjoyments—adore that Being, whose benefaction they are—and by every exertion in our power, endeavor to render ourselves the subjects of his continued beneficence.

Gratitude to God is the particular religious affection, which the institution of this anniversary is designed to promote. We ought, therefore, as far as possible, minutely to understand what is embraced in this virtue of the Christian character.

It is no uncommon thing for men to confound this affection of the soul with that temper of mind, which they experience under circumstances, and in scenes of prosperity. Joy and gratitude are, therefore, often considered as terms of nearly the same import and signification. But though there is no incompatibility between the exercise of these affections; yet so diverse are they in their natures, that the one may, and ought to exist, where the other is wholly excluded. Gratitude to God is a principle, the reasons of which ought always to influence the human mind; but joy is an affection confined wholly to scenes of pleasure, and circumstances of prosperity. Their difference, therefore, cannot fail of being readily perceived, and clearly understood. For gratitude is an unchangeable principle, which ought perpetually to influence the human mind; while joy is simply a passion, the exercise of which is merely incidental, depending upon the particular external circumstances, in which we happen to be placed.

True gratitude to God does not, like mere joy, result from the particular pleasures, or present enjoyments we feel; but from a rational conviction that, we are under the government of an all perfect Being, the measures of whose providence are all wisely adapted to the promotion of our best, and truest interest. Though we may be under the pressure of extreme grief, disappointment and trouble; yet this ought, by no means, to interrupt, or abate the constant exercise of the most ardent gratitude to God. Even under experience of the keenest distresses, it is great impiety either to forget the most high, or to distrust the goodness of his providence. For we may be sure, if scenes of disappointment and adversity do not ultimately contribute to our happiness, it must be owing to the misimprovement, which we make of those providences. Besides the authority of his word, the perfections themselves of God are a certain pledge that, all things shall work together for the good of those, who love, regard, and obey his law.

The prime object of this day of thanksgiving is, not to inflate us with mere transports of joy; but to awaken in our breasts a sincere, and operative principle of gratitude to almighty God. And whether, in the course of the past season, we have experienced a series of prosperities, or felt the accumulated weight of heavy and severe adversities, we are bound to the like exercise of pious and devout gratitude.

I would not, however, be understood as giving credit to the absurd notion that, we are to reverse the constitution and laws of nature, by rejoicing while we are surrounded by the proper circumstances, and invested by the appropriate motives of grief. This would be a temper of mind, both unfit in its own nature, unfriendly in its consequences, and impossible to be reduced to practice. But the distinction already made between, both the principle, and the exercise of joy and gratitude is a sufficient defense against every imputation of this nature. All that I would insist upon is that, gratitude is a steady and immutable principle, which, when duly regulated, can receive neither force nor abatement in its exercise, by the accidental influence of either prosperity or adversity.

To awaken into action this steady and divine principle, which, without exciting motives, is liable to become formant in the human breast, is the design of this day’s religious devotions. We ought to be sensible, and seemingly to realize that, all the good, which we have enjoyed, is from the hand of God; and the evils, which we have suffered, are of our own procuring. But yet, such is the goodness of the divine nature, and the beneficence of God’s providence that, even these evils themselves capable of being converted into the ministers of human blessedness. Without the smallest prejudice to his other attributes, in all of which he is absolutely perfect, we may say that, God is all benevolence. Such, indeed, is the character, under which he is revealed to men; and as he is displayed in the order and administration of his providence.

But as all duties, whether social or religious, are designed for the benefit of man—to procure for him the best enjoyments of earth, and prepare him for the dignified glories of heaven, it becomes suitable that, our present religious devotions should be made subservient to the due regulation of human life. And, as the state of man here below is changeable and fluctuating–as prosperity and adversity are often found in so close contact, as almost to contend for the same place; it becomes us to be prepared for every possible alternation that may await us.

As health, peace, and prosperity are the proper seasons to shield ourselves against the evils, or support ourselves under the calamities of sickness, war, and adversity; so it cannot be judged a thing improvident, on an occasion of thanksgiving, to impress our minds with a deep sense of the uncontrollable vicissitudes of human life, that even the most unfriendly transition may not suddenly transport, or greatly confound us. For this reason I have chosen, as the subject of our religious meditations this day, those words of David in his Song of thanksgiving, recorded in the xviiith Psalm, at the 4th verse:

“The floods of ungodly men made me afraid.”

The occasion of the Psalmist’s tear, as expressed in the words just read, is a subject of the most serious alarm to every intelligent reflecting man—to every one, who cherishes a suitable concern for the present happiness, and future well being of the human family. Whoever does not coincide with the sentiment of our text—whoever is not seriously alarmed at the rising influence of the characters there described, must discover, at once, either a mind pinioned in the hard slavery of ignorance, or a heart overcharged with corruption and vice. The former, being freed from all terror by the sovereign power of ignorance, are easily persuaded to become the instruments of promoting the ungodly; while the latter, being interested in the growing authority of unrighteousness, can have no terrors, either to trouble or alarm them.

Whether or not we are menaced by the like terrors, it is not my design, at present, to enquire; but only to make room for a due improvement, from the experience and calamities of others. Admitting, however, that this is not our present, yet it may be our future case. And no precautions can be too great, to enable us, with firmness and composure, to meet the calamities we may be called to sustain.

To enable us to make a proper use of this sentiment of the royal Psalmist, I shall attend to the three following particulars:

First—I shall give a description of the character of those men, who are the occasion of this terror.

Secondly—I shall particularize some of the calamities which are likely to result from the undue influence of ungodly men.

And, thirdly, point out the behavior proper for a good man, in view of such dangers and distresses.

First, then; I am to give a description of the character of those men, who are the occasion of this terror.

The peculiar characteristic, which the Psalmist has given us of these men, is that they are ungodly. The thing implied in this epithet will present us with a correct idea of that character, which was the occasion of this solicitude.

By consulting the purport of the word ungodly, as applied by the Psalmist, we shall find it, perhaps, universally employed, as synonymous with the word irreligious. It was, therefore, the abounding, and influence of men of irreligion and impiety, which occasioned those painful and distressing apprehensions; which are suggested in our text.

Men of this character—those, who neither fear God, nor regard his law, are, under all circumstances, a detriment to society. And the danger of their influence is always in proportion to their ability, and the motives and means presented them, for doing injury to their fellow-men. Irreligious men may have the ability, without either the motives or the means for the exercise of injustice and oppression.—Added to this, they may have both ability and motives, while the means of annoyance are not placed within their power. In both these cases, though they are, in fact, harmless and inoffensive; yet, in nature, they are extremely poisonous and detestable creatures. But when to the ability is added both the motives and the means of fraud and violence—when the lust of a wicked domination is encouraged by prevailing ignorance, and a growing corruption of manners, then we are to look for those fearful times and awful calamities, which occasioned the extreme solicitude and terror of the Psalmist. Indeed, that ambition, which discovers itself by an excessive craving after power, is one of the most striking characteristics by which the men described in our text are to be distinguished.

In all ages and nations the great body of the people have been far removed from the allurements of ambition and personal promotion; and it cannot reasonably be supported that, they have ever knowingly volunteered, in aiding the measures of their own destruction. Where they have been misled, and have thus been made the instruments of their own ruin, they have always been indebted, for their delusion, to the artifices and fraud of the characters described in our text. The subtle machinations of ungodly and irreligious men have always been the occasion of those public and awful calamities, in which nations have been too often and fatally involved.

The author of our text had the most painful experience of the evils, resulting from the influence of men of this description. To what particular scene of distress he alludes, in the words under view, is not material for us to enquire. Several incidents of his reign are sufficient to justify the terrors, expressed in the words of our text. But, of all those that happened, there is no one so remarkable and conspicuous, as the rebellion of his son Absalom.

In the reign of David, the people of Israel were, perhaps, in the enjoyment of as many, and as great privileges, as their national character and circumstances could possibly admit. But this was no security against the artifices and intrigues of unprincipled and irreligious men; restless and aspiring after distinctions, to which neither their merits, nor services had ever given them the most distant pretensions.

The measure, employed by this aspiring demagogue to accomplish the wicked purpose of his heart, was such as has been copied, in all succeeding generations, by the turbulent minions of a most corrupt, and depraved ambition. To alarm the people with false terrors, and encourage them by deceitful and empty promises was the first measure of this arch factionist, to cheat them into wretchedness and ruin.—To wrest the scepter from him, who had been the instrument of his existence, and by whose partial favor he had been exalted to high eminence and honor, he descended to all the mean, and groveling artifices of indiscriminate flattery and adulation. With the most studied and malicious falsehood, he inveighs against the prudent measures, and wise maxims of his reverend father; and invites their confidence in himself, as a person combining that rare assemblage of virtues, whose private interest and ambition consisted solely in his anxious solicitude, for the prosperity and happiness of the people. As it is related by the sacred historian, “he rose up early, and stood beside the way of the gate—lamenting that no one was deputed of the king to sit in judgment, to hear, and avenge the cause of the oppressed. O, says he, that I were made judge in the land; that every man, who had a suit or a cause, might come unto me, and I would do them justice. And it was so that, when any man came nigh to him, to do him obeisance, he put forth his hand, and took him and kissed him. And on this manner did Absalom to all Israel, that came to the king for judgment. So Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel.”

These measures he pursued, with the most unremitting assiduity, for the full space of forty years, before his base and nefarious purposes were fully ripened for execution. Thus, by promises hollow as the dreary echoes of darkness, and salacious as the falling tears of the crocodile, he became the idol of the people.

The sequel of Absalom’s patriotism is too well known to need any particular rehearsal. It is, however, worthy of observation that, when he had assumed the royal vestments, his tender and extreme concern for the happiness of the people, yielded to the more excessive solicitude to stabilitate and confirm his usurped dominion. Like all his followers, in the annals of popular faction, he most decidedly testified that, like the lion, he crouched only to leap, and destroy. His dove-like tenderness suddenly disappeared, and the tiger, with all his rapacity, was at once discovered. His traitorous soul was, at first well pleased with the counsel of Ahithophel, to smite the king only; and reserve all the faithful of Israel, as his dependent and degraded vassals. But, upon more mature deliberation, his thirst of butchery and blood was better satisfied with the counsel of Hushai, to fall upon them, till, of all the men, there should not be so much as one left. In every step of his conspiracy, we see, in Absalom, clearly delineated the character described in our text. And, in the delusions into which the people of Israel were infatuated by him, we may discover that state of society, which occasioned the fears and terrors of the Psalmist.

Distinct from all other considerations, this pretended, exclusive concern for the public interest and welfare is a characteristic extremely unaccountable and suspicious. But when to this is added an evident defection of moral principle, and disregard of the divine authority, to every intelligent and considerate mind the inference is irresistibly conclusive. It is to the last degree distressing to remark the facility with which the great body of the people have been so often deluded by unprincipled and treacherous men. Honest and unsuspecting themselves, they have been led to imagine that zeal, to flaming, cannot be false; and that promises, so solemn, cannot be insincere. Thus deluded, they have called for more delusion—chanted, encore, to the siren long of their betrayers; till, as in the case of Absalom, the revolutionary yell has waked them from their lethargy, and brought their wretchedness in full prospect before them. With accidental variations, answering to the occasional distinctions in society, these are the measures, employed by the panders of a degenerate and corrupt ambition, to hurry mankind into scenes of wretchedness, and fatten on the spoils of their destruction.

Secondly—I shall particularize some of the calamities, which are likely to result from the undue influence of ungodly men.

The first evil, which society generally feels from the rising influence of irreligious men, is a dereliction of moral principle, and a consequent degeneracy of public character. Impious and unprincipled men are, generally, too well acquainted with the springs of human action to venture, at once, upon such daring innovations, as would flagrantly contradict those false promises, on which the popular favor has been erected. As all power is derived from the people, they must be preserved under the influence of delusion, till, by their own corruption, they are duly prepared for slavery, or the shackles of tyranny are fast riveted to their hands. While the moral principles have their due influence, men will be conscientiously restrained from affording support and patronage to men of this character, in the open avowal of their final purposes. And, as these cannot be ultimately secreted, the public mind must be gradually prepared to relish, and approve them. In order, therefore, to loosen them from all those religious restraints, by which the execution of their wicked purposes might be any way embarrassed, they are always industrious, in disseminating loose and demoralizing sentiments. The people are often taught to believe that, religion is a political scare-crow—that, its ministers are the mercenary tools of a pretended nobility—and that, the several institutions of society are all calculated to abridge them of their invaluable rights, and sink them into the lowest state of degradation and wretchedness. The success of these measures undermines the pillars—saps the foundation of society—and introduces an alarming degeneracy of public character.

In proportion as unprincipled men gain authority, irreligion and impiety will prevail. And ignorance, indecorum, and barbarity naturally follow, in the train of irreligion. By neglecting the institutions of the gospel, and consequently disregarding the authority of its doctrines, men naturally acquire a kind of rough, unfeeling, jealous, and savage spirit. This observation is strongly corroborated, both by the state of those nations, where Christianity is not patronized; and, in Christian lands, by the private characters of those particular individuals, who disavow the authority of the gospel. When, therefore, by the influence and intrigues of ungodly men, the public mind has become insensibly detached from the institutions and authority of the gospel, no firm foundation, either for the support of public faith, private friendship, or social enjoyment, can be anywhere discovered.

Christian nations, who have neglected their allegiance to their Saviour, are not in the state of others, who have never known the gospel. The superstition, with which their minds are shackled, may serve to render their barbarism less intolerable. But a national rejection of the gospel has always proved a rejection of all religion. No substitute has ever supplied its place. And, under these circumstances, the condition of society is a state of barbarism, without any of those alleviations, which heathen superstition affords.

A further, but natural consequence of the influence and authority of ungodly men, is the destruction of those gradations in society, by which wisdom and virtue are distinguished from folly and vice. This state of society, and the calamities attending it, the prophet Isaiah has well described.—“The mighty man,” says he, “and the man of war, the judge and the prophet, the prudent and the ancient, the honorable man and the counselor, shall be taken away—children shall be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. The people shall be oppressed every one by another, and every one by his neighbor; the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.” In spite of all the clamors for equality, in every nation, whether barbarous or civilized, a nobility will exist. And where “nature’s nobility,” which conflicts in talents, learning, and integrity, is destroyed; and the public confidence is reposed in men restless, intriguing and treacherous, the rights of the people will soon be jeopardized, and folly and madness become the currency of the times.

The experience of nations will assure us that, the influence of irreligious and ungodly men has most prevailed under those governments, where there has been the most free and equal participation of all the privileges and rights of man. Under these circumstances, the characters, above described, enjoy the means of exercising, with impunity, those wicked and destructive artifices, by which their detestable purposes may be finally accomplished. But, under a government severe and inexorable, jealous of its own prerogatives, and vigilant in detecting those, who would encumber its motions, all schemes of innovation are rendered frustrate and abortive. Enjoying, therefore, as we do, a constitution of government equally propitious to humanity, and favorable to the pernicious artifices of irreligious and ungodly men, we are doubly interested in guarding, with a watchful eye, against the smallest innovation of those measures, which have secured to us such unexampled prosperity and happiness.

Another reason, why the most lenient and equitable governments are most exposed to the ravages of corrupt ambition, is because the full enjoyment of individual rights creates the most sudden disparity in the circumstances and conditions of men. This seldom fails of exciting the envy and resentment of the intemperate of all classes—men of confused fortunes, and desperate characters; and, eventually, of forming a junction with men of more happy auspices, and daring ambition—who are ready to become the leaders of the indolent, and intemperate, and the deluders of the ignorant and unsuspecting. And thus, it has generally happened that, the most lenient and equitable governments have been crushed by the wild, and ungoverned lusts of irreligious and ungodly men.

Again—What must be the state of a nation, when the influence of irreligious and ungodly men has risen to such an eminence, as to destroy the authority and obligation of an oath? When the divine authority is effaced from the human mind, the energies of human government must be feeble and ineffectual. And the spectacle of a people, where the wild lusts and passions of corrupt nature are let loose to their several pursuits, unrestrained by all laws human and divine, must be truly alarming and terrible.

Distinct from the judgments of heaven, which every serious and thoughtful man must contemplate, as the certain consequence of such corruption and degeneracy, we have every reason to believe that, such a state of society must nourish the feeds of its own destruction. The uniform experience of ages, as well as the reasonableness of the thing itself, confirms this persuasion, beyond the power of contradiction or doubt.

These are some of the evils, which are likely to befall a nation, deluded into the measures of its own destruction, by the influence and authority of irreligious and ungodly men. And surely, they are such as fully to justify all the apprehensions and terrors, expressed by the Psalmist, in the words of our text.

I now pass, thirdly, to point out the behavior proper for a good man, in view of such dangers and distresses.

Perhaps the flourishing, united, and happy state of our country may be urged by some, as a sufficient reason for omitting all enquiries and discussions of this nature. But it may well be insisted upon, that these very considerations are an ample apology for enquiring into the causes, in order to guard against the measures of public degeneracy and corruption. When the impositions, artifices, and intrigues of irreligious and ungodly men are known, only as related in the histories of ancient times, and far distant nations—when no competitions exist, but to emulate each other in virtue and goodness—when unprincipled and licentious demagogues are known, only by their obscurity, and the public contempt with which they are regarded—when, as a nation, we are entirely exempted from the evils of any political intolerance—when, among all classes of the people, but especially among the highest officers of the nation, there is discovered an ardent zeal, for the promotion of pure and undefiled religion—when the Sabbath itself, and all the ordinances of piety are regarded with a conscientious and scrupulous punctuality—when the rising generation is taught, by the laudable example of their parents, to respect, and constantly to attend the institutions and instructions of the gospel—when the prime qualifications, for the appointment to high and important offices, are honesty and ability—when, in the highest, and most conspicuous departments of government, the manners, sentiments, and morals of the people are thus guarded, by the example, the influence, and the authority of men of preeminent godliness—under these peculiarly happy and auspicious circumstances, I say, we are apt to fall into a dangerous security, and to feel such an immovable stability as no adverse occurrences can endanger. Admitting this to be our present condition, it is a proper season to awaken our minds to a due sense of the evils, which must attend the reversion of our circumstances. As those, who consider this to be a true statement of our affairs, will not be likely to make any personal application of the measures and characteristics of corruption and degeneracy; and, as every intelligent and tho’tful man, who imagines any present terrors from the domination of the irreligious and ungodly, will justify a persevering solicitude, for the restoration of the sober maxims of truth and righteousness; so, being divested of prejudice, all will be duly prepared for a right improvement of those reflections, which have now been made, from the suggestion of the Psalmist in our text.

The duty of a good man, under those troublesome and dangerous times suggested in our text, is plain and certain. And no doubts can exist, with respect to the leading characteristics of his behavior, unless he is under the influence of a cringing policy, by which he hopes to secure the favor of the impious and ungodly. But, in regard to the particulars of his demeanor, he will find room for the exercise of much prudence, discretion, and wisdom. Sometimes we must treat a fool according, and sometimes not according to his folly. To the harmlessness of the dove must be added the wisdom of the serpent. But, in all cases, there must be a strict and conscientious adherence to principle; and a firm reliance upon the final consequences of the policy of truth and righteousness. Though the enemies of virtue may flourish, and prosper for a season; yet the triumph of the wicked shall be short. Though an infuriated people may boast the messages of their chief, as being the voice of a God; yet the veil of delusion shall soon be rent; and the worm that corrodes his vitals shall suddenly be discovered. “The Lord of hosts will send among their fat ones leanness; and under their glory will he kindle a burning, like the burning of a fire.”

With regard to the ministers of the gospel, from the station in which they are placed, and the special command of God, they are under peculiar obligation to a manly, firm, and independent decision, both of character and conduct. They are set as the censors of the people; and, if they are not above the reproaches and menaces of unprincipled and corrupt men, they are unworthy the character which they are called to sustain. Against unfaithfulness in his ministers, God has appointed penalties paramount to all the evils, which irreligious and ungodly men can devise. And, though the floods of ungodly men may make them afraid, yet the fear of him, who has reserved the full vials of his indignation to another state of existence, should induce them to forego every evil, which the malice both of men and devils can inflict.

This is the duty, not only of the ministers of the gospel, but of all good men, in the several ranks and gradations of life. And those, who shrink from the contest, in dangerous and distressing times, will find much work for penitence, when a right sense of duty has regained its full dominion over their souls.

If, which God forbid! the times described in our text should ever be witnessed in this, our beloved, and hitherto happy country, every really good man would sustain with fortitude, and even glory in the buffetings of Satan, and all his impious satellites.

Let us, therefore, enjoy the good things which Providence presents, not with the vain presumption that, the thing which is, or has been, shall always necessarily be; but with the firm persuasion that, God has rested our happiness as a nation, upon our national virtue and patriotism. Under this conviction may we live; and, to the latest posterity, may the blessing of heaven be our portion, and our joy.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1804


Elijah Parish (1762-1825) graduated from Dartmouth in 1785. He was the pastor of a Congregational Church at Byfield (1787-1825). This Thanksgiving sermon was preached by Parish on November 29, 1804.


sermon-thanksgiving-1804-2

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED AT

B Y F I E L D,

ON THE ANNUAL THANKSGIVING,

IN THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

Nov. 29, 1804.

By Rev. ELIJAH PARISH, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN BYFIELD.

DISCOURSE.

Prov. xxix. 2.

WHEN THE WICKED BEARETH RULE, THE PEOPLE MOURN.

He that rules a nation has incalculable influence on their opinions and morals. He commands the respect of those around his person, and the veneration of the multitude. Every class of people are affected. Officers of state receive the first impressions, who communicate them to their friends; they are gradually conveyed down to the hewer of wood and drawer of water. Yet, in the opinion of many, it is of no importance whether a ruler be a religious or a wicked man. Such persons need to be informed that the history of nations, and the oracles of God, declare, that when a wicked man beareth rule the people mourn. Whether he rule under the title of Sultan, Emperor, King, Governor, or President, the effect is precisely the same.

The text naturally leads us to mention some of the reasons why the people mourn, or have cause to mourn, when a wicked man beareth rule.

I. The people have cause to mourn when the wicked beareth rule, for it is an evidence that they are wicked.

A wicked ruler is the natural punishment of a wicked people. God did not place a wicked Saul on the throne of Israel till the people had become wicked. He sent them an Ahab in a season of great apostacy. Jeroboam was their king when they were ripe for idolatry, and crimes of blackest hue. The remark applies with peculiar force to an elective government. None but a wicked man can prefer a wicked ruler. Goodness is always delighted with goodness. If a whole nation prefer a wicked man, it demonstrates the wickedness of the nation. As fever and plague prove the malignity of the atmosphere, so the wickedness of the government proves the wickedness of the people. God does not send a wicked ruler to a good people; he never did.

Here then is ample cause for public mourning when the wicked beareth rule. It proves that the nation have forsaken their God. When a Jeroboam or a Pharaoh administers the government, we may infer that the religious character of the people is correspondent. Dark is the mind, cold and malignant the heart, which does not mourn in view of such a melancholy prospect—a nation wandering in error and guilt.

II. The people mourn when a wicked man beareth rule, because he confirms and increases the depravity of the nation.

The depravity of a ruler as spontaneously descends to the people, as the rivulet runs down the hill. The influence of a ruler powerfully tends to beat down all opposition, and to give a tone to the public mind in unison with his own. The first office of a nation in the hands of a wicked man is like a vast, noxious lake, bursting its barriers, overflowing all the springs and rivers of the country, communicating its own malignity wherever it extends.

Some tribes of men have called their rulers Suns; and suns they are if wise; the world is darkness or light, as they are good or bad men. In a thousand ways the ruler produces a character in the nation like his own. Every page of history demonstrates this fact. The example of a wicked ruler makes wickedness fashionable; vice lifts her face from the dust; she lays aside her blushes, and boldly shows herself in public. Does he neglect the worship of God, profane the Sabbath, ridicule the sacraments, and deride the Saviour; how many imbibe his spirit, imitate his conduct, borrow his dialect, and multiply his blasphemies!

By electing to office bad men, by covering them with splendor, and loading them with honors, a ruler may give impunity to crimes, and reputation to vice. As the towering Andes diffuse “intolerable cold” in the torrid zone, so a wicked man in the seat of authority spreads immorality and irreligion in the soundest part of the community. The son of Nebat made Israel to sin, and every wicked ruler may make his people to sin.

Is it not here cause for the people to mourn? Is it not matter of grief and distress to see a people wading in guilt, and sinking deeper and deeper in the fatal abyss? If those already wandering from God, and duty, and forsaking their own mercies, are encouraged and animated to pursue the dangerous course, if the tender glow of benevolence warm the heart, if the man call himself the brother of man, will he not drop the tear of compassion, as such a scene opens before him? It is a political axiom of other times, “When the vilest men are exalted, the wicked walk on every side.”

III. The people have reason to mourn when the ruler is wicked, because they lose that immense influence, which a good man would exert in favour of morals and piety.

The happy effects of a pious ruler on the morals and religion of a country exceed all calculation. As the angel from heaven strengthened the holy Prophet of Bethlehem in his agony in the garden; so a pious and upright ruler comforts and encourages his faithful and good people. When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice.

How salutary was the reform of good Josiah, when his subjects were sunk in idolatry and profligate wickedness! To effect this reformation he himself travelled through the principal cities of his kingdom. By his example, by his devout conversation, and by his authority, he bore down all iniquity. He cut down the groves of the idols; he threw down their altars; he burned the bones of the false prophets; he punished gross crimes; he renewed covenant with God in a most public manner; his people joined with him in the solemn oath to God. By his personal influence he produced a general reformation through the land. Such was king Josiah; such have been other kings. All this is lost, lost, and more than lost, when the wicked beareth rule. It is then as if the sun, refusing to refresh and cheer the world, were to set on fire the dwellings of men, and wrap the fields in devouring flame. Would not every man mourn and tremble at such a prospect?

IV. The people ought to mourn when the wicked beareth rule, because it may be expected, he will oppress and persecute the best members of the community.

It is from respectable authority, “As a roaring lion, and a ranging bear, so is a wicked ruler.” Gravitation will cease, before a wicked ruler and a good people will cordially unite. Who was the king who “did not obey the voice of the Lord;” “who rejected the world of the Lord?” It was Saul, who butchered “fourscore and five priests, the ministers of the Lord.” Who was the king “that stretched out his hand with scorners; that was glad at the wickedness of the people?” “It was he, who devoured the Judges.”

The faithful minister, and the upright judge, are obnoxious to a wicked ruler: their ruin may be expected as soon as public opinion will permit. But too impressive are such reflections. When a wicked man beareth rule, the people may in silence mourn, lest they should see the day when terror shall be in every heart, and distress in every countenance.

V. The people have cause of mourning when the wicked ruleth; for then probably the faithful ministers of religion will lose much of their influence, and others will betray the cause they had engaged to support.

Being men of like passions with others, the teachers of religion are too often disposed to float down the current of depravity with the people. Like others, they desire the friendship of the great and powerful: therefore, “when wicked men bear sway,” they are strongly inclined to drop the silver trumpet of the gospel, and strike an unison with the corrupt administration. In the best association there was a Judas. How fatal must this be to the religious interests of the nation! The fountains of instruction are polluted and poisoned; the streams, expected to convey life and health, are channels of moral disease and death. How lamentable the state of morals and religion, when the ministers of religion, instead of reproving and condemning vice and infidelity in every mode and form, apologize for a wicked ruler, assuring the people that a hardy infidel is as desirable a magistrate, as a pious Christian; that true religion has no concern with civil government! Would those fathers commit the education of their daughters to a learned highwayman? What concern has uprightness of character with the fine arts?

When such apostles form the public mind, what must be the discipline, and what the doctrines, of the Church? Such a priesthood is sometimes the produce of an irreligious administration. When Ahab was king, the prophets of Baal were four hundred and fifty, and the prophets of the groves four hundred, while the faithful prophet cries to God, “The children of Israel have forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thine altars, and slain thy prophets with the sword, and I, even I alone, am left, and they seek my life to take it away.” Yes, in the worst of times some have faithful stood, undaunted stood, as a rock of the billows, or the hill of storms. Some have declared the truth from their miry dungeons, or have gone into the lion’s den, or the burning, fiery furnace, or have been sawn asunder, rather than suppress a single syllable of divine truth. Daniel was the same in the Academy of Babylon, as in the land of his nativity; the same in the court of Nebuchadnezzar, as among the captives of Israel. Still the prospect is deplorable. As the pilot’s voice is lost in the howlings of the storm, so the most serious warnings are disregarded when wickedness is arrayed with power. When the ruler’s voice condemns the heaven-taught seer, then the multitude cry, Crucify him, crucify him. They bid defiance to the thunders of Sinai, and repel the enchanting strains of Calvary. So are the pastors of the flock allured from their duty, or disregarded, if they found the alarm, when a wicked man beareth rule. Will not the people mourn?

VI. When a wicked man beareth rule, it is proper the people should mourn, because there is then evidence of the approaching judgments of Heaven.

This doctrine is taught in the history of ages; it is taught in the book of God. The Prophet says, “Then there was a famine three years;” a terrible calamity; and some great evil must have been the cause. The cause was found in their wicked ruler. The Lord answered David, “It is for Saul and for his bloody house.”

We read in 2 Kings, “Because Manasseh king of Judah hath done these abominations, therefore thus saith the Lord, I am bringing such evil upon Jerusalem and Judah, that whosoever heareth of it, both his ears shall tingle.” Again we read, that “the Lord turned not away from the fierceness of his great wrath, because of all the provocations of Manasseh with which he had provoked him.” Years had passed away; Manasseh was dead; a most excellent ruler had succeeded; the people were probably hoping their sufferings were past; yet their calamities burst upon them, as an overwhelming deluge. In the second reign after, the people were carried into captivity for the sins of Manasseh, or for the sins they had themselves committed, under the influence of his example. Egypt’s plagues, and Canaan’s woes, give the same warning lesson to nations. The twelve standards of Israel were invincible while they obeyed God as their king. But in the reign of their first wicked ruler, after a series of disasters, their army is defeated; their king falls on his sword; the enemy take his carcass, set up his head in their temple, and hang his body on the walls of their city. So irresistibly do the judgments of God follow the elevation of a wicked man to the government of a nation. Must not the people mourn in view of their own danger, “when the wicked beareth rule?”

From these remarks the following reflections occur:—

1. The people of this Commonwealth have great reason to rejoice and be thankful.

The righteous are in authority; it is the duty of the people to rejoice. For the purity of his morals, for the uniformity of his religious walk, our First Magistrate is distinguished. As a man of God he is a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. As an officer in the church of Christ, he gives authority to virtue, and honor to the Christian name. This day of gladness he stands conspicuous on the catalogue of our mercies. Our fields have yielded their expected harvest; our pastures have been cheerful with flocks and herds; the voice of health has cheered our dwellings; our cup has overflowed with plenty; our children as olive plants have encircled our tables; our privileges are continued, the gospel sounds, and a righteous man bears rule. “Be glad and rejoice in the Lord; eat thy bread with joy, and drink thy wine with a merry heart.”

2. If a wicked ruler be such a cause of mourning, then it is duty for every man to exert his influence to prevent the elevation of such an one to the first office of the nation.

“It is the law of the Lord;” the law of the Lord cannot be violated with impunity; “it is the law of the Lord, that thou shouldest provide, out of all the people, able men, such as fear God; men of truth.” He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; for it is an abomination for rulers to commit wickedness. Almost every man may give his suffrage for the first magistrate in a nation. If you have performed this duty in such a manner as will tend not only to elevate a man of talents, but one who is friendly to our holy religion, you have done well; your conscience may rest in peace, whatever may be the final result. But if there be a man who has given his suffrage in such a manner as will tend to raise one to the first office of the country, who is unfriendly to our religion, his guilt is of a crimson color. He has lifted his hand to pull down a train of calamities on himself and country.

3. If the people mourn when the wicked beareth rule, then have not the people of the United States reason to mourn?

The thought is serious, is melancholy, is distressing, but is, alas! too easily confirmed. Therefore, though oppressed with high veneration for the first office of the country, penetrated with profound respect for public opinion, tremblingly alive with the impressions of that decorum justly demanded of public teachers, and as ardently desirous of approbation from those in authority as is consistent with benevolence to man, we infer that the people of the United States have reason to mourn. For evidence we shall not rely on the un contradicted assertions of our public gazettes, however probable and well authenticated they may be. Though in some instances time and place, and names of persons, are mentioned, with every circumstance calculated to produce belief, yet we entirely discard such evidence. Possibly it may not be true. We shall be more certain than if we appealed to eye-witnesses for evidence of what we intend to establish. We shall appeal to testimony which cannot be false.

In a book entitled, “Notes on the State of Virginia,” bearing the name of the First Magistrate of the United States, which he has never disavowed, and which therefore we may consider as certainly his work, in page 28 1 and onward he says, “Near the eastern foot of the North mountain are immense bodies of Shift, containing impressions of shells in a variety of forms. I have received petrified shells of very different kinds from the first sources of the Kentucky. It is said that shells are found in the Andes in South America, fifteen thousand feet above the level of the ocean. This, saith he, is considered by many, both of the learned and unlearned, as a proof of an universal deluge.” Then he adds, “To the many considerations opposing this opinion, the following may be added. The atmosphere and all its contents, whether of water, air, or other matters, gravitate to the earth; that is to say, they have weight. Experience tells us that the weight of all these together never exceeds that of a column of mercury of 31 inches height, which is equal to one of rain water of 35 feet deep; but as these waters, as they fell, would run into the seas, the superficial measure of which is to that of the dry parts of the globe as two to one, the seas would be raised only 52 ½ feet above their present level, and of course would overflow the low lands to that height only. In Virginia this would be a very small proportion even of the champaign” or level “country, the banks of our tide waters being frequently, if not generally, of a greater height. Deluges beyond this extent then, as, for instance, to the North mountain, or to Kentucky, seem out of the laws of nature. But within it they may have taken place to a greater or less degree.”

Here are frank, open and bold denials of revelation. An universal deluge is one of the principal facts of revelation. The Old Testament gives its history. In the New Testament, Jesus Christ repeats the fact. If the deluge can be disproved, revelation must indubitably fall. What confidence can be placed in Moses or Jesus Christ, if the flood, which they declare took place, was a tale invented by one, and repeated by the other? Yet our Ruler declares, that a deluge beyond “a small part of the level country of Virginia seems out of the laws of nature.” Deluges within this level region, he says, may have taken place, but they could not reach to “the North mountain, or to Kentucky.” He says, that “History renders probable some instances of partial deluges in the country lying round the Mediterranean sea.” He believes there was a deluge in the low lands of Egypt and Armenia 2300 years before Christ, one in the low lands of Attica 500 years later, one in the low lands of Thessaly 300 years later still. “But such deluges as these,” he frankly acknowledges, “will not account for the shells found in the higher lands.” He therefore makes another effort to account for the shells found on the highest mountains, without granting the truth of the universal deluge.

“A second opinion,” he says, “has been entertained, which is, that the bed of the ocean, the principal residence of the shelled tribe, has, by some great convulsion of nature, been heaved to the height at which we now find shells, and other remains of marine animals.” But he instantly deserts this battery erected against revelation, as untenable, and acknowledges that “we may venture to say that no fact has taken place, either in our own days, or in the thousands of years recorded in history, which proves the existence of any natural agents, within or without the bowels of the earth, of force sufficient to heave to the height of fifteen thousand feet such masses as the Andes.” The shells, therefore, still remain, like the handwriting before Belshazzar, and urge him to some other expedient to drive them from their post, as witnesses of an universal deluge. In this dilemma he consults with Voltaire. He tells us that “Voltaire has suggested a third solution of this difficulty; that in the space of eighty years a particular spot, in Touraine, had been twice metamorphed into soft stone, which had become hard when employed in building. In this stone, shells of various kinds were produced, discoverable at first only with a microscope, but afterwards growing with the stone.” But here he finds no satisfaction, for he confesses that Voltaire has not established even the fact; he confesses “he has not left it on ground so respectable as to have rendered it an object of inquiry to the literati of his own country.” That is, the assertion of Voltaire was so palpably false, that no man of science inquired whether there was a possibility of its truth. “Abandoning this fact, therefore,” he says, “the three hypotheses are equally unsatisfactory, and we must be content to acknowledge that this great phenomenon (the shells) is as yet unsolved.” Observe, my friends, this declaration, full of meaning, full of evidence that the writer disdains the authority of revelation. He says, “the three opinions are equally unsatisfactory.” One of them is the rising of the mountains from the bottom of the sea. This he acknowledges has no facts to prove it. The other, rocks and shells growing out of the ground, he says, is not respectable enough to be an object of inquiry. The third is that of the Bible, an universal deluge. This he rejects, because all the water of the atmosphere would raise the ocean only 52 ½ feet. These three, he says, are equally unsatisfactory. That is, revelation is no better than an opinion, not supported “by any facts in our own days, or the thousands of years recorded in history,” or the bare assertion of Voltaire, which was totally disregarded by his own friends. So our great Ruler in despair leaves the subject, adding, “There is a wonder somewhere; ignorance is preferable to error, and he is less remote from the truth, who believes nothing, than he who believes what is wrong,.” Surely here is a melancholy conclusion of his elaborate inquiry.

The points in debate are evident. The Bible says, “The waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth, and all flesh died that moved upon the earth.” The deluge was, therefore universal.

Our Ruler says, it is “probable” that “partial deluges” have taken place “in Egypt,” and other “low lands.”

The Bible says, “The high hills that were under the whole heaven were covered, and the mountains were covered.”

Our Ruler says, “Deluges beyond this extent (a small proportion of the level country in Virginia) as, for instance, to the North mountain, or to Kentucky, seem out of the laws of nature:” for “if the whole contents of the atmosphere were water, the seas would be raised only fifty-two feet and a half above their present level.”

In a very brief manner we shall notice a few other passages in unison with this.

In page 169, our Author says, “The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods or no God.”

This sentence is not quoted on account of its proving any theory; for, in fact, it proves nothing but the careless impiety of the pen which traced it. This is precisely what we have undertaken to demonstrate. Still we may ask, is it no injury in a society of Christians to have men avow themselves pagans and atheists? Does it not tend to unhinge and destroy all social order? Would any Christian parent with his children educated where men make a god of every thing but God; or where in their hearts and words they banish God from the universe? Do not such “neighbors” grieve, and distress, and “injure,” good men? Do they not harden and render bad men worse? Are they not infinitely injurious to society? We submit the question to every person, who has a mind to think, or a heart to feel.

In page 171, speaking of religion, our Author observes, that Pennsylvania and New-York had long subsisted without any religious establishment. He adds, “They flourish infinitely. Religion is well supported, of various kinds, indeed, but all good enough……all sufficient to preserve peace and order.”

Were all the languages of Babel at once to pour forth their hatred of religion, could they furnish one phrase expressive of more disdainful irony, of more cold hearted contempt, than the phrases, “all good enough; all sufficient to preserve peace and order?” The Christian religion then is a cunning fable, a political bugbear “to preserve peace and order!”

Finally: In page 108, speaking of the different languages of American savages, our Author observes, there are twenty radical languages in America for one in Asia. He then asserts, that “for two dialects to recede from one another till they have lost all vestiges of their common origin, must require an immense course of time, perhaps not less than many people give to the age of the earth.” Here is a sneer at revelation, the Bible making “the age of the earth less” than it is in the opinion of deists. 2 He then adds a bolder denial of revelation. “A greater number of those radical changes of language,” he says, “having taken place among the red men of America, proves them of greater antiquity than those of Asia.” This bold and unnecessary denial of revelation must have given the author great credit among the opposers of Christianity. They saw of a certainty that he was assisting them “to crush” the Son of God. He does not hide the hand which gives the stab. Scripture fully asserts, that the families of Adam and Noah settled first in Asia; the languages of that country, therefore, according to scripture, are the most ancient; but our Ruler says, the American languages are the most ancient; that there is a fact, which “proves them of greater antiquity than those of Asia.” Does not this prove that the people of the United States ought to mourn? He that beareth rule, believes not the word of God. He rejects the authority of revelation. If any man take from the words of the book of this prophecy, God will take his part from the book of life.

Thus we have heard the Ruler of the people deny the doctrine of an universal deluge, which prepared him to deny the greater antiquity of the languages in Asia, which are, however cautiously expressed, two direct denials of revelation. In unison with such a theory he declares, that polytheism and atheism openly avowed do “no injury” in society; that all “religions are good enough,” which “preserve peace and order.” Here our examination shall close. The controversy is not with us; we simply state facts. The controversy is between Scripture and the “Notes on the State of Virginia;” between the holy God and Mr. Jefferson.

4. If the evils of a wicked ruler be so great, then the subject imperiously demands the attention of the Gospel Minister.

He is a “watchman;” if he see an enemy, and give not warning, he is responsible for all the consequences. He is a “shepherd;” it is his duty to guard his flock from every danger. Can he then be silent in view of the greatest danger? Is silence consistent with the faithful discharge of duty, when he sees the evidence of a general depravity, when he sees a cause operating to increase that depravity? Can he be silent while observing the loss of that religious influence which attends the administration of the wise and good, while he sees the sword of oppression forming in the hands of power, while he hears the stern voice of instruction melting away into the soft notes of adulation, while he sees the angry cloud of divine judgments ready to burst on his native land, on his beloved people? Does not the minister, who remains silent in this situation, betray his important trust? Is he not false and faithless to the people of his charge? To lift the warning voice,

“His own engagement binds him fast;
Or, if it does not, brands him to the last
What Atheists call him—a designing knave,
A mere church juggler, hypocrite and slave.”

He eats the bread of his people, he drinks of their cup, he is warmed with their apparel, and yet like a traitor is dumb in the most awful crisis of their affairs. He has given himself to them by covenant and by oath, and yet he is silent while he sees the cloud gather, the lightning flash, and hears the thunder roar. Is he not a perjured wretch, and justly covered with infamy, while he sinks in the common ruin? Accordingly on account of their wicked rulers the ancient prophets denounced the woes of God on the people. Therefore the general attention given to this subject by gospel ministers, instead of being a reasonable article of charge, entitles them to our confidence and gratitude. Their numerous warnings will be so many everlasting records of their integrity and faithfulness.

The theme we have contemplated is solemn, and as alarming as it is solemn. The minds of men seem remarkably swayed against their former opinions, their habits, their interest, and their safety. Is it possible that we should sigh for revolution, that we should revolt from the salutary institutions of our renowned fathers; those institutions, which have diffused light, and felicity, and social order, and pure religion; which have elevated us to wealth and glory? Does not such a restless spirit in us forebode approaching calamities? In another part of the land almost a million slaves strengthened by new importations, roused by the success of their brethren, cannot long be idle. Their daggers thirst for blood, and their limbs tremble with revenge. The woes of the islands will doubtless be known on the main; the soil, which has been moistened with the sweat of the slaves, will probably be drowned in the blood of the masters.

These to some are, doubtless, as the dreams of a visionary, or the effusions of a melancholy spirit. Some perhaps rejoice to see the pure morals and serious religion of other times banished from society; they rejoice in a new order or things, new opinions, and new manners. They rejoice to see the wicked in authority. But have not the fatal effects of such an event been candidly shown from the word of God? Is it possible to doubt their reality? Will ye then weigh the subject in the balance of truth? Will ye seriously look forward to the final consequences? Have ye hearts to rejoice in these evils, or will ye, must ye, finally mourn with the people? Reflecting then on the present time, the influence ye are exerting, will not every thought be anguish, and every word a lamentation of self reproach? Do ye not already hear a voice from the tombs of your fathers, terrible as truth, and awful as eternity?—

”Ye baptiz’d infidels,
Ye worse for mending, wash’d to fouler stains;
Rouse from your dreams ere desolation comes:
Why make us blush for our apostate heirs?
Why barter genial suns, and Sharon’s flowers,
For wandering meteors, and tempestuous storms?”

 


Endnotes

1. Philadelphia, printed by Prichard and Hall, 1788.

2. See Brydone, &c. &c.

Sermon – Election – 1804, Massachusetts


Samuel Kendal preached this election sermon in Boston on May 30, 1804.


sermon-election-1804-massachusetts

Religion the only sure Basis of Free Governments,

ILLUSTRATED IN A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency CALEB STRONG, Esq.

GOVERNOR,

His Honor EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,

The Honorable the COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE
Of REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

May 30, 1804,

THE DAY OF GENERAL ELECTION.

By SAMUEL KENDAL, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY IN WESTON.

BOSTON:

PRINTED FOR YOUNG & MINNS, PRINTERS TO THE STATE

1804.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MAY 30, 1804.
 

Ordered, That Laban Wheaton, Abiel Smith, and Nathaniel Goodwin, Esqrs. Be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Kendal, and in the name of the House to thank him for his discourse this day delivered before his Excellency the Governor, his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, the Hon. Council and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request a copy thereof for the press.

Extract from the Journals,
Attest. NICHOLAS TILLINGHAST, Clerk.
AN

ELECTION SERMON.

DEUTERONOMY, XXXII. 46, 47.

SET YOUR HEARTS UNTO ALL THE WORDS WHICH I TESTIFY AMONG YOU THIS DAY; WHICH YE SHALL COMMAND YOUR CHILDREN TO OBSERVE AND DO, ALL THE WORDS OF THIS LAW.
FOR IS NOT A VAIN THING FOR YOU; BECAUSE IT IS YOUR LIFE; AND THROUGH THIS THING YE SHALL PROLONG YOUR DAYS IN THE LAND WHITHER YE GO OVER JORDAN TO POSSESS IT.

 

This important advice was given by the Jewish Legislator, just before his death, to the whole congregation of Israel. Moses had exhibited to his nation unequivocal proof of his attachment to their interest, freedom and happiness. Although acknowledged as the son of Pharaoh’s daughter, educated at Egypt’s court, and assured of the honors and offices which commonly gratify the ambition of men, he disclaimed kindred and alliance with the oppressors of his people, and boldly demanded their release from servitude. By a series of wonders, wrought in the name of Jehovah, he effected their emancipation, and conducted them to the land promised to their fathers.

To form and carry into operation a system of government, and habituate a newly emancipated people to rule and order were important objects to be accomplished. In these, as in the deliverance of the Hebrews, Moses was under the immediate supernatural direction of Heaven. The government was a theocracy; religion the basis on which the whole structure rested. Their institutions, civil and religious, happily combined to improve the nation, and to guard it against being corrupted by admitting strangers to an equal participation of all its privileges. In its advancement from bondage to an independent rank among the nations of the earth, the people were led by the hand of Moses and Aaron; by the civil magistrate and the minister of religion. Each was a chosen instrument to carry on the merciful designs of Providence in respect to ancient Israel; and each the world hath ever found necessary to promote the peace, order and improvement of society.

Arrived at the borders of the promised land, and apprized that he should not be permitted to pass Jordan, Moses gave the people a new edition of the law in the book before us; and, to aid their memory, rehearsed the mercies and judgments of God, and the duties and dangers of Israel, in a divine song; in which, with an eloquence worthy of his subject, he celebrated the praises of Jehovah, and warned the nation against departing from the statutes he had appointed unto them.

Having concluded his song, the prophet said to the congregation, assembled to hear his last instruction, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day; which ye shall command your children to observe and do, all the words of this law.”

The two great commandments in this law, on which all the rest depend, according to our Savior, are to love the Lord our God with all the heart, and our neighbor as ourselves. It therefore related to religious, moral and social duty. In this view of it the people were directed by their great deliverer, whose character and achievements, situation and prospects, gave weight to his counsel, sincerely to regard its rules and precepts, and to teach and command their children to observe them. The reason assigned for the injunction we have in these words: “For it is not a vain thing for you; because it is your life; and through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whither ye go over Jordan to possess it.”

By the life of a community we understand its political existence, independence, freedom and happiness. In the preservation, or loss, of these, whatever may be ascribed to natural causes, we often observe the powerful effect of moral causes. To show the influence of these upon national freedom and prosperity is more particularly the duty of the ministers of religion. To this the subject directs our attention. The importance of the injunction in the text will appear from the truth and weight of the reason by which it is enforced. Our main object, therefore, will be to illustrate this general truth, viz.

That religion, and the moral and social virtues, of which that is the great spring, are, under God, the life and security of a free people.

In attempting this, the speaker must rely on the candor of our civil fathers, and of this numerous and respectable assembly. What he proposes is, briefly to hint at the necessity and end of civil government; then show that religion is the only sure basis of good government; that its influence upon communities is salutary; that it is the only rational ground of mutual confidence; and that the Christian system is most favorable to liberty and social order.

The necessity, or at least the expediency, of civil government might be inferred from the universal adoption of it among all nations whose history is known. But we perceive for ourselves that it is impossible for society to exist without it; and conclude, as man is a social being, the Creator designed he should be a subject of law and government.

The end of government is the protection, improvement and happiness of the community. To accomplish this end, as in the natural, so in the political body, there must be a head, or governing power, which shall direct the operations of the members, combine their strength for the common defence, and unite their exertions for the public good.

That is the best government which most effectually restrains the dissocial passions, prevents crimes, and, with the least restriction of natural liberty, preserves order, dispenses justice, and procures to the whole the greatest happiness. To these ends the fundamental principles of every government, and all the laws of the state, should be adapted. The government, whose object or tendency is any other than the public good, or whose administration is guided by other motives than the general interest, neither comports with the design of Heaven, nor merits the esteem and confidence of men.

But such is the imperfection of man, that nothing depending on human authority only is adequate to the proposed end of civil government. The language of experience is, that to control the passions, and habituate men to the love of order, and to act for the public good, some higher authority than that which is merely human must influence their minds. Their views are often too limited to comprehend the reasonableness of yielding private interest and inclination to public utility, or the connexion between surrendering a portion of their natural liberty, and enjoying civil liberty, under the protection of law. The institution of government many seem to imagine designed, not for their own, but the benefit of a chosen few; and though they may dread the sanctions of the law, and the power of the magistrate; yet, feeling no moral obligation to obey, and hoping to evade legal justice, they have but slender motives to obedience while unrestrained passion, or personal interest, impels them to counteract the established system of rule and order; or, if they have correct notions of the general design and tendency of good government, yet viewing it merely as an ordinance of man, and reflecting on the imperfection of legislators, they have but a feeble sense of obligation to observe laws, which oppose their immediate advantage. Fond of self government, they reluctantly delegate the necessary power to others; and when they have consented to it, a jealousy of their rulers often renders them hostile to their administration. Some higher and better established principle of action, than a view to public interest and convenience, must operate on the minds of most men, to render them good members of a civil community.

But what must this higher principle be? The ideas of some seem to have been that there must be a system of political morality established, whose object shall be to fix certain rules of social duty, to the observance of which all shall be obliged by the authority of the state. But if such system is to rest solely on the authority of human laws, and to be the result of human wisdom only, its fitness will be always liable to doubts, and a violation of its principles and rules thought no great crime. It being, as I think it must be, conceded that morality is essential to the support and due administration of government, let it be considered whether the laws of morality must not have some higher origin than the consent of political bodies, and be enforced by other authority than that to whose aid they are deemed necessary. Nothing is gained if they are not supposed to proceed from some superior power, to which human beings are amenable. This can be no other than God. Religious faith, or sentiment, must then be called in to the support of that morality, which is essential to the order and well-being of society; and is, therefore, the basis on which good government ultimately rests.

Belief in the being and providence of God, and that he hath given to men a perfect law, the transgression of which is an offence against him, will furnish motives to virtue suggested by no other consideration. Exclude the thought of a God, of a providence, and of future retribution, and we sap the foundation of morality and social order, and brutalize the human character.

All nations, however ignorant of the true God, and of the worship most acceptable to him, have practically acknowledged the importance of religious sentiment. Sensible that it was the support of virtue, the sages of antiquity inculcated reverence for the imaginary deities of their country; and deemed it hazardous to we4aken the influence of religious opinions; though many could not but perceive that the objects of adoration were really no gods.

As everything in the natural world evinces the existence of a supreme intelligent Agent, so every faculty of the human soul indicates that man was formed for the exercises of religion. If not sufficiently enlightened for that which is pure and rational, he adopts that which is wild and extravagant. Perceiving this universal propensity to some religion, and despairing, probably, of leading the world, by the bare light of philosophy, to a discovery of the divine perfections, the wisest and best men were careful to improve the general sentiment as a motive to every moral and social virtue. Among the Romans, before they had learned to contemn the gods, an oath was a greater security for the faithful performance of a trust, than any bond that could be entered into by the more corrupted and atheistic Greeks. Their idea was, that men will not be induced to perform the duties which result from their social relations, unless they suppose themselves under the inspection of some invisible powerful agent, to whom they are responsible.

Absurd opinions in religion, it is true, were embraced, and gods of different characters adored; and each walked in the name of his god; but in all nations some things have been deemed virtuous, and others vicious; and their religion had a tendency to encourage the one, and to repress the other. Their morals received support, and their government aid, when they were most free, from their religious opinions; and it is more than probable that, notwithstanding all their darkness and pagan superstition, tradition had scattered some rays of the true light, which were the principal cause of their brightest virtues.

Some moderns, contrary to the sentiments of the best men in all ages, have impiously asserted, that the idea of a God is subversive of free governments, and tends to support tyrannic rule; and more than intimated that it hath degraded human beings, kept most nations enslaved, and concealed from them the true liberty, dignity and perfectability of man. But judging from the visible disastrous effects of these principles, the conclusion is, that so far as their advocates, according to their ideas, have disencumbered the public mind of religious sentiments, and freed the passions from their restraining influence, they have prepared the way for cruelty and crimes of every description. The experiment has been made in Europe. Heaven forbid that it should be repeated in America!

As the body politic, like the natural body, consists of many members, it is certain all cannot hold the same place, and perform the same functions; but will have parts assigned according to their relative situations and connexion with the body; and the grand desideratum is, to infuse into the whole some general principle of action, which, preserving the unity of the body, shall induce each to perform the duties of his station. What beside religious sentiment will uniformly have this effect? Will a principle of honor, or regard to public opinion, supposing it to be enlightened and correct? However these might prevail with a few of a refined taste, enlarged understanding, and superior education, early habituated to respect the precepts of virtue, they have been always found insufficient to regulate the generality of mankind. The idea of a God, and the hopes and fears connected with it, are indispensably necessary to secure the practice of that virtue, which is requisite to the preservation, order and happiness of society. Impress on the public mind a full belief in an all-seeing God, whose law and government are perfect, whose honor is concerned in the obedience of his creatures, and who will render a just recompense to all; and it will be a steady motive to those virtues which are the ornament and life of society, and the glory of man. Add to this general sentiment a persuasion that we have a clear expression of the divine will in the sacred Scriptures, and it must have a happy influence upon public manners, and be a source of individual consolation and hope. The great, rich and honorable, it will teach moderation, humility and condescension; the poor and lowly, it will elevate to dignity of thought, design and action; and present to each a prospect of that state of equality in which they shall appear before their righteous Judge.

In the present world there is neither a real nor apparent equality in the conditions of men. Different abilities, success, power, station and influence, are visible in every community. This arrangement is not an human invention; it is the work of Providence; and an attempt to change the present order of things and reduce all to perfect equality, would be to wage war with Heaven, and exalt the wisdom of man above that of the Creator. The natural rights of men are equal; but their actual advantages and improvement are unequal, and lead to different stations; in which religion teaches them to be content, and faithfully perform their part, as members of the same body, having like care one for another.

Rulers are the constituted head. Their elevation is honorable, their office important, and their characters dignified with the title of gods, and ministers of God. But being men of like passions with other men, in proportion to the importance of their trust, and to their burdens and temptations, they need the influence, support and direction of religious principle. This is equally necessary to secure their fidelity, and to enable them to bear the trials incident to their stations. Realizing that they are subjects of the divine government, elevated to rule over their brethren, as God’s vicegerents, and entrusted with authority, for the exercise of which they are responsible to that Being, who “standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods,” they will make the divine character, law and government, as far as possible, the model of their own. The same principle that induces the ruler to be faithful will incline the people to honor and obey him, as one who exercises “the powers that are ordained of God,” and under his wise administration to “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

Let it be added; religion is the only rational ground of mutual confidence. Every person has some governing principle of action; either a supreme regard to the Deity, or to himself. If the former, as God is immutable and his law perfect, he will be just whose conduct is regulated by such a standard. His sense of accountability at a tribunal where no artifice can disguise the truth, no subtilty evade a righteous decision, preserves his integrity. But, destitute of this, the predominant passion, or private interest, will determine the conduct of a man; and as it is impossible to foresee what these will be at a given period, because liable to vary with situations and circumstances, there can be no reasonable confidence that he will observe any fixed rule of duty. Public opinion may have considerable influence upon him; and were this never affected by the same passions and prejudices, or by the same want of information, that occasion the errors of individuals, it would merit all the respect it ever received. But it is variable; and sometimes takes its complexion from designing men, who allege its authority in support of measures justifiable on no other ground. It cannot, then, be a fixed standard of right conduct in all cases; because, according to its own concession, it is sometimes misguided; in which case, he who is governed by it may act in opposition to what he perceives the laws of justice and the public good require. But a religious or moral principle leads to the discharge of duty, without considering how the performance of it may affect a man’s popularity; and is the only security that men will, at all times, be faithful in their stations.

The dependence of government upon religious sentiment is recognized in the legal administration of an oath, the solemnity and obligation of which will be diminished as the influence of that sentiment shall be destroyed. Impress it more deeply, and its effect will be more evident and salutary. If the great principles of religion were to actuate the whole political body, we should soon see society advancing to its highest perfection.

Christianity is designed to give these principles their full effect. It presents a clear view of the divine character, and of the duty and destiny of man; and furnishes the strongest motives to virtue by inspiring new and more sublime hopes than the light of nature ever imparted. Not in the least diminishing the grandeur of the thought which surrounding phenomena suggest of a God, it introduces to the mind the idea of goodness, or grace, as the connecting link between men and their Creator; by which they may rise to a resemblance of the great standard of moral excellence; to the dignity and privileges of sons of God. It represents our liberty and happiness to be objects of the divine care, exhibits astonishing examples of benevolence, and requires in us the same heavenly temper. It offers a remedy for our moral disorders, and support under natural evils. It enforces every precept of virtue by the consideration that present behavior will affect our future condition; that God is the witness, and will be the judge of our conduct; that no distinctions, however honorable here, will avail us in the day of final audit; that truth and faithfulness lead to glory, vice and folly to shame and confusion. It forbids the indulgence of the selfish passions, and encourages a generous philanthropy. In its great Founder we behold a perfect pattern of all righteousness; its doctrines enlighten the mind and improve the heart; and its whole spirit is that of harmony and love, which has a benign aspect upon the state of civil society.

It is objected that Christianity hath been the occasion of cruel wars and bloodshed. But until it can be shown that these are the natural effects of Christian principles, or agreeable to the spirit and precepts of the gospel, the objection proves no more than that the best gift of Heaven is capable of being perverted by ignorant or designing men. With equal truth and justice might it be affirmed that patriotism is not a virtue, because under its name scenes of disorder have been introduced, and states enslaved; or that liberty has nothing in it lovely, because the excess of it leads to anarchy and despotism, as that Christianity is unfriendly to the peace and improvement of society, because some have assumed it as a mask for their enormities. The most ingenuous among its enemies have conceded that such objections cannot be fairly urged against the system.

The maxims, as well as the general spirit of this religion, are equally favorable to rational liberty, and to good government. Christianity, indeed, authorizes no particular form of civil government in preference to another; but it speaks of government in general as an ordinance of God, points out its design, and enjoins submission to it, “not only for wrath, but also for conscience’ sake.” It teaches us to consider rulers as the “ministers of God, sent for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” It forbids us, though “free, to use our liberty for a cloak of maliciousness;” and commands us to “render to Caesar the things which are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s;” and not, like the Pharisees, under pretence of religion, to stir up sedition, or, like the Herodians, make a compliment of our religion to Caesar, that we may be in favor with him. By placing all the moral and social virtues on their proper basis, urging them by the highest motives, and introducing charity as the great bond of perfectness, it provides against the evils which result from defect in all human institutions. Under its governing influence, the magistrate will ever keep in view the design of his appointment; the people, the reasons for their submission; and both a nobler motive to their respective duties than ever actuated an unbeliever.

True piety and pure morals, it is maintained by many, would preserve the freedom and happiness of a nation to the latest period of time. Not to say anything of the divine promises, facts seem to justify the supposition. Corruption of morals and manners has always preceded the fall of states, kingdoms and empires; and with its usual attendants, lust of power, party spirit, intrigue and faction, sanctified by the specious name of patriotism, or disguised under the flattering pretence of liberty, has been the visible cause of their loss of freedom and independence, or of their entire ruin. But should it be admitted that the political body, like the natural, has its f=infancy, youth and manhood, and must at length sink under the inevitable infirmities of age; that like all earthly things it is subject to decay; still it may be true that religion and virtue, as a suitable regimen and sober habits preserve natural life, will prolong the term of its health, prosperity and glory. But, as certain vices destroy the human constitution, and bring men to an early grave; so impiety and general corruption of manners hurry on the decline of political bodies, especially of free republics, or, by inducing some violent disorder, cut them off in the meridian of their splendor.

These truths admitted, the following inferences will be natural.

The first is, that genuine patriotism, as well as personal considerations of infinite moment, requires a strict adherence to the advice given to Israel. Indifference to religion, or to the means of extending and perpetuating the knowledge and influence of its principles and duties, is totally incompatible with enlightened zeal for the freedom and best interest of our country. General information, reverence for the worship of God, and its necessary institutions, and virtuous habits, in a political view, are of the highest importance. Without these it will be impossible long to maintain our free constitutions. Ignorance, or corruption of morals, will have an immediate effect upon the government whose powers emanate from the people, and whose administration is guided by the public will. Through want of information a virtuous people may be induced, under the idea of amendments, to co-operate in schemes subversive of the principles of their government; but when freed from the salutary restraints of religion and virtue, they are in danger of being hurried through the turbid sea of licentious liberty to the rugged and inhospitable shores of despotism. Deceived and demoralized, they will be prepared to second the views of ambition, and to aid any aspiring genius that may grasp at unlimited power. To remain free, a people must be enlightened and virtuous; and in order to this, they must cherish institutions calculated to promote knowledge and virtue. These, in free states, are the sources of political life, and claim our high consideration and respect.

It is worthy of observation, that one part of the law to which our text refers was designed to secure the nation from the corrupting influence of “aliens from the commonwealth of Israel,” who, though permitted to enjoy certain privileges, were not allowed to exercise all the rights of citizens; and that Israel seldom failed to suffer by departing from the law in this respect. This provision the wisdom of God ordained for the safety of his chosen people; and it merits consideration in every age and nation.

Natural as well as moral causes operate the destruction of republics. The Roman commonwealth, fallen indeed from her republican virtues, was at length crushed by her own weight. Extending her territorial possessions, she lost her freedom. This might have been expected; for the central force in all cases must be proportionate to the extent of its intended operation, and to the repelling power to be overcome. In free republics it is limited, that liberty may be more secure; but extending the space over which it must operate induces the necessity of increasing the momentum; which may effect a radical change in the government, more or less injurious to liberty, introduce monarchy, a more to be dreaded aristocracy, or, which is commonly a disastrous event, lead to the division of a large into a number of small rival states.

But it belongs rather to the politician than to the minister of religion to contemplate and guard against such dangers. They are increased by neglect to improve the public mind in knowledge, virtue and religion, and to strengthen the general attachment to the principles of the government, and aversion to frequent innovations. As ours is a vastly extended republic, composed in some measure of jarring materials, of the bond and of the free, the feelings of every true patriot and friend of republican government, must be deeply interested in preserving pure the sources and vehicles of information, and in extending, among the bond as well as the free, the means of religious and moral instruction.

The example of our venerable ancestors is recommended by the success of their exertions. In their view everything possible was to be attempted to disseminate knowledge, and fix in the public mind the principles of religion and virtue. As soon as the desert became so far a fruitful field, as to afford sustenance to a few families, they formed into little societies, whose most prominent feature was reverence for the institutions of religion, and care of the education of the youth. Heaven smiled upon their laudable efforts; and we feel an honest pride in paying a tribute of respect to their memory, and in acknowledging the advantages we have derived from their attention to these things; the effect of which upon the present state of society in New-England, compared with what it is in those sections of our country where the same views did not actuate the first settlers, is as happy as it is visible. Our fathers have transmitted to us a fair inheritance; and through the efficacy of the same means, if as generally adopted, we may hope to hand it down to posterity.

We next infer, secondly, that lessening the influence of religious sentiment, to which neglect, or contempt of sacred institutions tends, is extremely hazardous to the public weal. Persuade men that they are under no law to God, that his existence and providence are doubtful, their accountability and a future state uncertain, and they will be prepared, if passion or interest urge, to trample on the authority of all law and government. To secure order and justice, the arm of the magistrate must be strengthened, and liberty abridged, in proportion as the influence of religion is diminished.

To effect designs, the execution of which required the unrestrained indulgence of the worst passions of the heart, their authors have used means to pervert or destroy this influence. If atheism do not best comport with their purpose, they will, if possible, pervert the sentiment, and make religion consist, not in rational piety and humble obedience, but in passion and blind devotion; and render it subservient to their views by infusing into the mind the unhallowed fire of enthusiasm, or the gloomy severity of bigoted superstition; either of which detracts from the credit of religion in general; through less disastrous in its effects than the total annihilation of religious principle.

To prevent a return of the revolted tribes to the house of Judah, Jeroboam “set up golden calves, and made priests of the lowest of the people;” thus corrupting religion to secure his reign over Israel; the melancholy consequences of which are seen in almost every page of their history. For a purpose not very dissimilar, in later times, a still bolder step hath been taken, and an attempt made to establish absolute atheism; the success of which, though partial, hath blackened the character and multiplied the miseries of man.

Eradicate all sense of accountability to the moral Governor of the world, and what security could there be that iniquity will not be framed and established by law? Oaths of office, or of evidence, will not bind men to be faithful, or true. The streams of justice will be polluted, or turned from their course, and passion, interest, or prejudice, decide the fate of innocence. The judge, it is true, who neither fears God, nor regards man, who has no sense of religious or moral obligation, to avoid the inconvenience of importunity, may avenge a poor widow; but will never do justice from a higher motive. As it may best accord with his convenience, he will neglect the oppressed, or aid the oppressor. There is nothing in his conscience to ensure the faithful administration of justice. Life, everything dear in life, or valuable in society, depending on him, is at hazard. Place in the several departments like characters, and what confidence can there be in government? Would not civil commotions and scenes of violence soon commence, and continue till someone, more artful, ambitious and successful than the rest, elevate himself upon the ruins of liberty and republican virtue?

Convinced of the salutary influence of Christianity upon the state of civil society, and of its tendency to preserve a free government, suspicion justly attaches to the political principles and views of its avowed enemies and revilers. Enlightened friends of the people, and of equal laws, can never wish to bring into discredit and contempt, the benign religion of the gospel. By doing this among a people educated in the belief of it, they destroy the influence of religious sentiment in general; because the mind has been in the habit of associating the doctrines of revelation with the first principles of religion, and of supposing the existence and providence of God no more certain than the divine mission and authority of Jesus Christ. Though some are able to distinguish between natural and revealed religion, and, rejecting the latter, profess to embrace the former; yet it will be found, with many at least, that speculative deism and practical atheism are nearly allied. The prevalence of either will excite concern in the virtuous patriot, not for the ark of God only; but for the honor, freedom and safety of his country. Under this impression, the injunction of the Jewish lawgiver will command his attention, religion and its institutions his reverence and support, as the best means of improving society, giving stability to a free government, and permanency to every social enjoyment.

Religion and virtue, we infer, thirdly, will be a prominent feature in the character of wise and good rulers. These are important qualifications for their stations. To concede the general utility of such a principle of action, and yet suppose it unnecessary that rulers should be under its influence, is too great an inconsistency to be seriously maintained. The piety and virtue requisite for the preservation of the body politic ought to be visible in the head. If this be sick, the whole heart will be faint. Void of religious principle, or sense of moral obligation, can we believe that civil rulers will be the ministers of God for good? May we not rather apprehend that they will be an encouragement to evil doers, and a terror to these who do well? But a steady eye to a presiding Deity, with humble reliance on the wisdom of his providence, will direct, animate and support them in all the duties of their office, make them faithful, and render them superior to the trials that may await them.

Moses provided able men, such as feared God, men of truth, hating covetousness, to be rulers of thousands, of hundreds, of fifties, and of tens; a clear indication that in every department men should be placed, who will act in the fear of God. Destitute of this, their influence and example will tend to subvert the foundations of social order, to weaken the springs of political life, and to corrupt the whole system.

But must our civil rulers be Christians? It certainly cannot be less important to the general interest that they should be, than that other members of the community should be under the influence of this religion; and the constitution of this commonwealth requires of them, previous to their entering on the duties of their office, a declaration of their belief in the Christian religion, and full persuasion of its truth. As that does not contemplate evasion, an unbeliever, whatever he might be tempted to affirm, would not possess the qualification which the constitution makes requisite. As an expression of the public sentiment this provision has merit; but religious tests are feeble barriers against unprincipled men. They take no hold on the conscience of one who mentally consigns himself to an everlasting sleep, and never acts with reference to a judgment to come. It ought, however, to be presumed, unless there should be decisive proof to the contrary, that no man will ever hazard his reputation for veracity, and the confidence of his fellow-men, so much, as to make the declaration in opposition to his inward conviction, and common profession. We may feel assured, at least, that he would not, after such a declaration, place himself in the ranks of the avowed enemies of Christianity. Should this happen, what ground of confidence would be left? The speaker feels almost constrained to apologize for a suggestion so dishonorable to human nature. A possible case only is supposed. Should it ever exist, no apology would be due.

If Christianity tend to enrich the heart with every amiable and beneficial virtue, and highly to improve the present condition of man, it is of vast importance that rulers should feel its influence, and reflect the light of it on every beholder.

We infer, fourthly, that wise and good rulers will guard and promote the interests of religion and literature. One is the parent, the other the handmaid of virtue. To extend the knowledge and influence of those truths, on the observance of which the freedom and happiness of the state depend, merits and will command their attention. Like Moses, they will endeavor to make the people know the statutes of God, and his law. Tending to the public good, this is one end of their appointment. They will regard the immutable laws of justice in the structure of all the laws of the State, which must result from the divine law, applied to the circumstances of the people. When made, the wise and virtuous ruler, by a punctual observance of them, will add to their dignity and authority in the view of the community.

To prevent is more noble than to punish crimes. The means, therefore, to improve the understanding, mend the heart, restrain the dissocial passions, and call into exercise the benevolent affections, will receive countenance and support from the faithful ruler. On the side of religion and virtue he will give the whole weight of his example and influence. As these have a powerful effect in forming the public sentiment and manners, he will respect the law of God, honor the Savior, reverence the institutions of religion, encourage attendance upon them, and discountenance every practice that would defeat their design.

The opinion of some, that government ought to take no notice of religion, that it is the exclusive concern of the Deity to preserve the worship of himself in the world, and that it would be presumption in legislators to enact any laws relating to it, is not correct, nor consistent with the practice under the freest governments. Improper it would be, and what it is to be hoped we shall never see in our country, to enact “laws to dictate what articles of faith men shall believe, what mode of worship they shall adopt, or to raise and establish one mode of worship, or denomination of Christians above, or in preference to another.” In these respects let the mind be perfectly free, and all denominations equally under the protection and countenance of the law. But the support of institutions calculated to promote religious knowledge in general, give efficacy to the precepts of the gospel, instill the principles of morality, and improve the social affections, may be a proper subject of legislation. Blasphemy is punished by law, not because God is unable to vindicate the honor of his name; but because it is a crime which weakens the bands of society by lessening the solemnity and obligation of an oath; and legal aid may be given to religious institutions which strengthen those bands of society by extending the knowledge and influence of the sentiments, which gie to an oath its whole force upon the conscience. Moral instruction is not less important than instruction in the arts and sciences; and the means of it demand as much the care of the guardians of the public weal. Motives of sound policy, as well as the best feelings of his heart, will therefore induce every good ruler to give them all necessary encouragement.

Religion and virtue being the life of a free people, and deriving countenance, or discouragement, from the example, influence and authority of rulers, we observe, lastly, that it is of the highest importance carefully to exercise the right of election. Incalculable mischief may result from the neglect, or abuse of this privilege. Through the one, weak or wicked men may be exalted to bear rule by a minor part of the community; through the other, our happy constitutions may be destroyed, and our liberty sacrificed to passion and party zeal. From either great evil is to be apprehended. The elections indicate what information and virtue a people possess, and how far they are influenced by a regard to the public good. Difference in political opinions is no certain proof that either side does not aim at the general welfare; but when base means are employed by either, the purity of their motives is liable to suspicion.

If the enlightened and virtuous part of the community will not improve their right, and give their suffrages to the able and faithful only; or if the majority suffer themselves to be governed by other considerations than those of public benefit, the ill consequences may be soon felt, but not easily remedied. The passions and prejudices of men may be quickly excited, and their confidence withdrawn from their best friends, by trifling circumstances, which, if they actually exist, imply no delinquency. Against these we should be guarded as much as possible. No avoidable circumstance should be permitted to exist, which might operate against the choice of the best men. The freedom of elections should be preserved with the utmost vigilance. In exercising this important right, the object should be to bring into the government the greatest wisdom, virtue and experience to be found; that the people may behold in their rulers a constant example of those things, which are the main pillars of their freedom. Attention should fix on able men; but such, at the same time, as fear God. Great abilities and popular talents, without a moral principle to direct their application, should be trusted, if trusted at all, with great caution. Men of integrity, of steady habits and strict virtue, are the only men that have a title to public confidence. In a Christian country, the general sentiment and suffrage, it may be expected, will create a more effectual bar against men of antichristian principles and policy than any constitutional test. These principles, and this policy, in whatever light they may appear, undermine civil liberty and social order; and, if they prevail, will inevitably effect a change for worse in the state of society.

A free people have the means of their preservation in their own hands; and if they fall it will be through their own indiscretion. Bad men cannot rise and continue in office without their consent, or a faulty neglect of their privileges. If they voluntarily choose such to rule over them, they manifest a criminal indifference to their own, and the happiness of posterity. To honor such is to dishonor God. It would indicate a corruption of morals, and be an abuse of the right of suffrage; and this tends still further to pervert the public taste and sentiment. In elective governments the people, and the constituted organs of their will, have a reciprocal influence in forming the general character; the one in elevating to office, the other in exercising the powers of their elevation; and it should be employed by both to prevent a corruption of manners. In nothing can a nation honor themselves more, or secure their liberty better, than in committing the administration of their government to able and faithful men, as eminent for their moral virtues as for their political wisdom. Should a people, merely because of a coincidence in political opinions, give their suffrages to men with whom they could not confide their individual concerns, they might well be jealous of their rulers; but would deserve all they could apprehend. For a Christian, under the influence of such a motive, to favor the choice of a known enemy to his Lord, and to the religion on which he builds his hope of happiness, is something worse than inconsistency. Constitutionally in office, to such an one the Christian will be subject for conscience’ sake; but will never willingly aid in his advancement.

In scanning men and their measures, let justice and candor preside. This we owe to them, and to our own reputation. The office of the magistrate, the station of the legislator, their private rights and the public good, forbid all calumny, misrepresentation and abuse. But a fair and candid investigation of the characters and qualifications of candidates for office, of rulers and their administration, is a duty imposed by a proper regard to our own, and to the happiness of posterity; of which we are the present guardians. That character is unworthy, which will not bear the light of truth; that suspicious, which seeks defence in a suppression of the truth; but that entitled to protection, which is assailed by the base arts of falsehood, and groundless insinuation.

On the due observance of these things the freedom and glory of our country are suspended. If we depart from the principles of our ancestors, neglect religion and its institutions, are not attentive to the instruction of our youth in religious and moral duty, as well as in human literature, indulge a spirit of innovation, are indifferent to the moral character of rulers, and yield to the temptations to luxury and dissoluteness of manners, which increasing wealth presents, we shall soon find ourselves unable to support the constitutions which have been the pride of our nation, and the admiration of the world. But if we diligently attend to all these things, set our own hearts unto all the words of the divine law, and command our children to observe and do them, it will be our life, and we shall prolong our days in this good land. The mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.

Our fathers passed through the sea, were under the cloud, and in the wilderness. God was their shield, and he hath been our helper. A retrospect of the past, a just estimation of the present, and a rational prospect of the future, impose on us a sacred obligation to guard the inestimable treasure committed to our trust. Our own and the happiness of generations yet unborn is concerned in the choice we make, and the course we pursue. The friends of liberty and good government view passing events here with anxious expectation. Heaven hath distinguished America from every other quarter of the globe, by bestowing upon it, in richer abundance, the bounties of providence, and the blessings of civil and religious liberty. All that we could reasonably desire, and more than we had a right to expect, hath been put into our possession. While other countries have groaned under oppression, witnessed war and desolation, seen their governments and their altars prostrated, or felt the scourge of usurped dominion, ours hath been rising, beyond a parallel, in wealth, importance and honorable fame. Delivered from foreign control, and possessing free constitutions of government, the work of our own hands, administered for a series of years with equal ability and integrity, we have presented to admiring nations the fairest hopes, that here, in her last, safest retreat, liberty had erected her standard, and would long display her banners. To realize our own, and justify their expectations, we must continue, what we have been esteemed, an enlightened, sober, virtuous and united people.

But are there no clouds that darken the once fair prospect? No appearances of danger that we, with a motion accelerated in proportion to the height of our elevation, shall follow the path all other republics have trodden, and hasten to a similar catastrophe? Have we not fallen already, in a considerable degree, from the religion, virtue, and simplicity of manners, which were the characteristics of the New-England states, and will ever be essential to lasting freedom and prosperity? Have we not become divided, and in the zeal, or triumph of parties, lost sight of the public good, and overlooked the best means and instruments of its promotion? Is there nothing to be apprehended from a too hasty admission of foreigners, little acquainted with the nature, and less with the enjoyment of civil liberty, to all the rights of citizens? Nothing from the influence of people of a strange language upon our government? Is there no reason to fear the relative weight and importance of the small states will be diminished by a change in the principles of the general government! Or that the whole constellation will be attracted to a common centre, or revolve in prescribed orbits within the sphere of its influence? Are there no symptoms, on the one hand, of a design to possess a disproportionate influence in the general scale; and, on the other, of alarm and discontent, which may lead to a disunion, attended with serious if not ruinous consequences? Many whom we all once esteemed wise, discerning and patriotic, are persuaded of the affirmative; and we may say, without implicating the motives, or criminating the measures of any, that some respect is due to their opinions. If men of ability, who have given illustrious proof of their patriotism, are apprehensive, it at least merits consideration, whether there be not some just ground of apprehension. Whatever it may be, whether discovered by all or not, the surest way to escape evil, and enjoy safety under the divine protection, is to imbibe the genuine spirit of religion, reverence its institutions, extend its light and influence, promote general knowledge, cherish the social affections, banish party prejudices, cultivate harmony, and, realizing our dependence on the Supreme Ruler, gratefully improve the blessings we continue to possess.

In the divine goodness we have at this time abundant reason to rejoice. The heads of our tribes, after the laudable example of our fathers, have met in this city of our anniversary solemnities; and now present themselves before the Lord, to seek his direction and blessing on the important concerns of civil government. As aforetime, our nobles are yet of ourselves, and our Governor hath proceeded from the midst of us.

Re-elected to the first magistracy, His Excellency hath received renewed assurance of the public approbation and confidence. He is still the man whom the people delight to honor. But whether they have honored most his talents and virtues, or their own discernment and moral taste, is a question too delicate for solution. May his integrity continue to guide and preserve him; and that God, who beholdeth with favor him that is upright in heart, crown his administration with success, his days on earth with peace, and his future existence with ineffable glory.

His Honor will accept our cordial congratulations, on his re-election to the second office in the government. Next to the approbation of his own mind, that of the multitude of his brethren must afford the highest satisfaction. Their acknowledgment of his past fidelity, and continued reliance on his abilities and zeal to promote the general welfare, will be esteemed the best reward in their power to give, and a motive to such further exertions, as shall fully answer all their reasonable expectations. Faithful and approved of God, may he at last receive a crown of righteousness.

The Honorable Council, from the dignity of their station and characters, and in consideration of their past important and acceptable services, merit our respectful attention. In conscious rectitude, and in the approbation of God, may they ever have a source of the highest human happiness; and when released from the labors of this, receive in a better world the full reward of faithful servants.

May this branch of the government be always composed of men of candor, clear understanding, sound judgment, and uncorruptible integrity.

To the Hon. Senate, and House of Representatives, we now tender our high respects. Called by the voice of the people to be legislators, and guardians of their rights and liberties, may they realize the importance of the trust, and fulfill their duty with all good fidelity. In the true spirit of ministers of God for good, may they enter on the interesting transactions of this day, and pursue the public business of the year. Attached to the original principles of the state and general government, may they adopt measures that will have the best tendency to render both permanent blessings. In all elections, whether under the federal or state constitution, may they fix their choice, so far as constitutional limitations will permit, on men most capable and best disposed to promote the public good. In all their deliberations, discussions and decisions, may they manifest a spirit of candor and dignified moderation; and, however they may differ in opinion, give to each other, and to the public, proof of their strict probity and genuine patriotism. In all things may they be under the guidance and blessing of the great Fountain of wisdom, and receive his final approbation.

Venerable Fathers in each department, to your care the people of this respectable commonwealth have committed their dearest civil interests. By calling you to your respective stations they have expressed a confidence that you will be watchful and faithful. You have every rational motive to be so; but the highest must be a sense of accountability to that God, by whom actions are witnessed and weighted, and from whom all will receive a just reward. Though ye are called gods on earth, you must all die like men, and, with those over whom you now bear rule, appear in judgment, to receive according to your works.

In contemplating the happy influence of religion upon the state and government of society, it is not intended to diminish its importance in a personal view, and in respect to the solemn period when all civil societies shall be disbanded, secular honors and distinctions known no more, and the whole world arraigned at Jehovah’s awful tribunal. In this august event we have the highest personal concern; and from the individual anticipation of it, society derives peculiar advantage. What the public good requires, your own particular happiness more strongly demands. In your honorable stations, and in the private walks of life, may you ever be actuated by the great principles of our holy religion, enjoy its consolations, exemplify its duties, and extend its benign influence; that you may at last share its richest rewards.

Fellow-Citizens of this numerous assembly, you doubtless feel a lively interest in the freedom, prosperity and glory of our common country; and in guarding and transmitting to posterity the fair inheritance we have received from our fathers. Like them, then, fear God, and keep his commandments. We have risen up, and call them blessed. But if we abandon their principles, despise their attention to religion and its institutions, and refuse to follow their virtuous examples, our posterity, denied what we inherit, will have reason to execrate our folly.

Personal salvation, public safety, and the happiness of generations to come, impose on us a sacred obligation to set our hearts unto all the words of the divine law, and to command our children to observe them. The man of religion and virtue is a public benefactor. By teaching his children to follow the example, he increases the benefit; and by exciting others to imitation enhances the obligation. In proportion to the sphere of your influence, you all possess means of your own security, and of promoting our national prosperity and glory. Let this consideration, as well as the still more animating one, that by it you may prepare yourselves and others for a state of endless felicity, be a motive to employ all your influence in the cause of religion and virtue. To these God hath promised his protection and blessing. They will be our life, and the lengthening out of our tranquility. “The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever.”

Sermon – Election – 1804, Connecticut


Zebulon Ely (1759-1824) graduated from Yale in 1779. While at school the British were approaching the city and Ely was sent to fire at them with some other students, he narrowly avoided capture by the British. Ely was a tutor at Yale (1781-1782), and a pastor of a church in Lebanon, CT (1783-1823). This sermon was preached in Connecticut on May 10, 1804.


sermon-election-1804-connecticut

THE WISDOM AND DUTY OF MAGISTRATES.

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 10TH 1804.

BY ZEBULON ELY, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CURCH IN LEBANON.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A. D. 1804—

ORDERED, That the Honorable William Hill-House, and Hezekiah Ripley, Esquires, present the thanks of the General Assembly to the Rev. Zebulon Ely, for his Sermon, delivered at the Election on the 10th instant, and request a copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

Samuel Wyllys, Secretary.

AN ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM II. 10, 11, 12.

Be wise now therefore, O ye kings: be instructed ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but a little: blessed are all they that put their trust in him.

 

HAPPY for us who possess and acknowledge Divine revelation, the sacred volume contains a portion of instruction suited to every occasion. That now read, it is thought, will not be judged unsuitable to the present anniversary. Happy will the speaker be, if, in the view of its great author, he may be enabled to treat it with propriety. And happy will be the hearer who cordially receives the instruction.

The psalm evidently refers to the Messiah. It begins with a description of his treatment by the heathen, together with the vain imaginations of the people in general. It points out the opposition of kings and rulers, their impatience of the restraint the holy religion of Jesus would lay upon their lusts, with their vain and impious attempts to burst in sunder its sacred bands. It paints in lively colors the derision, in which, Jehovah, highly enthroned in heaven, would hold them, and his unalterable decree to uphold his Son as king of Zion. It declares the rich and glorious portion the Father had designed to bestow upon him, and the omnipotent sway he should maintain over his enemies.

The words of the text are then introduced. They contain an exhortation to kings and great ones of the earth, pointing out their duty with respect both to the Father and the Son, or with respect both to natural and revealed religion. They are exhorted to receive instruction from the Father of lights, to serve the Lord with fear, with sacred awe, with filial reverence of his adorable majesty; and to rejoice in their exalted stations if they do rejoice in them, with trembling, lest through unfaithfulness to their trust, they should fall into the pit.

They are exhorted to embrace the Son as altogether worthy their regard, but, under the slightest tokens of his displeasure, so mighty is his power, they perish from the way of duty and safety, of holiness and happiness in which they ought to walk.

All who repose confidence in him are then pronounced blessed, for he is able to save unto the uttermost.

The instruction contained in the passage may be summed up in the following observation, viz.

It is the wisdom and duty of kings, judges, and of all in authority among men, how exalted soever their stations may be, to serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus.

It cannot be the design of the text to point it out as their wisdom and duty exclusively, for it is most manifestly the wisdom and duty of all. All men, of whatever rank, condition or station they may be, are bound to serve the Lord; and so soon as they have opportunity to become acquainted with the gospel, they are bound to embrace the Saviour. Since this is the wisdom and duty of all, so of course it must be the wisdom and duty of kings, &c. It seems to be enjoined on magistrates in the text because they had been particularly brought into view in the context, and because from their high stations, through that pride and folly natural to the human heart in its present corrupt state, they might be in danger of losing sight of their dependence and obligations and so of pleading an exemption from the Divine service. Other reasons for this exhortation may be mentioned in the sequel. Surely nothing but pride and folly can lead men so to mistake their standing, their true interest and happiness, since the most exalted, not only of earthly but of heavenly created potentates, must be entirely dependant on Jehovah and owe themselves wholly to their Maker. To plead an exemption from His service therefore is to lose sight of their dependence and obligation as creatures; and such is the nature of his service that to desire to be excused from it, is to prefer bondage to liberty. His faithful servants in all ages can testify that in keeping as well as for keeping, his commandments, there is a great reward.

In farther attending to the subject I shall endeavor, through Divine assistance, to shew what is implied in serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus; illustrate this to be the wisdom and duty of all in authority among men; and lastly inquire more particularly why this with similar exhortations in scripture is addressed to magistrates.

I. I am to shew what is implied in serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus.

I join these together because they are joined in the text, and because, under the light of the gospel, they are in their own nature, necessarily connected. Those who truly serve the Lord, living under the light of the gospel, cannot fail of being Christians. Natural and revealed religion are perfectly harmonious, so that a genuine subject of the former, cannot fail of embracing the latter. It is a deception to suppose that men may be good men, that they may be the willing and acceptable servants of the One living and true God, and at the same time reject the gospel. It is in vain to plead that although they cannot admit the evidence of Divine revelation, yet they may possess good hearts, and so perform their duty as to find acceptance with their Maker and Judge. It is a truth capable of rational demonstration, that “Whosoever denieth the Son, the same hath not the Father,” and “that no man speaking by the spirit of God calleth Jesus Accursed.” As the Son is the brightness of the Father’s glory, so revealed religion is perfectly consistent with natural religion, as far as the latter goes. It is hence manifest, that every good man, having the means of knowledge, must be a believer.

These things are not said to cast any personal reflections, or unnecessarily to give pain. Indeed it is charitably to be hoped that in this venerable assembly there is not an individual who would avow the character of an infidel. But should this be the case, as such may obtrude themselves among the sons of God, these things are said to prevent a deception into which they and others may be liable to fall. It is indeed extremely manifest, that whatever specious appearances of virtue, piety and benevolence such may be put one, they are but appearances; they can have no solid foundation.

These things being premised I proceed to shew what it is to serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus. This implies

1. Supreme love to God.

Love is the fulfilling of the law, the substance of all genuine obedience. As Jehovah is infinitely the most amiable and glorious object in the universe, so it is most reasonable that he should require the heart, the whole heart. Jealous for the glory of his great name He cannot endure a rival. He must have the first place in the affections or he will have no place there. From a view of the perfect moral excellence of his character, or from a sense of the beauty of holiness, the heart must be conquered, the affections sweetly captivated and the desires of the soul go forth after God as the supreme good. The devout breathings of such an one, a magistrate too of the first eminence, are thus expressed, “Whom have I in heaven but thee, and there is none on earth I desire beside thee. As the hart panteth after the water brooks, so panteth my soul after thee O God. My soul thirsteth for God, for the living God; when shall I come and appear before God.”

When the heart, the fountain of all moral agency, is thus right with God; when it exercises sweet complacency in his holy character; his holy law, his righteous and perfect government; then obedience will follow of course. Then it will afford pleasure, it will be as meat and drink to keep the commandments of God. To the same purpose the apostle John observes, “This is the love of God that we keep his commandments, and his commandments are not grievous.” Love makes all service for the beloved object delightful. Hence arises the liberty of the children of God. Whatever service is pretended to be rendered to the Lord, so long as the heart is withholden and some idol is suffered to usurp his place, it is not that service which can be acceptable to Him who regardeth not the outward appearance, but looketh directly at the heart.

Suffer me just to observe that with this love, evangelical faith and repentance are necessarily connected.

2. That we make the Divine word the rule of our faith and practice.

Since God hath given us his word to this end, we cannot serve him unless we receive and treat it as a complete rule in these respects. In regard to those doctrines which are termed mysterious, they are to be received on the credit of Divine testimony as the highest evidence. To pretend to bring them to the bar of human reason, is to abuse reason; for there can be no plainer dictate of that noble faculty than this, that “God is greater than man”—that our wisdom is folly compared with his infinite understanding.

Besides, should not a revelation from heaven contain mysteries, unsearchable depths, it would not be analogous to the works of God.

The rules given us in scripture to regulate our practice, must surely be observed, or our service can never be acceptable. Those rules are most excellent, they are perfect. They point out our duty, or delineate that conduct which is beautiful and proper, in all relations and circumstances.

They point out our duty as men, as rational accountable creatures, which is summarily comprised in loving God with all our heart and our neighbor as ourselves.

They point out our duty as sinners in a state of probation, which summarily consists in repentance towards God and in faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ.

They point out our duty in all our natural, ecclesiastic and civil relations.

Our text in connection with the occasion, naturally leads us to pay some more particular attention to the last.

Be it then observed, and ever remembered, that the scriptures contain most excellent rules for kings, judges and all in authority among men; and for all their subjects. Surely there are none, however elevated their stations may be, who will disdain to receive instruction from the word of Divine wisdom; unless they are under the dominion of that pride which goes before destruction, and that haughty spirit which precedes a fall.

The advice which the prince and priest of Midian gave to his son-in-law the Jewish law-giver, respecting the choice of rulers, contains a general and excellent description of that character which they should be ever studious to maintain. They should be “able men such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.” A weak or a wicked ruler is a great judgment on any people. “Woe to thee O land when thy king is a child.” If a ruler be not a man of ability he is liable to become the tool of a party, and of course to sink the dignity of his office. Or if he be willful and obstinate, too wise to be advised, from his precipitate and injudicious measures, great calamity must ensue. If he be a man who doth not fear God and reverence the adorable Immanuel, his measures in connection with the influence of his example, must be expected to operate as poison, diffusing their baneful effects through the community and extending from one generation to another. To demonstrate the truth of this observation by experience, I need only refer you to the instance of Jereboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. Leading the body of the people astray from the worship and service of Jehovah, the pernicious influence of his authority and example, is traced by the inspired penman through the reign of no less than twenty succeeding monarchs. It is extremely obvious that the example of men in high stations is calculated to have the most powerful influence. People in common, naturally look up to their rulers and feel themselves supported by high authority while they imbibe their sentiments and tread in their steps. A ruler who renounces his allegiance to the Supreme King takes the most effectual method to undermine his own authority and introduce disorder in his government. The fountain head of moral influence being thus poisoned, the streams must of course partake of the corrupt tincture.

That a ruler should be a man of truth must be indispensibly requisite to the dignity and usefulness of his high station. How debasing in such an one is prevarication! If his speeches and practice disagree, if he study ambiguity of expression and be guilty of duplicity, what confidence can be placed in him. How detestable is such unfair dealing in one whose words and conduct should all be marked with simple verity; to the end that he may not be misunderstood and that public faith may rest on a firm basis.

That a ruler should be a hater of covetousness is requisite to render him amiable and respectable, a public blessing instead of a scourge. If a covetous spirit have dominion over him, he will be insatiably grasping for himself and his dependants. He will be given to oppression and tyranny. His measures will tend to impoverish and not to enrich a people. But if he be a hater of covetousness, instead of self-aggrandisement and the emolument of a favorite few, his object will be to promote the true interest of the people at large; and every reasonable private sacrifice which he can consistently make to this end will be made by him with pleasure. Around such a ruler the world will smile, and people will rise up and call him blessed. How exquisitely beautiful is the description of such an amiable and dignified character by the pen of inspiration. “He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.” Would you behold such a character in real life, look to Job that worthy prince of the east. “When I went out to the gate through the city, when I prepared my seat in the street; the young men saw me and hid themselves; and the aged arose and stood up. The princes refrained talking, and laid their hand on their mouth. When the ear heard me, then it blessed me; and when the eye saw me, it gave witness to me; because I delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him. The blessing of that was ready to perish came upon me; and I caused the widow’s heart to sing for joy. I put on righteousness and it clothed me; my judgment was as a robe and a diadem. I was eyes to the blind and feet was I to the lame. I was a father to the poor; and the cause which I knew not I searched out. And I brake the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his teeth.”

Would you behold another luminary of similar luster, look to Moses. How eminently, how faithfully and under circumstances most trying did he serve a numerous, but an ungrateful, rebellious people! How entirely was he devoted to their service, and how gloriously did a regard for their welfare, raise him above all private or party views! For all his laborious and eminent services, what compensation from them did he ever receive? Not that I would insinuate that a public officer should not be honorably rewarded, but these thoughts are suggested to display the noble spirit of a ruler who hates covetousness.

Should I bring the subject home to ourselves, to our own age and nation, might I not point you to that great American leader, who nobly refused any stipends, for his arduous, indefatigable labors; through a long, hazardous, bloody and successful conflict?

Again, good rulers are described by the apostle as not wearing the sword in vain, as a terror to evildoers and a praise to them that do well. Good rulers, by their authority and example, will awe and restrain the wicked, reward and encourage the righteous. When such men are in place, integrity is held in repute and the sacred rites of religion are respected. On the other hand, when bad men are exalted, the wicked walk on every side. Vice comes forth from its dark recesses—Impiety assumes a brazen front, and infidelity dares to blaspheme!

From these with many other descriptions and examples of worthy rulers in sacred writ, those who are exalted to high offices may find their duty most judiciously delineated. By consulting these they will perceive how they are to act their respective parts, so as to claim the honor and reward of faithful servants of the Most High.

Serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus implies,

3. That we make the glory of God and the good of mankind our supreme and ultimate end.

Acting as rational creatures, as moral agents, some object must be uppermost in our minds, take the lead in our affections, and govern our practice. This object must be either some private, partial good, or it must be the good of the community. By the latter is to be understood the same as the glory of God and the good of mankind. To make any private good our great object, or ultimate end, is to serve ourselves and not the Lord. It is to serve diverse lusts and vanities—It is to be in bondage to sin and Satan. The example of our Saviour and of his followers is directly the reverse. His spirit we must possess and his example we must imitate, or we never can make good our claim to the endearing and honorable character of his friends. Such was his zeal for the glory of God that it is said to consume him. Such were the riches of his good will to men, that for our sakes he became poor that we through his poverty might be rich. These objects combined induced him to leave the realms of glory, to assume our nature, and to go through such an astonishing scene of humiliation and suffering. His friends have each a portion of the same benevolent spirit, and to tread in his steps must ever constitute their felicity and glory.

Those who do thus, who give the all-glorious God their hearts, who make his word the rule of their faith and practice, his glory and the good of mankind their end, they are the servants of the living God, they are the friends of the Saviour. I am

II. To illustrate this to be the wisdom and duty of kings, judges and of all in authority among men, how exalted soever their stations.

To this end the following things may be observed.

1. They cannot possibly place their affections on an object more worthy.

Some objet or other must possess the throne of the heart, the first place in the affections. This object must either be the Creator or the creature. Between these, what an infinite disparity! What object, what creature on earth or in heaven, is worthy to be compared with Jehovah! Look to the Sun, that early and extensive object of idolatry, and it shineth not, compared with the glorious lustre of his character. It is but a beam of his glory. Look to the saints above and holy angels, perfect in his likeness—Truly, they are glorious, but what is their glory compared with His! What is a ray to the Sun!—a drop to the Ocean! Less are all the resplendent luminaries surrounding the throne above, compared with the Father of glory.

Would then the rulers and great ones of the earth shew themselves elevated in their minds as they are in their high stations, let them make it appear that their affections are supremely placed on that Being who is infinitely exalted above every other in the universe.

2. The wisest men and highest potentates on earth can have no better rule than the word of God.

However they may be distinguished by their abilities natural and acquired as well as by their exalted stations; if possessed of that wisdom which is from above, they will realize their need of divine teaching. This will qualify their dignity with the humble docile temper of little children. Candidly perusing the sacred scriptures, they will readily perceive that the system of Theology which they contain, is worthy of God—as much superior to the inventions of men as the heavens are above the earth. While the systems of the most learned heathen are evidently fraught with fable and folly, perusing the sacred oracles they will devoutly exclaim, “a God, a God appears!”

The system of Ethics contained in the scriptures will approve itself to their enlightened understandings as most excellent. The moral rules which they contain are indeed perfect. They point out the path of the most beautiful propriety and extensive usefulness in every condition of life. They shew us how to conduct so as to command respect, and insure happiness.

Hence rulers of every description, whether acting in a legislative, judiciary, or executive capacity, will do wisely to consult the sacred oracles. Enacting laws they will never lose sight of the Divine moral law, and as far as circumstances compare, be guided by the jurisprudence of Israel.

3. Can the greatest men act to a nobler end than the glory of God and the good of mankind?

Every intelligent and wise agent must propose to himself some end of action, nor will he be satisfied with an inferior end, when one more worthy presents itself. Kings and great ones of the earth, to support the dignity of their high stations, should surely act to the noblest end. This can be none other than the glory of God and the good of mankind. Setting up the general good as their great and ultimate object, disdaining to be governed by sinister ends, by selfish motives, they will have the honor and sublime satisfaction of acting in concert with all holy beings. Suffer me to observe.

4. Kings, judges and all in authority among men, however elevated their rank are accountable to God, under his government, subject to his laws. It must therefore be their wisdom and their duty to serve him. They are officers whom the Supreme Ruler, the King of kings, hath in his providence appointed as his subordinate gents, whom he hath called up to high stations, to move in enlarged spheres that they may be more extensively useful. The authority with which they are invested, together with the powerful influence of their example, constitute a great talent with which they are entrusted and for which they must render an account.

Men compared with men, creatures compared with creatures, may claim rank and precedence one of another to a high degree; but compared with the divine majesty, the most exalted must take their place at his foot-stool. And though there should be no power on earth to call them to an account, yet to Him they must be accountable for their every action. They must be strangely deluded by a subtle adversary and a deceitful heart, yea they must be foolishly intoxicated by the pride of life, to imagine the Divine laws are not as obligatory on them as on the meanest of their subjects.

5. By faithfully serving the Lord and being the friends of the blessed Jesus, they will taste the purest pleasure and enjoy the most exalted satisfaction this side of heaven.

Acting to the same end with the blessed God himself, He will make them drink of the river of his own pleasures. They will be little emblems on earth of the great benefactor above, and in a sense, gods among men. As the great benefactor above is continually doing good to countless millions, so they will be diffusing their benign influence through their respective spheres. Respected and beloved like our Washington of immortal memory, they will possess a treasure in the hearts of men of more value than thousands of gold and silver.

Compare the pleasures of wise and virtuous rulers with the pleasures of those who know not the Lord and will not serve him.

Those who are thus placed in exalted stations are generally supposed to have the good things the earth affords at their command. Supposing they have power which they gladly abuse, of consuming the choicest bounties of kind providence upon their lusts, riot and wanton in scenes of festivity and debauchery—Or supposing from their power to gratify the more malignant passions, such as avarice, ambition and revenge, they not only sacrifice the rights, the liberty, the property, the happiness and the lives of individuals and families, but lay whole province waste, desolate flourishing cities and spread devastation far and wide; what are their pleasures, sensual and infernal, compared with the pleasures of those in similar high stations, who fear God and keep his commandments? Who imitate the example of the Supreme Ruler in his government, doing all the good in their power, praising and rewarding those who do well, punishing the wicked, relieving the distressed, being fathers to the fatherless, and causing the widow’s heart to sing for joy? Possessing the benevolent spirit of Him who went about doing good and treading in his beautiful steps, having the confidence, respect and good will of the people, and beholding the happy fruits of their labors; how sweet must be their reflections! Verily, the difference in the enjoyment of these two opposite characters, the benevolent Christian Ruler and the haughty selfish, cruel despot, is like that between brutes and rational creatures. Or rather, between saints and sinners, holy angels and devils.

6. By faithfully serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus, they will entitle themselves to an ample reward in the world to come.

They will be found among the distinguished, the happy few of the mighty and noble who are called. They will have the rare honor of being crowned in both worlds. They will share largely in the triumphant honors and joys of the last great day. Placed on the right hand of the King, they will have the unspeakable and glorious satisfaction of being thus addressed by Him, “Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.” To each one will He say, “Well done good and faithful servant, thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.” Thus removed to higher spheres of usefulness, hey will shine s stars of eminent magnitude in the celestial firmament forever and ever.

III. Let us inquire more particularly why this with similar exhortations in scripture, is addressed to magistrates.

Why are they especially exhorted to serve the Lord and prove themselves friendly to the Saviour? Are their souls more precious than the souls of others, who sustain no such high and honorable office? This is hardly to be supposed. May not the reason be this? Are they not thus addressed by the inspired penman, on account of the regard they owe to their fellow creatures, to those more especially over whom and for whose benefit, they are called to exercise authority? The people are not made for magistrates, but magistrates for the people. It is a sentiment in which all the understanding and genuine friends of liberty will be agreed, that the civil ruler is vested with power, not to aggrandize himself, his own family, connections or party; but to promote the common weal, the good of those to whom his authority extends. For a ruler, how exalted and honorable soever the sphere may be in which he is called to move, to view the people as made for him, and to treat them with a view to self-emolument, is the very spirit of tyranny, ought to be carefully guarded against and eradicated if possible. The contrary sentiment is founded on the second great immutable branch of the Divine moral law, which requires every man to love his neighbor as himself. In conformity with this pure principle the civil ruler is bound to have as much more regard to the good of the community than to any private or partial good, as the former exceeds the latter in magnitude. Hence it is so highly incumbent on those clothed with authority to be good men. The higher the authority with which they are vested, the more important is it that they should be good, because they have so much more power to do good or hurt. The happiness of a people so much depends on a wise and righteous administration, that magistrates have motives to be good peculiar to themselves, and therefore are particularly addressed. For them to be irreligious and immoral is far more criminal than for other men, on whom, little, comparatively speaking, is depending. If they are good, the benefit is small, and if they are wicked, the evil is small, compared with what it is in the case of the ruler. The ruler moves in an extensive sphere, and wide is the spread of good or evil by him occasioned. The consideration of the following particulars may sufficiently illustrate this point.

1. Religious rulers will naturally care and consult for the good of the people. To hold that it is immaterial what the religious principles of a ruler are, or whether he have any or not, is preposterous. One might as well deny all connection between cause and effect through the whole moral world. Or one might as well say, that a man may be a very good man and at the same time a very bad man—that a man may be altogether contracted within himself or wrapt up in a party and at the same time prove as great a blessing to a people as though he were truly benevolent. If it be true that “all men will walk, everyone in the name of his god,” it must surely very materially affect the best interest of a people, whether a ruler be a votary of Jehovah the God of Israel, or of Bacchus, Venus or the Gallic goddess of reason.

Rulers who bear the image of that God whose moral character is all summed up in love, instead of plotting mischief on their beds and devising how they shall render the advantages of their stations subservient to their carnal ends; will be prayerfully exercising their thoughts how they shall magnify their respective offices by promoting the highest good of the community. This they will be disposed to do without noise and ostentation. They will have no occasion or disposition to amuse the people and cover sinister designs with the lullaby of liberty and equality. Conscious of their own integrity they will leave their actions to declare the real sentiments of their hearts, and willingly be judged by their fruits.

2. Religious rulers will enact good laws and execute justice impartially.

In enacting laws they will respect the constitution as the palladium of their rights. They will consult the sacred oracles as containing the fundamental principles of all good government. They will wisely consider the particular circumstances of the people, and they will look to the Father of lights for direction.

In the administration of justice they will be inflexible. They will respect no man’s person. They will disdain a bribe.

How vastly important it is for rulers to be wise and good men on these two accounts, a little consideration will shew. Unrighteous laws and an unfaithful administration of justice tend to unhinge all good order and throw everything into confusion.

3. Wise and good rulers will employ the force of their example for the good of the people. They will consider it as highly incumbent on them to walk in an exemplary manner, not merely for their own sake, but for the sake of the thousands, it may be, millions who are looking up to them. Being so conspicuously exalted, how vastly important must it be that their light should shine. The example of such dignified characters, operates on the common people as a fascinating charm. Since mankind are naturally corrupt, as they have a strong bias to evil, to irreligion and immorality, when their rulers set the example and take the lead in that way, their destruction, according to the usual course of things, is inevitable. If men placed on the eminence of authority who are supposed to have enlarged views, as they ought to have, are known to embrace sentiments unfriendly to the worship and service of Jehovah; it will have a most powerful tendency to leaven the whole lump, to propagate infidelity through the nation. If they indulge themselves in licentious habits, in scenes of intemperance and debauchery, what numbers emboldened by their example, will smoothly glide along the slippery paths of ruin, hardly suspecting themselves in danger.

On the other hand, if men in high stations are known to be the friends of religion, if they are ready to acknowledge God on all occasions, laying themselves low at his foot-stool, if they profess to believe in the scriptures as a revelation from heaven, a complete rule for our faith and practice; it will have a most powerful tendency to bring religion into repute, it will support and encourage its friends and advocates among all ranks, and it will lay powerful restraints on the wicked. On this account then is very great propriety in addressing the exhortation in the text to magistrates.

4. Such a government must meet the approbation and blessing of heaven.

On the character of such rulers, heaven will look down with a smile of complacency. Those who thus honor the God of heaven, the God of heaven will delight to honor. As it is the pleasure of the Supreme Ruler in all proper ways to manifest his love of righteousness and his hatred of iniquity, so he will delight to own and bless the people of such a government. For it is to remembered, as empires and nations as such exist only in this world, so if the high and holy One ever manifest his approbation or disapprobation of their ways, it must be done in the present state.

Let the dispensations of providence towards empires and nations in all ages of the world be examined with respect to this matter, and on that issue let the weight of the argument rest. If it doth not appear that they have generally been blessed or frowned upon according to the character of their rulers, if they have not been blessed when the government hath been friendly to religion and good morals, and in proportion as they have been thus friendly; and if they have not been frowned upon when it hath been otherwise, then this powerful motive for rulers to be good will readily be given up.

There is not time on this occasion to traverse the history of empires. To attempt it would be a trespass on the patience of this audience at large, and a disparagement of the information and good judgment of a number most highly respectable. Suffer me just to refer you to the history of that people recorded in sacred writ, with which a Christian assembly must be supposed to be best acquainted. When a wise and good king was placed on the throne of Israel, one who feared God and believed in the promised Messiah, did not things go well with them, did not the Lord appear to delight to shower down his blessings upon them? On the contrary, when an impious and immoral character was thus exalted, did not heaven frown, confusion and misery ensue?

It hence appears that good rulers are the great medium through whom God conveys his blessings to a people, and that wicked rulers are the rods of his anger, the staff of his indignation. If then the favor of heaven be important to a people, it is of importance that they have good rulers. If a people can be guilty of the amazing stupidity, folly and madness of setting up a government independent of Jehovah (as indeed we have seen in our day) then let them if they please appoint rulers who neither fear God nor regard man. But let them not be surprised when the consequences overtake them, consequences which mock all description—terrible as a storm of vengeance from heaven.

In the review of our subject we cannot but felicitate ourselves, that hitherto since the first settlement of our state, we have been so generally blessed with wise Christian rulers. Our governors, counselors, representatives, judges and those elevated to high stations, have generally professed themselves the disciples of the blessed Jesus. And to the glory of God and the good of mankind they have made it appear that their profession was not an empty name. Firmly believing all scripture to be given by inspiration of God, and to be profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness; they have embraced its mysterious and glorious doctrines, not being ashamed of the cross of Christ: and they have had respect to its sacred and perfect rules of practice. From supreme regard to the glory of the Divine lawgiver and the good of the people, they have viewed it their duty to enjoin the religious observance of the Lord’s day, and to make provision for the support of gospel worship and order. They have been convinced to use the words of revered authority, that “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.”

Under rulers convinced of the truth of these sage maxims, we have been peculiarly happy, and of this happiness under God we must view them as the prime instruments. In their laws they have respected the Divine law, in their lives, the Divine rule, and powerful has been the force of their example. It is devoutly to be wished we may ever continue to have such rulers. Our salvation indeed depends upon it. Should men of contrary principles, men who fear not God and contemn the gospel of his son, gain the ascendancy in our public affairs and fill the various departments of state; the great pillars of human happiness being removed, a wide spreading ruin must be expected to ensue, a ruin which in addition to all its temporal calamities, with respect to millions of individuals, must extend to the remotest ages of the world to come.

To guard against such evil and to lengthen out our tranquility as far as possible, let all who have the right of suffrage, make a wise use of that inestimable privilege. Let us be guarded against a spirit of party, cabal and intrigue, of pride and ambition, remembering that modesty is ever attached to merit, and that those best qualified for office, are to be sought out instead of thrusting themselves forward. It is well known to have been a trait in the political character of the people of New-England, that for a man to manifest a strong desire for office and to put himself forward as a candidate, has had a direct and powerful tendency to defeat his purpose and sink him in the estimation of the public. It is painful to notice the danger we are in of losing this distinguishing, this honorable political trait. It is in the power of the freemen, by maintaining the unbiased freedom of their suffrages, and by exercising that right with discretion, to prolong its preservation. And surely it behoveth those who call themselves Christians and hope to obtain the approbation of the supreme Judge in the great day, seriously to consider, how they can act in character and maintain their loyalty to the King of kings, in promoting those who are destitute of the requisite qualifications of good rulers as pointed out in the scriptures.

Those who fill the most honorable stations will suffer the word of exhortation from the royal preacher and sweet psalmist of Israel. It is a king and one of the most excellent of kings who, in the text, addresses kings and others in high stations. And this he doth, not in his own name, but in the name, by the authority of the King of kings. The substance of his exhortation is that they serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus. Ever keeping this in view, they will act in character, adorn the high stations they fill, and diffuse blessings on the world around them, in proportion to their respective abilities and the enlarged spheres in which they move.

While our highly respected political fathers and beloved Christian brethren thus magnify their offices, those of us who have the honor to serve at the altar, will not cease to pray for them, and in the stations in which we are placed, we will stand as sentinels for their good and for the good of the public. Thus co-operating like Moses and Aaron, may we not confidently hope that our American Israel will present a brazen front to her enemies, supported by the mighty God of Jacob.

Do I engage too much on your behalf my reverend fathers and brethren? It is evident I do not. The part you acted in the late great revolution, and the character you have uniformly supported, warrant the assertion. Our sacred rule teaches us to obey magistrates, to render to Ceasar the things that are Caesar’s, and where it is rightly understood and duly observed, it never fails to make good faithful subjects. With rulers, such as have been described our hearts are united. Our views and our endeavors, however the subtlety of the serpent by his agents, may seek to divide us, are generally the same. We wish, by all proper means, to promote the glory of God and the best interest of mankind. While they are called more immediately to consult and act for the secular temporal interest of the people, we have their spiritual immortal concerns directly in view. While we cannot but disapprove an heterogeneous mixture of civil and ecclesiastical power, and condemn the policy which makes religion a state engine for the purpose of subjugation; we approve the idea which makes civil government an handmaid to religion, and cannot but account it a favorable omen, when kings become nursing fathers and queens nursing mothers to the church. A sweet and harmonious union of church and state to promote the general good, must meet the full approbation of heaven. May we, my reverend fathers and brethren, ever act in character, so as to have the entire confidence and powerful aid of all wise and good rulers. May we be enabled to act our part worthily in this day of trial. And may we be quickened by the late repeated and solemn admonitions of God’s holy providence in the removal of one and another of our fathers and brethren in the ministry, whose praise is in the churches. While we deplore the loss of four in this and one in a neighboring state since our last anniversary, let us endeavor to realize that we must soon follow. Let a weighty sense of the high responsibility of our holy office duly affect us; and God of his infinite mercy grant, that we may be prepared to give up our accounts with joy and not with grief.

Beloved citizens, of the commonwealth, we will not yet despair. We will fondly hope that the gracious Providence which hath brought us hitherto and wrought such wonders for us, will still continue to watch over and protect us. He who saith to the proud waves, hitherto shall ye come and no farther, is able to restrain the wrath of man. He who overthrew Korah and his company, is able as suddenly to check their successors. The time will at length come, and there is reason to apprehend it is not far distant, when Jannes and Jambres shall proceed no further.

But whatever, dear Christian brethren, may be the fate of our state and nation, of this one thing we rest assured, that as Christ lives the church shall live also. Consequently with all who sere the Lord and prove themselves the friends of Jesus, we know it will be well. With them it will be well when the empires of this world shall crumble to ruins, and be blown away like chaff before the wind! With them it will be well when the earth shall be dissolved and the elements melt with fervent heat! With them it will be well when time shall be no more.

Finally, with them it will be well while the smoke of the torment of the wicked shall ascend up for ever and ever. Amen.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1803 Connecticut


Evan Johns (1763-1849) was born in Wales and emigrated to the United States in 1801. He was selected as the pastor of the First Congregational Church of Berlin, CT in 1802 and served until 1811. He became pastor of the Congregational Church of Canandaigua, NY in 1817.


sermon-thanksgiving-1803-connecticut

The Happiness of American ChristiansA
THANKSGIVING
SERMON,
PREACHED
On Thursday the 24th of November 1803.
By Evan Johns
Pastor of a church in Berlin.

 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens.

Washington
A THANKSGIVING SERMON
Happy is that people that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord Psalm CXLIV. 15.

 

“Through the good hand of our God upon us we are, once more, assembled to contemplate the various benefits, conferred upon us by divine providence; to cultivate sentiments of gratitude, and to present, to our liberal Benefactor, that homage, of which he is worthy. An exercise this, at once, rational and delightful; an exercise which, if we engage in it heartily, cannot fail to promote our happiness; since the feelings of gratitude are, in themselves, pleasant, and at the same time a source of contentment. Should we properly discharge the duty now before us, we shall, not only act the part of Christians, but also, become more respectable as citizens; and lay a foundation for that harmony, without which, the highest external privileges will never secure even our temporal happiness. To have the mind ever attentive to existing evils, and forgetful of actual good, while it involves the basest ingratitude to God, is to furnish ground for the most serious disunion. It is to keep alive those embers which when supplied with but a moderate quantity of fuel, never fail to break out into a devouring conflagration.

Permit the preacher, then, to act in character as a minister of the Prince of peace. Surely, no one on the present occasion will charge him with going out of his province, though he should advert to some topics of a political nature – topics not adapted to foment a factious spirit; to gratify or chagrin a party, as such; but to promote that complacency of soul, essential to self enjoyment. “Happy is that people, that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

Happily for us, the subject matter to which the text naturally leads us, is applicable to the United States at this time; but particularly so, to the State in which we live.

In the first place we have “no breaking in:” we are not annoyed by foreign invasion.

Many of my hearers know, by experience, by what a sore evil it is for a people to have their country the seat of war. They, who have been active in a state of warfare, can never forget the SCENES, which it presents, and the EFFECTS, of which it is productive. They must remember the pangs of distress, mutually experienced when they were separated from their friends, uncertain whether they should, ever, meet again. They can easily recollect the feelings they had at the moment of departure from the domestic roof – feelings, which must have been painful, though their breasts should have been animated, in the highest degree, by patriotism. They will call to mind, how they felt, when about to face a formidable enemy on the field of Battle; as well as when engaged in the work of Death: – the scenes of carnage which their eyes beheld; and the groans, which, notwithstanding the thunder of War, pierced their ears : – the fatigue they experienced, even when Victory was perched on their banners; but more particularly, the evils attendant on a hasty retreat before a pursuing Enemy: – how trying it is, in such circumstances, to encounter the inclemencies of the weather; and to experience the attacks of wasting Disease.

The bad EFFECTS which a state of war produces on morals must be fresh in their recollection, now the business of education was neglected, the Sabbath, in many instances, a time of hurry and bustle, the House of God, in a measure, deserted, and violence practiced by wicked individuals, glad to throw off the restrains of the civil Law. They must know that, an Army, tho’ under the strictest discipline, is a School of irreligion, where habits of licentiousness are acquired; where he who was a libertine in secret, throws off the mask, and becomes the open Advocate of principles baneful to the happiness of Man. They must know that, habits principled people, who have opportunities to gratify their avarice at the expense of the Public: – habits which, long afterwards, continue to prey on the Community. To paint all the evils of War is not practicable. They are numberless. War is one of the greatest scourges with which Heaven, in its wrath, punishes a people. But, with this sore judgment, we are not visited. Our Territory remains in peace at this very remarkable period, when a great part of what is called the civilized World, suffers the Horrors of War, of which the flames after having been suppressed for a very short season, soon bursting forth with increased violence.

How thankful ought we to be to Divine Providence for casting our lot in a Country separated, by a wide Ocean from the European World; and, consequently, exempt from the danger, to which otherwise, we should have been exposed! May the people of the United States, ever, make a wise use of their advantageous situation. May they never permit European transactions to foment among them a Spirit, in the least degree, favoring of Faction. Let us carefully avoid even the Language to which civil animosities have given rise in a remote quarter of the world. Be it our study to frown on those, who would introduce, into our happy Land, that Spirit which has spread such desolation in distant parts. Keep your eye fixed on the welfare of your country; and never suffer yourselves to be agitated by designing men, to whatever Party they belong.

It is natural to presume that, Parents will cheerfully follow the line of conduct marked out; since, in a state of peace only, “their Sons will be as plants grown up in their youth,” not liable to be cut down by the sword of Violence, before they attain the maturity of Manhood. In a state of peace only, not amidst the tumults of War can their “Daughters be as cornerstones, polished after the similitude for a Palace;” well educated, so as to have their Manners correct; brought up under the influence of Religion so as to have their Morals untainted by Vice. Young People, surely, will be advocates for the doctrine, here inculcated; because, in the absence of War only, can they enjoy the charms of mutual society and, advantageously, form the most important connection in life. The Husbandman will, readily, approve of what is recommended; since, by the continuance of Peace only, can he, with any certainty, expect to avail himself of his “strong oxen to labor” for his advantage, that, his “Garners may be full, affording all manner of store.”

Such being the happy state of our Country, let me, again, call on you to present to Heaven the Incense of gratitude.

Our Country is happy in another respect. “There is no breaking in,” – no invasion of Liberty and Property.

Fully represented, by persons of your own choice, deputed for a short period, at the expiration of which they return to the mass of people. You have every security against the enacting of laws prejudicial to your interest. Under such a Constitution of things your Liberty cannot be invaded. It stands on the firm basis of a purely representative Government. Nor is there any danger of your Laws being improperly administered; since your Executive and your Magistrates are, annually, reappointed by yourselves, or your Representatives; and therefore, must feel themselves habitually, responsible to the Public for their official conduct. Any misconduct in their Office would be their undoing. To continue in Office, by reappointment, those who have been faithful in the discharge of their duty is a wise maxim, which, by prescription, is, in a manner, become the Law of the State. By observing that Rule, the most effectual means are taken to join the advantage of the experience with that of talent’ and to preclude the uncertainty which must arise from a frequent succession in such Offices. Surely, more dependence can be, rationally, placed on those, whose skill and integrity have been tried, than on others, of whose ability and uprightness you have had no experimental proof. This mode of acting, also, while it makes the Officers, in question, sensible of their responsibility, gives them a manly independence, in the discharge of their duty; assured that while they behave well they shall not be supplanted by intriguing Place-seekers.

Thus, it appears that, your liberty, political and personal, in secure; shielded by a full representation in the Legislature, and an equal administration of the laws. As evident is it that your Property is safe. It cannot be taken from you without your consent, either in your own persons, or in the act of your Representatives. What a striking contrast between your situation and that of those Countries where the reverse of all this obtains: where the Enjoyment of the most important rights depends on an arbitrary act of the will!

Your only danger is from YOURSELVES. As long as you cultivate Virtue and acquire the knowledge competent to the proper management of your affairs, you are safe. But should you lay aside all respect for the Institutions of you Forefathers; – should you cease to watch over the education of youth; – should you give yourselves up to gambling, idleness, and dissipation; – should you lend a credulous ear to designing Demagogues, – to men professing great concern for the people, while eagerly pursuing their own advantage only’ your Ruin will be the speedy and certain consequence. Such Conduct as this is the Rock on whish Republican Governments, of former ages, have made shipwreck.  Information and Virtue alone can preserve you. Let every individual act, as if the future state of his Country, and the happiness of posterity, depended on himself alone.

Let us proceed to consider a third particular in which our Country is eminently happy. There is “no going out:” none are banished or harassed into voluntary Exile.

The experience of our Forefathers, by whom this Country was first settled, in this respect, differed widely from ours. To enjoy, in security and without molestation, the most sacred rights, they were obliged to leave their native land, – to immigrate to this western world, then a savage wilderness. With the difficulties they had to surmount, and the hardships they were obliged to endure, you cannot be unacquainted. You need not be told of the dangers which met them at every step of their progress in this Country, presenting nothing but the wilds of nature, where all was gloomy and frightful. “The forests were dark and tangled; the meadows were overgrown with rank weeds; and the brooks strayed without a determined channel.” In the meantime cruel Savages, ever hostile to strangers, roamed through the Territory and claimed it as their own. Even, within the memory of some persons now living, such was the state of things in the district where we reside. To settle here was deemed a most formidable undertaking, by those, who lived but a few miles distant. But the scene is now changed. The wilderness is become a fruitful field; and you are surrounded, not with the necessaries of life only, but also with many of the elegant accommodations so important to the happiness of civilized man. Population rapidly increases, and every possible encouragement is given to the exertions of Industry. Hence, the hand of the diligent cannot fail to make him rich, if he be prudent and temperate. Thus, while, to the present hour, in other parts of the world, many are obliged to turn their backs on their native spot, you have it in your power to live in ease and security, within your Township. In the recollection of what were the circumstances of you Forefathers, may we not say to you, “other men labored, and ye are entered into their labors?” Let me repeat it: to make you as comfortable in your circumstances as is desirable for mankind, nothing is necessary but good Conduct on your part. Shall we survey the good which we enjoy and not acknowledge the hand which bestows it? Shall we not, rather, make the Language of the devout Psalmist our own?

“Thou hast brought a Vine out of Egypt; thou hast cast out the Heathen and planted it; thou preparedst room before it; and didst cause it to take root and it filled the land. The hills were covered with the shadow of it; and the boughs thereof were like the goodly Cedars. She sent out her boughs unto the sea, and her branches unto the river.” From the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi and the Western waters, of what a Territory are American Citizens the absolute lords!

If any persons, among you leave the district which gave them birth; it is not because they are harassed at home, but because the most extraordinary encouragement is held forth to their industry elsewhere; or because, in those parts, which, as yet, have a very defective population, they can acquire possession of land upon very easy terms. To a person, who has witnessed the evils which sorely oppress a large portion of the human race in the Old world, a scene like this in the New, must, if he have a spark of benevolence, afford the most genuine pleasure.

Permit the preacher to lead you to the contemplation of a fourth circumstance which marks you happy state. “There is no complaining in your Streets:” there is no perversion of Public Justice, – no invasion of the rights of conscience.

Are not your equitable laws righteously administered? Are not your “Judges as at the first and your Counselors as at the beginning”? Yes, your laws are accurately defined by men of integrity and professional talents; and points, in contest, are referred for decision to your Peers, – Jurors chosen impartially from yourselves. Thus provision is made, on the one hand, for the conviction and punishment of the guilty criminal; and, on the other, for the acquittal of the innocent: a provision of such long experience has proved the salutary effects. No one can suffer in his person, his property, or his reputation, through the capricious or interested decision of a Despot. Nor can I overlook the comparatively small Expense with which justice is administered; so that, the poor, as well as the rich, may obtain their rights. Would God that, through human depravity, this circumstance were never an encouragement to commence vexatious and unnecessary Law-suits! The character of man, however, must be entirely changed; so as to render the existence of law unnecessary, before this can be rationally expected.

As for the rights of conscience among you, they cannot with truth be said to be violated. Is not every one at full liberty, in the manner which he prefers to worship God? You have no exclusive establishment. You have no religious articles drawn up in scholastic language imposed on you by human authority. The Magistrate does not sentence you to everlasting damnation, if you refuse to subscribe to his religious Creed. You are not subjected to civil disabilities for Nonconformity to a mode of worship. Any peculiarity of religious opinion does not lower you in the estimation of a majority of your fellow Citizens, provided your manners be inoffensive, and your morals pure. Avery slight acquaintance with those Countries, where exclusive Religious Establishments have long obtained, would convince you, that the reverse of all this is there experienced. Under a genuine Religious Establishment, though you should contribute liberally towards the support of religion in the manner approved by your Conscience, you would be compelled to pay one tenth part of your whole produce, to maintain the form of religious worship preferred by the Chief Magistrate. There, permission to worship God without violating your Conscience, you would find regarded as a mighty favor. And though you should happen to approve of the established mode of divine worship, you would have no influence whatever in the choice of your religious instructor. Though his talents were of the meanest kind, his learning contemptible, his doctrine no better than pagan Morality, his habits indolent, and his morals vile; you would be compelled to contribute a tenth of your produce towards his support, during the term of his natural life. This is the nature of Religious Establishments. I am, thus, particular, because I would not have you err so grossly as to apply the phrase religious establishment to a state of things to which it is not at all applicable.

“Happy is that people whose God is the Lord:” happy is that people among whom legal support is given to Christian instruction; or whose Legislature give patronage to the Gospel.

To many persons, I am aware, the existing law, in regard to religion, is very obnoxious. If any such be present, they are requested to hear, with candor, what the preacher is about to advance on this branch of his subject. Will it not be granted, that, Christianity is favorable to the temporal happiness of mankind? I presume that, none will contest this, but such men as are, at once, “wicked and unreasonable.” All who have but a moderate acquaintance with the New Testament, the love, meekness, forbearance, and gentleness there inculcated; the temperance, the equity the benevolence and the probity it enjoins; the powerful motives by which its lessons are enforced, motives the best adapted to sway the human heart; will readily acknowledge that, the Gospel of the Prince of peace is the most powerful engine which can be employed to promote the happiness of man in this world; even on the supposition (if it can be made for a moment) there were not future state of retribution.

But not to enlarge on this topic, let us appeal to fact, and facts are stubborn things. Is it not true, that, where Christianity has existed in any degree of purity, for a length of time, it meliorates the character of THOSE, who have no true religion? What has introduced that urbanity of manners, peculiar to modern Christendom? What gave rise to the striking contrast between the civilized part of the world now, and the most renowned nations of antiquity, in the article of POLITENESS? I boldly aver it is Christianity. It is not a notorious fact, that, when it was fashionable in France to exclaim against all Religion, there were seen not only the triumph of Licentiousness, but a visible degeneracy in the Manners of the people: – that, they, for a time divested themselves of the politeness, which used to distinguish them as a nation; and became, in the same proportion slovenly in their dress? To prove the truth of the same position, permit me to call your attention to a striking fact, notice by Sir George Staunton in his account of Lord Macartney’s Embassy to China; a country where Christianity never prevailed. At a certain place, He informs us, where an immense concourse of people eagerly pressed to see the English strangers passing along the road, many had stationed themselves on the Barges navigating the Canals. There, a man, unfortunately, fell into the water; and was seen in a drowning state, while his hat floated on the surface. But the Bystanders were not disposed to rescue him, while greedy to secure the hat. Would the least improved class of people in these States or in England; would an American or British sailor though habitually drunken and profane, have acted thus? No. He would have instantly lunged into the water to relieve the distressed. Upon what principle can we, rationally, account for this difference of character, if not on that of the remote or indirect influence of Christianity?

It is remarkable that, poor people, when under the influence of Religion, exhibit a neatness and cleanliness in their person and habitations, to be, in vain, looked for among the irreligious in the same circumstances. This is so evidently the case that four medical Gentlemen, at Norwich in England, not remarkable for their Christian zeal, declared, in the social circle, that they instantly knew whether a family were religious, on their entrance into a Patient’s apartment. Religion, they said, where it existed, infallibly indicated itself by the exercise of foresight, and a certain comfortable appearance not to be seen elsewhere. Are not my hearers ready to testify that, their observations are to the amount? – that, those who pay a steady regard to the institutions of Religion appear in their persons and houses, to much greater advantage, than those who neglect religious duties?

We ought, also, to remember that law is but a feeble barrier against iniquity of every kind, if not supported by the influence of Religion upon Conscience. Let those determine on this point, who have visited certain parts of the United State, where Religion is very feeble or very limited, in its effects; or rather where its influence has never been felt. They will confirm every observation of the Preacher.

I could mention to you examples of Parishes in this State, where the people have been obliged to borrow money, when inattentive to religious order; but, in their turn, have been able to advance loans, after a steady attendance on the Institutions of the Gospel. Christianity, then, powerfully tends to the temporal happiness of man.

That the rights of Conscience are not infringed by any law of this state, as already, appeared. But, here, let me advert to a principle which no one will be hardy enough to controvert.  IT IS A DUTY INCUMBENT ON THE CIVIL LEGISLATURE TO EMPLOY ALL MEANS APARENTLY ADAPTED TO ENSURE PUBLIC ORDER AND PRIVATE SECURITY. On this immovable foundation stand your School-laws. And those persons, whose care the Welfare of the State is committed, have a right to consider our places of worship in the same point of view: Schools where lessons of morality are given without which the Community cannot prosper. What is man, come to mature years, but a grown up Child? The hackneyed argument employed against the institutions of our Forefathers, if it prove anything, proves too much; that is, it proves nothing. It would annihilate all the provision made for the education of our Children, consign us to a state of general barbarism, and, soon, make us bow the neck, ingloriously, to the yoke of Despotism. A state of ignorance and licentiousness would, in a very short time, convert the plausible, fawning Demagogue into an oppressive and cruel Tyrant. Hence, the friends of our religious Institutions are the most powerful supporters of liberty; and the persons, who would abolish the laws in question, whether they know it are not, are the enemies of their Country; and, were they to prevail, would prove the Pioneers of Despotism. Shall we not, therefore, most cordially comply with what the Proclamation recommends by praising God “for the moral and social Institutions wisely adopted by our venerable Forefathers; and that their influence continues to operate in a valuable degree”?

“Happy is that people whose God is the Lord”

The things already asserted to are so many realities; but realities which pertain to this world only. In the meantime, we are bound for ETERNITY. Far be it from us, therefore, to view religion in no other light, than as a source of present advantage. You may be so trained up, and have such habits established, as to be respectable as Citizens, while destitute of the grace of God. You may be under effectual Restraints, through a Christian education, so as to be preserved, at least, from flagrant misdeeds; while the heart remains unchanged, and you continue at enmity with God; in a true state of variance with that Being into whose hands it is a fearful thing to fall. The observance of the best order, in this life, will not fit you for Heaven; those regions whither purity alone shall enter.

The Lord cannot be said to be your God in the most important sense, compared with which, all other considerations are as the small dust on the Balance unless your hearts are the temples of the Divine Spirit. All your advantages will not avail you, if destitute of faith in Christ, operating effectually within you, as a living principle, in the mortification of sin, and in the cultivation of that temper which distinguishes the Christian. Without this, though you should be exalted to heaven, like Capernaum, you shall be brought down to Hell: without this, it will be more tolerable for Tyre and Sidon in the day of Judgment than for you: without this, your residence in this favored country will occasion a dreadful increase in misery in the End. This is the most important concern; and we are constrained to address you in the plainest language, and in the most solemn tone. Woe unto the Minister who flatters his people.

But there are those among you, whose God is the Lord in the most important sense; – on whose hearts the divine law is written by the finger of the Holy Spirit; and with whom God has made an everlasting covenant well ordered in all things and sure. Happy the persons who are in such a state. They have acquired the knowledge which is the most useful, the most necessary, and the most noble. They are rescued from then most alarming situation; and there is no longer “a dreadful sound in their ears.” They are raised from the most degraded state of bondage, and have had conferred upon them liberty of the most glorious kind. They are partakers of a truly solid peace: their minds are animated by the most glorious hope, – the most exalted expectation. They have a certain promise of unerring guidance on the most important occasions. Through the medium of the divine word and ordinances; by prayer and meditation; and in the contemplation of nature; they have intercourse with God.

“They feel his name their inmost thoughts control,
And breathe an awful stillness through the Soul.
They read his name emblazon’d high
With golden letters on th’ illumin’d sky.
Nor less the mystic characters they see
Wrought on each flower, inscribed on every tree.
In every leaf that trembles to the breeze,
They hear the voice of God among the trees.
With him in shady solitudes they walk;
With him in busy crowded cities talk.”

To them adversity itself proves advantageous; – Death has no terror, but opens an avenue to immortality. For them is reserved the most glorious inheritance, of which the human imagination cannot form an adequate conception. “Happy is the people that is in such a Case.”

Let me ask you whether this be your condition? Have you no evidence of it? And are you, nevertheless, easy about the great concert? Is it possible? Yes: you are, habitually, secure; though conscience, at times, denounce against you, beforehand, the judgment which will overwhelm the Workers of iniquity. “What meanest thou O sleeper? Arise and call upon thy God.” Then, should your life be spared another year, twelve months hence, you will have an additional subject for praise and thanksgiving: – that, you have been visited with spiritual day; that, though lost you are found, though dead, you are alive again. Then shall you enjoy the bounty of providence with double relish. Otherwise , your “table will become a snare to you; and that, which should have been for your welfare, a trap.”

Sermon – Artillery Election – 1803

Jedidiah Morse (1761-1826) Biography:

Born in New Haven, Connecticut, Morse graduated from Yale in 1783. He began the study of theology, and in 1786 when he was ordained as a minister, he moved to Midway, Georgia, spending a year there. He then returned to New Haven, filling the pulpit in various churches. In 1789, he took the pastorate of a church in Charlestown, Massachusetts, where he served until 1820. Throughout his life, Morse worked tirelessly to fight Unitarianism in the church and to help keep Christian doctrine orthodox. To this end, he helped organize Andover Theological Seminary as well as the Park Street Church of Boston, and was an editor for the Panopolist (later renamed The Missionary Herald), which was created to defend orthodoxy in New England. In 1795, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity by the University of Edinburgh. Over the course of his pastoral career, twenty-five of his sermons were printed and received wide distribution.

Morse also held a lifelong interest in education. In fact, shortly after his graduation in 1783, he started a school for young ladies. As an avid student of geography, he published America’s very first geography textbook, becoming known as the “Father of American Geography,” and he also published an historical work on the American Revolution. He was part of the Massachusetts Historical Society and a member in numerous other literary and scientific societies.

Morse also had a keen interest in the condition of Native Americans, and in 1820, US Secretary of War John C. Calhoun appointed him to investigate Native tribes in an effort to help improve their circumstances (his findings were published in 1822). His son was Samuel F. B. Morse, who invented the telegraph and developed the Morse Code.


sermon-artillery-election-1803

A

SERMON

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE

ANCIENT & HONOURABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY,

In Boston, June 6, 1803,

BEING THE

ANNIVERSARY

OF THEIR

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

By JEDIDIAH MORSE, D. D.
Minister of the Congregational Church in Charlestown.

“Ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.”
The Prophet Jeremiah.

 

ARTILLERY SERMON.

PSALM LXXVII, 5.

I have considered the days of old, the years of ancient times.

JEHOVAH in governing that universe, which he has created, is uniform in all the operations of his administration. His throne is established in righteousness. All his ways are just and equal. With him there is no variableness, neither shadow of turning. What has happened in former ages, will happen again under similar circumstances. Like causes invariably produce like effects. For these reasons wise men will ever highly value and diligently consult faithful history. It is a mirror, in which nations and smaller communities, acquainted with their own civil and religious state and character, may perceive, what they have to hope or to fear from the righteous Governor and Judge of the world. From it they may learn, what causes have conduced to exalt nations to the favor and protection of God; and what character and conduct of a people have exposed them to his displeasure, and operated their final destruction. It will therefore be our wisdom with the psalmist, to “consider the days of old, the years of ancient times.” In particular it is our duty to examine the history of our own nation, to trace effects, which fall under our notice, to their legitimate causes, and to profit by the wisdom and experience of our sage and pious ancestors.

From the candor of this respectable audience I will hope that I shall not be considered, as deficient in respect for the remaining portion of the United States, or as intending to make any invidious distinction, if in this occasional discourse I confine my observations chiefly to New England. The history of this division of the United States, which is probably better known from its earliest settlement than that of any other portion of the globe, is marked with some peculiar facts and circumstances, recurrence to which may not be deemed unsuitable to this anniversary.

The settlement of New England was a regular, though remote effect of the grand Protestant Reformation. This purifying fire, kindled first in Germany about the year 1517 by the instrumentality of Luther and Melancton, soon spread through Switzerland and Geneva under the direction of Zuinglius and Calvin; and afterward, in the reign of Henry the 8th, under the preaching of Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and the famous John Knox, pervaded the native country of our venerable ancestors. 1

Of those in England, who appeared in favor of the Reformation, many, constrained by the torrent against popery to disguise their real opinions, were in heart papists, and retained the ‘old leaven.’ Others, influenced by political views, heartily joined in casting off the papal yoke, but were unwilling to relinquish the rites and ceremonies of the Romish worship. Some from a mistaken and timid policy advocated a gradual reform in hope, that by tolerating some things, which they disapproved, prejudices would be removed, and proselytes to the Reformation be multiplied. This accommodating policy to reconcile Christ and Belial, truth and error, has ever, when practiced, produced most pernicious effects both in church and state. There was still another class of the reformed, who, possessing more honesty, discernment, Christian zeal, and independence, boldly appealed to “the law and to the testimony,” and the only standard of religious truth. They openly renounced all the dogmas of popery, and all human impositions, asserted liberty of conscience in matters of faith, were enemies to ecclesiastical tyranny, to the splendor and magnificence of the Romish worship, and strenuous advocates of Scripture purity and simplicity, and hence acquired for themselves the distinctive name of Puritans. From these heroic disciples of Christ our ancestors descended; and they were worthy of their descent. They were men indeed of like passions with others; they had their imperfections, and they partook in a degree of the errors and delusions, peculiar to the times and circumstances, in which they lived. But these were only as spots in the sun; so resplendent were their virtues, that their blemishes are scarcely visible but to the telescopic eye of modern philosophism.

At the period, when the settlement of New England commenced, the parent country was in an advanced stage of improvement. The darkness and ignorance of popery had in a good degree been dissipated by the light of the Reformation, and the useful sciences began to be cultivated with success. It was at the same time in such a state of agitation from religious intolerance and persecution, as was calculated to force into exile the most wholesome members of the community. Accordingly the first settlers of New England were among the best and most enlightened people of the age, in which they lived. In servant Christian piety, independence of soul, and boldness of enterprise; in firmness to encounter danger, in patience to endure trials and hardships most severe, in wisdom to devise, and ability, energy, and perseverance to execute plans for the honor, safety, and lasting happiness of their posterity, they have been exceeded by no body of people in any age of the world. It is but justice to class the mothers with the fathers of New England. Each in their station equally excelled, and have an equal claim to the veneration and esteem of their posterity.

In evidence of the truth of this high character of our ancestors I adduce the testimony of that great and good man Mr. W. Stoughton, first a preacher and afterward promoted to the command of the Province of Massachusetts. He was cotemporary with these worthies, and declared, what he knew from personal observation. In his Election Sermon of 1668 he says, “As for extraction and descent, if we be considered, as a posterity, to what parents and predecessors, may we the most of us look back? As to New England, what glorious things might here be spoken unto the praise of free grace, and to justify the Lord’s expectations upon this ground? Oh what were the open professions of the Lord’s people, that first entered this wilderness? How did our fathers entertain the Gospel, and all the pure institutions thereof, and those liberties, which they brought over? What was their pitch of brotherly love, of their zeal for God and his ways, and against ways destructive of truth and holiness? What was their humility, their mortification, their exemplariness? How much of ‘holiness to the Lord’ was written upon all their ways and transactions? God sifted a whole nation, that he might send choice grain over into this wilderness.” Again, he asks, “Those, that have gone before us in the cause of God here, who and what were they? Certainly choice and picked ones, whom he eminently prepared, and trained up, and qualified for this service. They were worthies, men of singular accomplishments, and of long experience.” 2

“There were among them,” says another competent witness, 3 “many plants of renown, trees of righteousness, some of the choicest in the whole garden of Christ; and their transplantation from Britain to New England did but add to their beauty, verdure, and refinement. They flourished in this foil, and multiplied, and brought forth abundantly the fruits of righteousness.” They were “a noble army of confessors,” educated in the school of patience, purified in the furnace of affliction, and, finding no rest at home, fought an asylum abroad, and were directed by that “wisdom, which is first pure, then peaceable,” to this “land, which God had espied for them.” They were Abrahams, the friends of God, and their lot in life, in many particulars, bore a striking resemblance to his. The kindred and countrymen of this father of the faithful were given up to idolatry and superstition. Their example was contagious. The pure worship of God could not in safety be maintained. Liberty of conscience was denied. The true religion could be preserved only by emigration of the few, who remained uncorrupted, into a foreign country. Under these circumstances God called Abraham “to go out into a place, which he should after receive for an inheritance,” there to establish and maintain in its purity the worship of the true God. By faith he obeyed the call, and “took Sarai his wife, and Lot his brother’s son, and all the substance, that he had gathered, and the souls, that they had gotten in Haran, and went forth,” ignorant of the way, “to go into the land of Canaan,” an unknown country; but confiding in God, as their guide, they persevered, and “into the land of Canaan they came.” Almost literally the same may be said of our progenitors. Indeed, “if there has been any people in the world, whose general history runs parallel with that” of the descendants of Abraham, “it is the people of New England.” 4

Such were our ancestors; and such the circumstances, under which they commenced the settlement of this portion of the globe.

A country like New England rough, healthful, pleasant, calling for that portion of labour and industry, which conduces in the highest degree to soundness of body and purity of mind, abounding in all the comforts of life, planted under the special auspices of heaven, and by such men, we should naturally conclude, would become a second Canaan, a favored land. From feed so pure, we should expect a fair and abundant harvest of good fruits. Accordingly in no inconsiderable degree have the following promises, made to Abraham, been fulfilled to the founders of New England: “I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing; and I will bless them, that bless thee; and curse him that curseth thee.”

The little company who first went out like Abraham and his family “not knowing whither they went,” has increased into a very numerous people. Hardships incredible they were indeed called to endure in the infancy of the colony; but God had compassion on them, for his covenant’s sake, and permitted not the sword of the wilderness to devour, nor cold, nor famine to destroy, nor fatal sickness to make the land desolate. In all their afflictions he was afflicted, and the angel of his presence saved them. In his love and his pity he redeemed them , and he bare them, and carried them all the days of old. The righteous saw it, and were glad. Iniquity stopped her mouth; or her curse was turned into a blessing. The wrath of man praised God; the remainder thereof he restrained. The Lord was their strength, their fortress, their high tower, and deliverer; their shield, in whom they trusted. He taught their hands to war and their fingers to fight, and gave them victory over their enemies. The beauty of the Lord was upon his people, and he established and prospered the work of their hands. He blessed them in the city and in the field. Zebulon rejoiced in his going out, and Issachar in his tents.

As the righteous Governor of the world ever accomplishes all events by the fittest means; it may be profitable here to inquire, by what means New England rose in opposition to obstacles so formidable, as were opposed in her way, from small beginnings to so high a degree of respectability and prosperity. What causes have operated to secure for her inhabitants so singular a portion of the blessings of heaven?

Doubtless the early and continued increase and prosperity of the people of New England must be considered, as the gracious reward of their singular piety and wisdom; and the precious fruit of those excellent religious, civil, literary, and military institutions, which their piety and wisdom prompted and enabled them early to establish, and afterward to maintain.

The first planters of New England, it has been remarked, were not like the Israelites, who went up out of Egypt, a mixed multitude, “a promiscuous assemblage; they were in general of uniform character, agreeing in the most excellent qualities and principles. They were Christians very much of the primitive stamp.” There was nothing indeed in the nature and object of the enterprise, in which they engaged, to tempt men of a different character to quit their native country, and to brave the dangers of crossing a wide ocean, and the hardships of settling a wilderness. It promised to honors to the ambitious, to pleasures to the voluptuary , no gain to the avaricious. It opened no field of action to wicked men of any class. The main object of the hazardous enterprise being to establish and enjoy the pure religion of the gospel, the great body of those, who engaged in it, were men, “who felt the power of that faith, which worketh by love, which overcometh the world, and is the substance of things hoped for, and the evidence of things not seen.” The few, who mingled with them from sinister motives, or “came hither upon sudden and undigested grounds,” soon returned disheartened and in disgust to their native country, leaving behind them “a shining collection of sincere professors, who enlivened and animated each other in following after holiness by the reciprocal influences of an alluring example.” 5

Anxious to perpetuate for themselves and their posterity the liberty and privileges, both religious and civil, which they enjoyed, they fought, and received direction from heaven concerning the best means for this end. In every plantation their first care was to establish a church, and settle a minister, that the worship of God might be regularly and decently performed, and the people instructed in the doctrines and duties of the Christian religion. Knowing that the declension of piety and the corruption of morals are invariable consequences of neglect and profanation of the Christian Sabbath, they regarded, and by laws protected, this sacred day with uncommon strictness.

When the churches were multiplied and scattered over a considerable extent of country, in order to preserve unity and purity of faith in the bonds of love and peace, they assembled in Synod by their delegates, and framed and adopted a “Platform of church discipline.” From this instrument of union, which long continued to regulate all ecclesiastical proceedings, and which even now is appealed to, as an authority of weight, great good has resulted to the Newengland churches. We should readily suppose this from the characters, which formed it. According to the joint and dying testimony of the venerable and aged Higginson and Hubbard, who in the year 1701, had lived, one of them sixty, the other seventy years in Newengland, the framers of this platform “were men of great renown in the nation, whence the Laudean persecution exiled them. Their learning, their holiness, their gravity struck all men, that knew them, with admiration. They were Timothies in their houses, Chrysostoms in their pulpits, Augustines in disputation. The prayers, the studies, the humble inquiries, with which they fought after the mind of God, were as likely to prosper, as any men’s upon earth. And the sufferings wherein they were confessors for the name and truth of the Lord Jesus Christ, add to the arguments which would persuade us that our gracious Lord would reward and honor them with communicating much of his truth to them. The famous Brightman had foretold, Clariorem lucem adhuc solitude dabit; “God would yet reveal more of the true church state to some of his faithful servants, whom he would send into a wilderness, that he might there have communion with them.” And it was eminently accomplished in what was done for and by the men of God, who first erected churches for him in this American wilderness.” 6

Aware of the necessity of civil government to secure the welfare of the infant colony, the first adventurers, before they landed at Plymouth, formed themselves into a body politic, under a solemn covenant, which they made the basis of their government. By this civil compact they were empowered to “enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time as might be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony.” The foundation of their civil polity being thus laid, they religiously selected their wisest and best men to erect the superstructure. 7 Believing that “he, who ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God,” a hater of covetousness, a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well, “they promoted none, but men of this character, to manage the affairs of government. To infidel despisers of religion and its ordinances, to unprincipled demagogues, to sycophantic declaimers, and office seekers, to men in general of corrupt principles and morals, they gave no countenance. They considered and treated the few of this class, who ventured into New England, as the bane of the commonwealth. Abundant testimony of the truth of what I have now stated might be adduced from our history; you will be satisfied, I presume, with that of the venerable Mitchel, Oaks, Prince, and Shepard, in their Election Sermons. In 1667 Mr. Mitchel observes, “This is the 37th year current with the Massachusetts colony, that God hath given them godly magistrate.” He adds, “The sun does not shine on a happier people, than they are in regard of his mercy.”

Six years after this Mr. Oaks testifies, as follows, “Many and wonderful are the favors and privileges, which the Lord your God hath conferred upon you. As to your civil government you have had Moses, men I mean of the same spirit, to lead and go before you. The Lord hath not given children to be your leaders, but pious, faithful, prudent magistrates, men in wisdom and understanding; men of Nehemiah’s spirit, that fought not themselves, but sincerely designed the good, and consulted the welfare and prosperity of these plantations. Good magistrates, good laws, and the vigorous execution of them, have been the privilege and glory of New England, wherein you have been advanced above most of the nations of the earth.”

In 1730 Mr. Prince confirmed the testimony of his predecessors: Speaking of the civil fathers of New England, who had gone before them, he says, 8 “They were mostly men of good estates and families, of liberal education, and of large experience; but they chiefly excelled in piety to God, in zeal for the purity of his worship, reverence for his glorious name and strict observance of his holy Sabbaths; in their respect and maintenance of an unblemished ministry; the spread of knowledge, learning, good order, and quiet through the land, a reign of righteousness, and the welfare of this people; and the making and executing wholesome laws for all these blessed ends.”

At that pure and pious period of our commonwealth there was a happy concurrence between civil and ecclesiastical leaders in promoting religion. “Then” (says Mr. Shepard, 9 one of my worthy predecessors,” “might be seen magistrates and magistrates upon the seat of justice, cemented together for the advancement of the kingdom of Christ in this wilderness. Then might be seen magistrates and ministers together in way of advice: ministers and ministers cleaving together in way of communion: ministers and their respective congregations together in way of prayer and holy worship: churches and churches together in way of consultation, by greater and lesser synods; magistrates and ministers and their people together, uniting hands and hearts in the common cause, breathing a public spirit, and conspiring with holy zeal and vigor, to advance the kingdom of Christ.” The excellent rulers of that day “united with their pastors in consultations and endeavors for the advancement and preservation of religion, and the privileges, peace, and order of the churches. By their grave and prudent carriage they happily preserved a veneration for their persons and authority among the people; and yet carefully protected them in the full enjoyment of their precious liberties.” 10

Blessed be the God of our fathers, who hath not forsaken us. Such characters, as we have now described, men of like excellent spirit, still govern in our favored New England. They are consoling evidences of our remaining health, previous guardians of our dearest privileges, the salt of the earth; pledges of the continued favor and protection of heaven. For such rulers we most fervently wish long life, increasing influence, and the blessing of God Almighty.

The doctrines, that “ignorance is the mother of devotion,” that human learning is not a requisite qualification in the ministers of religion, nor yet in those, who govern, and legislate for the commonwealth, were not the doctrines of our fathers. They had no belief, that the fear of God could be preserved, or that the rights of citizens would be secure, should the lowest of the people be advanced to the priesthood, or promoted to make and execute the laws of the commonwealth. They considered learning, as the handmaid of true religion and rational liberty; and that neither could flourish, or long exist, without her aid. Accordingly, prompted by their piety, and directed by their superior wisdom, they established schools on a plan new, liberal, and useful, far beyond any before or since invented; a plan, which, providing equally for the poor and the rich, who mingled in the same school, was admirably calculated to draw into notice and use, genius and worth, which, but for this device, might have been forever concealed in the obscure abodes of poverty. By means of this excellent institution of free schools, sufficient of itself to immortalize the memories of our sage progenitors, thousands have been advanced from the humblest sphere of life, and introduced upon the public stage, where they have acted parts in behalf of the state, and of the church, highly honorable to themselves and useful to their fellow citizens.

Sixteen years 11 only after the first landing of our fathers at Plymouth, and within less than eight after the first planting of the Massachusetts colony, while they were yet without wealth, in a wilderness, surrounded by a savage and faithless race, they laid the foundation of Harvard College. So highly did they value the advantages of liberal education. This seminary, nurtured by the prayers of its pious founders and friends, and the liberal benefactions of the legislature and of private individuals, greatly flourished, and diffused its benign influence through New England. From this ancient institution, respectable and pleasant in our eyes, early established “to enlighten and rejoice our land,” have proceeded some of the most brilliant and useful ornaments of New England, both in church and state. Shall not the example of those excellent men, who established, and fostered, and prayed for this institution; shall not the rich harvest of blessings, which it has yielded to our country, secure for it still the affection and patronage of our civil fathers? So shall it continue first, as she is the eldest, among her sisters, the beauty of New England, and the mother of illustrious worthies for ages and ages to come.

On all the glory of New England God was pleased to create a defense by inspiring the people in general with a brave, intrepid spirit, suited to their perilous circumstances, and particularly by leading them early to establish that very useful and honorable military association, whose anniversary we now religiously celebrate in the house of God; to whose history, agreeably to their request, I shall now invite your attention.

Our sagacious forefathers laid deep and broad foundations for the happiness of their posterity. They seem to have left nothing undone, which they could do, to secure the grand object of their migration to this country. Pacific and inoffensive as they were in their principles and conduct; fair and honorable as were their treaties and traffic with their Indian neighbors; they were still exposed to their insidious and hostile attacks. To their religious, civil, and literary institutions, it therefore seemed necessary to add one of a military kind, which might serve, as a school, in which the knowledge of this important art might be advantageously cultivated, and as a nursery for the formation of officers and soldiers for the defense of their country.

It appears from a paragraph in Governor Winthrop’s Journal, 12 that as early as December 1637, a number of respectable gentlemen, with others, had associated in a military company, and requested to be made a corporation. “But the council, considering from the example of the Praetorian band, among the Romans, and the Templars 13 in Europe, how dangerous it might be to erect a standing authority of military men, which might easily, in time, overthrow the civil power,” thought fit to decline granting their request. However, on the 24th of April following the Governor and Council established the Company by the name of “THE MILITARY COMPANY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS;” but they expressly provided that nothing, contained in their charter, should “extend to free the said company, or any of them, their persons or estates, from the civil government and jurisdiction” of the commonwealth.

This association, as we are informed in the preamble or their charter, originated from a concern in its members for “the public weal and safety; and to promote these, by the advancement of the military art and exercise of arms.” The situation of New England, at this period, was peculiarly calculated to inspire a disposition to promote military discipline. A long, distressing, and very bloody war, the first which had happened between the English and the Indians, in which the Pequod nation were utterly exterminated, had just closed. 14 Although the success of this war on the part of the English was so signal and complete, as to refrain the surrounding Indian tribes from waging open war for nearly forty years after; 15 yet, as this effect could not be foreseen, all felt the necessity of being armed, disciplined, and prepared for any emergency. Hence too the disposition in the government to patronize and distinguish it with peculiar privileges.

Its original charter, 16 grants liberty to choose its own officers, the two first in grade to be always such, as the Court or Council shall approve. Members of this company, (officers of other trained bands excepted,) were excused from ordinary trainings. The first Monday in every month was appointed for their meeting and exercise; and that they might not be interrupted, all other trainings, and particular town meetings, were prohibited on these days. They were also empowered to make, and by fines to enforce, such regulations for the management of their military affairs, as they might think expedient, which should be of force, when allowed by the Court. They had liberty to meet for military exercises in any town within the jurisdiction. And to assist them in defraying expenses, incident to their extraordinary exertions for promoting military discipline, the Court granted them first one thousand, and afterward in addition five hundred acres of land, for their use and that of their successors for ever. If we except the Roman, Praetorian band, no military association perhaps was ever distinguished by government, with similar privileges. The Council, by subjecting the association to the civil authority, while at the same time they extended to it liberal patronage, manifested great discernment and prudence, as they effectually secured all the advantages, while they avoided the dangers of the Praetorian band.

It appears, that the company at its commencement was composed in part at least, of some of the first men in the colony. Men of like character have ever since been ranked among its members. Before the close of a century from its establishment, the association, from the high respectability of its members, and from its extensive and acknowledged usefulness, received the name of “THE ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY OF MASSACHUSETTS,” which name it still merits and retains.

The best institutions have their seasons of decline. Such a season, it appears this company experienced previously to the year 1700. A long time it had continued “a nursery for training up soldiers in military discipline, and who had been prepared for, and employed in, the service of their king and country.” 17 From various causes, not recorded, it had been for several years “under some decay.” Anxious to preserve the reputation, honor, and good influence of their institution, the company, in September 1700, met, and revised their former grants and orders, and considered what part of them might with propriety be annulled, and what additions made, to meet the increase and improved state of the country. The result was that the three, instead of the two first officers of the company, should be allowed by the Governor; that they should have liberty to meet for military exercises, not in “any town within the jurisdiction,” but, “in any neighbouring town at their discretion;” that instead of the first Monday in every month, training days should in future be the Election day, being the first Monday in June, annually, and the first Mondays in September, October, April, and May; that out of the several companies in Boston there may be enlisted 40 soldiers and no more; that upon the reasonable request of any member of the company they may have their dismission granted: The names of such are enrolled on an honorary list, kept for the purpose. 18

Though the great changes in the state of the country rendered it less necessary for the company to claim rigid respect to some of their peculiar privileges; yet as late as April 1st, 1748, one of the training days of the company, a town meeting called in Boston on this day, was declared illegal, null, and void, because contrary to their charter. 19 At a recent period also, I have been informed, a commanding officer of another military company, having inadvertently ordered out his soldiers on one of the training days of the honorable artillery company, very politely countermanded the order, as an infringement of their ancient rights.

This company, from the beginning, has shared the countenance and patronage of the public. No other company has succeeded in procuring like privileges. Its funds are exempted from taxes; its anniversaries have ever been celebrated by religious solemnities, as well as by military exhibitions, and honored with the presence of the civil fathers of the commonwealth, of numbers of the clergy, and of many other respectable members of the community.

Care is taken in the choice of members, to preserve the reputation of the company. None are admitted, but by a concurrence of three quarters of the votes; and sureties are required for their good behavior. Upward of fourteen hundred persons have been members of this association since its establishment.

Previous to the year 1767, owing in part to the extraordinary expenses, necessarily incurred by the officers, the association experienced another decline. Timely and effectual exertions however were made, to revive it again.

In 1772 the threatening aspect of public affairs awakened the attention of this company. Elevated by their profession and privileges, as centinels to watch the movements of those, who meditated evil against the commonwealth, it became them to take the lead in military preparations for the last resort. They were not ignorant of their duties, nor unfaithful in performing them. They resolved to adopt a uniform dress, to be very particular in the selection of their members, and strict and punctual in observing the rules of their institution. These and other vigorous measures were adopted with a view to inspire a military spirit into their own body, and to diffuse it among their fellow citizens. These exertions were continued with no inconsiderable effect, we may presume to say, upon the interesting transactions of that portentous period, till the opening of the revolutionary war in April 1775. In this war many of the members of this company engaged, and some, whose names adorn their records, acted very distinguished parts, both in the field and in the cabinet; whose names will with honor descend to posterity on the pages of history.

From April 1775 to August 1786, the company for obvious reasons intermitted their regular meetings. At the period, last mentioned, they reassembled, and organized themselves under their last elected officers. This was another period of danger, and these patriots and veterans were prompt in their preparations to meet it. A formidable insurrection, which for some time had been generating from a combination of causes, in the subsequent autumn burst forth in the western parts of this commonwealth, under the direction of Daniel Shays, and others, which threatened the most serious consequences, not to this state only, but to our whole country. At this anxious period, when all the blessings, purchased by the blood and treasure of our citizens, was put to the most imminent hazard, this patriot band, descrying the danger, and animated with noble ardor to repel it, at the call of the commander in chief declared, immediately and unanimously, “their readiness (these are their own words) to exert themselves in every thing in their power to support the government of the commonwealth, and to hold themselves in readiness, on the shortest notice, to turn out in defense of the same.” Accordingly they appeared foremost in discharging the duties of this momentous crisis. Considering their character as men, as patriots, and as soldiers, their example must have had a commanding influence upon others; and at so critical a moment, when many hesitated on which side to engage, when a short delay, a little less resolution and spirit manifested, would have turned the scale in favor of anarchy, it is probably doing but justice, to say that this ancient and honorable company, under Providence, contributed much, very much to the salvation of this state, of our country, and of all in this world, that our hearts hold dear.

Since this period under the smiles of heaven, our country has enjoyed peace and prosperity, and of course the history of this institution has been marked with no prominent event. Its time of action is, when the interests of our country are put to the hazard by invading foes. Its post of honor is the post of danger. It is sufficient, that in times of peace its members hold themselves prepared for war.

A remarkable feature of this honorable association must not escape our notice. On the day of election new officers are always chosen, and those of the preceding year return to the ranks, and continue to perform the duties of privates, till again promoted at some future election. This is done with appropriate ceremonies on the public common, in presence of the Governor and Council, surrounded with a crowd of spectators. “This is the very marrow and pith of republicanism.

A military association, founded in the purest age of New England, at once subject to, and nurtured by the government, highly republican in its principles, embracing, as it has done, in successive periods, so many characters of distinction and worth, reverencing the religious institutions of their country, must have diffused a salutary influence over the commonwealth. Placed, as a city on a hill, distinguished by their privileges, sensible that to whom much is given of them much is required, they must have felt a peculiar responsibility, and taken unusual pains to perfect themselves in the art military. They must have been, more especially in the infancy of the country, an example, which other military companies would aspire to imitate. The members, not belonging to a single town, but dispersed over the commonwealth, carried home with them a military spirit, and the knowledge of correct discipline, and spread them among their neighbors. When they emigrated into the surrounding provinces, thither also they conveyed their disciplinary and tactical improvements. This company, no doubt, has had large influence directly and remotely, in raising the military character of New England. Like leaven, it has operated in leavening the whole lump.

It is presumed, that nothing, which has now been said of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery, will be so construed, as to detract in any degree from the merit of our respectable militia, or from the high reputation of the many volunteer companies, formed in various parts of the commonwealth, several of which, in point of skill and exactness in military maneuvers and discipline, vie with the parent institution. As to the militia it is enough, that their Commander in Chief has said that, their body, “was never perhaps in a more respectable condition, than at present.” 20

My subject, I fear has led me to trespass already too long upon your patience. I must ask your indulgence, however, a few minutes longer, while I apply my discourse, first to the Ancient and Honorable Company, whose anniversary we this day celebrate; then to the audience at large.

Brethren, of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.

Agreeably to a wish, expressed to me by your respected officers, I have attempted a summary history of your venerable institution. You cannot contemplate its origin, its uniform respectability, and extensive usefulness, without mingled emotions of devout gratitude, and virtuous emulation. Your Association was formed in perilous times by Christian patriots, trained up in scenes adapted to try their souls. It did not originate in ambition to create a military influence, to overawe the civil authority, and prostrate at its feet the liberties of the people; but in a just and pious concern for “the public weal and safety;” in a desire to co-operate in the military department with the legislative and executive authority, with the ministers of religion, and the cultivators and friends of science and literature, in laying deep, and broad, and secure, the foundations of the future peace, prosperity, and glory of New England. The piety and wisdom of our fathers led them to combine all their means and efforts, to produce the greatest possible good. We trust, brethren, that it will be your aim to keep in view the original design, of your association. It will be your study, how you shall most effectually preserve its high reputation, and render it most useful to the community. Should foreign foes again dare to invade our country’s rights, or anarchy to raise her hydra head in our own bosom, which may heaven forbid, you will be alert at the post of danger, and by your example inspire others to unite in repelling the aggressions and preventing the havoc of the presumptuous enemy. It will be your glory, as it was that of your renowned predecessors, to co-operate, in your department with all other useful institutions in promoting the safety, honor, and independence of our country. To this end you will place continually before you the excellent example of those of your predecessors, whose names adorn the list of your members; you will imbibe their spirit, emulate their moral and civic as well, as military virtues. Above all you will aspire to imitate their piety toward God, their zeal for his honor, their reverence for his Sabbath and ordinances: You will, in a word, be Christian patriots, and good soldiers of Jesus Christ. “Watch ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong.” So shall your ancient company still remain honorable, preserve its high rank, its respectable patronage, and extensive influence; and you yourselves, my brethren, having followed your predecessors, who through faith and patience now inherit the promises; having, like those Christian heroes, fought the good fight, finished your course, and kept the faith, you will receive from the righteous Judge the crown of righteousness the laurel of victory, that fadeth not away.

The view we have taken of the settlement of Newengland, and of the character and institutions of our venerable ancestors, furnishes to us all abundant matter for useful reflection. The hand of God was very visible in planting this country, in sustaining, protecting, and prospering its first Christian inhabitants. They were a chosen generation, and received wisdom from above to enact laws, and establish institutions, surpassing in excellence and utility those of perhaps any other nation under heaven. It is our honor and our privilege to have descended from such progenitors, to live under such laws, to enjoy the benefits of such institutions. Amid dangers, and trials, and hardships of which we can have but a faint idea, our fathers planted, God in his abundant goodness watered, and we are reaping, in manifold blessings, a large increase. Seeing these things are so, what manner of persons ought we to be in all holy conversation and godliness? How fervent should be our gratitude to God; how warm and enlightened our zeal for his honor; how cheerful and perfect our obedience to all his holy laws and institutions?

It is said of Rome, that “in her youth and manhood she was the seat of piety, of the purest patriotism, simplicity of manners, justice, honor, temperance, frugality, and splendid poverty.” Among all the heathen nations none perhaps ever enjoyed more light, advantages, and blessings, than the Romans, till the introduction of luxury; when money became the sole object of pursuit, and all veneration for religion, oaths, justice, and modesty, was by degrees annihilated. Their punishment was proportioned to the privileges and blessings, which they had enjoyed, and to the sins by which they had forfeited them. Tacitus thus describes their degenerate state. “Most hideous were the ravages of cruelty at Rome: for there it was treasonable to be noble; capital to be rich; criminal to have sustained honors; criminal to have declined them; and the reward of worth was quick and inevitable destruction. There the baneful villanies of informers were not more shocking, than their mighty and distinguishing rewards,” (for on them were conferred the most honorable and lucrative offices of the empire,) while “every station, exerting all their terrors, and pursuing their hate, they controlled and confounded all things; slaves were suborned to accuse their masters; freedmen their patrons; and such as had no enemies, were betrayed and undone by their friends.”

The Jews furnish an example still more in point. They were God’s peculiar people, on whom he bestowed his richest favors. He dealt so with no other nation. When they were but few in number, yea a very few and strangers; when they went from one nation to another, from one kingdom to another people, he suffered no man to do them wrong: Yea he reproved kings for their sakes. He increased his people greatly, and made them stronger, than their enemies. He sent Moses his servant, and Aaron, whom he had chosen, to lead them forth by a right way; and gave them the land of the heathen, that they might observe his statutes and keep his laws. Jacob was the lot of his inheritance; he instructed him, he kept him, as the apple of his eye. He made him to eat of the increase of the fields, and to suck honey and oil out of the rock. Butter of kine, did he give them, and milk of sheep, with fat of lambs, and kidneys of wheat, and they drank of the pure blood of the grape. This happy state of things continued so long as this people remained faithful in the service of the God of their fathers. “But Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked; and forsook God, who made him, and lightly esteemed the rock of his salvation. And, when the Lord saw it, he abhorred them, because of the provoking of his sons and his daughters.” The scene was reversed. Their blessing was turned into a curse; and their condition became as deplorable, as it was before prosperous. All this evil came upon them, because they had “forsaken the Lord God of their fathers, and served other gods.”

If then, like the ancient Romans, we lose our veneration for religion and its sacred institutions, our regard to justice and modesty, with our love of country; if we suffer luxury to destroy our simplicity of manners, and to create artificial wants, and money to become the chief object of our pursuit; if by any means we become so politically depraved, as that vice shall triumph and “impious men bear sway,” and the honorable man shall be found only in the private walks of life. Or, if, like Jeshurun, we wax fat and wanton in our prosperity, and depart from the old paths and the good way, and forsake the God of our fathers, the Rock of our salvation, then we may be assured, our destruction draweth nigh. And, when God shall enter into judgment with New England, it will be a day of his fiercest wrath. The plagues and miseries, inflicted by Jehovah on ancient Rome, on modern France, or even those poured out on his chosen people, are more tolerable, than those in store for us, if under our superior privileges, and more solemn warnings, we follow the example of these apostate nations. And are there not already upon us many symptoms of decline? Let us compare the modern with the primitive state of this part our country, and mark the difference. Oh that we were wise, that we understood this, that we would consider our latter end, and know the things, that belong to our peace, before they be hidden from our eyes!

Suffer me, in this connection, to address you in the solemn words of the excellent Gov. Stoughton: “Consider, and remember always, that the books, that shall be opened at the last day, will contain genealogies in them. There shall then be brought forth a register of the genealogies of New England’s sons and daughters. How shall we, many of us, hold up our faces then, when there shall be a solemn rehearsal of our descent, as well, as of our degeneracies! To have it published, whose child thou art, will be cutting to thy soul as well, as to have the crimes reckoned up, of which thou art guilty.” 21

But, though we have much to fear from our degeneracies, we have, through the mercy of our God, many things to encourage our hopes. Numerous and animating are the tokens of the favor of heaven, still visible among us, when we look into the state of our churches, of our colleges and schools, of our political, and military affairs. The institutions of our fathers still yield to us their increase, though the harvest is diminished and marred by our degeneracies. Shall we not then take courage, awake, unite, and strengthen the things which remain?

To this end let us “consider the days of old, the years of ancient times,” and reflect often on our descent, more highly to be valued, than that of kings and nobles. Let us venerate and by all means preserve uncorrupted, those institutions, which our fathers planted in their wisdom and piety, watered and cherished with their tears and their prayers, and defended with their blood; which have borne for their posterity so fair and plentiful a harvest of blessings. We cannot leave to our posterity a richer inheritance, than these institutions, in their primitive purity.

Let us guard against the insidious encroachments of innovation, that evil and beguiling spirit which is now stalking to and fro through the earth, seeking whom he may destroy. His business is to take off all salutary restraints upon the passions of men, to annihilate the force of law, to unkennel vice, to uncivilized man and reduce him to a state of nature. His path may be descried by the tears and groans of his seduced followers. It leads through the noisy, and bloody abodes of anarchy and wild misrule to the dreary, cheerless regions of despotism.

As we value our liberties and happiness, let us reject the visionary schemes of modern reformers; be contented with experimental knowledge; adhere unwaveringly to “the old paths and the good way,” in which our fathers walked, and found rest to their souls; cherish those found political and religious principles, and “steady habits,” which in this stormy period, will guide us safely, between Scylla and Charybdis, anarchy and despotism. Let those men, and those only, share the honors and offices of government, who are just, and will rule in the fear of God. If we see men anxious and intriguing for posts of trust and profit, uttering groundless clamors against those in office, claiming to be the exclusive friends of the people; calumniating the religion and the ministers of the gospel, and habitually neglecting its holy ordinances; indulging the lusts of the flesh, despising dominion, and speaking evil of dignities; we may be assured, such men are false hearted patriots; they are not to be trusted. “Clouds they are without water, carried about of winds; trees, whose fruit withereth; without fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots. Raging waves of the sea; foaming out their own shame; wandering stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever.”

While we diligently promote sound principles in religion, in politics, and science; while we study those things which make for peace; such are the hostile dispositions and attitudes of the nations of the earth; such our commercial connections with them, that it is necessary we be prepared for war. The example of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, merits, in this connection, our notice and imitation. His kingdom was surrounded with enemies. He therefore wisely “strengthened himself against them; placed forces in all the fenced cities of Judah, and in the cities of Ephraim.” With these preparations for war he connected instruction in righteousness. “In the third year of his reign he sent of his princes to teach in the cities of Judah, and with them he sent Levites and priests. And they taught in Judah, and had the book of the law of the Lord with them, and went out through all the cities of Judah, and taught the people.” Mark the consequence of these combined efforts for the safety of the nation: “And the fear of the Lord fell upon all the kingdoms of the lands, that were round about Judah, so that they made no war against Jehoshaphat.”

Sound policy surely dictates to us the same means of national defense. We are taught by high authority, which will not be controverted, that “it will always be necessary to cultivate the military art, not to enable us to commit outrages with impunity, but to defend ourselves against the attempts of unprincipled and ambitious men, who consider all means, as lawful, that promote their ends; who make their glory consist in spreading misery through the world.” 22

A general knowledge of the art of war among a people, a manly attitude, preparations to meet meddlesome invaders, are necessary preservatives of honorable peace. Depraved and unprincipled men will be restrained only by fear. The wicked prey upon the defenseless. Pusillanimity ever invites insult and outrage. But, though ships and fortresses, the sword, the spear, and weapons of war, are good and necessary means of defense; yet the protection of God is far better; and without this they can avail us nothing. “Righteousness exalteth a nation to an honorable alliance with heaven, and sheltereth it behind the shield of omnipotence. Whatever, therefore, promotes righteousness, must be regarded by every man, who believes a Providence as a part of the national defense.” 23

Even the first Consul of the French nation, of whose military and political talents we have a higher opinion, than of the piety of his heart or the morality of his life, convinced, probably by the dreadful effects of abolishing Christianity in the nation which he now rules with a despotic arm, of the necessity of religion, is constrained to give it his sanction. “The principles of an enlightened religion, (he says) produce union in societies, and the happiest effect on public morals. From their consequence childhood is more docile to the instructions of parents, and youths more submissive to the authority of magistrates. 24

Finally, considering our honorable descent, our distinguished privileges, our consequent high obligations, what we owe to our God, and to our country, to ourselves and our posterity; let us all, magistrates and ministers, men of science and men of war, all of every occupation, and rank, and sex in the community, each in his lot, combine our efforts, to reform or exterminate every thing which mars or endangers our general happiness; and to cherish and invigorate all those things, which tend to promote and secure its continuance.

And now, in language, uttered by king David to an assembled princes, captains, and officers of his kingdom, with the mighty men and all the valiant men, permit me, as an ambassador of Christ, in the fight of this congregation, and in the audience of God, to charge you; “Seek for and keep, all the commandments of the Lord your God; that ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance to your children after you for ever.” 25

AMEN.
If of an enemy, and he be supposed to advocate religion because he may think it necessary to support a military despotism, while he acknowledges its high importance, and great effect, he utterly mistakes its true design and tendency. For “an enlightened religion,” if we understand by it true religion, is hostile to every species of despotism, and friendly only to just and equal government. If of a friend, and he be supposed to speak the language of conviction and sincerity, his talents, discernment and situation, render him a very competent witness; and his authority should have weight with those infidel, visionary theorists, who wish to see tried the experiment of a government administered without the aid of any religion.

NOTE [A].
Having mentioned the “Platform of church discipline,” upon which the congregational churches in New England were established, and, which, to the great detriment of the purity, order and harmony of our churches has been for many years passing gradually into neglect and disuse, it may be useful to direct the attention of those who have the interests of evangelical truth at heart, to this subject. In connection with the foregoing quotation from Messrs. Higginson and Hubbard, the pious and learned Mr. Prince of Boston, makes the following observations, which are submitted to the serious attention of the civil fathers, and to the congregational ministers and churches of New England.

“The inspired scripture is our only authoritative rule of faith and worship; and our Platform is no other than the declared judgment of the sense of scripture in matters of church order, discipline and worship which our ancient ministers and others, 26 with abundant prayers and humble, free and diligent inquiries and conferences, almost unanimously came into. But then as no other people in these later ages have been favored with such advantages as the founders of these churches, to search into, discover and put in practice the Christian way of church order, discipline and worship described in the word of God; they being entirely men of piety, knowledge, judgment, the most about the middle age of life, who had made the bible their familiar study, many of them persons of superior learning, and all free from any influence of human powers and constitutions in religious matters; they wholly relinquished all devised schemes of men, and set themselves to consult the sacred scriptures only, that they might happily see what these directed, and submit thereto; and having renounced all prospects of worldly riches, powers and dignities, for this very end. They were on these accounts most likely to find out the truth in those affairs. And though our faith is not to be subjected to their judgment, but we should also humbly, sincerely and carefully search the scriptures, and try these things by them, and see whether they are conformable to those oracles of God or no, as the noble Bereans did when even the apostles taught them; yet the result of their united, pious, anxious and laborious inquiries, under such advantages, demands a very extraordinary veneration from all impartial men, and especially from us their dear posterity.

“And can we do any thing better, both for the advantage of our ministry, the satisfaction of our people, and the quiet of our churches, than to go on upon the scriptural foundations these excellent men have already laid? Not to set aside or build anew, but to go on further as the light of scripture leads us, for our common peace and edification. And I know of nothing of greater moment, than to advise to methods about calling councils in a fairer, more peaceable, equal and harmonious manner, than we are now unhappily liable to; that so this sacred ordinance may not be so subject to be frustrated by the dark intrigues of crafty men, nor anti-councils raised to support contending parties to the great dishonor of Christ, the grief of all good men, and the inflammation and continuance of hatred and divisions.

“And how happy for these churches, and for all this country both to this and future generations, as I would with submission hope, if with the countenance and invitation of our civil fathers, we might have a synod in due time convened; not to make the least injunctions upon any, which is contrary to our known principles, but only to advise and propose those methods which may conduce to the promoting piety, peace and good order in our own churches; but left to every one to receive or not, as they think best. Two such happy synods we had in the reign of king Charles I. and two more in the reign of king Charles II. Without offence; invited by the civil rulers who also sat among them as chosen representatives of our churches, and as grave advisors with the rest, but all without the least coercive power. Our New England synods are not like those of other countries, who make decrees or canons, but for counsel only, for the peace and order of the churches who send their pastors and other delegates to consult together and give their rulers by deriving any power to such a synod, or in inviting the churches to them, the churches being always left at liberty whether to fend or no, to comply or no; there can be no invasion on any power in such a free invitation; it being impossible as I humbly apprehended, there should be any power invaded, where there is none assumed.”

NOTE [B].
The Praetorian band was a body of guards amounting to about 15,000 men, distinguished by double pay, and by privileges superior to the soldiers of the legions. This band was formed by Augustus, who stationed three cohorts, consisting of about 1500 men, in the capital during his reign. Tiberius afterwards assembled the whole corps at Rome, and there established them in a permanent camp, advantageously situated, and well fortified. In the year of our Lord 192, Pertinax was declared Emperor, and to him the Praetorian band took the oath of allegiance. Eighty seven days after, several hundreds of their number, at noon day, marched toward the imperial palace, where their companions upon guard, immediately threw open the gates, and joined them in assassinating their virtuous and excellent Prince, whose head, after dispatching him with many wounds, they cut off, fixed upon a lance, and carried in triumph to their camp. In those moments of horror, Sulpicianus, father in law of the murdered Pertinax, dead to all honor and public virtue, began to treat with these murderers for the throne. Thinking that a higher price might be obtained by exposing it to a public sale, than by private contract, they ran to the ramparts, and with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to be sold at public auction, to the highest bidder. Julianus outbid Sulpicianus. The former promised each soldier 6250 drachms, equal to about 867 dollars, the latter 5000 drachms, equal to about 710 dollars. Accordingly, to Julianus they immediately threw open the gates of the camp, and declared him Emperor, took the oath of allegiance to him, placed him in the centre of their ranks, surrounded him on every side with their shields, and proceeded with him through the deserted streets of Rome, to the Senate, who dared not resist, but pretended great satisfaction at the happy revolution, and acknowledged him Emperor. 27 With this example before them, the fathers of New England would not have acted with their usual wisdom, had they laid the foundation of so fatal a military despotism in their government.

The Templars were a religious order, instituted at Jerusalem, in the beginning of the 12th century, for the defense of the holy sepulcher and the protection of Christian pilgrims. In every nation they had a particular governor, called Master of the Temple, or of the Militia of the Temple. The grand master had his residence at Paris. The order flourished for some time, acquired immense riches, and great military renown. As their prosperity increased, however, their vices multiplied, and their arrogance, luxury and cruelty rose at last to such a monstrous height, that their privileges were revoked, and their order suppressed, with the most terrible circumstances of infamy and severity. Encyclopedia Art. Templars.

 


Endnotes

1. Bennet’s Historical Account of the several attempts for a further reformation. Also, Foxcroft’s Sermon on the Beginning of Newengland; preached August, 1730.

2. Stoughton’s Election Sermon, April 29, 1668.

3. Foxcroft, page 22.

4. Foxcroft, page 19, Note.

5. Foxcroft, page 25.

6. Quoted in Prince’s Election Sermon, of 1730, p. 41, 42.

7. See Note [A].

8. Election Sermon, page 39.

9. In his Election Sermon.

10. Prince, page 39.

11. 1636. It received the name of Harvard College in 1638.

12. Page 147.

13. See Note [B].

14. See Hutchinson, vol. I. p. 80. Winthrop’s Journal, p. 142 to 147.

15. Hutchinson, vol. I. page 80.

16. See the Records of the Company.

17. Records, page 3.

18. Records, page 3.

19. See Records of this date.

20. See his Excellency’s Speech to the Legislature, May 1803.

21. Election Sermon.

22. Governor Strong’s Speech, May 1803.

23. Ferrier’s Sermon.

24. See a state paper entitled “A view of the state of the French republic, sent by Bonaparte to the legislative body on the 22d Feb. 1803, translated in the Centinel of May 25.
Whatever motives may have prompted Bonaparte to pronounce this eulogy upon religion, it must be received as his testimony in its favor. Of the credibility of this witness each reader will form his own opinion. If it be received as the testimony of an enemy or a friend, in either case it has weight.

25. I Chron. 28, 1 8.

26. “I say others, because it has been a fundamental principle with us, that as churches are composed both of ministers and brethren, and ecclesiastical councils or synods are proper representatives of churches; that therefore there should set in all such assemblies, not only ministers, but also others chosen by the churches to represent them; that they may not be merely clerical, or synods of the clergy, but ecclesiastical, or synods of the churches. And such have been all our Newengland synods and councils from the first; agreeable to that famous precedent in Acts XV.”

27. Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.