Era or Event: 1780s-1850s: Early Republic

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD

IN THE STATE OF

CONNECTICUT,

May 9th, 1805.

BY ASAHEL HOOKER, A.M.

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN GOSHEN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1805-

Ordered, That the Honorable Aaron Austin and Adino Hale, Esquire, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend ASAHEL HOOKER, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the ninth of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

That there is a God, is demonstrated, by the works of creation and Providence. “The Heavens declare His glory, and the firmament sheweth His handy work.” [Psalm 19:1] Yea, “the invisible things of Him, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, even His eternal power and God-head;” [Romans 1:20] so that those, who do not worship and glorify Him, “are without excuse.” [Romans 1:20] But much less is demonstrable, from the light of nature, respecting the ultimate destination of man. In this view, it is even doubtful, whether he shall exit beyond the grave; and of course, whether he shall be called to account, hereafter, or the deeds done in the body. For the needful answer to inquiries of this sort, and others of equal difficulty and importance to men, we are supremely indebted to a revelation from Heaven. By this revelation we are taught, that the resent life is the mere dawn of or existence; that it will be perpetuated, to interminable ages; and be happy or miserable, according to the works performed in its life. We are, therefore, taught in the text, and elsewhere in the same purpose, in the Scriptures of truth, that God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.

This argument is used, by the royal preacher, to enforce the exhortation, in the preceding verse; “Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter, Fear God, and keep His commandments, for this is the whole duty of man.” [Ecclesiastes 12:13] We are here taught the importance of man’s knowing, and practically acknowledging their accountableness to God, as becometh creatures, whose obligations to Him are infinite, and whose future destiny must be eternally decided, according to their present works. In a view of that awful tribunal, at which all must appear, the wise man admonishes those, “who walk in the way of their own hearts, and in the sight of their own eyes, that for all these things, God will bring them into judgment.” [Ecclesiastes 11:9]

It will be natural, therefore, to attempt such a view of this doctrine, as shall serve to illustrate is moral tendency. From this we may not only judge of its moral agreement with sound reason and the word of God; but may apprehend the true importance of it to mankind; and thence realize the importance of its being believed with all the heart and allowed its full influence in the present state.

It is therefore proposed, I. To notice several things implied in the declaration of the text; and II. To illustrate the moral tendency of it by a view of its practical influence upon men. It is hoped, that the subject will not be found unsuitable to the solemn and momentous occasion, on which we are now assembled.

The first thing of importance, implied in the general doctrine of the text, is, that mankind are subjects of a divine moral government. It is essential to such a government, that laws be enacted, for regulating the hearts and lives of men. It is farther essential, that such laws be sanctioned by divine authority, and enforced by adequate promises and threatenings – promises of due reward to the obedient, and threatenings of just punishment to such as disobey. When God shall bring every work into judgment, there must be some rule, for trying man’s actions, that is may thence appear, whether they ought to be approved, or condemned. Where no law is, there can neither be transgression, nor obedience. Where there is neither promise, nor penalty, there can be not intelligible standard, for deciding, either the good, which would result from obedience, or the evil, which must be the consequence of disobeying. If there were no such standard, the grounds of an equitable decision could not be seen. But as the day of reckoning is ordained of God for revealing His righteous judgments in the impartial distribution of rewards and punishments to men, it is essential, that He should have instituted a government which shall take cognizance of all human actions. Such a government He hath instituted. His laws clearly define and inculcate the whole duty of man. The promise is that the man, who doth the things therein written, shall surely live; but the soul that sinneth it shall die.

But the present administration of the divine government, towards mankind, involves in it a dispensation of mercy. This divine dispensation, as offering infinite blessings, and conferring new and unspeakable obligations upon men is so incorporated with the present operations of God’s moral government as to be fully implied, in the doctrine of a future judgment, as taught by His word. To those who embrace the offers of divine mercy the penalties of disobedience are forever remitted. To such Jesus Christ is the end of the law for justification and life. Those, therefore, who have remained under the law, and consequently under the curse, must endure the penalty annexed to transgression by the law. To this must be super-added the most fearful weight of punishment, which is justly incurred, by condemning the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ, and thereby rejecting the infinite grace of the Gospel.

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, all men will receive according to that they have done, in this life. For this purpose, a trial will be instituted, at which the secrets of all hearts will be revealed. Saith the Judge of quick and dead, “I am He that searcheth the heart, and trieth the reins, that I may render to every man, according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings.” [Jeremiah 17:10] In the final sentence all will be partakers, according to their respective characters. These will be manifested, to the view of Heaven and earth, by an impartial disclosure of their works.

This momentous trial will therefore issue, in the gracious acquittal of some, and the final condemnation of others. The force of the argument, to fear God and keep His commandments, from the consideration of his bringing every work to judgment, depends on this, not merely that such are acquitted, shall receive a gracious and infinite reward; but, that such as are found guilty, shall inevitably suffer the due punishment of their deeds. If this be thought inconclusive, from the plain impart of the text, it may be put out of question, by a farther appeal to the oracles of God. These assure us, that when the Judge “shall be revealed from heaven, with His mighty angels, in flaming fire,” to complete the redemption of His chosen, “He will take vengeance on those, who have not obeyed the gospel, who shall be punished, with everlasting destruction, from the preference of the Lord, and from the glory of his power.” [2 Thessalonians 1:7-9]

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, He will vindicate His perfections and ways, against all the hard thoughts and speeches, of His rebellious creatures. Their rejecting the divine Mediator, and with Him, the infinite mercy offered in the Gospel, is the most palpable impeachment of the divine wisdom and benevolence, as displayed in the cross of Jesus. “Behold the Lord cometh with ten thousand of His saints, to execute judgment upon all, and to convince all, who are ungodly among men, of all the hard speeches, which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him.” [Judges 1:14-15] He will then exhibit an awful demonstration, to intelligent beings of all characters, “that righteousness and judgment are the habitation of His throne.” [Psalm 97:2] In taking the needful steps, that He may render to men, according to their works, His own will appear honorable and glorious, from the beginning. In that day, “every mouth will be stopped.” [Romans 3:19] Saints and angels will offer their united tribute of adoration and praise, saying, “Great and marvelous are thy works, Lord God Almighty; just and true are Thy ways, thou King of saints: who shall not fear Thee, O Lord, and give glory to Thy name, for Thy judgments are made manifest.” [Revelation 15:3-4]

The general doctrine of the text accordingly implies the purpose of God, to support His holy government forever. When instituted by the diving Legislator, and Sovereign of the universe, it was doubtless with design, that it should be eternally maintained. It would be madness to admit the possibility that He should recede from His purpose. His law, which is holy, just and good, must be respected. On this depends the eternal happiness of his vast kingdom. If trampled on, the penalty must be executed; unless dispensed with in a way, equally declarative of his indignation against sin, and of His holy purpose, that the law shall be forever magnified and made honorable. And as men reject the gospel, no less than the law, it is essential, the atonement of Christ notwithstanding, that the Most High should still vindicate his government, by punishing the incorrigible despisers of His mercy. His purpose to do this is made known, by the appointment of a day, in which all men shall appear before Him, that they may receive the fruit of their doings. God will hence take effectual measures, to establish His kingdom, and secure its eternal glory and blessedness. Thus the purpose of God, respecting His government, will be displayed, in the eyes of the universe, in a manner, which will command the supreme confidence, adoration, and joy, of all holy minds; but will overwhelm his incorrigible enemies, with everlasting confusion and despair.

II. It is next proposed, to illustrate the moral tendency of this doctrine, by a view of its practical influence upon mankind.

In attempting this, the subject will be first considered, in application to those, who have approving belief of the foregoing sentiments. And how will their hearts and lives be influenced, by such a belief? In proportion to the strength of it, will they no habitually feel, and act, as becometh creatures, who stand accountable to the holy Searcher of hearts, and Judge of the world? Believing this, respecting all their moral actions, and all the motives of them, and glorying in the perfections of God, and displayed in the process, and the issue of the final judgment, will not their treatment of him be respectful, submissive, and holy? Can it fail to be their supreme concern, not through the influence of slavish fear, but “of love, and a sound mind,” [2 Timothy 1:7] to do those things, which are pleasing in his sight? Will they not, therefore, confide implicitly in the wisdom and rectitude of his all-disposing providence, and rest their whole salvation at His mercy, through faith in a Mediator? Of all this there can be no doubt. They will hence acknowledge their dependence on God, as creatures, and as sinners, by “continuing instant in prayer;” [Romans 12:12] and manifest their respect unto all His commandments, by keeping them. In a word, the dominion of holiness being established in their hearts, it will daily operate, to keep them “unspotted in the world,” [James 1:27] and to render them “fruitful, in every good work.”[Colossians 1:10]

It is accordingly certain, that those who embrace the foregoing sentiments, with sincere approbation of them, will demean themselves answerably, towards their fellow men. Their habitual treatment of them will be the genuine expression of integrity, benevolence, and due compassion. Of this they cannot fail, if to a full assent of the understanding to the truth, they unite a supreme complacency, in the character of Judge, and thence approve His purpose, respecting the distribution of rewards and punishments, and His manner of proceeding in it, as predicted in His word. This being true, they will assuredly act, as in the fear of the Lord, in all their intercourse with men. They will “render all their dues;” [Romans 13:7] and in doing this, will regard the divine rule, as infinitely binding; “As ye would, that men should do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets.” [Matthew 7:12] Such is the moral tendency, and such the unfailing influence of the doctrine asserted in the text, on all, who embrace it with the heart.

We shall next consider this doctrine, in relation to those, who neither believe, nor approve it. It is apparent, that on such, it must be wholly void of influence. Beyond the life which now is, they have nothing to hope, nor to fear, from their present doings. If these, as they presume, shall not be brought into account hereafter, they can neither be rewarded, nor punished. As to any thing, therefore, beyond the present state, they have nothing to hope from well-doing, not any thing to fear from evil-doing. But what must we expect of men, who do not believe in “a judgment to come,” [Revelation 14:7] and a state of eternal retribution? And who, of course, do not feel themselves accountable to “the Judge of the quick, and the dead.” [2 Timothy 4:1] Being confident with their own opinions, all their motives of conduct, whether towards God, or men, must be furnished, exclusively, by the circumstances and interests of the present life. Motives of this sort may doubtless be so presented, as to operate a partial restraint, and produce many apparently good actions; but their influence must be feeble, at best, and always precarious. Can it bear a moment’s comparison, with the influence of those sublime and infinite motives, which are brought home to the heart, in the certain and awful expectation of standing at the tribunal of omniscience, and infinite purity, and of thence receiving and irreversible doom?—Great part of those, who disbelieve their accountability to a sin-hating God, are hence liberated from a sense of moral obligation, and of consequence, indulge in that riotous and unholy living, at which they would be otherwise dismayed. It is accordingly true that vice and irreligion prevail in society, as the natural offspring of a prevailing belief, that “He who sitteth in the heavens,” [Psalm 2:4] will not be strict to “mark iniquity.” [Psalm 130:3] Through individuals, who have been accustomed, by education, to sobriety of manners, may not lose their sober habits, so as to become thorough profligates, at once; still it is demonstrated, by observation and experience, that as a disbelief of the scripture doctrine of retribution prevails among men, it is followed, by a nearly answerable corruption of morals.

Thus the unchangeable tendency of becoming hopeless of good, and fearless of evil, as the final reward of man’s present doings, is clearly illustrated, by a life of practical atheism. In point of moral tendency, there is little to choose, between the creed of the full-grown atheist, and of the deist, who discards the scripture doctrine of accountableness to Jehovah. By deistical writers of the first eminence, the Most High is admitted, rather as an idle spectator, in His own dominions, than as the rightful lawgiver, and Judge of the world, who will reward the righteous, and punish the wicked, without respect to persons. Indeed they deny the evidence of His moral perfections, and righteous government, so as to defeat the best ends of believing, rather than denying “the God who is above.” [Job 31:28]

The love of existence, and of happiness is common to all sensitive and moral beings. Few things, therefore, can be more shocking to a rational mind, than the thought of forever ceasing to exist. But this notwithstanding, such are the imitations of a divine moral government, to which men are accountable, even where the doctrines of revelation are exploded, that those, who are resolved to wallow through life, in the gratification of their lusts, are dismayed, at the thought of a hereafter. They tremble, lest the moment of their exit from this world should bring with it a day of reckoning and an eternity of woe. They are hence driven to seek a respite, from the stings of conscience, and their guilty fears of wrath to come, in the gloomy doctrine of annihilation, and a forlorn hope, that “death will be an eternal sleep.” Established in this refuge of lies, multitudes in this age of madness, called reason, feel themselves emancipated from all restraint, arising from the belief of a God, and a judgment to come. They are accordingly prepared, for a warfare of impiety and lust, against all religion, and sound morality. This is the ultimate tendency of rebelling against the light, and discarding the government of One, who shall bring every work into judgment, and award to men a righteous and eternal retribution. Such is the result of experiment on the modern theory of human “perfectibility;”—an experiment, which is made, “by following nature,” and exploding the religion and morals of the gospel, under the stigmatizing names of prejudice, bigotry, and superstition. Such is the experiment now in operation for translating men out of marvelous light, into Egyptian darkness; yea, for transforming them into beasts, and devils incarnate, and this superceding a judgment to come, by anticipating a hell upon earth. Hence the grievous cry, which is raised against priestcraft, hypocrisy, and delusion – a cry, which is intended to drown the voice on conscience, and, like the savage war-whoop, inspire the assailants, with fresh courage, for invading the throne of God, and of the Lamb. Finally, let the principles of modern infidelity prevail universally, and all the features of fallen human nature would be recognized, as long since exhibited to the life, by the unerring pencil of inspiration: “There is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God. They are all gone out of the way; they are together become unprofitable; there is none that doth good, no not one. Their throat is an open sepulcher; with their tongues they have used deceit, the poison of asps is under their lips; their feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace they have not known; there is no fear of God before their eyes.” [Romans 3:11-18]

The moral tendency and importance of the doctrine before us, may be farther illustrated, by an application of it to men, invested is with civil authority. Such of those, as believe themselves accountable to a righteous God, for all their official, as well as private conduct, and unfeignedly approve of being so, will doubtless act accordingly. They will remember, with devout and humble submission, that they are God’s ministers, invested with power and authority, derived from him; and that they are bound, by an immense obligation, to be “nursing fathers” to his church, to the whole community of their fellow-citizens. Legislators, of this character, will endeavor, in framing laws, to harmonize, so far as possible, in the spirit of them, and in all he objects, for which they are enacted, with the perfect laws of heaven. Judges, in like manner, who fear God, and rejoice in being accountable at his bar, will carefully avoid occasion for any to say, “I beheld the place of judgment, and wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, and iniquity was there.” [Ecclesiastes 3:16] Magistrates of every denomination, feeling themselves responsible to the Sovereign of all worlds, instead of being fearless of Him, or of aiming chiefly to please men, will be able to say with the conscious rectitude of an Apostle, “It is a very small thing, that we should be judged of you, or of man’s judgment; for He who judgeth us, is the Lord.” [1 Corinthians 4:3-4]

But the reverse of all this must be expected of rulers, who regard their authority, as derived exclusively from men, and do not recognize the tribunal of Heaven, as that to which they are amenable, for the faithful discharge of their official trust. Influenced alone by the temporary and interested motives of the present state, what madness to expect, that they should act, as seeing an invisible God; – that as legislators, they should be duly concerned, to frame equal laws; or as judges, to administer justice, without partiality! It is vain, even to hope, that those who “fear not God,” will “regard man” [Luke 18:4] beyond the sordid tastes of private interest. When it is believes, that this can be promoted by the means, there are no motives to restrain them, from the foulest iniquity. They are prepared, both by the spirit which they are of, and by the opinions, which they embrace, to practice on the monstrous theory, that “the end will sanctify the means.” Hence, when it will apparently conduce to their own views of promotion, of continuance in power, and of personal aggrandizement, they will not hesitate, to humor the vilest passions of men, and thus become a praise to evil-doers, but a terror and scourge, to such as do well. All this is not inferred, conclusively, from the preceding view of this subject, but is confirmed by a solemn appeal to facts. It is proved, by similar evidence, that men of this character will betray the same dereliction of all honorable and upright principle, in their official conduct, as in purifying the honors and emoluments of office. Those, therefore, who do not anticipate a reckoning, with a holy God, for their use of authority and power, act in perfect accord with their true characters, when they seek preferment, by the most profound reverence for “the people;”—when they feignedly tender them their most lowly homage, and thus become the cringing sycophants of those, whom they regard, with sovereign contempt.

The practical importance of the doctrine under consideration may be farther seen and felt by a view of its influence on the citizens of a free state, in the choice of its rulers. When called to exercise the invaluable right of suffrage, those who expect to account with God, for every action of their lives, and are pleased with such expectation, will remember the oath of God, by which they have sworn fidelity to public interest. This oath, together with a corresponding frame of heart, will lead them to invest those with civil authority, who, in the judgment of their consciences, agree best to the character of a good ruler, as given by the inspiration of the Almighty. They will, therefore, be most scrupulous, to choose men of wisdom, ability, and integrity, who practically acknowledge the God, who is above. The regard, which they habitually feel for him, as well as for the happiness of the community, will not suffer them to aid, in advancing the unprincipled and immoral, to bear rule, and thus to add the guilt of perjury, to that of treachery and unfaithfulness to the state.

But men, who in their hearts, discard the moral government of God, and take for granted, that He will not render to them their due recompense, at last, will doubtless proceed accordingly, in their choice of men to rule over them. They will naturally prefer rulers of their own stamp. While the licentious opinions and conduct of such rulers are regarded, as a cloak for the fins of others, they will not fail to be commended, as vastly ingenious, liberal, and worthy of imitation. Nor is it the most arduous attainment for human nature, to become so liberal, and enlightened, as to with for rulers, who will practically disclaim the government of the Holy One. When arrived at this, men can easily find arguments to prove, that the rankest infidelity, so far from being injurious, may be of excellent use, in those who are invested, with the highest prerogatives of magistracy. Such men are considered by many, as enjoying the happiest freedom from the influence of superstition, and illiberal prejudices. It can be shown, with wonderful ease, that the are the peculiar “friends of liberty and the rights of conscience;” that as such, they will never interfere in matters of religion; but will guarantee to every man the precious liberty, not only of having no religion, but of contributing to the support of none. Hence the decision of multitudes in favor of men, the most licentious in principle, and the most abandoned in practice, as best qualified, to stand as guardians, to the dearest interests of the community.

We see in this, as one instructive view of the subject, the influence of religion, on the political and social happiness of a nation. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked bear rule, they mourn.” [Proverbs 29:2] Not, however, that they are pleased, or displeased, according as they have good or bad men to rule over them; but according to this, as a general maxim, they are comparatively happy, or miserable. Virtuous and able rulers are “the ministers of God for good.” [Romans 13:4] They are raised up, and designed for a public blessing. In their love of righteousness, and hatred of iniquity, and in the fullness of their regard to God, and the well being of their fellow men, they will take care to frame such laws as shall guard the rights of individuals and of the state; and make provision that the same shall be faithfully executed. Their personal and official influence will conduce mightily, to the preservation of social order, of pure morality, and of prosperity to the single and undivided interests of the commonwealth. Thus they will be, “as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth; even as a morning without clouds.” [2 Samuel 23:4] In the hands of such rulers, civil governments is a blessing, which cannot be told. But in those of opposite character, it is often a scourge, even a whip of scorpions. The evils, which may be expected from the government, in the hands of unprincipled men, “who feel power, and forget right,” and who view themselves accountable to none, but those they govern, are more than can be numbered. In framing laws, they will consult the public good no farther is this dictated by a supreme regard to their own. If necessary for compassing this, they will not hesitate at doing it, by “legalizing corruption and iniquity.” The united influence of their examples and authority, will be like that of “Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” [1 Kings 22:52; 2 Kings 3:3; 2 Kings 10:29; 2 Kings 13:2,11; 2 Kings 14:24; 2 Kings 15:9,18,24, 28; 2 Kings 23:15] Hence the fulfillment of what is written, that “The wicked walk on every side, when the vilest men are exalted.” [Psalm 12:8] When a preference is given of such rulers, to men of sound understanding, of pure morals, and tried integrity, it is the most alarming evidence of the general spread of corruption – that the people have become infatuated, and blind to their true interest – that the anger of God is beginning to smoke against them, and his voice to be heard saying, “Shall I not visit for these things? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?” [Jeremiah 5:9,29; Jeremiah 9:9]

Again, when men can say, with approving hearts, “The Lord is out Lawgiver, the Lord is our Judge,” [Isaiah 33:22] they will demean themselves accordingly, as citizens, and subjects of civil government. They will duly respect the laws of society—will “take heed to obey magistrates,” and be subject to men in authority, “not only for wrath, but for conscience’ sake.” [Romans 13:5] They will therefore be ready to every good work – will strengthen the hands of their rulers, and aid them, in the support of government – yea will endeavor, so far as it lieth in them, to discountenance impiety, iniquity, and disorder, in all the forms of them, as offensive to God, and destructive of the well being of man. From the same motives, they will seek the public peace and harmony. To this end, they will keep in sacred remembrance, the exhortation, which is written; “Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them who cause divisions and offences, contrary to doctrine, which ye have learned, and avoid them; for they that are such, serve not out Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly; and by good words and fair speeches, deceive the hearts of the simple.” [Romans 13:17-18] They will never forget, that “one of the six things, which the Lord hateth, yea one of the seven which are an abomination to him, is sowing disorder among brethren;” [Proverbs 6:16, 19] and, that the man, who foments divisions and animosities, commences an open warfare against the peace of society, and proclaims himself its implacable enemy.

But men, who fear God, and can honestly appeal to him, for the purity of their intentions, will be peace-makers. They will not seek their own interest and exaltation, by exciting a spirit of distrust of public men and measures, when both these are entitled to the public confidence and support. The will not prostitute the liberty of the press, to the cause of licentiousness, and this pervert a primary means of diffusing useful knowledge, and of cementing the bonds of society, that they may undermine its strong foundation, and prostrate its stately pillars in the dust. Nor will they seek great things for themselves, by turning the world upside down, and cover their unhallowed purposes, under a profusion of smooth words, and fair profession of regard to “the rights and liberties of the people.” And let it be remembered, that, whether in posts of honor, or in private stations, they will not attempt to stir up a spirit of bitter envying and strife, among Christians of different denominations, that the religion of Jesus may be disgraced, the foundation of morals be subverted, and the public felicity be sacrificed, to the triumphs of dissolutions and impiety. No, my fellow citizens, men who endure, as feeling Him, who is invisible, will not do such things as these. Nor will men of this character oppose the religion and government of their country, under color of opposing “a union of church and state.” It is true, religion may exist, and even flourish, without the aid of government; for as God is true, “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” [Matthew 16:18] But woe to that government, which discards the aid of religion; and woe to that people, who wage war against religion, under pretense of saving it from a destructive alliance with the political interest of their country. Are not the leading opposers of such a union of religion with civil government, as has always existed in this state, fairly suspected of hostility to both, and of being impatient under the restraints of either? Do they reverence and obey the laws of Christ? And are they conscientiously afraid, that the divine beauty of his religion will be marred, by asserting its awful claims on the hearts of rulers, and of ruled; and because it is protected, from persecution and violence, by the laws of society? Are they not those rather, who practically avow their desire, to be “without law to God,” [1 Corinthians 9:21] and to men, and to see a favorite doctrine established, that those have the first claim to the confidence of their fellow men, who show the least regard to God and religion? “But whether it be right, in the sight of God, to hearken to these, more than unto God, judge ye.” [Acts 4:19]

1. On a review of this subject, we may learn how to distinguish between real and pretended patriots. Te regard, which the former of these have, to the happiness of their country, is founded in that love, which is the fulfilling of God’s law; and is cherished by a habitual sense of His presence and glory. It is not only consistent with piety towards God but proceeds from the same source and hence derives its peculiar excellence. Real patriots are those, therefore, whose philanthropy is proved, first of all, by a practical acknowledgement of God, as the supreme good, and the rightful Sovereign of the world. The spirit by which they are actuated appears farther, from their seeking the public happiness, by the proper means – by making themselves examples of piety, benevolence, and well-doing – by endeavoring, in all suitable ways, to support the credibility, and to promote the universal diffusion and influence, of that divine religion, which is full of mercy and good fruits. Such patriots were Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Hezekiah, Josiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and many others recorded in divine history. Such were many of our pious and venerable ancestors, to whom, under God, this state, not only owes her political existence, but a larger share of public and private happiness, than has been almost ever allotted, to a like portion of the human race.

Pretended patriots differ greatly from real ones. They are “heady, high minded, are lovers of pleasures, more than lovers of God.” [2 Timothy 3:4] If “in words they profess to know God, in works they deny him.” [Titus 1:16] They deal largely in professions of disinterested and public spirit. They even seem to have lost sight of all interest of heir own, in the glowing ardor of their concern, for the more important interests of the community. Hence the “good words, and fair speeches,” [Romans 16:18] by which they are signalized, and distinguished from all other men. But their professions, disinterested, and full of benevolence as they seem, are hollow and deceitful, as the source. From which they proceed. “The best of them is a brier, the most upright of them is sharper than a thorn-hedge.” [Micah 7:4] Patriots of the stamp were the renowned Absalom, Ahithophel, and Jereboam the son of Nebat, whose names, covered with the infamy of their deeds, were registered, by the command of heaven, for the admonition of the following ages. Their friendship to mankind was enmity against God and religion, and in league with iniquity, sensuality, and the grossest impiety. Such patriots of our own day, are the perfidious, and the dissolute, with those “scoffers, who walk after their own lusts,” [2 Peter 3:3] and “deny the Lord, who bought them.” [2 Peter 2:1] These, “knowing the judgment of God, that they who commit such things, are worthy of death, not only do the same, but have pleasure in those who do them.” [Romans 1:32] Such, in a word, is the magnitude of their concern, for the public weal, that, for the bare consideration of so much honor, and riches, and dominion, as are at the disposal of their fellow-citizens, “they promise them liberty, but “alas!” are themselves the servants of corruption.” [2 Peter 2:19]

2. We also learn, from the doctrine, which has been considered, he high importance of Christianity, and the happiness of society. For these purposes, the promotion of pure morals would be of vast importance, if death were the end of human existence. But as human nature is, desperately inclined to evil, no scheme can be devised, for keeping the morals of mankind, in any degree pure, without the aid of motives, derived from the belief of a God, and a judgment day. No laws can have force, without penalties. Human laws always prove weak and inefficient unless aided, in some form or other, by religion. Nor will the motives presented, by the most pure system of religion, have the necessary influence, unless aided by the high authority of divine sanctions. No scheme of religion can, however, exist, with laws thus sanctioned, which does not make men accountable to an omniscient Judge, and call to its aid those awful motives, which are drawn from a slate of future rewards and punishments. But aside from the Holy Scriptures, no arguments have been found, to demonstrate the doctrine of a future existence; much less of a judgment day, and an eternal recompense, to the righteous and the wicked. It is true, the religion of the gospel, from the perpetual warfare, which it wages with the selfish interests and passions of men, as always met with the most determined opposition, from a rebellious world. For this reason, its influence on the hearts and lives of men, has hitherto been very partial and limited. But this is no argument against it, as a necessary means of restrain, to mans unholy appetites, and of promoting their present and eternal well-being. Nay, its importance depends on the very reason, why it is hated, and set at naught by many – its arraying the terrors of the Almighty, against their evil deeds. The opposition, which it exhibits to these, is the more formidable, and answerably more offensive, according to the clearness, with which it establishes the throne of God, and makes all men accountable to him. It is this, above all, which renders the religion of Jesus, the abhorrence of those, who fight for the liberty, which is enjoyed, by the wild beasts of the desert. Such are those adepts in wickedness, and the arts of seduction, who roam about, “with eyes full of adultery, and that cannot cease from sin;” [2 Peter 2:14] to whom the sacred vows of marriage are an occasion of sinning, with more greediness and aggravation; “who creep into houses,” [2 Timothy 3:6] in quest of their prey, and regard no destruction of social bands, or of domestic happiness, as an adequate motive, for retraining their unbridled passions. Though prepared to embrace the dregs of pollution, as fuel to their unhallowed flame, they riot, with chief delight, on the spoils of “betrayed innocence.” In a view of their crimes, and of that bitter cup, which now passes over, from their hands, to wretched thousands, we may estimate the flood of woes, which must whelm the abodes of domestic peace and joy, and swallow up millions, in temporal and eternal perdition, should the same pernicious ways be followed, by the great mass of society. The unbounded spread of licentiousness, and the utter destruction of virtuous attachment, and of mutual confidence, between the sexes, would be succeeded, by a parallel diffusion of jealousy, distrust, malignity, envy, and wretchedness. The forlorn offspring of such an extended commerce, in pollution and guilt, would soon people the present habitations of peace, of order, and social happiness, with a race of savages, in whom the virtues and blessings, of all preceding ages, would be lost forever. But the foregoing view of this subject, it appears, that it mankind would universally believe the doctrines, and obey the laws of Christianity, it would purify them from all iniquity, and make them “a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” [Titus 2:14] They would, therefore, be “that happy people, whose God is the Lord.” [Psalm 144:15] “Joy and gladness would be found in their dwellings, thanksgiving and the voice of melody.” [Jeremiah 33:11] Every society of men were present a heaven in miniature, and each family, a “paradise regained.” The unnumbered myriads of the human race, incomparably more happy than ever, since their apostasy, would be meetened [rendered fit] for the inconceivable glories of immortality.

3. The preceding view of this subject naturally suggests the great importance of fidelity to the rising generation. Children are the growing materials, which must soon form the character, and decide on the happiness of society. It is apparent, that this must be happy, or miserable, according to the foundation of these materials. This sentiment accords with the direction, which God gave to Israel, by Moses. Deut. xxxii. 46, 47. “And he said unto them, set your hearts unto all he words, which I testify among you this day, which ye shall command your children to observe, to do all the words of this law. For it is not a vain thing for you, because it is our life; and through this thing shall ye prolong your days, in the land, whither ye go over to Jordan to posses it.” When it is said, “It is not a vain think for you, because it is your life, and through this thing shall ye prolong your days,” it plainly refers to the direction, for teaching the words of God’s law to their children. By this more than by all other means, a foundation would be laid for perpetuating their national existence and transmitting their distinguished privileges to succeeding generations. This shows in what sense we must understand the promise annexed to the fifth commandment, to “honor thy father, and thy mother, that thy days may be long, upon the land, which the Lord thy God giveth thee.” [Exodus 20:12] We must not receive this, as a promise of long life to individuals, as the certain reward of filial obedience; but that God would, in this way, accomplish his gracious purpose, respecting the tribes of Israel, to preserve them a great and happy nation.

The foundation of civil government, no less than that of religion and morals, which are its main pillars, must be laid, in that domestic government, which God has instituted, and that religious education of children, which is solemnly enjoined in his word. If, instead of training up children, “for glory and immortality,” [Romans 2:7] beyond the grave, the primary object were to render them happy, in this life, and by their means, to promote the public happiness, it would be immensely important, that they should be faithfully taught their relation to God, as accountable beings, and all their duties, which belong to them, in this relation. By this means, with the divine blessing, a more perfect state of society might be realized, than has ever existed, since man forsook his Maker. But this depends on the faithfulness of parents, of guardians, and other instructors. When these are not influenced by pious and benevolent motives, nor awed, by that sense of responsibility to God, which religion teaches, they will be negligent, and more than negligent, of the moral and religious education of children. So far from teaching them, that “the fear of the Lord is the fountain of life,” [Proverbs 14:27] and the only sure departure from the snares of death, they will often poison their minds, with the early and deep impression of false opinions, and their whole characters, with the destroying influence of licentious and impious behavior. Such is the alarming fate of many, at the present day, even in our own country. Here many are born and educated, in the school of anarchy, misrule, and irreligion. Of these they will soon be examples, and powerful advocates. Let them sustain a preponderancy of numbers, and of influence, and the feeds of public distress and perplexity will be so widely diffused, and so deeply rooted, as to admit of no remedy. And when this evil, which already assumes a portentous and lowering aspect, has befallen our once happy country, the foundations will be literally destroyed. In that day, nothing better will await us, as a nation, than the dire catastrophe of the house built on he sand; “And the rains descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon the house, and it fell, and great was the fall of it.” [Matthew 7:27]

4. We readily see, in this connection, why the states and empires, which wave risen in past ages, have successively mouldered at the foundation, and eventually tumbled into ruins. They wanted that divine cement, the religion of Jesus, which unites man to man, and men to God. This would have been a living spring of that public and social virtue, and of that piety towards God, without which the most flourishing state must become “like a city, which is broken down, and without walls.” [Proverbs 25:28] When men have no just apprehensions of the Being, “WHOSE KINGDOM RULETH OVER ALL,” and find no motives, for cultivating that “fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom,” [Psalm 11:10; Psalm 9:10] the fountain of public life and health becomes corrupt, will the whole mass is polluted. The gratification of their lists, unrestrained by the love or fear of the Almighty, gradually engenders effeminacy, weakness, and “unbridled sensuality,” in all classes of people, from the palace to the cottage. By such means, the most flourishing states and kingdoms, recorded in sacred and profane history have fallen no less a prey to themselves and one another than to the overwhelming judgments of a sin-avenging God. But for the fatal cause ere assigned, the illustrious empires of antiquity might, not only have been preserved from desolation and oblivion, but have increased in numbers, in strength, in prosperity, in glory, and in happiness, till this day; yea, have flourished on, “till time shall be no longer.” [Revelation 10:6] But as they did not like even “to retain God in their knowledge,” [Romans 1:28] He gave them up to their own lusts, till they should “eat the fruit of their own ways, and be filled with their own devices.” [Proverbs 1:31] Under this tremendous anathema, the nations of the earth have not only made war, one upon another, but have preyed upon their own blood, and eaten their own flesh, till wasted away, and there was none to deliver.

5. We are further taught, by the light of this subject, the gross mistake of modern philosophers and reformers, who are professedly seeking o promote liberty, and the happiness of man, by exterminating religion, and committing the whole human race, to the guidance of reason, and the light of nature. The liberty thus promoted is mere licentiousness. The war of contending passions and interests, which is enkindled by it, is the deadly bane of rational liberty, and must one day close the reign of anarchy and confusion, with the triumphs of despotic domination. Such is the result of experiment, exhibited by the philosophizing and theoretical reformers, of modern times, in Europe. There is the liberty, which is founded in the prostration of all the principals of piety and social virtue, has had its day, and now as its night. We have there seen the abolition of all religion ¹ producing its genuine fruits, an almost universal corruption of morals; with an immensity of the most atrocious crimes, both in public, and in private. We have thus seen the mad theories of atheistical reformers producing a flood of wrongs, unparalleled in the history of nations. We have also seen this same licentious liberty, turning one of the fairest portions of Europe, and of the whole world, into a “golgotha;” and filling its deluded inhabitants, with the very dregs of the cup of tears, of humiliation, and woe. After many millions of people have wallowed in these, through a series of revolutions, in the vain hope of establishing their liberties, we have seen them tamely submitting, to a larger stretch of despotic power, than is endured, by any other nation on earth. Of this sort is the harvest of bitter fruits, which must always be expected to spring up, from that liberty, which is founded in the extirpation of the religion and morals, which are taught by the word of God.

6. We here see also, my fellow-citizens, what we are to expect, as the sure consequences of embracing that vain and impious philosophy, which “changes the truth of God into a lie,” [Romans 1:25] and teaches men, “to worship and serve the creature, more than the CREATOR, WHO IS GOD OVER ALL.” [Romans 1:25] We might expect to see the general triumph of impiety and lust, succeeded by a state of anarchy, frightful as the horrors of chaos. This anarchy would probably be rendered doubly frightful, by the more sullen horrors of a civil war. In the disastrous and bloody train of such a war, (which may heaven prevent,) a despotism would doubtless follow, with iron teeth, to break in pieces and devour; and would erect his throne, on the spot where and the day when, the liberties and glory of America were shrouded together, in one common grave. This fair inheritance, which was purchased by the bold and enterprising spirit, the piety, the prayers, the tears, the sufferings, he invincible fortitude, and even the blood of our pious ancestors, would be despoiled of its essential glory, and become, like mystical Babylon, a habitation of dragons, and a hold of every foul spirit. All this, according exactly with facts, which stare us in the face, is fairly expected, as the most natural consequence of becoming hopeless of future good, and fearless of evil, from he hands of God, as the just rewarder of our doings. To us, therefore, in this land, and even to this state, there is nothing which portends so much evil, or which so palpably threatens our political and eternal destruction, as the prevalence of hose “demoralizing principles,” which are daily insinuated into the vitals of the community. The abettors and friends of those principles, whoever they are, would doubtless glory in seeing he religion from the son of God, prostrated in the dust, his Sabbaths and ordinances abolished, his ministers despoiled, or exiled, and his temples smoking in ruins. Oh my soul, come not thou into their secret, unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united”! ! ! [Genesis 49:6]

Those of my audience, who sustain the honorable distinction of Magistrates and Rulers will feel themselves addressed by this subject, not only with the importance of their official duties, but of a practical and sincere acknowledgement of Jehovah, and his righteous government, in a life of holiness and good works. Suffer me to remind you, my honored fellow citizens, that to Him you stand accountable, no less that those, in humbler stations, to whom you are constituted his ministers for good – and that with them you must appear and be judged, at the same divine tribunal, from which there is no appeal. Remember, therefore, what God hath spoken; “He who ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of the Lord:” [2 Samuel 23:3] and that He hath said again; “Him who honoreth me, I will honor; but he that despiseth me, shall be lightly esteemed;” [1 Samuel 2:30] yea, “Whosoever shall be ashamed of me, and of my words, in this adulterous, and sinful generation; of him shall the Son of man be ashamed, when he shall come in he glory of his Father, with the hold angels.” [Luke 9:26]

You, gentlemen, are constituted guardians of the public happiness. For this, let me pray you to watch, “as those who must give account.” [Hebrews 13:17] As one means of inspiring you with due benevolence, fortitude, and perseverance, in attempting this, often contemplate those venerable and excellent rulers, whose examples are recorded for your instruction, imitation, and delight, in the sacred pages. Add to these, and for the same purpose, the long list of worthies, who have gone before you, and been the ornament and praise of this state, no less than the instruments of her stability, glory, and happiness. With the examples of such rulers before you, to aid the influence of those sublime motives, which are exhibited in the word of God, may you “go and do likewise.” [Luke 10:37] It mist be apparent to you all, that religion, as taught be the Divine Word and Spirit, is the corner-stone, and only sure foundation of the individual and social happiness of man. In this view, and aside from that infinite weight of motives, by which it is commended, as giving life unto the soul, of what immeasurable importance is it, to yourselves and fellow-citizens, that you manifest a serious and unequivocal regard to the religion of Emmanuel, and know indeed, that He is the very “Christ of God;” yea, that He is “King of Kings and Lord of Lords.” [Revelation 19:16] Regarding Him as your appointed Judge, and only Savior, and acting from the pure and disinterested motives of His religion, you will have that “wise and understanding heart,” [1 Kings 3:12] which is needful to guide you, in all the duties of your public trust, and the consolations of heaven to support you, under the ponderous weight of public cares. Though your names should be cast out as evil, and though envy should assail you, with her “forked tongue,” you will enjoy the testimony of a good conscience, with the prayers and the confidence of good men, and finally meet the plaudit of an infinite Judge.

From the preceding discourse, the ministers of religion may apprehend the nature, and high importance of the duties incumbent on them. The religion of Jesus, of which we profess to be subjects and ministers, is distinguished from all others, as one which is commended to every man’s conscience, in the sight of God; and as making all men accountable to Him. Preaching this religion, with effect, implies that men are taught their relation to God, as subjects of his moral government, and their obligations to glorify His name – to repent, and believe the Gospel, and to do works meet for repentance. Nor can we hope to promote the political interests of mankind any farther than we are honored, as instruments of advancing the kingdom of righteousness and peace. It is, therefore, the great business of our high calling, as it reflects the honor of God our Savior, and the happiness of our fellow-men, for both worlds, that we be instrumental of their embracing the truth, as it is in Jesus, and of building them up, in faith and holiness, to eternal glory. Important as the whole of this, together with the salvation of our own souls, is the faithful discharge of our duty, as watchmen to theirs. In a view of this numerous and respectable assembly, and of the foregoing sentiments, we are all reminded of that “great and dreadful day,” [Malachi 4:5] where we must meet an assembled universe, “at the judgment-seat of Christ.” [Romans 14:10] In a certain and awful prospect of the account, which we must then render to the Judge of hearts, it becometh us to realize our immense obligations to be holy, and without blame. The God “with whom we have to do,” [Hebrews 4:13] is no respecter of persons. He is “a God of truth, and without iniquity.” [Deuteronomy 32:4] “He will, therefore, render to every man, according to his works.” [Romans 2:6] “To them who seek for glory, honor, and immortality, by patient continuance, in well-doing, he will render eternal life. But to such as are contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness,” [Romans 2:7-8] He will as surely render “indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish.” [Romans 2:8-9] In this serious and impressive view of our relation to God, as our rightful Sovereign, and final Judge, may we all be quickened to serve Him and to serve our generation according to His will that when He shall come in His glory, we may be glad, with exceeding joy.

But finally, do any of you, in this assembly, disbelieve the Gospel of Christ, and not expect to be judged, at last, according to your perfect doings? Is your unbelief the result of conviction? And is this conviction the result of a fair and impartial examination of the evidences, by which the divine claims of Christianity are supported? Let us suppose, for once, that yours is “the condemnation, to have loved darkness, rather than light, because your deeds are evil;” [John 3:19] and that hence, you have made lies your refuge. Let us further suppose your mistake to be detected, by the light of eternity, when its consequences must be infinitely too dreadful, to be endured. Shall you, in this fearful extremity, be consoled by the testimony of conscience, that you had decided on the point in question, with all that faithful investigation, that scrupulous care, and that singleness of heart, [Jeremiah 32:39] which all the incomparable weight of the subject demanded! Till this be done, you may well take heed, “lest that come upon you, which is written, behold ye despisers, and wonder and perish;” [Acts 13:40-41] – lest you find to your infinite cost, that “the stone, which the builders rejected, is the come the Head of the corner;” [Psalm 118:22] and that, “on whomsoever it shall fall, it will grind him to powder.” [Matthew 21:44; Luke 20:18]

Endnotes

1. Christianity, as it existed in France, previous to the revolution, retained but few traces of its native simplicity, and divine purity; not can those, who have been praying, for the downfall of the antichrist, consistently rejoice, in his re-establishment, in that country. That temporary abolition of popery, which was attended with such a deluge of tears and blood, is not to be regarded, as the destruction of true religion. But it is well know, by all who have read the history of Europe, for the last twenty years, that the seeds of revolution in France, were sown by men, who had conspired for the universal and indiscriminate destruction of every thing, bearing the name of Christianity. The spirit, therefore, which overturned the existing forms of religion, in France, is no less hostile, and appears, by the exertions which it is making in this, and in other countries, to be no less hostile, to the truth, as it is in Jesus. This is a sufficient ground of that just and universal abhorrence, in which the principals of atheistical reformers are holden, and must always be holden by wise and good men. The influence of these principles, in that rapid and terrible progress of demoralization and wretchedness, which uniformly attends them, clearly demonstrates their horrible tendency. It hence shows what must be their tremendous effects, whenever they become generally prevalent, in society. It is true there is not the remotest danger, that infidelity can destroy the religion and kingdom of Christ. This kingdom, supported by the oath of God, and guarded against its enemies, by the wisdom and strength of omnipotence, will finally break in pieces, and subdue, all opposing kingdoms and interests, and stand forever. But this is no reason, why the friends of religion, and of human happiness, should be indifferent to the spread of those principles, which are everywhere disseminated, with a view of subverting the religion of Jesus. Though his subversion be impossible, as it is impossible, that God should lie, or hat omnipotence should become weak, and unable to accomplish the divine purposes; still it is a truth, which needs no proof, aside from an appeal to facts, that infidelity is more terrible, and more to be avoided, because it is infinitely more hostile to human happiness, than the pestilence, which walketh in darkness. The latter can destroy only the body; but the former, having first infused wormwood and gall into every cup of human enjoyment, must afterwards destroy both soul and body in hell.

Thomas Baldwin (1753-1823) represented the town of Canaan, NH in the state legislature for a time. He was ordained in 1783 and ministered in towns in New Hampshire until 1790 when he became the pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Baldwin in Boston, MA on May 26, 1802.

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq. Governor,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

May 26, 1802.

BEING THE DAY OF

General Election.

By Thomas Baldwin, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOSTON.

BOSTON:–PRINTED BY YOUNG & MINNS, STATE PRINTERS.

1802.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

I PETER, ii. 16.

“AS FREE, AND NOT USING YOUR LIBERTY FOR A CLOKE OF MALICIOUSNESS; BUT AS THE SERVANTS OF GOD.”

INNUMERABLE are the favors which indulgent heaven bestows on the children of men. Among the choicest of an earthly nature, we may reckon the enjoyment of personal safety, the acquisition of property, and in general the liberty of doing whatever will not be injurious to the rights of others.

In order to secure these blessings men have been induced to associate together. Their mutual wants and weaknesses urge them to unite for their common safety; and a reciprocation of kind offices, in assisting and protecting each other, forms the bond of their social union.

To give force, however, to such combinations, they must be reduced to system, their principles defined, and order and subordination established. By thus uniting, the strength of the whole body, upon any emergency, can easily be collected to a single point. In this union only individual and personal safety can be enjoyed. It will hence follow, that where the rights and privileges of all are secured, and equal protection extended, all must be under obligations to contribute to the support, and to yield obedience to them who are appointed to carry the public will into effect.

These duties are inferred from the nature of civil government in general, from the express principles of our social compact, and from the plain declarations in the word of God.

The sacred scriptures inform us of the origin and progress of society, several centuries beyond what can be found in any other writings.

The particular history of the Jewish nation for many ages together, and God’s providential dealings towards that highly favoured people, afford us much interesting instruction. Their civil policy, which was principally dictated by God himself, and the influence which religion had in forming their national character, have been faithfully recorded and handed down to us.

The glory of this nation had been gradually declining for five centuries before the Christian era; and at this time they were groaning under the Roman yoke. They were indeed looking for a Messiah, but had no idea that Jesus of Nazareth was the person. They were expecting a temporal deliverer, and not a spiritual Saviour. Therefore when Christ attempted to introduce the gospel dispensation among them, they charged him with a seditious design against the Roman government. And although he declared that his kingdom was not of this world, yet his enemies insisted that he was endeavouring to establish a separate interest, which in its tendency was subversive of social order, and hostile to the existing powers. No inference could be more unjust, nor a charge more false and cruel; yet this pretence Pilate was prevailed upon to give sentence against him. “If, said they, thou lettest this man go, thou art not Caesar’s friend; for whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against Caesar.”

The same invidious charge was brought against the Disciples of Christ, and often made the pretext for their persecution. They charged Paul with being “a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world.” In order to wipe off a stigma so foul, and to convince his adversaries that the benevolent religion of the gospel was not unfriendly to social order, we find him frequently inculcating upon his Christian brethren, the duties of submission and obedience to established authority. In his epistle to the Romans, he charged them to “be subject to the higher powers;” by which he evidently meant civil magistrates. To give force to the exhortation he adds, “for there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God.” The same Apostle directed Timothy to offer up “supplications, prayers, and intercessions for all that were in authority.” He also charged Titus to put the flock to which he ministered in mind, “to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.”

It is worthy of observation, that when the Apostle wrote these epistles, the civil authority was wholly in the hands of Heathen magistrates. And some of them too the greatest monsters of cruelty, that were ever suffered to sway a scepter, or disgrace a throne. Tyrants, who were distinguished only by their crimes, and rendered immortal only by their infamy. Yet such was the pacific spirit of the gospel, that Christians were exhorted to “be subject, not only for wrath,” that is for fear of punishment, “but for conscience sake.”

Sentiments similar to these were enforced by the Apostle Peter, in our context. “Submit yourselves, said he, to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake. For this is the will of God, that with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men. As free, and not using your liberty for a cloke of maliciousness; but as the servants of God.”

The sense of the text will more fully appear, by the following familiar paraphrase. As if he had said; “you will not, my brethren, mistake the nature of your Christian liberty, to suppose that because you profess to be the disciples of Christ, you are freed from your allegiance to the government under which you are placed. It is true, that if the Son hath made you free, then are you free indeed. But this freedom consists in being delivered from the guilt and power of sin, from the dominion of your own lusts, and from final condemnation at the great day when God shall judge the world by Jesus Christ. But instead of lessening your obligations to contribute to the peace and order of society, it greatly increases them. Your duty as Christians is urged by higher motives, and your obedience secured by more solemn sanctions. Submit yourselves therefore to every ordinance of man, designed for the good of society, and not inconsistent with the dictates of your own consciences, or the duties you owe to your God: And thus, by well-doing, you will put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, who represent your sentiments as tending to disloyalty and sedition. As free, but not abusing your liberty in using it as a cloke for malicious conduct; but in all circumstances conducting yourselves faithfully as the servants of God.”

From the subject thus placed before us, we are naturally led to the following inquiries. When may a people be said to be free? What are the means best calculated to preserve their freedom, and promote their happiness and prosperity? And, in what respects are they in danger from the abuse of their liberty?

In order to find a free people, we need not repair to Lybia’s burning sands, to learn the savage customs and manners of those barbarous descendants of Ismael, who indeed boast of their freedom, but whose liberty essentially consists, in committing, with impunity and without a blush, the most flagrant acts of violence and injustice. Nor is it necessary that the restraints imposed by wise and equitable laws should be taken off, and the force of moral principle removed in order to render a people free. Such a state of things would only produce a lawless ungovernable freedom, which would terminate in the worst kind of anarchy and confusion.

It is evident that many who pretend to be the votaries of liberty, never understood its true principles, nor conducted themselves worthy of its blessings. Genuine social liberty can never exist without being protected and supported by law, enlightened and aided by morality and religion.

But what peculiarly distinguishes a free people from all others, is, the right they collectively possess to govern themselves: Or in other words, the right of choosing and establishing their own forms of government; and of appointing to office those who make and execute the laws.

That very considerable privileges may be enjoyed under a despotic government, and that the rights of justice may in general be maintained, will be readily admitted. But if the government exists independent of the governed, they cannot be said to be free. Their security for the few privileges they do enjoy, depends not on their acknowledged rights, but entirely on the will and disposition of the persons in office.

All legitimate governments are, or ought to be founded in compact. For it is not easy to conceive how one man should have a right to rule over another, equally free as himself, without his consent: And should any one presume to exercise authority over any portion of his fellow-men, without their express or implied consent; they might, with great propriety, demand of him by what authority he did it? And who gave him this authority?

But, instead of being founded in compact, most of the governments which exist, owe their origin to some usurping tyrant; who, being more crafty, or more powerful than his neighbors, assumed dominion over them. Power thus wrongfully obtained at first, after descending from hand to hand for a few generations, at length becomes legitimated and confirmed by time.

The people of these United States are peculiarly happy in this respect. Our history does not begin with narrating the exploits of some sanguinary Chief, whose blood-stained crimes like those of Pizarro rendered him the terror of defenceless innocence, and the execration of mankind. No; we glory in a race of ancestors, who were men of the purest morals, and most unsullied virtue. Who were too pious to dissemble, and to independent to submit to ecclesiastical fulminations. Men who were willing to leave their dear native shores, and cross the wide spreading ocean in quest of this better country. Who cheerfully encountered the numerous perils of an inhospitable wilderness, in order to secure to themselves and their posterity, the unmolested enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.

These blessings and privileges they bequeathed with their dying breath to their children; and in defence of this precious legacy, we feel ourselves justified to God and the universe, in appealing to arms in our late glorious revolution.

Our cause was just, and heaven succeeded it. The contest was severe, but victory and glory followed. The sun of freedom which had been gradually rising upon these infant states, now burst forth in meridian splendor. A nation was born in a day. A new era commenced. Another empire appeared on the map of the world. Astonished Europe beheld in this western hemisphere a new constellation. Conjecture was on tiptoe gazing, and speculation with unusual adroitness was endeavouring to find its magnitude and motion. Some thought they discovered a new planet in the political horizon, moving regularly in its own orbit. Others concluded it would prove only a satellite of some European power. But many who viewed it through a set of royal optics, conceived it to be only a baleful comet, portending revolution and war, making a hasty transit, and expected momently it would disappear. But, they had yet to learn that we were “a world by ourselves;” that we were independent Republicans; that we were free.

When the passions incident to a state of war had subsided, and God had given us rest from all our enemies round about, the public attention was naturally drawn to our internal situation. Our provisional government, which, like the tabernacle in the wilderness, had been erected during our revolutionary march, was too defective and inefficient for our future security. It was unable to preserve public credit, or secure public confidence. It hence became indispensibly necessary in order to consolidate the union of the States, and to give permanency and dignity to our national character, that a new Constitution should be formed. That the powers of the different branches of the general government should be specifically defined; their limits so distinctly marked as not to interfere with each other; and sufficient energy given to the whole, to support order and tranquility at home, honor and good faith with all nations with whom we were connected abroad.

Delegates were accordingly appointed by the different States who met in convention for this purpose. This was at a time and under circumstances peculiarly favourable to the design. The attachments which we once felt for royalty, had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had the Republican name at this time, been disgraced by acts of cruelty and irreligion. The friendly ties which bound us together during the period of our common danger, had scarcely began to slacken; and invidious distinctions between the different States were made (if at all) with great caution. Party-spirit, that Apollyon of all popular governments as yet slept in silent embryo. (Would to God its sleep had been perpetual.) No suspicious circumstances of personal power and aggrandizement, awakened either our jealousies or our fears. Nor could we feel any, for at the head of this venerable assembly was our late illustrious Chief. But not in arms like a perpetual Dictator, awing them into submission to his will. No; for like Timolion when he saw his country free, he sheathed his sword and returned to the rank of a private citizen. Never was there an Assembly convened upon a more interesting and important occasion. For not only the present fate of their country, but the future destiny of unborn millions depended upon their decisions. They were to lay the foundation of an empire, the extent and duration of which it was impossible to calculate.—What an august spectacle was here! The Fathers of our tribes deliberately forming a plan of government. The volumes of antiquity were open before them, and the experience of all nations and ages enriched their discussions. After surveying the interests of the whole, and making such mutual concessions, as local circumstances required, they unanimously agreed in the essential articles of our present excellent Constitution. It was then submitted again to the several States, and by them examined, approved and accepted, and thus became the supreme law of the land. This it is conceived is literally a social compact, what political writers ¹ have said to the contrary, notwithstanding.

This sacred instrument ought to be considered as the great charter of our rights and privileges, and as the foundation of our national civil policy. So long as we preserve it inviolate, and govern ourselves according to its true spirit, so long we shall continue to be a free people. It will be impossible for despotic power to support itself in America, until we basely degenerate from the spirit of our ancestors, and depart entirely from the principles of our confederation.

One great security against the abuse of power, is the short tenure by which it is held. No offices are made hereditary, and for this plain reason I conceive, that talents and virtue, which are essential qualifications, are not hereditary.

No country ever exhibited a fairer specimen of moral justice than ours, nor can any be found of equal population where capital punishments are less frequent. It is not because we suffer crimes to go unpunished, but by encouraging sober habits and moral principles, we in a great degree prevent them. Our laws indeed are mild, and not like those of Draco, written in blood.

Religion, at all times essential to the well-being of society, though not established, is protected and encouraged by the laws of our country. This sentiment corresponds with that divine declaration, “By Me kings reign and princes decree justice;” importing, that they need Christ’s religion to support their tottering thrones, but that his cause could exist without their authority. No sectarian creed is imposed by law upon any man, nor have we any national formulary excepting the Bible; and every man is at liberty to interpret this according to the dictates of his own conscience, and is accountable only to God for his errors.

Oppression may gain a temporary existence under the purest government, by the mismanagement of particular agents; but it ought not to be attributed to the laws, but to their perversion.

The Constitution of this Commonwealth declares itself the friend and protector of every man, who demeans himself quietly and peaceably as a good subject, let his religious sentiments be what they may. It has also decreed, that “no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law.”

If it be acknowledged that men have a right to serve God according to the light of their own understandings, then they cannot be constitutionally deprived of the means of serving him. It is not enough that the mind be left free; for the command is, thou shalt “honor the Lord with thy substance.” What Moses said when he was about to leave Egypt will apply in the present case; “Our cattle also, said he, shall go with us, there shall not an hoof be left behind; for thereof must we take to serve the Lord our God; and we know not with what we must serve the Lord until we are come hither.”

It is with peculiar pleasure that we observe at the present day, the increasing prevalence of Christian candor and liberality. This candor it is hoped, is not the offspring of torpid indifferency; much less of infidelity; but arises from more just and enlarged views of the nature and genius of the gospel. While Christians are less zealous in defending some of the outworks of the system, they ought to be more firmly united in supporting the essential articles of the “Faith once delivered to the Saints.”

Having thus considered some of our most essential rights both civil and sacred which we possess, and which we hope to convey unimpaired to our children; shall I be chargeable with vanity in saying, there never has been a nation whose history has come down to our knowledge, which has enjoyed civil and religious liberty in a greater degree than we do. If we are not a free people, I confess it surpasses my ingenuity to conceive how a people can be so.

We proceed Secondly to inquire, What are the means best calculated to preserve our freedom, and to promote our happiness and prosperity?

To which it may be answered, 1. That as all popular governments depend in a great degree on public sentiment, it is highly important that this should be enlightened.

It is an observation which I believe will not be controverted; that the more despotic a government is, the more ignorant the people generally are. It is undoubtedly the interest of those in power to keep them so. For were they once so enlightened as to understand the nature of civil liberty, and to act upon any rational system in recovering their usurped rights, it would be impossible to keep them in subjection. It is justly observed by Paley, that “the physical strength resides in the governed.” It is, therefore, truly astonishing to see millions of rational beings, no ways “deficient in strength or courage,” submitting to the will of a single tyrant; and with all the docility of the laboring ox, put their necks quietly under his yoke. Still to keep up this ignorance every manly sentiment is suppressed, and every ray of political light shut out, and the slavish doctrine of nonresistance and passive obedience inculcated, with all the zeal of fanaticism, and enforced with the terrors of everlasting punishment.

In a representative republic just the reverse of this becomes necessary. Here, it is all-important that the people should be enlightened; as they are the acknowledged source of all power, whether legislative or executive. Correct political information, therefore, cannot be too generally and widely diffused.

As the public papers are the common medium of this information, it is of the highest importance to the well-being of society, that they should be conducted with intelligence and ability, and like a witness under oath, that they should “tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” Public opinion, which often controls the most important concerns of a government, is itself controuled and directed by so trifling a thing as a News-paper. If misrepresentations and falsehood are propagated instead of truth, the consequence will be, the people will be misled, and their liberties endangered. But the full vengeance of an abused public, will in the end, return upon the heads of those who have been thus guilty of deceiving them.

We also add, those literary institutions founded by our venerable ancestors, for the education of youth, with others of a later date; and to which the present improved state of society is so much indebted, must be cherished and supported with unabating solicitude. There can hardly be a subject more interesting to a community, or more deserving of legislative attention, than the education of youth and children. When this is neglected, an injury is done to society which it is impossible to repair. It is equally a violation of the law of nature, and of the express command of God. To bring up our children in the “nurture and admonition of the Lord;” is an apostolic injunction. It will be impossible to do this, if we neglect their education. The Legislature of this Commonwealth have done much already, and we hope they will not “be weary in well doing;” and that their last works may be more than their first.

As those impressions which are made upon the minds of children, are seldom if ever erased; it is the more important that their education should be properly conducted. It was a judicious remark of an ancient king of Lacedemon, “That nothing should be taught children, but what may be eventually useful.” Their tender minds frequently imbibe sentiments at a much earlier period than we are apt to conceive, which have an influence ever after upon their conduct. Hannibal, was but nine years old when he was led to the altar by Hamilcar his father, and took the oath of perpetual enmity to the Romans. The solemnity of this transaction made an impression upon his mind, which probably accounts for his future conduct towards that people.

Those to whom this important trust is committed, ought to be men of principle as well as talents. A vicious man, always lacks an essential qualification to inculcate the principles of virtue. To protect and aid the opening germ of genius; “to teach the young ideas how to shoot;” to give a proper set to the wayward passions; and above all to impress the tender mind with the love of virtue and religion; though a delightful is a very arduous task. Favoured, as we are, with public schools, academies, and other literary institutions, we may hope “that our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner stones, polished, after the similitude of a palace.”

But however polished and enlightened a people may be; they cannot expect long to enjoy either freedom or prosperity unless they are virtuous.—We therefore add, 2d. That the practice of moral virtue, or religion, is essential to the prosperity, if not to the existence of a free government. Where the authority of God is treated with contempt, and the great principles of morality and religion are disregarded, it must be expected that the vile passions will triumph and reign; and instead of rational liberty nothing will remain but an unbounded licentiousness.

Public confidence always attaches to moral principle; and hence in the same proportion this is vitiated, that is weakened. I appeal to the good sense of this enlightened audience, whether you can possibly repose the same confidence in a man who convinces you that he has no belief in the moral perfections of the Deity, and who does not feel himself accountable to such a Being, as in one who gives evidence that he acts under the influence of religious principle, and with a view to a day of final retribution?

If we look back into the remotest depths of Jewish antiquity, we shall find their most distinguished Patriarchs acting under the influence of this principle; and not unfrequently appealing to an invisible Power, to confirm and give solemnity to their social transactions. The same sentiment prevailed in the Pagan world.

Amphictyon, by whose eloquence and address the Grecian cities were first prevailed upon to unite for their common safety, was so fully convinced, that “those political connections are the most lasting, which are strengthened by religion,” that he committed to the council at Thermopylae, the care of the Delphian Temple.

The religion of the Bible, above all others, has a peculiar tendency to cement and strengthen the bands of society, and promote the happiness of mankind. It inculcates the purest precepts, and exemplifies the most amiable virtues. Every man, let his rank in society be what it may, will here find his duty plainly pointed out, and illustrated by example.

From the history given of the Jewish people, and the different characters of their civil rulers, the magistrates of other nations may derive the most interesting lessons of instruction. They will find, that those who ruled in integrity and uprightness, and walked in the fear of the Lord, were blessed in their administrations, and their people were prosperous and happy. On the other hand, those who disregarded the counsels of heaven, and chose out their own ways, generally involved themselves and the nation in calamity and ruin.

When a virtuous pious Prince was upon the throne, it frequently produced an immediate effect upon the manners and moral character of the people. What a surprising and happy change was often visible! The monuments of idolatry were destroyed, and the worship of the true God restored. The temple doors which had been closed, were opened, the sanctuary cleansed, and the fire which had gone out rekindled upon their altars. The Priests and Levites, who had fled to their fields, were invited back, and placed in their courses, and the service of the house of the Lord set in order.

What was the consequence of all this? Universal joy and gladness. Righteousness, peace, and tranquility reigned throughout the nation.

Whenever their government fell into the hands of wicked idolatrous rulers, their pernicious principles and example, like a contagious leaven, would seem to run through the whole lump. The people would relapse again into idolatry, and vice and irreligion triumph.

Perhaps it may be asked, whether this people might not, upon the whole, have been as free and happy without any religion as with? Or whether the worshipping the true God rather than Baal had a tendency to promote their national prosperity? Their history shall furnish the answer. God forbid, that we should make the experiment, as it may be attended with very dangerous consequences!

The following account will serve to illustrate the idea: When the ten tribes revolted from the family of David, they set up Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. After his death we have the following account given by the sacred historian:–“Now for a long time Israel hath been without the true God, without a teaching priest, and without law.” This bore a strong resemblance to what in modern times is called the “age of reason.” What a happy situation this people must have thought themselves in? Delivered from all fear and dread of that holy, just Being, whom we call God! Not only so, but they were freed from the intolerable burden and imposing dogmas of a teaching priest. This sacred class of men were deemed entirely useless, and were either dismissed or driven from the sanctuary. And to complete this happy state of things, they were also without law. No restraint from any quarter. What, no God! No priest! No law! Then consequently no future accountability! This was liberty worthy the name. What an immense harvest of felicity was now ripening before them? Could they possibly fail of being the happiest people in the world, when every obstacle was so entirely removed out of the way? We appeal to experience and fact, those great detectors of human errors, for an answer. They declare with great solemnity, that “in those times there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in; but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries; and nation was destroyed of nation, and city of city; for God did vex them with all adversity.”

This is no more than what might be reasonably expected: For when a people give up their religion, and renounce the authority of God, they will not hesitate to overleap all bounds of law and morality, and destroy one another.

From this brief specimen it appears, that the social order and happiness of a community depend essentially on the influence of moral principle; and we may venture to say, should this be destroyed, exterior force can never supply its place. Without it, we shall never practice that “righteousness which exalteth a nation;” but shall inevitably fall into those “sins which are the reproach of any people.”

There never has been a people, since the tribes ransomed from Egyptian bondage, under greater obligations to their God than we are; and should we basely apostatize from our holy religion, and use our liberty only for a cloke of maliciousness, we must expect some chosen curse will pursue us to final ruin.

But in a world like this, neither innocency nor uprightness will always preserve a people from the designs of avarice and ambition.

We, therefore, add 3d, Another mean of preserving our liberty and of promoting our prosperity is the power we possess of defending ourselves. Without the means of self-defence, the liberties of a people can never be safe. A state of weakness always invites aggression. Ambitious men seldom want a pretext to plunder and destroy such as have not the power of resistance. Popular governments have been supposed less capable of self-defence, than those of a monarchical form; because it is thought to be more difficult to collect their energies, and direct them to any certain point. Hence the destiny of our Republic has often been predicted by the fate of others. It has been supposed that the seeds of mortality are sown in the constitution of all Republics, that they grow with their growth, and strengthen with their strength, and that their early dissolution follows of course. But this is not true as applied to them in particular. No human government is exempt from disaster and change. Should it be asked, where are those republics of Greece and Rome, which make such a figure in ancient history? In reply, I would ask, where are those mighty monarchies which were raised on their ruins? The Grecian republics, retained their freedom for seven centuries; whereas the monarchy, which by the arms of Alexander was extended over great part of the known world, scarcely outlived its founder. The republic of Rome, after the expulsion of Tarquin, maintained its liberties for five hundred years. Nor did the empire, though one of the most powerful and despotic that ever existed, continue longer. It commenced nearly with the Christian era, was divided in the beginning of the 4th century, by Constantine, and in the fifth, wholly subverted, and a barbarous Chieftain seated on the throne of the Caesars. The causes which brought on the ruin of Sparta, Carthage, and Rome itself, are too well known to require a recital on this occasion.

It must here be remembered, however, that our republic differs essentially, in its constitution and genius, from all others, both ancient and modern. Had the Grecian states, instead of their Amphictyon Council, formed a permanent government like ours, they could not have been practiced upon separately, and ruined by the insidious arts of Philip, of Macedon. But, my brethren, we are blessed with a government which combines energy with freedom. God hath also put in our power ample means of defence; and we may hope, under the auspices of an indulgent Providence, long to enjoy our precious privileges.

When we look back to that perilous moment when we first assumed the attitude of self-defence, and compare our present situation and resources with what they then were, gratitude and joy rush in upon our souls, and constrain us to say, “the Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.”

We are by the providence of God, at this time, in the honorable and quiet possession of a country of vast extent and fertility. Our soil, luxuriant as the land of Nile; and our atmosphere, pure as that which surrounded the famed Helicon. The wide Atlantic laves our eastern board, and forms one barrier to the progress of invasion; and at the same time wafts to our shores the fruits and treasures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our ancient towns and cities are planted. Here, the busy multitude throng; and trade, and commerce collect their immense stores of wealth. Here, elegance and refinement unite their powers, to please the imagination and improve the heart.

On the west, the Mississippi rolls in majestic grandeur; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into its bosom, opens a communication of vast extent into those fertile regions. Here, the wilderness is turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvests smile in the rays of a setting sun. Where the Savage lately pursued his nimble chase, we now behold large towns and flourishing villages, adorned with temples sacred to religion, and crowded with devout and adoring worshippers of the Lamb.

No considerable part of our extensive territory, but what is capable under the hand of cultivation, of yielding subsistence for man.

Were we to rise with the morning sun, and travel on its rays round the globe, we should not find a nation more distinguished by its blessings than our own. Every uneasy thought therefore must be deemed ingratitude, and every murmur rebellion against heaven.

Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more impenetrable than walls of granite. Our dependence is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercenary aid; but under God, we rely on the skill and bravery of our own citizens. Do we need ships of war? Our own immense forests, our forges and work-shops furnish the materials; and our skillful artisans construct them in a manner, equal, if not superior to any which float on the bosom of the deep. Indeed, every article necessary in the whole apparatus of war, is, or may be furnished by ourselves. It is not then to be believed, that five millions of people, breathing the air of freedom and tasting her joys, inured to hardy enterprise, and lords of the soil they cultivate, can ever be conquered by any foreign foe, unless the stars in their courses fight against them.

With such immense and increasing resources, our only danger arises from the abuse of our liberty, which was the last thing in the method to be attended to.

Permit me briefly to observe on two or three particulars. The right of private judgment, or what is commonly called liberty of conscience, is one of our dearest privileges. This right is unalienable in its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our forefathers left their friends and country, and sought an asylum in this then howling wilderness. But precious as this privilege is, it is liable to abuse. A very malicious design may be concealed under the cloke of religious liberty. It is to be feared that many under this pretence, are in reality opposing and endeavouring to destroy all religion. Some by denying, others by corrupting its important doctrines and institutions. This is an abuse too for which there is no legal remedy. It seems to be beyond the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. According to our context, his power extends only to the punishment of evil doers, and not erroneous or heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide on another’s sincerity, ought certainly to know his heart; other ways, in attempting to root out these tares, he will be in danger of destroying the wheat. I know of nothing but light that will remove darkness; nor any antidote to error but truth. If men will abuse their Christian liberty, they must answer it to God.

Another important privilege, is the right of electing our own civil rulers. This is the distinguishing criterion of a free government. But we are in great danger of abusing this privilege; and especially at such a season as the present, when party spirit is wrought up to its highest pitch. When we suffer our prejudices and passions to influence our choice; when our judgment and conscience are sacrificed at the shrine of party zeal; when we pass over tried merit, and prefer an unworthy candidate because he is of a particular party; do we not then abuse our liberty? If our elections are biased and corrupted, our government will be corrupt, and consequently, our liberty will be endangered.

I add once more, The right to investigate the official conduct of all public agents, and in a respectful decent manner to publish our opinions of them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, when under this pretence, we calumniate and asperse the characters of our rulers, and endeavour to expose them to public contempt, this is a very malicious and dangerous abuse of our liberty. It is not easy to calculate the extent of this mischief; for by traducing their characters, and misrepresenting their motives and measures, we destroy public confidence, and prepare the minds of the less informed part of the community for complete opposition and revolt. This abuse has also another bad effect: It tends to alienate one citizen from another, and kindle the flame of discord throughout the nation.

To guard against this, we need only to reflect, that our national safety and prosperity depend chiefly upon our union. So long as we continue virtuous and united, we have little to fear. But should patient Heaven, offended by our aggravated provocations, give us up to a spirit of national distraction and discord, our ruin would be speedy and inevitable.

The fate of all preceding Republics, and the causes which accelerated their ruin, have been recorded by the faithful historian. Signals also have been placed on all the rocks and shoals on which they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I have been trying to read the inscriptions on these monuments, but can make out distinctly only the three following words, which seem to have been written in capitals, LUXURY, EFFEMINACY, and DISUNION. “United we stand, divided we fall.” This was our motto in those “times which tried men’s souls.” The sentiment is equally important at this time. Young Sampson’s great strength, we are told, lay in seven locks united in one head; but ours in seventeen. If we suffer them to be shorn, or a part cut off, our strength will most certainly depart from us.

Is it not then the duty of every friend to his country to discountenance every attempt to alienate one part of our citizens from another? Whoever endeavours to induce the belief, that the interests of one State are incompatible with those of another, or with the interests of the whole, ought to be considered, at least, as a very doubtful friend.

But it may be said, the speaker is only opposing a “man of straw.” I could wish indeed we had been said and done been without meaning? If so, it ought to have been suppressed. I am sure many well-informed persons ² have been seriously alarmed at the progress of arty disaffection; and have feared lest some untoward circumstance should provoke the mad attempt to divide our hitherto happy Republic. Should we once begin the work of separation, God knows where it may end, and what the consequences may be. It will be remembered that the imprudent conduct of Rehoboam, urged on by the impetuous zeal of the young men who were about him, caused ten tribes to revolt from the house of David. What was the consequence? A civil war; in which half a million fell by the sword! The greatest slaughter, which, perhaps, has ever been in a single battle since the world began.

The danger of disunion, which we are considering, was contemplated by our late beloved Washington, and a most solemn warning given us in his farewell address. Permit me to enrich my discourse with a paragraph from it. “The unity of government, (saith he) which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of an attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.” This seasonable advice, it is hoped, will have its weight. You will remember that though dead, he yet speaketh.

Nor can a doubt be entertained, but his worthy successor, our late excellent President, held the same sentiment with regard to our union; and had he addressed the people when retiring from office, we may presume he would have exhorted us to cleave to our federal union as the “sheet-anchor” of our hopes.

Permit me to add, that whatever difference of opinion there may be in other respects, our present Chief Magistrate, in his inaugural speech, has recommended the same important sentiment with peculiar beauty and energy. But I am not insensible, that, considering the divided state of public opinion, I am here venturing on a point of very great delicacy; and yet to pass wholly unnoticed the Federal Administration, which has been constantly mentioned on all similar occasions, might be deemed disrespectful to the constituted authorities of our country. I do not, however, feel myself authorized, either to eulogize or to censure.

It is but just to observe, that our present Chief Magistrate, as well as his predecessors, was among the first asserters of our freedom and independence. At this early period, his distinguished talents and patriotism, procured him the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. When we add to this, the many important offices he has sustained with reputation, both in his own State and under the General Government, we shall not doubt his ability to conduct our public affairs, in such a manner as shall promote our prosperity, and do honor to the American character.

It will not be denied that the present administration differs in some important points from the preceding; and that a new order of things in some respects is taking place. What the final effect will be upon our political happiness and prosperity must be left for time to determine. I will only add, our religious as well as our political sentiments, oblige us to “give custom to whom custom, and honor to whom honor is due.”

It is confidently hoped, that the distinguished rank which this Commonwealth has hitherto held in the American union, will be maintained with increasing influence and splendor. That our citizens may be as remarkable for the practice of moral virtue, as for their regard to rational liberty and social order; and that we may ever be indulged with the propitious smiles of that gracious Providence, which has hitherto directed our destiny. Happy indeed shall we be, if our heavenly Parent may say of us as of Israel of old; “They seek me daily, and delight to know my ways, as a nation that did righteousness, and forsook not the ordinance of their God; they ask of me the ordinances of justice; they take delight in approaching unto God.” “Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

The pleasures of this interesting anniversary, which collects together so many of our civil and religious Fathers, are greatly heightened by the presence of the Chief Magistrate of our Commonwealth.

Whilst decency forbids adulation, it is presumed that every good man esteems the approbation of his friends, next to that of his own conscience. And although he does not seek their applause, yet it must afford him pleasure to know, that his endeavours to serve their interests have not been unacceptable.

The increasing marks of esteem and confidence, manifested in the late election, are the best eulogy upon his Excellency’s past administration. He will please to accept our sincere congratulations on his re-election to the important office he sustains. Every class of citizens look up to him with an emboldened confidence, that he will cherish their interests, and consider himself with his people, as a father with his children. They have the fullest satisfaction, that his authority and example will be united in supporting good order, in encouraging and protecting virtue and religion; and in promoting every measure which shall tend to the general interest of the people.

It must be pleasing to his Excellency to reflect, that by their own choice he presides over a free people; and he may be assured that he cannot enjoy greater pleasure in serving them, than they do in honoring him. That his Excellency’s life and health may be preserved, and that he may be enabled to discharge the difficult duties of his exalted station to acceptance, our fervent prayer shall be offered up continually to Almighty God on his behalf; that when his term of service on earth shall be completed, he may be received to the immortal felicities and rewards of the heavenly state.

His Honor the Lieutenant Governor elect, will indulge us to express the satisfaction we feel, in his election to the second office in the gift of the people of this Commonwealth. From his long acquaintance with our public affairs, as well as from his talents and patriotism, we have full confidence in his assistance and co-operation with the Executive, in all the important concerns of the government. He will remember that he is to fill a place which has lately been rendered vacant by the death of one of the most amiable and best of men. A man in whom “political wisdom, patriotic virtue,” and undissembled piety all united and shone.

While the life of the deceased may serve as an example to his successor, his death will admonish him of the end of all human greatness. With such an example before him, may his public career be equally honorable to himself, and acceptable to the multitude of his brethren.

The Honorable Council, share in our respectful attention, as an assistant branch in the executive department of our government.

The elevated station they fill, as well as their own personal qualities, entitle them to our esteem and veneration. We repose great confidence in their candor and integrity in those cases where their advice and consent may be required; especially in the appointment of persons to office. That they will feel themselves above the reach of party influence, and will recommend the claims of merit, arising from fitness of character, rather than those of interest and ambition.

We have only to add our best wishes, that, whilst they essentially aid the interests of government, they may also by their example give encouragement to the cause of religion; and like that honorable Counselor of Arimathea, may they be willing, not only to lend their tombs to Jesus if needed, but may they consecrate their hearts for his throne.

The Honorable Gentlemen composing the two Branches of the Legislature, will permit us to express the lively interest we feel in the repeated marks of respect with which their friends have honored them; but especially in their present appointment. By accepting this confidential trust, they pledge themselves to the faithful discharge of it.

The duty of legislation is at all times difficult, and often perplexing. It is rendered peculiarly so at this time, by the divided state of public opinion. It would favor of an intolerant spirit to suppose, that good men may not be aiming to promote the same object, while they differ in the means best calculated to attain it. Mutual candor and forbearance, therefore, will be necessary, in order to preserve peace, and promote the public welfare.

It is reasonably expected that our honored Rulers, in the whole of their conduct as legislators, will be governed by the great principles of justice and benevolence; and that every other interest will be subordinated to the public good. That they will enforce by example, what they inculcate by precept.

In all their attempts to aid the interests of morality and religion, great care will be taken not to infringe the rights of conscience. These ought to be held sacred as the prohibited tree in the garden of Eden, and the flaming sword should be employed only to guard the way. What Pindar said of Magistrates, may be applied on the present occasion. “Be just, said he, in all your actions, faithful in all your words, and remember that thousands of witnesses have their eyes upon you.”

Many are the motives to fidelity, but none more weighty than the consideration of future accountability. Under these solemn impressions, our honored Rulers will attend to the important duties of this day, and during their continuance in office. In their most zealous deliberations they will not forget, that “God standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods.” May all their public transactions tend to promote the various interests of the Commonwealth; and to strengthen the bonds of our National Union. And after having served their generation according to the will of God, when they shall fall asleep, may they be gathered to their fathers in peace.

Ye venerable Ministers of the Sanctuary; ye servants of the most High God; who show unto men the way of salvation. While our civil rulers, who have invited us this day to the house of God, continue to reverence the institutions of religion, and to respect and honor its ministers; you will not cease daily to offer up intercessions and prayers for all that are in authority. Nor will you cease to “put the people in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.” And may God Almighty bless your unwearied labors of love.

Fellow citizens of this respectable audience. How great, and how precious the privileges we enjoy! While so many of our fellow beings inhabit the dark regions of slavery and despotism; and bow with degrading reverence before some lordly tyrant, who sits upon a throne of ebony, swaying an iron scepter; we have the peculiar felicity to live under a free government. Our rulers are of ourselves, and our governors proceed from the midst of us. When thus cloathed with power, we are bound to honor them as the ministers of God, who exercise their authority not for their own emolument, but for the public good. Let us therefore endeavour to strengthen their hands, by a cordial acquiescence in every measure promotive of our common interest. If we do not protect our laws, our laws will not protect us. By our civil and religious habits let us shew to the world that Americans are worthy of freedom.

Be careful how you entertain unreasonable jealousies and suspicions of your old and long tried friends. But when you hear a man, whose integrity and talents never introduced him to public notice, saying, “Oh that I were made judge in the land;” although his face may be as fair as Absolom’s, you have reason to suspect that there are “seven abominations in his heart.” I feel a persuasion, my fellow citizens, that you are from principle attached to our republican system; and that you would oppose with energy and firmness any attempts to change it. Should any furious demagogue hereafter presume to play the tyrant, and by any unconstitutional measures place himself in the chair of state, should we tamely submit to it? No, the spirit of the American people would rise indignant, and hurl the wretch from his seat, and turn him out to graze as the Chaldeans did Nebuchadnezzar.

Brethren, “you have been called unto liberty, only use not your liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.” Cherish therefore all those friendly affections which unite man with man, and sweeten the pleasures of social life. Above all things let the gospel of the grace of God rule in your hearts. If you are made free from civil tyranny and oppression, never suffer yourselves to be the slaves of sin. No servitude can be more degrading. But having obtained redemption through the blood of Christ, even the forgiveness of sins, let us “stand fast in the liberty wherewith he hath made us free, and not be entangled again with the yoke of bondage.” And will the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Israel; the God of our Fathers, delight to dwell with us and bless us, and be our God now and evermore; Amen.

1.Paley, supposes there never was such a thing as a social compact, strictly speaking, but allows that this comes the nearest of anything to be met with. See also Burgh’s Polit. Disq.

2.See Governor Trumbull’s Speech, at the opening of the Conecticut Assembly in October last.

Joseph Strong (1753-1834), brother of Nathan Strong, graduated from Yale in 1772. He was the pastor of the 1st church in Norwich, Connecticut for fifty-six years. The following sermon was preached by Joseph in Connecticut on May 13, 1802.

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 13, 1802.

BY JOSEPH STRONG, A.M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN NORWICH.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1802—

ORDERED, That the Honorable William Hillhouse and Elisha Tracy, Esquires, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend JOSEPH STRONG, for his Sermon, delivered on the General Election, on the thirteenth instant, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

JEREMIAH, vi. 16.

Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.

THE Jews were at no period in a more prosperous state on worldly accounts, than when Jeremiah commenced his prophetic labors. During the reign of Josiah, a prince highly accomplished both by nature and grace, the continuance of peace for a number of years had introduced plenty and ease; though not without being accompanied with more than an equal proportion of vice and dissipation. Added to the complete prostration of private virtue, each social tie, whether it respected God or man, was violently broken asunder. Thus situated, it was the dictate neither of God’s covenant love nor of that regard which he owed to the honor of his own character, to allow the existing state of things to continue uncorrected. The experiment of mercy having proved but too unsuccessful, every principle dictated that judicial infliction should be made its unwelcome substitute. Nothing remained to be done previous to such judicial infliction taking place, but to make solemn proclamation of the fact, accompanied with one more overture in favor of national amendment and safety. This delicate and arduous task was assigned to Jeremiah, a man exactly formed for the purpose in every view which can be taken of his character. Possessed of a mind constitutionally firm, his address was plain and forcible. He felt for all the interests of his country with ardor, though in subserviency to a far higher principle—disinterested regard to the prerogatives of Jehovah’s character and law. As might be expected from such a messenger, acting under the immediate direction of heaven, each branch of his address was, to an unusual degree, pointed and solemn. “O daughter of my people gird thee with sackcloth and wallow thyself in ashes; make thee mourning as for a son, most bitter lamentation. The bellows are burnt, the lead is consumed in the fire, the founder melteth in vain, for the wicked are not plucked away. Be thou instructed, O Jerusalem, lest my soul depart from thee; lest I make thee desolate, a land not inhabited. Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see; and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.”

The circumstances which dictated the text, being those now sketched, its more particular application to the present occasion, will naturally direct our thoughts to two enquiries:–

What are those paths pursued by our fathers, which in a more distinguishable sense constitute the good way:–And

The nature of that rest to be secured by walking in them.

In view of the proposed outlines to the present attempt, it is far from my design to amplify in indiscriminate praise of ancient times, at the expense of those which are modern. Forward to concede the fact, that the age of the fathers was marked with numerous foibles or even faults, at the same time it will be contended, that in view of all circumstances it was an age to a superior degree exemplary and respectable; it is therefore the joint demand of gratitude and interest, that we carefully select its virtues and copy them into our own practice.

While standing in the way to see, there is no old path which more clearly and forcibly strikes the mind than the confirmed belief of our fathers in the Christian scriptures. The fact is not to be questioned, that short of fifty years past, scarcely a single avowed infidel either disgraced or endangered this privileged part of God’s American heritage. Every voice was rather in union with that of the apostle, “Lord to whom shall we go, for thou hast the words of eternal life.” Good sense, accompanied with reverence for Jehovah, formed the prevailing character; and the Bible was seen to command universal and unwavering esteem. The wide departure from such an happy state of sentiment and feeling which has since taken place, is but too perceptible and ominous. Numerous causes have conspired to produce the wide spread of infidelity among us; causes which continue to operate, and that not without being much strengthened by the solicitude which ever marks party spirit, to support its own favorite cause whether right or wrong. The motives which excite the infidel to exertion, are injudicious and malevolent in the extreme. The great effort of his life is to prostrate a system which can injure no one, and if true, promises essential advantage to all. To leave out of view the solemn article of death, with all that may ensue, the Christian scheme of religion merits the highest esteem and most industrious encouragement. Both its doctrines and moral precepts are adapted to promote personal enjoyment, strengthen the bands of social intercourse, and reduce to consistency and order the discordant, deranged interests of the world.

Another of those good old paths, the subject of present enquiry, was an especial reference to the religion of the heart. Our fathers did not stop short with advocating a mere speculative religion, however rational and sublime; but superadded their confirmed belief of its inward, transforming influence. Morality was their frequent theme, though not to prevent its being a morality the fruit of pre-existing grace. Although such a trait in ancient character, may probably sink it in the esteem of some and even subject him who mentions it to the disgust and obloquy of those who take pride in their liberal modes of thinking, it ought and will be contended that experimental religion is a great and glorious reality. None ought to blush in mentioning its name or in urging it home to the heart. While in the case of the private citizen it forms an invaluable possession; to the Christian magistrate, it is in superior degrees necessary and advantageous. In exact proportion as the duties devolved upon him are weighty and arduous, he ought to cultivate an holy temper—place his supreme dependence upon God—and encourage the vigorous exercise of faith with respect to those rewards, which await the faithful servant. Are these remarks just, we certainly owe no thanks to those who are so forward at the present day to rationalize our holy and good religion. Too rational already for them to love it, their efforts re no better than disguised infidelity. While their professed object is to display its harmony and extend its popularity, they in fact do more than the avowed infidel to disorganize its parts and enfeeble its energies.

It may be proper, in this part of the discourse, also to remind you, how industrious our fathers were, to give existence and energy to moral sentiment. Wherever the sphere of their influence extended, they were forward to impress ideas of the divine existence and government—the ties of social relation—creature accountableness—and the solemn remunerations of eternity. They were under no apprehension of practicing undue influence upon the untaught mind. They did not conceive it an encroachment upon the rights of natural liberty, to prepossess the heart in favor of what is virtuous and useful. Foreign to the impressions of moral sentiment, the whole is put to hazard which constitutes well regulated community. Proper veneration for civil rulers is done with—good neighborhood ceases—the natural and powerful cement of families is destroyed—and the nearest connection in life treated with baseness and infidelity. As all must be sensible, the efforts of the present day that tend to such an unwelcome issue, are by no means small. In total disregard of the good example of the fathers, how many among us have the effrontery to circulate writings, and advocate them in private conversation, the avowed design of which is to prostrate all distinctions in life—reduce man to a state of nature—vacate the solemn rights of marriage—and surrender the dearest interests of human nature to the guidance of appetite and passion. Such is the boasted philosophy which closed the eighteenth, and is with too much success, ushering in the nineteenth century. A commendable regard to the future respectability of the age in which we lie, would almost prompt a desire that the powers for history were extinct—that no heart possessed the inclination of hand the ability to inform posterity, how base were the ideas and degenerate the practices of their fathers.

In this connection you will permit me to mention also, that spirit of social deference and subordination which strongly marked the age of the fathers. As for the fact, no person to a considerable degree advanced in life, will undertake to call it in question. Not to pain your feelings by a recital of what is now fact,–the time has been when children did not conduct as though they were compeers with their parents—when those covered with grey hairs were treated with reverence—when talents and literary improvement excited feelings of veneration—and when both legislative and executive office, were looked up to and obeyed as the institution of God. Let a selfish, equalizing spirit say what it may, society will never rise with regularity and firmness unless the feelings of rational subordination constitute its basis;–feelings rarely operative, provided they do not commence with childhood, gradually forming into settled habit with the increase of years. With mankind, more the creatures of habit than of sentiment, when the latter principle does not operate to the extent which might be wished, the good influence of the former is by no means to be rejected. The parent and schoolmaster do more to make the child a good or bad citizen, than the whole which can be done through the remainder of life. It must be a great force indeed, which bends the full grown tree into a new direction. Bent aright at first, very little after labor is required to mould it to that particular situation in the great political machine, where it is most needed. Those who do not early commence the habit of commendable subordination and respect for superiors, almost without exception, prove themselves restless, troublesome members of community. A turbulent, incendiary temper, being the character of the child, will not fail to operate when arrived to years of manhood. The ring-leader of quarrel and faction among his play-mates, is certain of being an high toned demagogue, to whatever department of life providence afterwards assigns him. These remarks are jointly supported by theory and observation. Beyond most others, the spirit in question is one which society ought seriously to deprecate. The evidence of history is explicit to the point, that numerous well regulated governments have lost their liberties with everything which mankind hold dear, by means of a single unprincipled, ambitious individual. Through the agency of intrigue or direct usurpation, they have thus in a day exchanged the brightest national prospects for the chains of unqualified slavery. There is no kind of government which more loudly reprobates this spirit, than what ours does. For though a republican government gives opportunity for the exercise of the fiery, uncontrollable spirit, yet the genuine principles of such a government are opposed to its existence.

Another noticeable fact, with respect to our fathers, was their strict adherence to the principle, that none ought to be elevated to public office except those whose opinions and behavior were strictly Christian. Brilliancy of talents was a secondary consideration in their view, when accompanied with an unprincipled heart. What confidence can the public mind reasonably place in men who spurn our holy religion and sanguinely calculate upon death as the termination of existence? Except that feeble principle the fashionable world stiles honor, what stimulus have they to the regular and useful performance of those duties made incumbent by office? With respect to such persons, in what consists the obligatory strength of oaths? The idea of future accountableness laid aside, an oath instantly dwindles to a mere cipher.—A not less weighty class of objections are adduceable [to bring forward in argument or evidence] against the scandalously immoral than against the avowed infidel. Elevated to office, the influence of example never fails to be doubly impressive. To emulate and copy high life is inseparable from human nature. Beauty and deformity of character in the peasant or beggar, strike the mind in a very feeble manner, compared with what they do when attached to the rich and powerful. Clothed with the purple, vices the most base and odious, by a kind of magic influence, become completely fascinating;–there being nothing more certain than that the libertine magistrate, from whom the whole evil has originated, will not do anything to correct it either by the enacting of laws or their after execution. It is hard to conceive how the friends of society, and especially those who profess themselves Christians, can give their suffrage for men of the above description. Conscience must have had administered to it some soporific draught, or it could not be the case. Though it be a conduct which nothing can justify, two causes may assist to its explanation;–the rage of party spirit, and the base arts of electioneering. Nearly without fail do these two great scourges of community act in conjunction. Beyond most other circumstances, political controversy has a powerful operation to call into exercise the irascible, violent feelings of human nature. Rational, calm thought laid aside, a wide opening is made to misrepresentation and seduction. Those are never wanting whose highest gratification consists in poisoning the public mind, and warping it aside from the advancement of its great and permanent interests. The advancement of some pecuniary interest, through more commonly a wish to rise into office, is the stimulus to such an insidious, contemptible line of conduct. A people must have lost their native good sense, when they cease moist heartily to despise the electioneering candidate. Persons who will adopt and persevere in such a line of conduct, ought to be unfailingly viewed with disapprobation and disgust. They affront the discernment and impartiality of their fellow citizens, and in the place of a rightful claim to promotion they only deserve contempt and frowns. The honorable name freeman is most improperly applied to the one, who ceases to follow the dictates of his own unbiased judgment and surrenders himself the tool of unprincipled intrigue. When we consider who are the individuals upon whom such intrigue is commonly practiced, it is matter of surprise that its effect is not more extensive and ruinous. However good the intentions of the middle and lower classes of society, their habits of life and want of correct information upon numerous political subjects, greatly expose them to deception. The address made to their passions finds no corrective influence from the quarter of judgment. Although till of late, this state has exemplified nothing of the evil which is the subject of present remark; it now fast gains ground, and is an omen dark to our future weal, and of course makes loud demand for vigorous opposition, from argument, example and law. The growing venality which marks elections is a circumstance which beyond most others, strongly indicates a premature old age to these American states. A most desirable matter would it be for this state, might it reassume its former dignified ground with respect to free, unbiased suffrage, before such reassumption is rendered additionally impracticable.

It merits to be further remarked with respect to the good way which our fathers pursued;–that they did not manifest an inclination constantly to innovate upon the established government. Both men and measures commanded their approbation and support, so long as nothing was discoverable unprincipled in the one, or essentially defective in the other. The correct political maxim no doubt had full possession of their judgment, that a less perfect form of government is preferable to one more studied and nicely balanced, that fails in the important article of execution. The fallacy of theory is in no instance more glaring, than with respect to plans of national government. The statesman often exhibits what appears consistent and beautiful upon paper which in course of carrying it into effect does not fail to produce the speedy and complete ruin of empire. A greater chimera was never imagined, than that a single form of government admits of universal application. It is the unquestionable right of every nation to adopt what kind of government it pleases; but the great point is that its principles be adhered to with firmness and its duties fulfilled with punctuality. How fortunate would it have been, for the fairest portion of Europe, which in course of a few years past, has exhibited a strange and most forbidding spectacle to the world, had its citizens felt the unquestionable justice of these remarks and conformed to them in practice? Mad with theory—infatuated by a spirit of overturn, they exchanged evils which required redress for those still more pressing and to be deprecated. Has the daring enterprise of an individual, given a successful check to such a state of things, and from a chaos of confusion and tyranny produced a degree of national order and energy in government, the example, notwithstanding, is worthy of universal notice and improvement. It teaches nations to appreciate a settled order of things, to dread innovation, and to cling to their constitutional chart with increased gratitude and strength of attachment. None but essential and glaring defects, ever authorize experiment upon the forms, and much less upon the principles of established government. A pillar removed is never easily replace, and how often is it fat that the removal of a single pillar exposes the building to certain and speedy destruction. The hazard thus incurred is often immense, yet there is no circumstance of national exposure to which the feelings of our nature more directly and forcibly impel. Passing by all adventitious circumstances, it is a radical propensity of the human mind to dislike government. It implies the relinquishment of certain rights, for the more perfect security of others. It calls for partial sacrifice to a common interest, that the vigilance and energies of that interest may give freedom of exercise and permanency to those private rights which are retained. To comply with the social compact which is a dictate of the judgment, involves no small share of self-denial. Owing to the restless temper of man, his constant effort is to independence and self-direction. Hence the frequent efforts made, to counteract the constitutions of well regulated society. Notwithstanding the numerous advantages derived from governmental association, those restraints and burdens it is under necessity to impose, have a direct tendency to excite the calumny or more daring opposition of licentious and ignorant men. And how perfectly do these remarks, inferable from the structure of human nature, coincide with our own observation? The person who has noticed the progress of things in these states for a number of years past, cannot fail to approve their correctness. Under various disguises, the effort has been constant to undermine our excellent constitution;–a constitution of government equally the work of necessity and wisdom; and no other evidence is requisite in its favor, but the unexampled prosperity of the country during the whole period since it began to operate. Inauspicious to the success of any constitution however good, as the past convulsed period has been, ours has succeeded to a wonder. There is no class of citizens but what has been remarkably smiled upon, under its auspices. The three great component parts of American society, the farmer, merchant and mechanic, must fight against their own interests, provided they calumniate its principles or endeavor to enfeeble its energies. Are certain burdens necessarily attached to all governments, for the various purposes of their own support, and the furtherance of justice upon the great scale, ours has much the fewest of such burdens of any government throughout the civilized world. It deserves serious thought, which is preferable, such comparatively small burdens, or the complete prostration of all constitutional authority. Where there is no form of government in operation, and of consequence no law, the state of things cannot be otherwise than unfortunate in the extreme. A country which has experienced so much of divine beneficence, in baffling the plots of foreign enemies, ought to be very cautious not to lay violent hands on itself. Such is clearly the joint dictate of commendable gratitude to the Father of all mercies and of a principle of self-preservation. Smiled upon as our national affairs have been for many years, they are not at present beyond the reach of essential and permanent detriment. Continuing to be divided among ourselves, the whole which mankind hold dear is put to hazard. The order of society will of course be deranged,–our liberties may be wrested from us—our morals are certain to depreciate even below what they now are—while triumphant infidelity is but too likely to assume the place of godliness.

It will only be further remarked of the fathers, that they were powerfully actuated by a love of their country. Many circumstances conspired to awaken and give energy to such a principle. The persecutions which prompted their removal to this land—the multiform hardships and dangers which marked distant establishments in a savage country—and the constant effort made to abridge, or wholly vacate their charter rights, gave increased strength to feelings constitutional in the human mind. Attached to the parent state by strong ties, they still at no period shewed themselves forgetful that they had a country of their own. Benevolent and just to all, their views and exertions were at the same time, to a degree, local. They felt and conformed to those high obligations which they were immediately under to themselves and to their posterity. How fortunate would it have been for us as a nation, had the same love of country operated with equal force at a more recent date? Foreign attachments have been one principal source of the numerous embarrassments under which we have and do continue to labor. Hence in particular those violent party animosities, which cannot be either denied or excused. For the citizens of an independent nation to attach themselves with warmth to the views of this or the other country, is equally servile and impolitic. The real point both of dignity and interest lies here, to remember that we are Americans, and prove ourselves equally independent in conduct, as in name. May it not be hoped that the late pacification among the contending nations of Europe, will operate to extinguish party spirit and consolidate our union upon the broad basis of harmonized views, feelings and exertions?

A few remarks upon the closing paragraph of the text will complete the present attempt. “And ye shall find rest to your souls.” The nature of this rest admits no question. Intimately related as the good behavior of the present life may be to the rewards of eternity, this is not the principal object of the passage now under review. Its primary reference is to those worldly advantages which are national. The whole extent of life often fails to realize the rewards of private virtue; but those of public, national virtue are never thus distant. The natural course of things, seconded by the promise of Jehovah, insures the event “that righteousness exalteth a nation.” Nations are often exalted, as the result of divine sovereignty, foreign to their own good behavior, yet such exaltation is most commonly judicial and greatly insecure as to its permanency. How far our national exaltation is of such a character demands careful enquiry. Upon whatever principle we account for the fact, the allotments of providence to us as a nation have been without example. The ground we now occupy, in some points of view, is elevated and commanding, though not to supercede a laudable wish to advance still higher. However eligible our present situation, it leaves room for much improvement. Did we pursue the good ways which our fathers trode, with that industry which their example recommends; each interest of our country whether natural or moral, literary or political, would be essentially advanced.

Agriculture connected with a growing population—mercantile enterprise—the arts and sciences—industry and economy through all the various classes of society—energetic government, and the wide diffusion of united views and exertions with respect to national interests, could not fail to form the result. With fervent piety and good morals added to these circumstances, it is hard to conceive what further internal improvements a people could wish. The principles of happiness and prosperity among themselves being thus firmly established, they may safely calculate upon “sitting under their own vine and their own fig-tree, with none to make them afraid.” And in view of this sketch of “rest to the soul”—of national emolument, aggrandizement and security, who of us but must feel grateful that it has been already so far realized, and who will refuse solemnly to pledge all his future exertions for its completion? In a superior degree indebted to a sovereign all-gracious providence for public blessings, yet we cannot ensure to ourselves their future continuance unless through the instrumentality of personal exertion. Means and the end are as closely connected in the civil, as in the natural world. Not an individual who assists to compose community, fails to have numerous and weighty duties devolved upon him for the promotion of the general weal. While moral and religious principles should never be out of view, as a stimulus to action through the different grades of society; each grade ought to study and carefully adhere to its own particular department of action. The private citizen ought to be in the habit of industry, punctuality in dealing, and submission to constituted authority. Those who minister at the altar must study uncorruptness of manners, purity of doctrine and the whole fervor of zeal in the best of causes. Those in executive office, should be equally careful never to overleap the boundary of law, or see its requirements trampled under foot with impunity. In the judicial department, an high regard to law and justice must never be subordinated to party interest or a fear of rejection from office. With respect to the legislator, his ideas upon every subject which comes before him ought to be correct, his views superior to the influence of local attachment, his firmness too great to be shaken by the strong collision of party, and his integrity bottomed upon a good heart. With the body politic thus classed, each one confining himself to his own proper province, order and perpetuity are certain to constitute its great prominent features. Peculiarly privileged in this state from the proper combination of these various social powers, we are probably not more indebted to either of them, than to a wise and upright legislative magistracy. From the first establishment of Connecticut to this day, a large proportion of those annually chosen to legislate, have no doubt, to an happy extent, exemplified the character of the good ruler drawn by the pen of inspiration, “The God of Israel said; the rock of Israel spake unto me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.”

Under an impression that the public suffrage, the current year, has fallen upon characters not less meritorious than those who have possessed the same honorable designation;–may I be permitted to recommend and urge, that they recollect with care and adhere with firmness to that general system of policy, which has rendered this state, for nearly two centuries, united and secure, prosperous and respectable. With the past thus a model for future procedure, the demand is direct and forcible, that science and religion should continue to command the liberal patronage of the civil arm. Fostered by legislative aid, they are certain to make large remuneration for all the pains and expense. A treasonable wish to enfeeble and ultimately prostrate the varied interests of community, can in no way be so easily corrected, as by the diffusion of knowledge and the sentiments of piety. Good principles and an immoral behavior sometimes incorporate, yet as a general rule the corrective power of the former over the latter is great. There is no so eligible mode of discouraging vice, as by a marked preference in the laws in favor of virtue. While wise and upright legislators duly appreciate these foundation principles, and encourage a spirit of reliance upon Jehovah for his special direction, it may be calculated with confidence, that they will legislate well, and should on no account fail to live in the hearts of a grateful people.

Without confidence in government, it cannot fail to sink into contempt and all the unhappiness of enfeebled operation. Few greater blessings are there than good rulers and good laws;–though let it not be forgotten that they form a blessing which subjects may realize or reject as they please. I have no doubt as a general fact, it is more the fault of the people than of the ruler, that their expectations from government are not answered. With that mutual confidence between those who govern and those who are governed, which ought to prevail, no essential interest would be put to hazard; tyranny and anarchy would be kept at an equal remove; and by a close combination of views and exertions, each interest whether private or public, individual or social, would rapidly progress to its greatest possible extent.

Under the special direction of a sovereign, holy providence, may such prove the future lot of this particular state and of those connected states, which assist to compose our growing and respectable empire! Wise for ourselves, as it could be wished we were, the prophet’s flattering anticipation in view of his beloved country, would not be either too sanguine or flattering in view of our own, “Thine eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall not be taken down. Not one of the stakes thereof shall be removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken. But there the glorious God will be unto us a place of broad rivers and streams; wherein shall go no galley with oars, neither shall gallant ship pass thereby. For the Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the lord is our king, he will save us.”

Rev. Asa McFarland (1769-1827) preached this election sermon in New Hampshire on June 2, 1808.

SERMON,

PREACHED AT CONCORD,

BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

June 2, 1808.

BY THE REV. ASA M’FARLAND, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN CONCORD.

II PETER, I. 19.

But we have also a more sure word of prophecy, where unto ye do well that ye take heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place.

MANKIND have, in all ages, been disposed to associate religion with the most important transactions and events of life. The Grecian states committed the guardianship of the great oracle at Delphos, to the general council of the whole nation, that they might the more certainly secure the favor of the deity, who was supposed, through the medium of that oracle, to communicate his will. Lycurgus, who instituted laws for the government of the Lacedemonians, consulted the same oracle, that he might commend the laws which he made, to the regard of his countrymen, by suggesting that they had the approbation of the divinity. For a similar reason, Numa Pompilius pretended to have had intercourse with the goddess Egeria, who dictated those laws to him by which Rome was to become the mistress of the world.

These men, though not favored with the advantages which we derive from divine revelation, were well versed in the feelings which govern mankind. The reasons which influenced them to consult the oracle, and publish laws under t pretence that they were communicated from heaven, have their foundation in one of the most powerful and operative principles of human nature, a principle of religion. The necessities to which men are subjected in this life, impel them to seek aid from above. Their hopes and their fears lead them to adopt some form of religious worship. Whether the object of their worship be the sun and moon, the stars and the elements, or the great Jehovah himself, who formed the light, and who createth darkness, they must seek relief from their distresses, dispel their fears, and cherish their hopes, by some supposed, if not real, intercourse with the Deity.

As mankind must have some religion, it becomes of course necessary to inspire them with confidence in the laws, and engage their conscience on the side of obedience, that they should believe them to have the sanction of divine authority. This principle is so interwoven with all their feelings, and it is so readily excited on every new occasion of alarm, that no change of manners, nor different mode of education, nor the lapse of ages, can prevent its operation. If improvements are made in philosophy, or in the science of civil government, they can modify, but not extirpate, this principle. In this respect man is ever the same. He cannot find means to quiet his mind in the moment of alarm, nor any prospect to keep his hopes alive, unless he have recourse to some principles of religion.

While legislators of antiquity consulted a pagan oracle to know what institutions they should adopt, or rather to give them efficacy when adopted, we, my hearers, have a more sure word of prophecy. In the Christian dispensation we have more infallible indications of the divine will, and more certain principles to guide us, as well in those transactions which are of public moment, as in the private walks of life. As men must have some religion to regulate their conduct, attach them to society, and enforce upon their conscience respect and obedience to civil institutions, wise men will choose and cherish that which most effectually answers these purposes. They will encourage that system which most effectually controls those passions which tend to the subversion of government, that which fixes on the mind of men the deepest and the most durable impressions of their accountability to God for their conduct in society, and binds them one to another by a common interest.—We have a religion in the Holy Scriptures which answers these purposes.

Hence I shall endeavor to illustrate this general truth: The Christian dispensation, more than any other system of religion, is favorable to the true end of civil government.

Those whose professional employments have led them to contemplate government in all its branches, are better qualified than I am to explain its nature and end; and it does not become me to discuss subjects of this nature; but as I have proposed to prove, that the influence of the Gospel is favorable to the end of civil government, let it suffice on this occasion to say, that the true end of government is the common safety; and to secure this end, there are dispositions in mankind which need to be corrected, and passions which need to be controlled; and they must be controlled y restraints of powerful efficacy, or the safety of a community must inevitably be endangered.

I am now to prove, that the Christian dispensation has the happiest influence to secure this end.

1. Because its restraints reach the temper of the heart, where only they can rectify or wholly prevent the evil. It is in the hearts of men that all the mischief is conceived, arranged, and matured, which interrupts the public peace, and converts the world, at times, into a melancholy scene of oppression and violence.

The heart of the ambitious usurper is that secret asylum where he first conceives the design to overturn lawful authority, and exalt himself upon its ruins. Here it is matured, and his future operations are marked out. Here the oppressor fixes upon the man whom he intends to ruin; and arranges the plan by which the fraud is to be managed. In this asylum, which is fertile in every species of iniquity, the adulterer designates the family which he intends to involve in disgrace and wretchedness, singles out the unfortunate object of his criminal passions, and securely exults in the prospect of success.

Murder also begins here. It has its origin in that malice, or lust for plunder, which being indulged in the heart, become too riotous for restraint. Into this asylum of iniquity no human eye can penetrate. NO human remedies can reach the disorders which rankle here, so as to heal them. Whatever mischief is conceived in the heart, human laws cannot rectify, until it is manifested in overt acts. The officer of justice cannot enter and seize the lurking enemy, before he has begun the work of destruction.

It is however desirable and necessary for personal and public safety, that some effectual restraint should be laid on the intensions of men: for when the criminal design is brought to maturity, and the man has already begun to commit deeds of violence, the evil, at best, can be rectified but in part. The religion of the Bible furnishes this desirable restraint. The word of the Lord is quick and powerful, sharper than any two edged sword, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intentions of the heart. It arrests the guilty purpose before it is ripened for execution. Here men are taught, that though they may avoid disgrace, and escape punishment in this life, on account of criminal intentions, yet there is another tribunal. They must appear in the judgment before God, who now looketh at the heart, and requireth purity in the inward part, and who will bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good or evil. At that awful tribunal, the intention to commit a crime will be found criminal, even though the crime had not been perpetrated.

Where the Scriptures have their effect on the mind, they already create some anticipations of the judgment in those self-reproaches which men experience when they harbor iniquity in their hearts. This religion begins its salutary work at the foundation. It rectifies the motives and the intentions of the heart; and when the heart is restored to order, it is easy to regulate the conduct of men. With the powerful aid of such principles deeply impressed on the mind, civil government can, with great ease, accomplish its object—the safety and happiness of a community.

As all these principles are denied, so these salutary restraints are removed, at one stroke, by infidelity. The man who believes and who acts on the principle that he shall not be called to account, in the future world, for his temper and designs and conduct in this, may allow himself great latitude. He can, and probably will, do much mischief in ways where it would be impossible for human laws to detect and punish him. He can deceive; he can oppress and defraud, and perhaps destroy the comfort of families, by his impurities; and if men of this description have conducted with decency and sobriety, it must be imputed to the remaining influences of a Christian education.

If we would contemplate the full effect of infidelity, we must conceive at least a new generation, on whose mind there is no trace of religious truth, and no principles of conduct which have their origin in revealed religion. Among such a people, it would be difficult indeed to secure the public safety. Fines, imprisonments, and corporal punishment, would be feeble restraints; too feeble to control the violence of cupidity: and as to maintaining a reputation, and avoiding public disgrace, they would not be under a necessity of restraining their passions for this purpose; because, in such a state of things as that which I have supposed, it would not be disreputable to commit any enormity which men choose to sanction by custom.

The religions of the pagan world, in their moral tendency, were but little preferable to infidelity. It seems their principles never reached the heart, at least not so as to correct its vicious propensity. In every form of pagan religion, there were encouragements held out to men to practice those immoralities which must inevitably interrupt the public peace. If the principles of their religion reached the heart, they could not produce any useful effect; for it could not be supposed that the morals of men would be pure, when they worshipped deities who were supposed to indulge in all the excesses of wrath, revenge, lust, or intemperance. Men, who have had the best means of knowing the moral state of the pagan world, have testified that St. Paul exhibited a true representation in the first chapter of Romans, when he said they were “filled with all manner of unrighteousness, without understanding, covenant breakers, without natural affection, implacable, unmerciful.”

The religion of Mahomet, it is well known, does not better secure the morals of the people: for that portion, which is not evidently taken from the Gospel, encourages them in the most abominable licentiousness. It is enough to say, they are taught to expect sensual enjoyments in Paradise, to reward them for spreading slaughter and destruction over the earth.

2. The Christian dispensation is favorable to the true design of civil government, not only because it lays effectual restraints upon the criminal intentions of men, but likewise because it distinctly specifies the whole system of their public and social duty in detail.

That mankind may be trained up in those habits which will make them good subjects in a community, it is necessary, not only that they be governed by pure motives, but they should also be well informed in the nature of their obligations. It is impossible but that a man should fail in many instances, however honest his intentions may be, if he be ignorant of his duties. The Gospel is commended to the regard of every wise man, on account of the universality of its principles; for they embrace every possible relation, and they are applicable to every case. If a man, with an honest and good heart, take his direction from the Scriptures, he will find how he ought to conduct in every relation, to his Maker, to civil rulers, to his family, and neighbors, and to mankind at large. In every case of doubt, he may find here some salutary direction. If he commit his ways to the Lord, his thoughts will be established. If he have committed mistakes, here he may learn how to rectify them: and if his hopes be disappointed, and his prospects cut off, he will find those consolations which will save him from total despondence.

The Gospel has made the best provision for the education and the government of youth, by guarding the marriage covenant with the most awful penalties. Are you placed at the head of a family, you are taught that God has put a governing authority into your hands, and made the future character and condition of your children to depend, in some respect, on your faithfulness. He also teaches you, that you are responsible to him for the examples which you exhibit before your household, and for the habits which your children form under your instructions. Are you a subordinate member of a family, your obligations to honor and obey your superiors is made exceedingly plain; and your correspondent duties are enforced by the promise of long life and prosperity here, with the favor of God beyond the grave, and the fear of incurring his everlasting displeasure.

That this provision, which the Gospel makes, for the early education and government of youth, has a happy influence to aid civil government, will obviously appear when we consider, that it is in the family circle where the youth receive those impressions which will remain and characterize them through life. Here they imbibe their most permanent principles of action. If care be used in their early instruction and government, there is a probability of their being peaceable members of the community; but if they are not habituated to subordination in their minority, they will not patiently endure it when they shall act for themselves. The strong arm of civil government must be exerted to control habits which have been fixed by age, and deepened by repetitions of sinful indulgence; and notwithstanding what the civil authority can do, the public safety will be endangered by such unsubdued spirits.

If infidelity does not go to the utter dissolution of the marriage covenant, it certainly removes from the mind a sense of its sacred nature, and therefore in effect it destroys those relations which alone can insure the proper care and management of youth. When men no longer believe that they are accountable to a divine tribunal for their conduct in their families, whatever care they may use to furnish their children with exterior accomplishments, or leave estates to them, it cannot be expected that they will be in any degree solicitous in forming their moral character. Such men will generally be either insupportable tyrants in their families, and vent their spleen upon those whom they should govern with a steady hand; or, neglecting all rule, they will suffer their children to form their own habits, and govern themselves.

Nor are the various forms of Pagan and the Mahometan religions much better in this respect than infidelity. They do not guard those domestic relations of husbands and wives, parents and children, from which only the public may hope that the morals of youth will be secured. When we find that polygamy, and an almost unlimited concubinage, were not incompatible with the principles of their religion; and when such abominable practices are encouraged by the example of persons in the highest stations; we may easily conceive, that as St. Paul says, they are without natural affection, covenant-breakers, and given over to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not convenient. All those bonds which attach husbands and wives, parents and children, are loosened, if not wholly dissolved, with them; and, therefore, their religion furnishes no principle that may be relied on for the proper government of youth.

3. The influence of the Gospel affords the best aid to the civil government, because its principles are unchangeable. They are the same to men of all conditions, and to every age of the world.

Most of the prevailing religions, except the Christian, have been variable. They have been adapted to the policy of particular nations, and to the exigencies of times. The pagan nations, as either their fancy or their fears might dictate, joined new deities to their catalogue. This necessarily laid a foundation for new principles, and the institution of new rights. They had no system which embraced men of all conditions, and which was suited to every form of government. They had mysteries interwoven in their system, in which the learned pretended to receive degrees of light and knowledge in divine things, which were not to be exposed to the great mass of mankind. But the probability is, that their mysteries were only a pretext to evade those moral obligations which were enjoined upon the vulgar, and indulge the criminal propensities of the heart.

It must be obvious, that government is most secure and permanent when the members of the community embrace a religion which is always the same; for at every new turn which the religious system experiences, the form of the government would be exposed to change. If the religion did not bind all men by the same obligations, there would be danger that one portion of the community would exempt themselves from burden, and indulge in liberties which would be hurtful to the state.

The Christian dispensation embraces men of all ranks and conditions. It does not bend to times and circumstances, or to the purposes of men. Amid the fluctuation of sentiments, the changes in men, views of morality, this is an invariable standard to recall them from their wanderings in a corrupt age. Here are no mysteries that are not to be exposed to the vulgar, where the learned or powerful may shelter themselves, and evade those moral obligations which are binding upon the common people. It is not one thing to the rich and honorable, and another to persons of humble rank. One man is not justified by the Gospel in laying burdens upon others, without bearing his own part. No change in a man’s outward condition can make void his obligations to God and his fellow creatures. It is, in short, the religion of all conditions and times, and forms of civil government.

If it be a principle of human nature, that man must have some religion, the government will unquestionably be most secure and efficient when the members of the community feel the influence of a system which binds every man, of whatever condition, to duties which he owes to God and to his fellow creatures.

4. As the Gospel is the same to the rich and the poor, the powerful and the weak, it affords at once the best security to rulers and to subjects.

Government will receive great support from a religion which adds weight to the authority of the magistrate, and which at the same time guards that authority so that it shall not be abused. Such is the light in which the Gospel places civil rulers, that their authority has a commanding influence over the minds of good men, an influence which infidelity denies, and infidels cannot feel.

In view of infidelity, the magistrate is but a creature of men, clothed with no other than human power. The authority by which he acts, is no more than that which men have delegated to him, if he be an elected ruler; or if an usurper, it is no more than a power which he has assumed. With such views, it is not possible that men should feel any great respect for the office of him who bears rule; or that they should consider it to be very criminal to oppose even the necessary exercise of authority.

In the light of divine revelation, the case is different. Here civil rulers are represented as deriving their power from a higher source than the suffrage of the community. They have a power which is calculated to command respect, and overawe the disobedient. According to the Gospel, the magistrate is not a creature of men; for though he came into office by the election of men, yet when executing the proper power of his office, he is a minister of God. He is appointed to execute the divine will, to correct and reclaim offenders, and encourage and protect them that do well. Viewing him as a minister of the Most High, conscientious men have other reasons to respect his office and obey the laws, than the fear of those corporal pains and penalties which the laws inflict on offenders. If they oppose the civil power, they have reason to fear, that they must answer to their Almighty Judge for having trampled his authority under foot.

These are the powerful enforcements to obedience, which the Gospel furnishes. “Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? For he beareth not the sword in vain; for he is a minister of God, an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.”

Although Christianity throws its weight into the scale of civil authority, and engages the conscience of virtuous men on the side of obedience, it effectually guards this authority that it be not abused. It recognizes the rights of the subject, and affords the best means of his security; for though it represents the magistrate as a minister of God, it reminds him that he is clothed with this high authority for good.—Such power is not committed to him of God to be an instrument of oppression, or to be subservient to pride, or selfishness, or a worldly mind; but that he may be extensively beneficial to his fellow creatures. The very consideration that he receives his authority from heaven, lays an awful responsibility upon him; and if good men are afraid of resisting power which is derived from so high a source, the Christian ruler will be no less afraid of abusing such power.

Thus those who are appointed to rule, are endued with a power, in some respect, divine, to carry into effect God’s designs of justice and benevolence towards men, to restrain offenders, and protect the upright and inoffensive; but not to subserve a private interest. The Gospel directs the magistrate to that dread tribunal, where he must stand upon a level with the most obscure subject, to give an account of his stewardship; and assures him, that as he acts in a higher station than others, and has it in his power to perform greater service to his Maker, so more will be required of him. Having authority to bear down iniquity, and encourage virtue, to protect the innocent, and punish the guilty; if, disregarding the rights of the subjects, he has aimed to enrich or aggrandize himself, he abuses not only a power which men have committed to him, but that which he has received from above. He stands amenable not only to the public opinion, but to the more awful tribunal of the great God.

The ruler who acts under the influence of these solemn Scripture truths, must be sensible that his eternal interest requires that he should rule in the fear of God. Such effectual security, both rulers and subjects derive from the influence of the Gospel. The former have need to beware, that they do not pervert a power to selfish purposes, which was committed to them to promote the general good. The latter have need to be no less cautious, that they do not resist an ordinance of God, by opposing the necessary exercise of civil authority.

5. When the Gospel, in any good measure, produces its effect on the minds of men, it begets the purest patriotism. It is a happy medium, between that selfish love of country which influences a man to desire the extirpation of all who do not belong to his own community, and the spurious philanthropy of some modern theorists which seems intended to dissolve the relations of kindred and country.

The pagan nations had each their tutelary deities; and these guardian gods of one people were supposed to be hostile to those of another. It were easy to calculate the effects which such a religion would produce on the temper and conduct of men. It would inspire them with surprising courage when fighting in the defense of their country, under the protection and with the aid of their chosen deity. Accordingly, the history of heathen nations furnishes astonishing instances of personal valor.—But at the same time it inspired them with a savage cruelty towards their enemies, at which humanity is shocked. It was an exterminating principle. This is an extreme of patriotism, if it may be called by that name, which, though it might produce some brilliant actions, is, nevertheless, baneful in its effects.

Another extreme no less pernicious in reality, though more plausible in appearance, is that of some modern infidels. They consider man in the abstract as the object of benevolence, without regarding the relations of family or of country; and that those who are the most remote, and beyond the region of our influence, have an equal claim to our affection and care, with our countrymen, or neighbors, or relatives. The fallacy of this principle will appear, when we consider that the sphere of man’s influence is circumscribed. He can be beneficial to but few. By being dispersed over an infinite surface, benevolence becomes wholly ineffectual. It is lost in the immensity of its object. This imaginary philanthropy tends to the subversion of society. It seems to be a chosen pretext to evade all the social and relative duties, and it terminates in unqualified selfishness.

The Gospel begets a patriotism which is adapted to the real state of mankind. It teaches them, that the God whom they worship is also the Guardian of other nations; and as his providence embraces all creatures so they are bound to embrace all in their good will; and that it would be criminal to desire the ruin of others, though not of the same community. But this benevolence is necessarily bounded in its operation.

As a man can actually benefit the members of his own family, his neighbors, or perhaps his countrymen, the Gospel recognizes these relations, and enjoins correspondent duties. It requires him to do good within the circle of his influence, rather than seek for remote objects which he cannot benefit. It begets the principle of patriotism in the heart, by teaching that none of us are to live to ourselves. Our calculations are not to terminate in our own interest or pleasure; that is, we must not make these our ultimate object; for if we take the example of the great Author of this religion for our model, we shall always be ready to sacrifice personal ease and emolument to the good of the community.

There are considerations to attach a pious man to his country, which can have no influence upon the mind of an unbeliever. His country contains not only the sepulchers of his forefathers, but also the institutions of their religion, the sacred temples where they sought the Lord, sang his praise, obtained relief in their distresses, and spiritual comfort to their souls. It protects not only his person and property, but the privilege of worshipping God according to the convictions of his own mind, and of enjoying those religious ordinances which to some are more precious than property, or kindred, or life itself. Nothing can animate him with equal zeal to repel an enemy who threatens to profane the sanctuary which his ancestors consecrated to God.

The truly patriotic sentiment of the Psalmist is exemplified in every good man, and his country’s peace is a constant subject of his prayer. “Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces. Because of the house of the Lord my God, I will seek thy good.”

The pagan nations contended with desperate courage in the defence of the temples and shrines of their gods; but their patriotism, as we have seen, was destructive in its effects. It had no mixture of that benevolence to the human race in general, which has softened the asperity and lessened the evils of war.

In short, where the Gospel has been published with success, it has produced an astonishing change in the views and manners of mankind; and this change is altogether for the better. Men of moderate capacity, who have received their principles from the sacred oracles, have more correct moral sentiments, and they are better instructed in the nature and extent of their relative and social duties, than heathen philosophers of elevated genius.

The Gospel presents enforcements to virtue inconceivably more efficacious than any other religion has furnished.—I have said, it has lessened the evils of war. It has also nearly abolished slavery; and God grant that it may perfect this good work. Where it has not wholly abolished this inhuman practice, it has certainly abated its severity; for the slaves of Christian masters are privileged beings in comparison with those who were so unfortunate as to be enslaved in pagan countries.

The time, and I fear your patience also, would fail, if I were to be more particular in stating the advantages which civil government derives from the influence of the Gospel.

I will now offer a few remarks on the conclusion which the Apostle draws in my text. Since we have a religion so completely adapted to the condition of mankind, a religion which furnishes such effectual aid to government, and which brings eternal life to individuals, ye do well that ye take heed to this sure word of prophecy, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place.

Perhaps I need not take a moment of the time in cautioning this respectable audience, that they do not conclude, from what has been said, that the principal excellence of this religion consists in its subserviency to the end of government.—Its great Author did not come down from heaven solely, or principally, to regulate the affairs of society; but for a more important purpose—to seek and to save that which was lost.

The Gospel is to be prized, chiefly because God has here given us all things which pertain to life and godliness, through the knowledge of Jesus Christ, who hath called us to glory and virtue. It is commended to our first attention as accountable creatures, because it contains those principles and discoveries which are able to make us wise unto salvation. Still it is a dispensation which embraces all the interests of mankind, in relation both to time and eternity: and since the aid which civil government derives from its influence is at once the most salutary and effectual, it is worthy of our regard in this respect.

If the positions which have been laid down in this discourse be true; and their truth may be ascertained and made evident by comparing the moral state of mankind in Christian and heathen countries; if mankind, under the influence of the Gospel, are made more discreet and conscientious rulers, or quiet and peaceable subjects, better parents, and more obedient children, benevolent masters, and faithful servants: If, I say, the Gospel produces such effects, it claims the regard of political men. Nay more, that man who would weaken or counteract this influence, immediately forfeits the character of a true patriot, and wise politician. He who aims, I will not say to promote the eternal interests of mankind, but the peace and happiness of the community, would not knowingly weaken the influence of one Gospel institution. He would carefully avoid every measure, whether he acts in a public or private capacity, which might lead others to disregard its institutions or doctrines.

I have already observed, that mankind must have religion; and I have the experience of all ages to justify me in the observation. I do not mean to say, that they are born with a holy disposition; that they are willingly subject to the law of their Maker; or that it is their pleasure to honor and serve him. But there are principles wrought into the very frame of their minds, which impel them to seek a refuge in some form of religious worship.

We admit, that there are times when all men do not feel the necessity of divine aid and consolation. This is the case with worldly minds in seasons of outward prosperity and inward quiet. If any, at such times, should suppose it would be as well with them if every principle of religion were extirpated, yet in the moment of impending danger they have other feelings. When the elements around them are thrown into confusion, and threaten destruction, something within impels them to consent to the truth that there is a God who ruleth over all; that it is infinitely desirable to possess his favor, and dreadful to meet his displeasure.

If then mankind have in all ages sought for some medium of intercourse with the Deity, the conclusion is unavoidable that wise men will choose and encourage that system which is best adapted to the condition of the human race, and which meets all their wants and difficulties.

The pious man will cordially approve of the Christian dispensation, as it clearly reveals his duty and supreme interest, and exhibits the desirable medium by which he may secure the divine favor. It administers those friendly warnings which are calculated to awaken him from his slumbers. At the same time promises are exhibited to allay his fears, lest they should drive him to a destructive issue. Here he finds safe ground for a humble hope and trust in the mercy of God. These are discoveries and aids which he cannot find in any other system of religion. When he finds such friendly warnings and instructions in the Gospel, that it contains a remedy for every moral disease, healing for every wound, duties prescribed for all the relations and conditions of life, and safe directions for every case of difficulty and doubt, he sees indications on every page of revealed truth, that it is the will of God, and bestowed, in mercy, on mankind.

But let a man even forget that he is a candidate for eternity; let him lose sight of all his relations, except his relation to society here; and in that case, if he be a friend to the peace and the true interest of the community, he will encourage the institutions of the Gospel; for surely such a man will encourage a religion which has the best tendency to secure the public safety, which opposes the most effectual restraints to the passions, and rectifies the disorders of the heart. He will be influenced, by these considerations, to pay a tribute of outward respect at least, to the institutions of religion, and encourage others also to respect and observe them.

To persuade mankind to abandon all religious principles, would be a fruitless attempt; it would be fatal, if not fruitless. Hence we see, that it is bad policy to counteract and weaken the influence of Christianity; for if mankind could be persuaded to believe that this is not important and essential to their peace, they are not persuaded to live without religion. They have only exchanged that which controls their criminal desires and intentions, for one perhaps more agreeable to their feelings, but inconceivably less safe. If they should be disengaged from the Gospel, they will feel at liberty to choose a system which will encourage them in immoralities, that will prove ruinous to themselves and to the community.—From these considerations, the Apostle’s conclusion in my text has a peculiar force.

We have a system of religion which afforded a refuge to our forefathers in seasons of the greatest peril and distress; a system which we have proved, and we have experienced its beneficial effects. It is to be imputed to the habits which have been formed under the influence of this religion, that we have been favored with civil freedom; and the state of society is more happy in this than in any other portion of the world. It is our interest to take heed to this system, until we can find a better, or at least one as good. It will be our wisdom to encourage the institutions of the Gospel, humbly receive its holy doctrines, and draw from this fountain of unerring wisdom, the principles of our conduct, whether we act in a public or private capacity.

Reflections of this nature must, at all times and under every circumstance, operate powerfully on every considerate mind; but they receive tenfold weight from the peculiar complexion of the present period. The political and the moral state of the world seems rapidly approaching to some momentous issue. The sudden changes which take place among nations astonish and alarm us, although we have hitherto been so happy as to remain distant spectators of the convulsions and distresses which other nations have experienced.

In the sudden vicissitude of human affairs, God is teaching mankind the uncertainty of worldly power. It seems that he will soon make it more manifest than ever, that he ruleth in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth; and that he giveth it to whomsoever he will. He is giving us sensible proof of the truth of Scripture prophecy, by visiting the nations with terrible judgments for their iniquities, as he has threatened.

We know not how soon we may share in the awful calamities which others have suffered. It will be remarkable indeed if we wholly escape. Should the wars and revolutions, which have convulsed Europe, reach this hitherto favored land, the civil government will need the aid of our holy religion, and individuals will need its consolations.

Whatever will be the result of those sudden and astonishing changes which take place in this age, we know it will be happy for those who have God for their friend. He will fix a mark upon his own people, that they shall not be involved in the destruction of the wicked. It will be safe for that nation where God has many true friends. Their prayers shall ascend for a memorial before him. It will, in short, be happy for that community whose members honor the institutions which Jehovah has ordained. He will be to them a covert from the tempest and the storm; for he never raised any expectations in the minds of his creatures which he will not fulfill.

I would not excite any unnecessary alarm, much less would I speak the language of despondence. That same kind providence, which has protected our country in ages past, will still protect us, if we have not forfeited the divine favor by ingratitude and disobedience. The Lord’s hand is not shortened that he cannot save. It has been our privilege to have descended from a race of men who were precious in his eyes; men who took early care to have the Gospel established among them, and made honorable provision for the education of youth.

It is doubtless to be imputed to the effect of institutions, that were so precious in the infancy of our country, that we have had so large experience of divine protection; that knowledge has been so generally diffused; and that there remains so great a degree of social order and happiness. We have been reaping the precious fruit of principles and habits which were planted and nurtured by the pious care of our forefathers.—Let us walk in their steps, and prove ourselves to be sons who are worthy of such fathers.

In these perilous times, let us take heed to that sure word which a gracious God has, in infinite mercy, spoken to us. Let us derive at once our principles and our hopes from the sacred volume. Let us honor its institutions, and be governed by its doctrines and precepts. Then may we hope that God will be our God, as he was the God of our fathers.

I proceed to such an improvement of this important subject, as the present occasion suggests.

We have assembled today, to seek the divine protection for those who are appointed to guard the rights and manage the public interests of the State. It is with pleasure that we see our rulers disposed to call in the aids of religion to the important object of legislation. It gives us confidence that they commence the business of the political year with suitable impressions of the insufficiency of human reason, and the necessity of direction from the Fountain of Wisdom.

We have endeavored to investigate some of the effects of the Christian dispensation on the habits and conduct of mankind; and to point out the degree of assistance which civil government derives from its influence. The general inference which results from this view of the moral tendency of the Gospel, is that which the apostle has exhibited. In whatever situation God in his providence has called us to act, whether rulers or subjects, ministers of religion, or people, it is our interest, as well as duty, to take heed to this holy dispensation as the ark of our temporal and eternal salvation.

When addressing myself to those whom I have represented as ministers of the Most High, I should be indeed inexcusable were I to betray any want of respect. But while I forbear to dictate to the rulers of the people on those topics which appertain to their office, and not to mine, I must not forget that I am set for the defense of the Gospel, and that it belongs to me, on this occasion, to vindicate this dispensation, the richest and the most desirable gift which a merciful God has bestowed on our world, and to recommend it to the regard of all men, whatever may be their rank and condition in life.

I will now apply the subject to the different branches of the government; and first to His Excellency the Chief Magistrate.

Your Excellency will be pleased to accept our cordial congratulations on this new proof of the public confidence and esteem. The providence of God has placed you in that elevated station, where your influence and example will have great weight in recommending to the regard to others that religion from which we have the happiness to believe you derive your own principles and hopes. It could not escape your observation, that the light in which the Gospel exhibits a Christian magistrate, ruling over a Christian and free people, is such as reflects great dignity on his office. His authority is derived from the highest source of power, and it will have a commanding influence over the reason and conscience of every good man. He is a minister of God for good, and therefore he holdeth not the sword in vain. But while this gives great weight to his office, his responsibility to the Supreme Ruler of the universe is proportionably great. The abuse of a power which is so sacred, and derived from such a source, will be followed by consequences greatly to be dreaded.

While an exalted station, like that which you fill, is always attended with trials, and especially in this convulsed age; and while the responsibility of such an office is great; you will feel that it is the more important that you take heed to that sure word of prophecy which the Christian Scriptures furnish; and that you take the principles of your conduct, as well in public as in private life, from the word of God.

Allow me to assure your Excellency, that, taking this unerring word for your rule, it will be a lamp to your feet, and a light to your paths. You will find support, equal to every trial, and safe directions in every difficult case: for though Jesus Christ did not undertake to legislate for mankind, yet he established those principles which are profitable to direct in all the relations of life.

We pray, Sir, that you may be favored with the divine direction, and experience divine support; and that, closing a long life, devoted to public employments, you may be approved as a faithful steward in the household of God, and be established in a state of everlasting rest.

Those who compose the Honorable Council, Senate, and House of Representatives, will permit me respectfully to recommend the religion of the Gospel to their regard, not only as men, but as rulers. I trust, that in the course of this exercise, it has been made evident, that where the principles of the Gospel have been understood and felt, they have given stability and effect to the government; though I will not pretend to have offered anything new.

If this truth, however, has been established; and we wish that everyone would satisfy himself on a subject of such moment, for it does not avoid, but invite, investigation; then the conclusion, which has been already suggested, is unavoidable.

It would be destructive policy, to counteract or weaken the influence of the doctrines and institutions of our holy religion. It would enfeeble the hands of rulers, and paralyze the nerves of government. It would disengage mankind from restraints which alone can reach the source of those evils that government was designed to recify, and leave them at liberty to adopt such system, for themselves, as would encourage them to commit every kind and degree of iniquity. It would, in short, set open the gates through which an overwhelming deluge of fraud, deceit, oppression, violence, profaneness, intemperance, and impurity, would pour in upon us, and lay waste this goodly heritage which our fathers left us.

We feel confident, Legislators, that none of you are disposed to try the desperate experiment. For should you weaken the influence of the Christian dispensation, or persuade mankind to abandon it, you have not persuaded them to abandon all religious principles. Such an attempt would be fruitless. It would be opposed by those hopes and fears which are wrought into the frame of every man’s mind. You only leave them to adopt such principles as will be infinitely less favorable to correct morality, and to the designs of civil government.

It is, then, far more safe, that we cherish the system which made our forefathers a respectable and happy people, and which has maintained among us, even to this day, a good degree of social order and happiness.—What then is the conclusion from these principles? It is obviously this—As men, and accountable creatures, we are all bound to respect the Sabbath, and keep it, and encourage the institution of preaching.

But you are called to act in another relation. An enlightened people have committed to your trust their most valuable temporal interests. In the discharge of this important trust, you will feel bound to take your principles from the oracles of unerring truth.—But this is not all. As political men, you will feel an additional enforcement to give all the efficacy in your power, by your personal example and official influence, to that religion which will strengthen your own hands as rulers, and which begets in the minds of people a confidence in government, and the principle and habit of obedience.

The recollection that you are called to legislate for one section of a community, the most happy and enlightened in the world, will naturally lead you to inquire by what means so much knowledge has been diffused, and so great a degree of social order and happiness has been maintained among us. If, in the result of such an inquiry, you find, as I am persuaded you will, that the happy state of society here, is in a great measure to be imputed to the divine blessing on the means of religious improvement, this will be a powerful inducement to regard and encourage these truths and institutions as the most effectual means to perpetuate our tranquility.

It is our prayer, that you may commence and proceed in the important business for which you are convened, under the divine guidance; that you may enjoy health and happiness; and when every earthly distinction shall be leveled in the dust, may you partake of the final rewards of good and faithful servants, in that Kingdom which will endure forever.

I conclude, with a few words to this numerous assembly.

This day, fellow citizens, exhibits to our eyes a sensible proof that our civil liberties are not yet wrested from us; and that the storm which has overwhelmed nations, and involved millions of our fellow creatures in want and wretchedness, has not yet reached us. The favors by which we are distinguished, demand our unfeigned gratitude to that Almighty Being, who holds in his hands the destiny of nations. Especially it becomes us to be the more thankful, that we are favored with a religion which reveals the whole system of our duty, and which is able to make us wise unto salvation.

I would devoutly hope, that in this assembly of people, who inherit the spirit of freedom, and many peculiar privileges, from pious ancestors, there are but few, if any, who wish that the principles of the Gospel were extirpated. If I were to address a congregation of this description, I would inquire, What advantage can you promise yourselves, should you succeed in your wishes? Would it make one soul more happy, or would it better the moral condition of mankind? Alas! if the Christian system should fall, the only remaining comfort of many would fall with it. I mean, those who are pinched with penury and want, and groaning under oppression, have nothing to make their condition tolerable, but those prospects of rest and peace beyond the grave, which they derive from the provisions and promises of the Gospel.

As to the moral state of mankind, as you weaken the influence of the Gospel, you will give a freedom and momentum to vice, that it will burst through every human restraint, and eventually dissolve the bonds of society.

In this age, infidels themselves begin to tremble at the result of their own work, and acknowledge that mankind must have religion. Public order and personal security require it. They find, that infidelity is an unnatural monster that threatens to devour its own children.

The present age has furnished melancholy proof, that when mankind are disengaged from the restraints of religion, they will go to greater excesses of violence than was expected. It is therefore generally conceded, that personal safety and public order absolutely require that some kind of religious institutions should be maintained. When we obtain such a concession that mankind must have religion, we ask, is it wise, is it consistent with prudence and correct policy, to reject that system which our forefathers received, or withdraw your support from those institutions whose salutary effects have been proved, until you have found some other system which you are sure will be at least equally beneficial and safe? It cannot be wise to hazard the experiment which promises no certain good, but much probable evil.

As you regard your personal happiness, and as you wish that your civil privileges may be perpetuated, let your choice always fall on those men to rule over you, who give evidence that they fear God, and regard his word and ordinances: and having chosen such men, give them your confidence and support.

Especially cultivate an acquaintance with the principles of our holy religion. Honor and observe its institutions. Such public calamities may come upon us, and we may experience such vicissitudes even in the present life, that we shall need all its consolations. In this we shall find a covert from the tempest and the storm. It will be our support under trials, our relief from distress, our hope in death, and our defense and joy in the eternal world.

Thomas Allen (1743-1810) graduate from Harvard in 1762. He was pastor of the Congregational Church in Pittsfield, Massachusetts from his ordination in 1764 until his death. He twice volunteered as a chaplain during the revolutionary war and took up arms in the Battle of Bennington. The following sermon was preached by Rev. Allen on May 25, 1808.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY, JAMES SULLIVAN, ESQ.

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR, LEVI LINCOLN, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONOURABLE COUNCIL,

AND

BOTH BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

ON THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 25TH, 1808.

BY THOMAS ALLEN, A. M.
MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN PITTSFIELD.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY ADAMS AND RHOADES,
PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

I TIMOTHY, iv. 8.

GODLINESS IS PROFITABLE UNTO ALL THINGS, HAVING PROMISE OF THE LIFE, THAT NOW IS, AND OF THAT WHICH IS TO COME.

True religion is the only foundation of human happiness. The gospel of Jesus Christ contains a system of religious truth and duty, the best adapted to promote personal, domestic, and national good. It affords us the most excellent rules of conduct in every condition of life. The sacred volume gives us the most ample instructions with respect to all social and relative duties; and it points out the design of civil government, and makes known the duty of rulers.

An inspired apostle assures us in our text, that godliness is profitable unto all things; that religious obligation reaches every state and condition of life, even the most exalted. The Christian spirit, when it is possessed, pervades the whole conduct, and is felt through the whole soul.

The nature of godliness, its necessity and importance in the character of civil rulers and of the people, and its usefulness in promoting public happiness will be the topics of discourse on this anniversary. Though frequently touched upon by those, who have gone before the preacher in the offices of this day, the subject has not yet been exhausted; or if it had been, it might be reviewed with advantage.

The preacher is duly sensible of the great respect, that is due to this numerous assembly, and must appeal to a spirit of candor in an age of taste and refinement for the want of those modern embellishments, which advanced years seldom possess. If he can speak with the faithfulness, the subject and the occasion demand, and in demonstration of the spirit and with power, he shall not lament the absence of the recommendations of style.

Godliness comprises the whole Christian character. It embraces the whole Christian system. It receives its doctrines and precepts as of divine origin. It contains in it supreme love to God, and an ultimate regard to his glory, and a subordination of all selfish views to the highest good of the creation. It leads us to obey God and uniformly to fulfill the duties which relate to him and our neighbour at every hazard and loss. It implies a change of heart, the renovation of our souls by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Ghost; a resurrection from the dead to spiritual and divine life, the seed and beginning of life eternal. It consists in the divine likeness, in the moral image of our creator; and contains in it all that is implied in the new creature, repentance unto life, the faith of God’s elect, the sanctification of the spirit, and being rich in all good works. It implies a heart reconciled to God, subjected to him as the Supreme Ruler, and devoted to him as the last end of the universe. The possession of true godliness implies that we are delivered from the bondage of sin, and enjoy the glorious liberty of the children of God: that we are upright before him, and have respect unto all his commandments; and that Christ is in us the hope of glory, that we believe the sufficiency of his mediation, and place our whole dependence upon what he has done for our redemption.

Godliness in the human breast is a precious gift of Heaven, it is an unction from the Holy One, a seal and earnest of the Spirit, a well of water springing up to everlasting life. It triumphs over every selfish consideration, inflexibly adheres to truth and duty, notwithstanding every discouragement, and opens the eyes to see the truth as it is in Jesus. It courts no man’s favor, and fears no man’s censure so as to make shipwreck of a good conscience; and nothing can quench the sacred flame. No dangers, no losses, no sufferings will overcome it. The virtuous principle in man will be supported by the author of it, and he will crown it with glory and salvation.

The usefulness of godliness is asserted in the text. It is profitable unto all things. It is useful in every condition and relation in life. Its natural tendency is to promote our real happiness in this world, as it enables us to prosecute our worldly business to the greatest advantage, by rendering us temperate, industrious, and frugal. It yields the peace of God, which now is, and of that which is to come. God will withhold no good thing from them, who walk uprightly, and all things shall work together for good to them, who love God. Great will be their happiness here, but inexpressibly greater in the world to come. I give unto my sheep, saith our Saviour, eternal life, and they shall never perish, neither shall any be able to pluck them out of my hands.

Let us now consider the importance and usefulness of godliness in the character of civil rulers, as the words are to be understood without limitations.

It is not indeed the only qualification necessary in the character of a good ruler, many pious persons are not qualified for that office. To piety, must be joined a cultivated understanding, a good judgment, a penetrating discernment. But godliness is of primary importance, and sanctifies other talents, and renders them useful. The God and rock of Israel hath said, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And the wisest of mere men, under the inspiration of him, whose understanding is infinite, hath said, When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. In the latter case their interests are betrayed, and unnecessary burdens imposed on them.

Godliness will preserve rulers from those views and pursuits, from that selfishness and partiality, which are of pernicious influence on the public good.

Godliness will preserve rulers from bribery, and corruption, and from that covetousness, which is idolatry. They will not love the wages of unrighteousness, nor bow before the shrine of Mammon. Nothing can purchase their integrity, nothing seduce them from the path of righteousness.

Godly rulers will guard against pride and self exaltation, against that undue love of commendation and applause, which leadeth men astray. If it be more honorable to seek the approbation of a nation of freemen, than that of an individual; yet even here there is danger. The public esteem may be too highly regarded, as it always is, when men do what they believe is wrong in order to obtain it.

Godly rulers will not endeavour to subvert our excellent government, nor to wrest from the people their civil and religious rights by introducing arbitrary power. A principle of religion will teach them ever to respect the liberties of the people, and to become ministers of God for good to them. Neither civil nor ecclesiastical tyranny will ever be countenanced by pious magistrates.

True godliness will preserve rulers from the rage of conquest, and the desire of extending the territories of a nation or its advantages in commerce on the ruins of justice and humanity. National glory does not consist in the terror of arms, in the power to oppress and desolate the earth; but in a sacred regard to the principles of justice and equity, in promoting peace on earth and good will to men. Let it be our boast, that we have found out the untrodden path of national glory, which consists in diffusing happiness, in encouraging everything, which shall tend to the present or future welfare of the members of the community.

Godliness will keep rulers from framing unjust laws, and from violating in their own persons, the laws they have made. When legislators themselves disregard the laws they have enacted, the discordance of their example and their official conduct must have a most pernicious influence on society. On the contrary, if by their practice they enforce obedience to the laws, their example will co-operate with legislative provisions, and greatly conduce to the public welfare.

Godliness will induce magistrates, to whom is entrusted the administration of the laws, to preserve the fountains of justice pure. They will hold the balances with a equal, impartial hand; and no prejudice, nor passion will induce them to pervert judgment.

Pious rulers will be opposed to state establishments of religion, and to the impositions of creeds. They will leave religion, where Christ and his Apostles left it, to be propagated by the force of argument and persuasion, and not by the authority of civil government. They will not assail the liberty of these independent churches.

As godliness will preserve rulers from those measures, which are injurious to society, so it will lead them to seek the promotion of the public good.

They will give the people the benefit of their pure examples. Their veneration for the holy scriptures, their regard to the sacred institutions of religion, their affection for the faithful ministers of the gospel, their fear of God and constant sense of accountableness to him will give a lustre to their characters, which will shine around them.

They will legislate in obedience to God, for the good of the people. They will frame wise and just, and not oppressive laws. They will adopt measures for the general welfare, and not for the advantage of a few.

True religion is not only of happy influence on rulers to make them the greatest blessings to society; but it is equally important among the great body of the people in order to the security of national happiness. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Knowledge, morality, and piety diffused through a nation are a sure pledge of its welfare; while ignorance, profaneness, and impiety forebode its destruction.

Such is the importance, and usefulness of the principles and practice of true religion in the hearts and lives of rulers, and the people in order to national happiness. Lo, this is the way; let us walk therein, and we shall find rest to our souls. Nor can I think of any other course we can take for the restoration of peace and unity, after we have been so long rent by divisions, but by the restoration of living, vital religion. True godliness only can ever make us one again, and as we cannot meet on the ground of uniformity of sentiment, we must meet on that of mutual love, which may exist amidst a discordancy of views. Beloved, let us love one another, for love is of God, and everyone that loveth is born of God, and knoweth God. Without the exercise of this mutual affection, nothing can restore our lost peace.

It is to the principles of true godliness, that we owe the present happiness of our country. These principles brought our first fathers here. The seeds of virtue, which they early planted, have grown, and yielded us their descendants a rich harvest of blessings, which we hope will be continued to our posterity. Our literary institutions have enriched our land with the most exalted and virtuous characters; and it must be our desire, that they may train up our youth in sentiments of respect for our republican form of government, that they may be abundantly useful to our country, and may receive the most liberal encouragement from the legislature.

Though for the present our ships are shut up in our harbours to preserve them from capture by European powers; yet do we enjoy national happiness in a remarkable degree. The general face of our country proclaims, that this is not the abode of wretchedness. Survey the cattle upon a thousand hills and the abundance, which everywhere exists, and say if this be a land of poverty and want? The temples for the worship of God, convenient and elegant, which have been multiplied through the country, are not the monuments of our departed glory; nor do we find evidence of our approaching ruin in the neglect of ministerial support. With but few exceptions where a party spirit has sprung up, pastors are sufficiently supplied for by their flocks.

It is true the ministers of Jesus Christ are not held in such high veneration and awe, nor considered such infallible oracles of truth, as they were formerly. It will be well, if the people will search for the truth with their own eyes, and if they look upon their teachers only as their helpers.

Another proof of our general happiness is the mutual charity, and general harmony, that subsists among different sects of Christians, who are all one in Christ Jesus. It was not so with us fifty years ago. We stood aloof and at a distance from each other. If we were not chargeable with oppression and persecution, if we did not withhold from each other the blessings of social intercourse, nor deprive each other of equal privileges, yet we well remember that churchmen, Baptists, and others differing from us, were excluded from a participation in the services of this day. But godliness has brought us nearer together, and is producing that union, which we in vain look for from any other source.

In addition to these things; the formation of various benevolent nd religious societies, and the flourishing state of religion in various places, exhibit to us some evidence of our growing felicity.

The abolition of the slave trade, that infamous traffic in human blood, is very honourable to our country. We have not stopped, where our fathers left us. We have put an end to persecution for conscience sake. Our jurisprudence has been greatly improved; education has much advanced; colleges and schools have been multiplied; and the pleasures of social life have been increased. If new improvements can be made in the administration of government, or if new discoveries can be made in religious truth, the fear of innovation ought not to impose restraints.

But our happiness is not unmixed. Amidst the great variety of our blessings, there is much to deplore. The gold in some respects has become dim, and the most fine gold is changed. As riches have poured upon us, we have become extravagant and luxurious. The holy Sabbath is not sufficiently sanctified by us according to the rules of our holy religion. Immoralities show themselves in various shapes, and much needs to be corrected.

Will it be improper, while speaking of subjects of lamentation, to allude to the violence of party spirit among us? Wherever there has been a violation of truth, or outrage, let it be condemned; and if men of a party spirit have opposed their rulers without charity, and without regard to the public good, and under the cloak of religion have violated the principles of religion, we may be assured they have not been actuated by the gentle, humble, holy spirit of the gospel, and have made vain pretences to godliness.

We believe that the administration of our general government has been correct, and that the President of our country has for many hears employed his talents in pursuing the public good, and that he has displayed in his life many virtues honourable to his character. We believe that his unshaken regard to the civil and religious liberties of his country, and his wisdom in giving a constitutional direction to our government, and his pursuit of a course of measures best adapted to our prosperity and glory, give a lustre to his character, which no length of time will obliterate. Believing this, and as we know it to be the duty of a people to respect their rulers, we must express disapprobation of all instances, wherein opposition has been shown to what is considered as right, and wherein there has been any violation of a Christian duty.

It is to the gospel of Christ so early planted in this country, to its sacred principles, to its influence on the consciences of men, to its spirit formed in their hearts, and to the smiles of divine providence, that we owe all our blessings, and all the joys of this day. True godliness inspires a regard to the public good, and it was from a regard to the general good, that our constitution of government was formed; and it is owing to the intelligence and virtue of the people that its principles have been preserved, notwithstanding any design of altering its spirit. Our republican form of government depends for its continuance upon the public opinion and the public morals; and it is necessary that the public opinion should be enlightened and not debased by corruption, by luxury, by covetousness, love of pleasure, pride, by desire of conquest and the loss of all sense of honour; and it is necessary that the citizens should be actuated by principles of true godliness. So long as this is the case, we shall remain the envy of nations, and the glory of all lands.

The fathers of our happy republic, his Excellency the Governor, his Honour the Lieutenant Governor, the members of the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives of Massachusetts will accept of our respect and honour. Elevated to places of trust by the people, they repose confidence in your virtue and patriotism, and expect you to be governed by the principles and spirit of the gospel of Christ. The foundation of the noble edifice, on which you stand, is the public opinion expressed in the constitution. As you have assisted in laying the foundation of our state and national governments, and in raising the superstructure, we trust you will not suffer the goodly edifice to fall into ruins. If a rude hand should attack the building, we must look to you to repair its breaches.

At this solemn crisis of national danger and suffering, may He, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to men of understanding, direct your counsels, and inspire you with that wisdom, fortitude, and energy, which the public safety may require.

While the whole country is in suspense, and our national government resting on the only peaceable measure of security, awaits the issue of events, we rely on you to provide against those dangers, which threaten this part of the union.

We trust the honoured fathers of Massachusetts will give their efficient support to the general administration, while it seeks the security of the rights of our citizens, and is endeavouring to preserve our commerce from being destroyed by the enemies of our country. The people of Massachusetts confide in you to support our national government in the wise measures, which it adopts, for the safety of our maritime wealth; and in its endeavours to bring hostile nations to a sense of their injustice towards us, and their outrages upon us. We can have but one voice in the final result, and that voice will be, OUR TRADE SHALL BE FREE, OUR COUNTRYMEN SHALL BE PROTECED ON THE OCEAN.

It can never be, that as an independent nation we should be opposed to principles and measures which have for their tendency the protection of our maritime rights.

If the God of Israel is with us to protect us and save us, we need fear no evil. Strong is the Lord of Hosts, and having the eternal God for our refuge we must be secure. “The name of the Lord is a strong tower; the righteous runneth into it and is safe.”

May true godliness, may private and public virtue overspread our land; may our civil rulers be ever under the sacred influence of religion; and may the people generally be actuated by its principles. Then we shall have a strong city; God will appoint salvation for our walls and bulwarks. Our peace wil be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.

AMEN.

Nathan Perkins (1749-1838) graduated from Princeton in 1770. He preached in Wrentham, MA shortly after graduation, and at West Hartford Congregational Church (1772-1838). The following election sermon was preached in Hartford on May 12, 1808.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY

JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Esq.

GOVERNOR:

HIS HONOR

JOHN TREADWELL, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR:

THE HONORABLE THE COUNCIL:

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 12TH, 1808.

BY NATHAN PERKINS, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE THIRD PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN HARTFORD.

GENERAL ASSEMBLY, MAY SESSION. A. D. 1808.

In the Upper House ordered, that the Honorable Jonathan Brace, and Ebenezer Faxon, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend NATHAN PERKINS, D. D. for his Sermon delivered the 12th day of May instant, at the General Election, and that they request a Copy thereof, that the same may be printed.

Test,
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.
Concurred in the Lower House.
Attest,
E. STIRLING, Clerk.
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

NATIONAL VIRTUE, AND NATIONAL HAPPINESS

DEUT. XXVIII. 1, 2.

And it shall come to pas, if thou shalt hearken diligently unto the voice of the Lord thy God, to observe and do all his commandments which I command thee this day, that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God.

TO render a nation happy and prosperous, the wise and reflecting will readily admit, is of the highest consequence. The first concern of civil rulers, of those who have the management of the public interests lodged in their hands, should, therefore, be to obtain and secure such a state. And if united in their exertions to accomplish it, as their main object, unquestionably, success would generally crown their labors. There is a way, without doubt, for a nation to be permanently prosperous and happy. A moderate share of true patriotism will lead us to wish that our nation, now in its infancy, and but lately risen to be one among the empires and kingdoms of the world, may be distinguished in the annals of history, for its virtue and prosperity.

Looking over the history of former ages and nations, we have to lament that the way to gain and establish public happiness has been seldom pursued. Concerning this way, a great diversity, likewise, of opinions, has prevailed in the history of the world. Of this diversity of opinions, all history is a proof. We know that wrong measures have been taken. And alas! we also know that most nations, in the past ages of the world, have never been long happy. They have either groaned under tyranny and oppression, been afflicted with famine, or plunged in bloody and expensive wars. The right measures to render a nation happy, have either not been discovered, or if discovered, have not been adopted. It may with high propriety be observed that a people must be free, in order to enjoy the greatest quantity of public happiness. An enslaved and oppressed people, cannot possess the necessary ingredient of national glory. Such a people, as live, or rather drag out their existence, under absolute despotism, where oppressive and unrighteous laws are enacted, and are oppressively and cruelly executed, may be calm, and tranquil; but their calmness or tranquility, is the calmness of the dead sea. The chief excellence of civil liberty, that pleasing and delightful sound, so dear to our citizens, is its tendency to put in motion all the human powers;–it promotes industry, and in this respect, happiness:–produces every latent quality, and improves the human mind; and is the source of riches, literature and heroism. People who live under arbitrary governments, are found to love their forms of government as ardently as those who live in a free state, love theirs; and often more ardently. They are as contented. Perhaps, impatience and discontent are more observable in free than in arbitrary governments. Immense advantages however, result from the enjoyment of a free government. And, in this land, we have a free government. The human race are all born EQUAL and FREE. The true notion of liberty and equality is the prevalence of law and order, and the security of individuals. This is supposed to be a primary source of national happiness. The grand enquiry is, how may a people under a free government, be most prosperous and happy. Virtue is essential to the well being of such a government. The truth contained in the words now read, is, that the GREAT MEANS of obtaining and securing national prosperity and honor, are piety and morality.—By harkening diligently to the voice of the Lord our God, and by observing and doing all his commandments, we are, past all doubt, to understand the whole of revealed religion, the duties of the first and second table of the law, piety and morality.—By God’s promising to set a people on high, above all nations of the earth, and blessing them, we are to understand, public happiness, and national glory and prosperity.

The doctrine of the text is, then, most obviously, this, that piety and morality are the only CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This is a truth of the greatest possible consequence to mankind; is the uniform doctrine of the holy scriptures; and is clearly proved from the reason and nature of the thing, and yet after all has been overlooked by most philosophers and statesmen.

To this important and interesting truth, your attention is now to be directed. And no subject can be more worthy of the attention of civil rulers, and those who have the management of the national counsels and interest, or be better adapted to this great anniversary occasion, when our rulers, and the tribes of the people are assembled before God, to render their homage to him, and devoutly to implore his blessing on the commonwealth. If everyone, whether in public or private life, had a deep impression of this truth, the effect would be most salutary.

What is accordingly proposed, in the subsequent discourse, is,

I. Concisely to explain the nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the CERTAIN MEANS of public happiness.

II. And chiefly, to enquire how it appears that they are the certain means of national glory and prosperity.—And we are to consider,

1. The nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the certain means of public happiness. Little need be offered here. No more indeed will be offered, than may be necessary to present the subject, in a fair light, and to prevent mistakes and misapprehension. The nature of revealed religion is often delineated. It comprehends these two things, piety and morality; and they are put together, in this discourse; because, essentially connected. Morality is not only an important, but necessary part of true religion. No man can be really pious, who is not a moral man; neither can he be a moral man, in the largest and best sense of that word, who is not a pious man. In the words now under consideration, piety and morality are set forth, under the idea of hearkening diligently to the voice of God—and observing and doing all his commandments. To hear his voice, is to believe all the doctrines which he has revealed, and exercise all the affections of the heart towards him, which constitute vital piety. We cannot, with any propriety, be said to hear diligently his voice, if we disbelieve his truths, or omit devotional exercises and offices. To observe and do all his commandments is habitually to perform all moral, as well as religious duties. All revealed religion, consequently, may be considered as divided into these two great branches; piety and morality, or the love of God, and the love of our neighbor.

Piety comprises all the affections and duties, which we owe to God and the Saviour. We are required to love our Maker, with supreme affection. And this supreme love to him is the grand principle of religion, and foundation of all right exercises of heart or duty to him. Here all religion begins; and divine worship, steadily maintained in its several forms, is the chief part of piety. He, indeed, is a neglecter of piety, who does not devoutly engage in the exercises of divine worship, public, social, and private. The fear of God is essential to a pious temper. We are not pious, unless we have a reverential awe of his sacred Majesty. We are to serve, to fear, to adore, and to praise him, as our Creator, Preserver and Benefactor. In every step of our conduct, we are to look up to him as the supreme disposer of events, to feel our obligations of reverence for his names, titles, ordinances and word. The first concern should be to give all glory to him, and render him, as honest minds, all the duties which he requires. No man can be really pious, who habitually and statedly omits the offices of devotion, and holy exercises of heart towards him. A principle of piety will necessarily lead to a trust in his mercy and wisdom—a becoming sense of all his infinite glories—a choice of him as our God—a cordial reception of the Redeemer of a ruined world, in all his saving work and offices, a reliance upon the revealed way of life and forgiveness—the high and mysterious dispensation of grace. It will create in the soul, a holy mourning for all our departures from God and duty, and violations of the divine law. It will dispose us to place him on the throne, as exercising a wise and beneficent government; and as ordering, directing, controlling, and conducting a dependent universe, at his sovereign pleasure, and in the best possible manner, so as eventually to cause the greatest sum of blessedness. In the exercise of pious affections to God, and stated and habitual practice of the duties which we owe him, we choose him for our portion; and say, for this God is our God forever and ever: he will be our guide even unto death.

Morality is the other constituent part of revealed religion. We are to observe and do all God’s commandments, as well as diligently to hear his voice. Our duty to our neighbor, and ourselves is to be uniformly practiced, as well as our duty to God, and a divine Mediator.—Scriptural morality comprehends the constant practice of every civil, social and relative duty. The moral man, according to the inspired volume, is honest and righteous, kind and charitable, compassionate and pure, in his intercourse with his fellow-creatures. He never allowedly oppresses by extortion—acquires property by injustice and fraud, falsehood and hypocrisy. He never habitually takes away the reputation of others by slander and lies; or wishes to destroy their peace by violence and deceit—and is careful to avoid all crimes against society—or sins against others, as malice, hatred, revenge, dissimulation and evil speaking.—His rule of duty is to do unto others as he would be done by, from a principle of benevolence. All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye the same unto them. Scriptural morality is summed up, in the following manner by the apostle Paul.—Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these things.

The moral man, according to scripture, is attentive likewise to all that class of duties, which relates to himself, as well as his neighbor. He uniformly endeavors to exhibit to all observers, strict temperance, continence, sobriety, self-government, and purity in heart, speech and behavior. If at any season of temptation, he wrong his fellow-men in their property, he hastens to make restitution. If in their good name, he honorably makes reparation, if he fall into sins, by the indulgence of passion and prejudice, pride and avarice, ambition and envy, against himself or neighbor, he penitently regrets his folly, and resolves, in future, on amendment. He makes conscience of living in all the ways of holy obedience—of assisting and helping all in his power—of molesting and injuring none.—Such is the nature of scriptural morality: of that morality required and recommended, in holy writ—and which must flow from a right principle, the love of God and our neighbor.—And we ought to remark here, to prevent all misapprehension and prejudice, that this morality cannot exist without piety—but is essentially connected with it.—There may be, we know, and very often is, an outward decorum of manners and conduct, or outward regularity of life, where there is no piety. Nay, where there is a total disbelief of all religion—of the being of God—the immortality of the soul—a state of future retributions, and of conscience. This is, many times, through ignorance, relied on as all the religion necessary to man, and is frequently called moral honesty. But it is totally different from scriptural morality, and is only built upon maxims of worldly convenience—customs of the country—a pretended sense of honor, or some selfish views; it is, however, beneficial to society.

Upon the whole, no man can be a moral man in the scripture sense, who is unjust to God, to himself, or his fellow-men. He, who feels his obligations to God, will feel his obligations to man. He, who loves his Maker, will love his neighbor. He, who reveres the divine Majesty and attributes, will regard the rights of man. We are as inexcuseable, in allowedly omitting the duties of piety, as of morality. The sum of the moral law is to love God with all our heart, and our neighbor as ourselves—on these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.

2. We proceed to the next thing proposed, which is the principal design of the discourse, to enquire how it appears that piety and morality are the CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This most important and interesting truth is strongly expressed, in the words now under consideration. And it shall come to pass that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God. The whole nation was to be thus blessed and protected, defended and prospered, if virtuous. As long as they would be faithful and diligent in serving God, adhering to, professing, and practicing the true Religion, he would bestow temporal advantages—withhold national judgments—raise them, in character, and importance, above other nations, give them a name, and make them a praise in the earth. The religion, which God has revealed unto the children of men, is calculated, to make both individuals and nations happy. This is a point of supreme importance, and as the sons of philosophy, and rulers of the world, have both thought and acted very differently from it, it is eminently worthy to be accurately considered, and firmly established by argument. Had the Empires of the world, and politicians believed and acted upon this single principle, man would, long ago, have reached the highest point of perfection and happiness in society, attainable on earth. But now alas! he is as far from this desired point as ever. After so many nations have perished—so many kingdoms have risen and fallen—so many wars and revolutions, mankind have still to learn that free governments only can secure happiness to the ruled, and that free governments can only be supported by virtue. As long as the body of the people continue well informed and virtuous, freedom may be enjoyed.—The truth now to be established, is that piety and morality are the certain means of national glory and prosperity. And that they are so, will appear first, from a consideration of the origin of civil government, and what is, or ought to be its end or design. The wants of man are unquestionably the first cause or origin of the social compact. In a solitary state, he would find himself totally inadequate to procure what might be essential to his well-being. Every individual has many wants, which he cannot satisfy, is surrounded with evils, which he cannot remedy, exposed to fears, which he cannot remove, and open to dangers, against which he cannot provide. Unable is he of himself to supply his necessities. He wants knowledge to guide and direct him; laws to restrain and rule him; property to support him; food to nourish him; and clothing to cover him. All find themselves encompassed with these wants. Feeling the same wants, men unite, to provide for their own convenience; and by common industry to guard against famine, and to procure, in sufficient plenty, the means of subsistence. They, therefore, form society and government. Man, in his very nature, is social; was made by his adorable Creator, to derive his sweetest happiness from union in society. Man is naturally inclined to unite with man for protection, defense, and the common good. The end of all government, consequently, must be to secure the rights and property of all its subjects. Why should they form society and government, but to promote their own welfare and happiness! As a rational creature certainly this would be man’s object in forming government. Endowed with reason, and capable of reflection, his desire would be to possess the means of being happy. The design of forming government then must be the COMMON GOOD of the whole, and to obtain blessings for all the governed. The original purpose of the institution of government must of course be the best good of the people, at large; not to provide for the ease, and honor of such as might be entrusted from time to time with its management. The people are the source of power.—The design, then, of all government, must be the good of the governed, not the aggrandizement of the individuals, who hole its reins.

If the origin, and end of government, have been justly stated, it is apparent that the blessings sought by the social compact, cannot be attained, without piety and morality—a sense of moral obligation—a belief of a divine existence—of man’s accountability—and the ties of justice and humanity. Each individual should feel responsible to each individual, and to the whole. He must be industrious, that he may not be burdensome to the rest of the community. He is bound to avoid also all those practices, which will injure others, or trespass upon their rights. He must love mercy, as well as do justly, that he may be the most useful to others. All the branches of morality must be observed, that the community may be generally benefitted. No man may live for himself alone, but must look at the things of others, and that the public good may be advanced. But the various duties, which man owes to himself, and his fellow-men, as a part of the public, will not be habitually performed, and with a good conscience, if he feel not his accountableness to a superior tribunal, to an omniscient and omnipresent Judge,–If he have no fear of God—no regard to a future world—and if he, customarily and openly, CONTEMN the duties of piety. The moral duties are essential to the well-being of the community. But they are built on the fear of God, or piety, as their only solid foundation.

In order to cut off all objections and cavils, which those may raise, who disbelieve or deny the necessity OF ANY RELIGION, in order to the greatest national honor and glory, we ought to remark, that when it is affirmed, that piety and morality, are the best means of national prosperity and glory, it is not to be understood that no nations have flourished, except such as were governed by the precepts and doctrines of religion. Some states, which have only partially conformed to its laws, have long flourished, and enjoyed glorious advantages on the theatre of the world; either because their false religion, contained some principles in common with the true; or because in order to induce such people to practice such virtues as are essential to the being of society, success has attended such practices; or because virtue has never yet been fully rewarded, or vice punished in this world. But it will be found, that public happiness is best promoted by an adherence to religious and moral institutions. It is not pretended that this will, in every particular case, ensure the greatest temporal advantages. If an individual will love life and see good days, let him refrain from evil and do good, so if a nation would prosper and be exalted, they must adopt the same wise course. STATE-CRIMES, however, may be sometimes, for a season, successful; and may have been the steps, by which nations may have acquired worldly glory. National justice, moderation, and regard to the rights of other nations, may be sometimes an obstacle to grandeur. But if we consider a nation, in every point of light, and in all its circumstances, we contend, that the more piety and morality are practiced, the more prosperity it will enjoy; and that the more it abandons itself to vice, the more misery, sooner or later, it will suffer, according to the very nature of things, and a wise and governing Providence. If vice for a while seem to exalt, and virtue to abase it, still in the end, vice will be its overthrow, and virtue its exaltation. It is, also, worthy to be observed that by the prosperity or glory of a nation, is not intended what worldly heroes and tyrants consider as such, enlarging its territories by wars and conquests; acquiring power and influence over other nations by fraud and injustice; and becoming a terror and scourge, as executioners of divine vengeance. By national prosperity, I mean the happiness of the citizens at large, in their various orders and classes—attacking an enemy when invaded with courage—defending itself with resolution—negotiating successful treaties—possessing every blessing conducive to public tranquility—and favored with the protection and smiles of the divine Being. We do not suppose that piety and morality will free a nation from calamities. This is an imperfect world. Adversity will be mingled with prosperity. Untoward events are to be expected. There may be unhappy disputes with other nations on account of interfering interest—or a supposed interference. There may be wars—famine—pestilence—and other great and terrible evils. The most virtuous societies, like individuals, may labor under trials and difficulties, and must expect many misfortunes.

A further consideration to evince, secondly, the benign influence of religion on civil government and national happiness, is, that public bodies and communities only exist in this world; and of course, can only be rewarded and punished in this world by Divine Providence. Individuals are to exist in another life, and are capable, consequently, of being either rewarded or punished, in that state of retribution, according to their deeds. But nations or kingdoms can only be blessed or frowned upon in this world, as they have no existence in a future. A Being of infinite holiness and wisdom is at the head of the Universe, and rules among all the nations on earth. And it is infinitely desirable that he should rule and reign among them, as AS HE, in his sovereign pleasure, sees best. He is the disposer of events, and the sovereign Arbiter of the fate of kingdoms. He will let it be known that there is a righteous God in the earth. The honor of his providence is concerned to give ample testimony of his benevolent and righteous character, as ruler of the world. It is of incalculable importance to the interest of his moral kingdom, that he should manifest himself to be the lover of righteousness, and hater of iniquity, to all mankind. The righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance doth behold the upright. The eyes of the Lord are over the righteous, and his ears are open unto their prayers: but the face of the Lord is against them that do evil. Nations, then, will, by him, in his holy government of the world, be blessed and prosperous, generally, when virtuous and pious; and be frowned upon and punished, when vicious and profligate. Public happiness is the reward commonly of public virtue; frowns and divine rebukes follow national sins and immoralities. The wisest and most virtuous nations are usually the most prospered. Virtue walks with glory by her side. God testifies his anger against a people for their wickedness. He turneth a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. If they forsake him, he will forsake them. If they seek him, he will be found of them. He is with them, while they are with him. And Azariah went out to meet Asa, and said unto him, hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him, he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you. Misfortunes and calamities, follow national immoralities and profligacy, as the natural consequence, as well as by special appointment of an all-governing Providence. Could we have, in one view, the reasons of the decline and fall of kingdoms, we should find them to be chiefly national crimes and vices. Idleness, dissipation, luxury, voluptuousness, pride, irreligion and contempt of moral principles have gradually impaired; and, at length, ruined former empires and states. The natural effect of vice, and gross crimes widely diffused among a people is to destroy them. As each individual makes a part of the nation, it is his indispensible duty, to contribute, what in him lies, to the good of the nation; and as his piety will tend to bring down blessings on the state, he is answerable to the public for his conduct as it respects religion. Many philosophers and statesmen, very erroneously conceive that religion is only an AFFAIR BETWEEN GOD AND THE SOUL, and may be necessary to a preparation for future happiness, but that it is of little or no consequence to the state, whether the Christian religion be believed or disbelieved, practiced or not practiced, protected and supported, or reproached, profaned and extinguished. The idea attempted to be disseminated, is, that every citizen is answerable only to God for his reception and practice, or rejection and neglect of it; not that he is, also, answerable at the bar of the public, and to civil society. But such are the effects of religious institutions upon men with respect to their moral character, their political state, and their domestic life; that whoever totally neglects, or impiously contemns them, has to answer for it to his God, to his neighbor, to his country, and to his family. “He partakes with other men in their sins. He associates with the enemies of mankind. He does what in him lies, to undermine the basis, on which the order and happiness of civil society is built. He teaches the false swearer to take the name of his God in vain. He directs the midnight robber to his neighbor’s house. And he delivers into the hand of the assassin, a dagger to shed innocent blood.” Hence it is worthy of remark, that the most of those daring and atrocious offenders, who, by their crimes, have forfeited life, and brought themselves to an untimely death, and the ignominy of a public execution, by their own voluntary confession, have traced their career in vice, to a profanation of the Sabbath, and total neglect or contempt of religious institutions.

We add, as a third argument, to evince the importance of religion to government and civil society, God’s special treatment of his people of old. Out of all the nations, he selected one people, who should be the depository of his revealed will, and towards which his providential conduct was, for ages, to be very singular.

The history of this people is very peculiar, and is worthy of the attentive perusal and regard of rulers, and may afford the most useful lessons to all governments. They were the care of God’s watchful providence. His hand was ever visible in what of good or evil happened to them. He warned and counseled them. He often and abundantly, tenderly and affectionately exhorted and entreated them to fear and obey him, to receive and practice the true religion. If they would be faithful to him, fear and serve him, abstain from idolatry and immoralities, he would bless them, defend them against all their enemies—lift them up on high—make them a great, a flourishing and happy nation—order favorably the seasons, cause the earth to be fruitful, and be their God, their covenant God; but if they refused to obey him, renounced his religion, would commit gross crimes, and fall into idolatry, he would bring upon them his judgments, he would punish and afflict them, give them into the hand of their enemies, distress them by national misfortunes and calamities. He uniformly treated them, as they treated him and his religion. If moral and pious, public blessings were conferred; if otherwise, judgments were inflicted; all their history is a proof of this. God, treated them, in his holy Providence, as they treated his religion. If they forsook him, he forsook them. If they sought him, he was found of them. National piety was followed invariably with national mercies. But they were only a sample of his treatment of all other nations. One grand object indeed in chusing them to be his people, was to shew all mankind, that he rules in the world; disposes of nations; and loves righteousness, and hates iniquity; that national virtue will be rewarded; and national wickedness punished. He, in general, deals with nations, in a similar manner, to what he did with the Jews, as their history fully evinces. The Lord ruleth among all nations. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice. An invisible hand guides and directs, among all nations, and in all ages. They do not rise and fall as atoms float in the atmosphere without his providence. At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it. If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil, that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.

This matter is by the decree of the watchers, and the demand by the word of the HOLY ONES: to the intent that the living may know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men.—The doctrine that an infinitely wise and benevolent Being rules over the kingdoms of men, is a most important doctrine. He raises up one, and destroys another at pleasure. He afflicts and destroys, when a nation becomes awfully corrupt and wicked; and blesses, and prospers, when there is national virtue. Religion has a no less intimate relation to the present life, than to another world. Its beneficial influence affects the happiness not only of individuals, of every temper and disposition, in all circumstances and situations; but, also, of societies and nations. “As the Sun, although he regulate the seasons, lead on the year, and dispense light and life to all the planetary worlds, yet disdains not to raise and beautify the flower, which opens in his beams; so the christian religion, though chiefly intended to teach us the knowledge of salvation, and to be our guide to happiness on high; yet, also, regulates our conversation in this world, extends its benign influence to the circle of society, and diffuses its blessed fruit in the path of domestic life.”

The necessity of religion to aid government, has been felt, and generally owned by wise men, in all ages, and under all forms of government. It is well known by the learned, that the wisest statesmen, in ancient kingdoms and republics, invented and framed a religion suited to their various kinds of government, and INCORPORATED THEM TOGETHER. Their object was to civilize and reduce mankind to order and law. The idea that religion of some kind is absolutely necessary to the existence and well-being of the state or civil government; whatever be its form, especially REPUBLICS, has generally obtained among the nations. Hence in pagan countries, where there has been no revealed religion, a system of false religion has been interwoven in the particular form of the government. The reviler of religion was deemed an enemy to the state. The superstitious rites were celebrated, in much pomp, and at great expense. The design of the whole, was to strengthen the ties of conscience, and by this means to add force to government. The fears of the people were wrought upon; and to be profane towards the PUBLIC DIVINITIES of the nation was considered as an atrocious offence against the laws of the land. It will always be found, even, among the most civilized and polished, and best informed people, on experiment, to administer government, without the ties of conscience is impossible. Hence the origin of kind of religion is necessary to civil society; and where the true was unknown, politicians and impostors have invented and disseminated a false one. Even the city of Athens, learned and polite as it was, obtained this character from an ancient historian, “hospitable to the gods,” but whether by way of reproach or encomium, at this distance of time and place, cannot be ascertained. It grew into a maxim among the wisest men of Greece, “to know no man beyond the altar.”

The SCHEMES of false religion invented by the famous impostors, Zoroaster, among the Persians; Numa Pompilius, among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Peruvians in South America, were all intended to soften and CIVILIZE a barbarous and savage people; or to inspire them with courage; or to make them thirst for the blood of their enemies.—How deep a sense the rulers and statesmen, in ancient lands, had of the absolute necessity of good morals and some kind of religion to the safety and well-being of the state and prosperity of the nation is evident from history.

It may be acceptable to my audience, on this great occasion, to recite from authentic history, a few instances.—These shall be ancient Egypt, Persia and Rome. ¹

A fourth argument to prove the benign influence of piety and morality on a free government, and society at large, is their natural tendency or operation.

That order of society is the most happy where all are obliged to be industrious; and where industry has all the benefits of its own care. Every branch of business, by which the nation is subsisted, should be diligently prosecuted, and each citizen protected in all his rights. Religion, in its natural tendency, has a most friendly and favorable influence on this order of society. That the Christian religion has this tendency, in the highest degree possible, deserves to be numbered among its great excellencies, and satisfactory evidences. It however interferes not with POLITICS, or directs to forms of government, but requires such a temper, and such a life and conversation, as will constitute quiet, peaceable, and useful citizens, in any government, and good rulers. It regards the civil and temporal, as well as the spiritual and eternal good of mankind. While this is strenuously maintained, no one can apprehend that the idea of a RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT OR HIERARCHY, as in modern Europe, is either tacitly insinuated, or advocated. In our happy land, nothing resembling, even, in a remote degree, the INCORPORATION OF CHURCH AND STATE, to make one whole body politic, exists. Neither in the state or general government, as that phrase is understood, in modern Europe, and naturally imports, is there any UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE. And I trust never will be. In the various Christian nations of Europe, since the fourth century, Christianity has been variously blended with all the existing governments, let the form be what it might. Out of pious motives, and from a belief of the beneficial effect, of such a scheme of worldly policy, the church and state formed an INTIMATE ALLIANCE, OR UNION. In this way, both civil and ecclesiastical history of the nations of Europe, reciprocally aided and strengthened each other. To this source, it is apprehended, most of the abuses and perversions of, and even errors blended with Christianity, are to be traced. No friend to civil and religious freedom, can suppose, considering the love of power in all men, that the RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS of modern Europe, could be introduced to advantage in this country. The holy scriptures know of no such ALLIANCES. They are the fruit of worldly wisdom. The office of the magistrate, and the office of the minister of Christ are altogether different. CHRIST’S KINGDOM IS NOT OF THIS WORLD. In our free governments, in the United States, we have no religious establishments. Many learned statesmen, however, in Europe, and some in this land, consider this, at least, as an infelicity; and venture to predict, that in the compass of a few years, the gospel will be left unprovided for, and unsupported in this land; and of course, be driven out of it; and the name of Jesus be obliterated in the United States; or an effectual door be opened to all kinds of enthusiasm, and even atheism; and so our free government be overturned. Whether they judge right, time, the great expositor of events, must decide.

It is one of the perfect rights of man, in natural liberty, and which he may never alienate, to judge for himself in matters of religion. But as religious sentiments are very various, how far the magistrate or government ought to interfere, in matters of religion, becomes a question of great importance. While all idea of religious establishments, as understood in modern Europe, is utterly disclaimed—I submit to the hearer, whether the following observations be not built on the scripture, and reason?—The civil ruler ought to encourage piety by his own example, and to endeavor to make it an object of public esteem. Whatever is in general esteem, many will follow. The civil ruler may encourage, and promote men of piety and virtue, and discountenance those, whom it would be improper to punish.—He may and ought, again, to defend the rights of conscience, and tolerate all in their religious sentiments, when not subversive of society, and inconsistent with the rights of others.

“A legislature, may enact laws for the punishment of acts of profanity and iniquity. For however different the religious opinions of the citizens may be, yet all ought to condemn, profanity and impiety—and they ought to be punished as injurious to the commonwealth. Every government has a right to restrain by law and penalties, all acts subversive of itself.—Unquestionably, also, the civil magistrate, or the ruling part of any society ought to make provision for the public worship of God in such a manner as is agreeable to the great body of the society, though all who dissent are at the same time fully tolerated.—Multitudes would never have any religious instruction, or public worship, if the government did not interpose, to provide a way, for respectable ministers of the gospel to be decently supported, while employed in teaching the people. If a parent may and ought to provide for the instruction of his children, then the state may provide for the instruction of the whole family of the state in the great duties of godliness and virtue.” ²—Perhaps, in our own free and happy state, our government has hit upon the golden mean, of not interposing too much or too little in matters of religion. It is one of the chief glories of our civil constitution, or government that it encourages, countenances, and provides for piety and morality;–looks up with reverence to the Christian religion; and interposes for its maintenance. But there is no resemblance of a religious hierarchy in our state, or any improper interference of our government in matters of religion. What it does, in this respect, is fully warranted by the word of God, and perfectly consonant to reason.

The natural effect of religion is to secure and promote the peace, order, and well-being of society, and to give efficacy to the wholesome laws of a free government. The value or goodness of a thing is justly argued from its natural tendency. The advantages of revealed religion, as to this world, are great and interesting. It blesses very society. It sweetens every relation. It exalts every character. Exalt her, and she shall promote thee: she shall bring thee to honor, when thou dost embrace her. She shall give to thine head an ornament of grace, a crown of glory shall she deliver to thee. The community is made up of individuals. A nation is composed of all the families in it. In the same way that a family or individual is to be made happy and prosperous, is the community or nation. Virtue, consisting in the fear of God, and practice of morality, can alone make man happy. If we would, as individuals, be happy in life and death, we must feel the power, and practice the duties of religion. Would we, as a nation, enjoy the blessing of God, and be prosperous, we must fear him and work righteousness. Happy is that people whose God, is the Lord. Yea, happy is that people that is in such a case. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.

The influence of religion to render a people flourishing and happy is most powerful. From being a pious Christian, to a regular and good citizen, the transition is easy. So far as any individual is pious, so far he is happy. The same may be said of a nation. The means of private and public happiness are substantially the same. That which makes one individual or family happy, will make another happy, and the whole body politic. It is as necessary for the public to be honest and virtuous, as for an individual, in order to enjoy a divine blessing. A dissolute, idle, and profligate family must be eventually ruined, and so must a vicious nation. And all these blessings shall come upon thee, and overtake thee, if thou shall hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God.

We will show the operation of PIETY AND MORALITY, in producing public happiness, in a few important instances.—What is the natural effect of a full belief of the being of God on the mind of men? Here all religion begins. He that cometh to God must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder of all them that diligently seek him. A disbelief of him, and his governing Providence, as ever been found, to lead to all manner of wickedness, excess, and dissipation. By necessary consequence, a belief of these will restrain the vile passions of man. He will fear to violate his oath, to commit murder, or robbery, theft, or any other secret or open crime. Conscious that he cannot hide his crimes from an omniscient and holy God, he will dread his anger, and refrain from open transgressions of his law. This belief, in a nation, will necessarily have an astonishing effect to preserve, amid all classes, a degree of order and decorum, and to prevent those heinous crimes, which destroy public happiness, and bring down on a nation the judgments of heaven.

Again; The knowledge of the various divine attributes, both natural and moral, has a direct tendency to produce great effects on the public character of a nation, and by necessary consequence, on civil government. Take away a sense of these, and you remove the very foundation of public morals. A sense of the divine perfections, power, wisdom, universal presence, independence, self-existence, holiness, goodness, justice and truth, leads to happy consequences, both on the mind and life. Realizing these glorious attributes, we shall dread to offend the divine Majesty, and feel our obligations to serve and obey HIM, who is possessed of such transcendent excellencies. Sensible that he is the greatest, best, and wisest of all beings, our Creator, Preserver, Benefactor, Lawgiver, Sovereign Lord of the universe, Disposer of all events, and Ruler among the nations of the earth, we shall continually aim to please him by a life conformed to his will; by a reverential fear; by seeking daily his blessing; by thankfulness for mercies received; by owning his providence and government; and by looking to him for general health, for fruitful seasons, for defense and protection in times of national danger, and public calamities.

Further; A belief of accountableness, and of the retributions of eternity has a wonderful influence on the public mind, to excite both hope and fear, two of the most powerful springs of action in the human frame; the one to restrain from vice, and the other to urge us to virtue. This belief is essential to the Christian religion. And the astonishing influence which it must have on the MORALS of a community, all are competent to understand. The very idea of our accountableness at the bar of a righteous and impartial Judge, insensibly leads to a fear, lest by sin, we offend and provoke him. Knowing, that when we shall have done with time, we must render an exact account of all our thoughts, words, and actions, is one of the most powerful considerations to induce to a regular and sober life. No doctrine is more either solemn or affecting, than that we must all appear, rulers, and ruled, before the judgment-seat of Christ Jesus, and give an account of the deeds done in the body, according to what every man has done, whether it be good or bad. Add to this, the exact retributions of eternity, of endless glory, or endless misery; and no motive can possibly have more weight to induce to a circumspect behavior, to prevent or reclaim from gross wickedness. In another world, ah my brethren! We shall be rewarded, or punished precisely according to our moral and religious character, to our good or evil deeds.—The more good we have done, in our place and station in life, or been the active means of, the more distinguished will be our reward: and the more sins we have committed, and vices, immoralities, and irreligion, we have been the means of others practicing, the heavier will be our condemnation, and the deeper our misery.—How solemn and affecting a doctrine! How well calculated is the full persuasion of it, to produce most beneficial effects on the public mind and morals; on all classes of people! And, of course, to prevent those gross abominations, which lay waste and destroy society. He, therefore, is doing the greatest conceivable mischief to the community, who attempts to rid the mind of the fear of punishment, or to banish the hope of reward, or to render doubtful the accountability of men to a future tribunal, and the immortality of the soul.

It is obvious still, further, to observe, that the constant exercise of divine worship, and the feelings of our dependence on God, and the infinite obligations of gratitude we are under to him for national, as well as personal blessings, have an inconceivable influence on civil government, and the temporal interests of a people. There can be no religion among a people, where the worship of the Supreme Being, public, social, and private, is wholly neglected; and his institutions set at naught. Public worship, at the religious instructions of the sanctuary, and the holy Sabbath are absolutely essential to the very being of Christianity. Every willful and total neglecter and contemner of these, is contributing, although he may think not of it, his proportion of influence to annihilate religion. The prevalence of religious principles, and the practice of religious duties among a people are essential to the morals; and the morals of the people are essential to their national prosperity. The decline, therefore, of religion in a nation, is an awful presage of evil impending that nation. When the worship of God, in its several forms, is disesteemed and neglected, when the dispensation of the word in the sanctuary is in disrepute, when the Lord’s day is vilely abused, hen morality will fail. Industry, learning, education, peace, the social duties, and with them, all public happiness will fail—RULERS will be disrespected—wholesome laws be trampled upon—and unfounded and unreasonable clamors be excited against the government. The institutions of religion, and constant exercise of divine worship, not only tend to harmonize the sentiments of the people, and to promote amity, civility and humanity, but, also, alone support the interests of morality. If a people reverence and statedly attend upon the ministrations of the gospel, feel their dependence on God, on the wisdom, goodness, and bounty of his Providence for general health, fruitful seasons, and success in their lawful pursuits; if they feel their obligations to be thankful for mercies received, and of humiliation and penitence under his frowns and righteous rebukes, they will be disposed to such a conduct as will subserve their highest temporal interest. Nay, I go farther and affirm, that, merely performing divine service, and expressing, in prayer and praise, gratitude to God for all his blessings, national and private, and acknowledging our entire dependence on his providential government, have a happy effect, both on the mind and morals of the public.

Moreover, it is an expressly commanded duty of the gospel to pray for civil rulers, from the highest to the lowest, and for all in authority over us, for the peace of government, for public order and stability, for good laws to be enacted, and that there may be obedience and submission to them, among all classes of people. I exhort that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made for all men. For kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour. How reasonable and benevolent the Christian religion! It requires of all, peace, friendship, faithfulness, good will to man, to all men, and the forgiveness of injuries, GODLINES, AND HONESY. All are to seek blessings for one another, for all orders, and classes, rulers and ruled, that the administrators of government may be guided by wisdom, be kept from wrong measures and counsels, that we may all lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty. Godliness and honesty are united. Piety and morality go together. MERELY PRAYING, in daily addresses to the throne of grace, for all in authority, for civil government—for good laws—for freedom, civil and religious—for a spirit of obedience to good laws—for a wise use of civil liberty has a direct and powerful tendency to honor civil authority, good laws, and good government; and, at the same time, to prevent unfounded jealousies, evil surmises, variance, hatred, calumny, sedition, pestilent ambition, mean and disingenuous artifices and intrigues against government. The gospel, alone, establishes on a due basis, the rights of man, liberty and equality of the rational kind, and fraternal sentiments. The gospel is an enemy to all tyranny and oppression, slavery and arbitrary government. How wise and suitable that we should pray for all men, when our morning and evening oblations ascend to heaven: and that all orders of the community, may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. Would all classes of people comply with this one duty, the effect on government, on society in all its interests, would be most salutary. Prayer has a causal influence in procuring the blessings devoutly implored. Piety is indeed the strength of morality. Take away the former, and the latter will wither and fade, as a tender plant, from which you remove moisture and nourishment.

The practice of moral duties, as already remarked, is an essential part of the true religion. No man can be a really religious man, without morality. There may be hypocrisy, feigned pretences, and external observances of religion, where there is no morality, or even where heinous sins are allowedly committed; but there can be no real heart-religion, without the strictest regard to every moral duty. A man can no more be a Christian, or have the evangelic graces and temper, without morality, than he can be a Christian, without piety, or faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and repentance towards God. Those, therefore, who have attempted to separate piety and morality, or faith and good works, have done an unspeakable injury to religion, and greatly disserved the cause, which they meant to promote. They have, most unwisely and unhappily, crated a prejudice against either faith on the one hand, or good works on the other, and tempted some to disbelieve the usefulness of the gospel as to our present temporal well-being. Moral duties are as obligatory as devotional, and have the most friendly aspect on government, and the general welfare of society. This might be evinced, most clearly, from a large and critical examination of them in detail. All that the limits, to which I am confined, will permit, is briefly to enumerate some of the moral duties, which constitute an essential part of religion, and examine their tendency in respect to the public mind and civil government, in general. The several moral duties, which will be concisely mentioned and argued upon, are truth, righteousness between man and man, humanity and love of enemies, kindness and compassion, meekness, candor and humility, sobriety, temperance and self-government.

The religion, enjoined upon us by an infinitely wise and holy God, who perfectly knew what would be most for our good, in time and in eternity, and who would prescribe no duty to be done by us, which had not a happy tendency on society, requires strict veracity. It teaches us that truth between man and man, with which is inseparably connected faithfulness, is universally biding; obligatory at all times. It forbids all evil speaking and falsehood, from perjury down to all mental reservation, or equivocation. It allows us to depart from truth, on no occasion, even the most pressing, and from no temptation. How important a moral duty this is; and how necessary even to the existence of public happiness, all must be sensible, who give themselves leisure to reflect on the subject. What dependence can be placed, or safety had in the lying tongue, in perfidious treacherous men! When a man is habitually unfaithful, and pays no regard to truth, in his words, we can repose no confidence. There will be no binding power in an oath. In a multitude of cases, right cannot, therefore, be obtained.

Religion, also, requires strict justice, in the various dealings, among men, in every government. This includes, integrity, equity, honesty. The heart must be upright, and the whole of the conduct be regulated y inflexible righteousness. Justice between man and man is the pillar, on which rests the welfare of society. We may never be guilty of injustice and dishonesty to others: never oppress, extort from, or injure them: not in wish or act injure them in their good name, property, or right; all orders and classes of citizens are to observe all the laws of righteousness towards each other. JUDGES, on the BENCH, are to administer, impartially, without favor or affection, justice. The most of the laws indeed of society are to prevent dishonesty, and keep people upright in their intercourse with each other. So selfish, so full of malicious passions, is human nature, that even heavy penalties, exemplary punishment, and courts of justice cannot keep people from deviating from the rules of equity, in their connections in trade and business. A man, who has religion in his heart, will constantly and uniformly aim to walk in all HONESTY, as well as GODLINESS, though he may sometimes mistake the nature of justice; or through a selfish bias, or strength of temptation, be carried away from it. For no man is free from sin. How much to the honor, peace, and interest of the community, justice between man and man is, all must feel. An unjust and dishonest, cannot be long a flourishing and respected people. A national observance of strict equity will tend to prevent wars—bloodshed—and costly disputes; as well as to preserve national respectability, independence, and honor.—In a free, perfectly republican government, recourse by the citizens is too often had to the LAW and COURTS to decide on their claims. A litigious spirit should be discountenanced.

Religion, tends, further, to exalt a people, and to make them prosperous, as it censures and condemns all idleness, dissipation, excess, and vicious amusements; and requires of man INDUSTRY, in some lawful calling. It requires an attention to the duties of our several callings and stations, and a right improvement of all our time, talents, and opportunities to do good. How directly this contributes to wealth, and competency, to peace, contentment, and order, the least reflection is sufficient to convince us. Can a people be happy, or civil government be well supported, where idleness, murmurs, discontent, factions, vicious amusements, dissipation, debauchery, and luxury prevail? If a people or individuals would be either wealthy or virtuous, they must be industrious.—The prosperity of religion is, then, the prosperity of a nation.

We add, again—religion requires of all, humanity, kindness, candor, compassion to the poor, and all THE OFFICES of benevolence and tenderness. We are to be patient and forbearing under losses and injuries,–to be mild and forgiving in our temper,–to be gentle and condescending—to be obliging to all.—Conscious how often we ourselves offend—how liable to mistakes—to unreasonable prejudices, we shall feel how much we need candor from others. We are required, by our holy religion continually to exercise compassion to the poor;–sympathy to the afflicted;–kindness to the unfortunate;–patience to the forward;–humanity to all;–to think evil of no man without a justifiable cause;–to speak evil of no man unnecessarily;–to be bitter, malicious, and envious to no man;–to slander, abuse, oppress, and ill-treat no man: but to extend our good offices to all—and by a patient continuance in well-doing, to seek for glory, honor, and immortality. How happy does the practice of these mild and amiable virtues tend to make society, to sweeten the intercourse, and cherish the civilities and charities of human life!

The gospel, also, no less strictly and solemnly enjoins upon all classes and ranks, ruler and subject, high and low, the moral duties, which relate to self: sobriety, temperance, purity, and the due discipline of the passions. It never allows us to do anything with sobriety—the great duties of temperance, purity, meekness, and humility. The two Christian tempers of meekness and humility, would prevent anger, wrath, revenge, hatred, envy, pride, and all the violent passions; and of course would prevent all murder and dueling; crimes, of a scarlet color, though alas! fashionable, where the fear of God, and the love of a Redeemer have no place, or little influence. It cannot but be apparent to all, that the duties now mentioned, more than is generally conceived, contribute to secure one’s own, and to promote the happiness of others. A larger and fuller elucidation would prove the point before us, the beneficial influence of religion on civil government and national prosperity so as to stop the mouth, one would imagine, of the most bitter reviler of piety, and hardened gainsayer.

It is only subjoined, that religion has a powerful influence on public happiness and civil government, as it nourishes an ardent wish and desire to advance all useful arts, and the sciences. It is auspicious to everything, which can adorn life, or dignify human nature. It cannot be diffused, where there is no civilization or knowledge, or even exist. It, therefore, always consults how human learning may be promoted, and displays its excellence in the education of children and youth. The welfare of a nation rests much on the right education of children. As religion enlarges our views and expands the soul by the grandeur of its objects, and sublimity of its doctrines, so it affectionately regards the education of children.—It devises liberally for the teaching of the rising generation. It is unwearied in exertions for the public good. Peculiarly happy is OUR OWN STATE in having such ample provision for the education of the children of our citizens. And greatly have the legislature honored themselves by their attention to this important OBJECT. We cannot be long either a pious or free people, if this object be neglected.

It was the saying of a great orator and statesman of antiquity, “that the loss which the community sustains by a want of education, is like the loss which the year would suffer by the destruction of the spring.” If the bud be blasted, the tree will yield no fruit. If the springing corn be cut down, there will be no harvest. So if the youth be ruined through a fault in their education, the community sustains a loss which cannot be repaired. For it is too late to correct them, when they are spoiled. ³ Thus, plain is it that religion, free from superstition and enthusiasm, has a direct and powerful influence to secure and promote the public happiness, and to aid and bless civil government.

In the manner above illustrated, is Christianity propitious to the dearest interests of society. It prescribes rules to regulate the conduct and conversation of all, in every station, from the highest to the lowest. Its benevolent spirit wishes well to all; and requires all, to direct supremely their whole strength to promote the public good—to do as they would be done by—and forbids them to make self their chief end, on the pain of the divine displeasure, here and hereafter. What wise instructions does it give to all mankind, whatever be their station, to kings and subjects—to magistrates and people—to citizens and soldiers—to the church and world.—How important that we contemplate and adopt the means, by which free states may be happy. “Of the states called Republics, in ancient or modern times, all have lost their independence or ceased to exist, except the United States of America. As exhibiting to mankind one example of Republican government, we now stand alone on the globe, surrounded by ruins.” Were we to enquire into the decline of free states, we should find it owing to the general prevalence of vice among all classes of people, to luxury, voluptuousness, dissension, corruption in the exercise of the elective franchise, and boundless ambition, to a total disregard of religion.

The declarations of scripture are abundant to this purpose. If any should be inclined to doubt the friendly influence of true religion, an essential part of which are pure morals, on the public happiness, after all the arguments above advanced, they are requested candidly to weigh the proofs from the sacred pages. The text, and all the blessings and curses pronounced, in the verses next following, down to the 45th verse prove the doctrine. Hear the tender words addressed to the people of Israel on account of their neglect of God and his laws. O! that they were wise, that they understood this; that they would consider their latter end! How should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. Agreeably to this are the affecting words uttered by the Psalmist. O! that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways. I should have soon subdued their enemies, and turned mine hand against their adversaries. Their time should have endured forever. I should have fed them also with the finest of the wheat, and with honey out of the rock should I have satisfied them. What a rich promise is made in Isaiah?—Thus saith the Lord thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel, I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee to profit, which leadeth thee by the way thou shoudst go. O! that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! Then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea. Thy seed also had been as the sad, and thy name should not have been cut off, nor destroyed before me. See also the threatenings denounced by Jeremiah against a degenerate and corrupt people. Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not e towards this people; cast them out of my sight, and let them go forth. And it shall come to pass, if they say unto thee, whither shall we go forth, then thou shalt tell them, thus saith the Lord, such as are for death, to death, and such as are for the sword, to the sword, and such as are for the famine, to the famine, and such as are for the captivity, to the captivity. Thou hast forsaken me, saith the Lord, thou art gone backward; therefore will I stretch out my hand, and destroy thee; I am weary of repenting. A people are said to be happy, who have God, for their God. Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord. Righteousness is said to exalt, and sin to reproach a people. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach of any people. The happy effect to a people of virtuous rulers, and unhappy effect from wicked rulers are thus stated. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.—It is needless to recite more proofs from the word of God. Suffice it to say, that a wise and holy God, in his providence, conducts towards a people according to their treatment of him; and that the people of Israel were constantly prosperous or afflicted, as religion flourished or declined among them; and that he deals with all nations, to whom to whom he has revealed his will, in a similar manner. If we were called, to offer an apology for religion, before such an audience, the subject above discussed, would be the BEST: and, indeed, is an ample vindication of it against all the objections and cavils of infidelity. That it hath been, alas! abused to the purposes of superstition, and been employed to support ecclesiastical and civil tyranny, cannot be denied. But what blessing of heaven, has not often, by the corrupt passions of man, been abused?

Men and brethren, preserved by an indulgent Providence, in our various ways and stations, thro’ another year, while many of our friends ⁴ are removed by death from the theatre of the world, we have the opportunity of assembling on this joyful Anniversary, agreeably to the wise institution of our fathers, DEVOUTLY TO IMPLORE the blessings and smiles of Almighty God on the NATION, of which we are a part,–on OUR STATE—ON OUR RULERS—ON THE LGISLATURE—and ON ALL OUR CITIZENS.

And, let not the truths, to which we have been attending, be with us, mere speculation. Let us endeavor to reduce them to practice. Let us never suffer our political principles to clash with the principles of religion. Let us make it our supreme object to accept of the offered salvation, and obey the precepts of Jesus Christ, our divinely benevolent Redeemer, to believe the doctrines, and conform to the laws of his religion, and always seek the Lord, then he will be found of us: For public happiness is of him. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth. By so doing we shall draw down blessings on our nation, still more valuable, than we have already enjoyed. The blessings which we have enjoyed, are such as ought to inspire us with lasting gratitude to the great Author of every good and perfect gift, the wise RULER among the nations, who setteth up one, and pullet down another. Through the good hand of our God upon us, we enjoy yet our liberties, and a free, equal, republican government. The same spirit of rational liberty, removed far from all licentiousness; the same love of our country, the same desire to enjoy the blessings of both civil and religious freedom; which were so conspicuously manifested, when our independence was established, should still operate with the same vigor. The grand question, which is equally interesting to all, is how may this great nation be long free, prosperous and happy; our rights; civil and religious, be enjoyed by all classes of citizens; our favored republic be perpetuated; saved from the evils, which have overwhelmed all past republics, buried the people under oppression and tyranny, and left them to mourn the loss of that liberty, which they never could again recover. History faithfully records by WHAT MEANS, free states have been ruined. May we have wisdom to receive the lessons of experience. In the United States, we have a free government. Few nations have enjoyed the opportunity of taking up government, upon its first principles, and chusing that form, which is best adapted to their situation, and most productive of their public interests and happiness. The government of the United States approaches the nearest to the social compact of any that history can furnish. It is as well, or better, perhaps, calculated for promoting the happiness, and preserving the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens, than any ever yet framed by the wisdom of man. Placing liberty in the custody of the people, it wisely guards against anarchy and confusion, on the one hand, and tyranny and oppression on the other. It is framed upon an extent, not only of civil, but of religious liberty, unexampled in any other country. The sacred rights of conscience are so secured, that no citizen is molested on account of his religious profession and sentiments. How should this consideration endear it, to its citizens, and induce them to regard it with a veneration and affection, rising even to enthusiasm, like that which prevailed at Sparta and at Rome. Happy people whose lot has fallen to them in pleasant places, and who have a goodly heritage! Happy people! If we have wisdom and virtue to improve aright, the advantages which we enjoy! Blessed be God who hath isited and redeemed his people: who hath called them to liberty, and granted them a free government! We have attempted above, to prove from reason and scripture, what are the certain and infallible means of national glory and prosperity; of establishing and perpetuating public happiness; and these are the prevalence of religious and moral principles, and practices, piety and morality. The great object of civil rulers, of those who make laws, or administer justice, or preside over the public interests, from the chief magistrate to the lowest, should be to render, as far as possible, the state happy, to advance the public good, the order and well-being of society. Consulting the annals of every government and people, we shall find, that arms and wealth, have been considered by most nations, and most politicians as the principal means of securing to a people, national glory and happiness. Piety and morality have been generally overlooked. If the arguments above urged, be conclusive, the civil ruler will feel it his duty, to endeavor to make the people happy, by making them virtuous. Much may he do, by example, by promoting men of good moral and religious principles and lives. We have been happy, in having from the beginning, even to the present day, a series of chief magistrates, who have been not only an honor to the state, but ornaments to our churches. May such a series be still continued, of EXCELLENT MEN, and EXCELLENT RULERS. Not only those clothed with civil offices and power, but the ministers of the glorious gospel of the Son of God, may, in the light of this subject, see their duty. The object of their office is to promote the spiritual and eternal good of man, his well-being in this world, and his future blessedness. Their business is to minister in holy things, avoiding all subjects foreign to their sacred calling. It is our business to study and teach Christianity, and thus to promote the civil, as well as spiritual good of man. What a noble employment! To fidelity and zeal, the motives of religion call us; and, also, motives of regard to our country. From love to religion and the souls of men, from a regard to the prosperity of our state and land, let us diligently study the evidences, nature, doctrines and duties of Christianity, and inculcate them with all plainness, assiduity and perseverance.

A consideration that we have but a short period, in which to labor in the gospel ministry, may well animate us to greater, and still greater zeal. We cannot continue long by reason of death. Since the last anniversary of this kind, several of our brethren in the Christian ministry, in our state, have closed life, and been called off from their labors. Let us drop a tear over their memory, and prepare to follow them to the silence of the tomb! ⁵

All this numerous assembly are deeply interested in the truths which I have illustrated. Men and brethren—you cannot be happy as individuals, but in the way of piety and virtue. You have not only the motive of eternal happiness, to choose the Lord for your God, but the motives of the peace, good order and happiness of the people, as a body politic, and the general happiness of the state. In a republic, all authority is derived from the people; and such as they are generally, such will be their representatives, legislators and civil authority. In order for the prosperity, and even existence of a FREE GOVERNMENT, there must be virtue and good morals among the great body of the people.—Where the elective franchise is enjoyed, those who rule, will, in character, be the same as the ruled. Let all make it their first and highest concern, to devote themselves to a life of piety, to the fear, love and service of God. And remember, your day of probation is rapidly passing away. Soon, at the longest, you will all be removed from earth, and go down to the dust of death. It is, therefore, of infinite importance that you embrace the gospel, receive a Saviour, who died for you, and prepare for a blessed immortality. How glorious the end of true religion! How desirable its effects!

We are happy, in being now met together in this large assembly, on this great occasion, and, for the first time, in this beautiful, elegant, and magnificent temple of worship, erected at great expense, and by the commendable exertions of this people.—But before the next return of this Anniversary, how many, who are now here, will belong to the great congregation of the dead, and be fixed unalterably in their eternal state! Who—where now in this Assembly are the persons thus destined so soon to another world.—Ah!—we all must travel the same dark road of death. What one individual here present can say he is not one of this number? Are we all prepared for our eternal state? In that state we shall all be soon found, while other busy mortals like ourselves, will take our places on this stage of life.—Never—never shall we all meet together again, till we meet with the assembled universe, before the tribunal of our final Judge.

The God of all grace, enable us so to live, that we may, at that solemn period, be found on the right hand of our Judge, and by the sentence of his mouth, have our portion assigned us with the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven, with the spirits of just men made perfect, with an innumerable company of angels, with Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant, and with God the Judge of all.

Blessing and honor, and glory, and power be unto him that sitteth on the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever. AMEN.

Endnotes

1. By what mysterious art did ancient Egypt subsist, with so much glory during the period of fifteen or sixteen ages? By a benevolence so extensive that he who refused to relieve the wretched, when he had it in his power to assist him, was himself punished with death; by a justice so impartial that their kings obliged the judges to take an oath that they would administer impartial justice, though they, the kings should command the contrary; by an aversion to bad Princes so fixed as to deny them the honors of a funeral; by entertaining such just ideas of the vanity of life as to consider their houses as Inns, in which they were to lodge, as it were only for a night; and their sepulchers, as habitations, in which they were to abide for many ages; for which reason, they united, in their famous Pyramids, all the solidity and pomp of architecture; by a life so abstemious that even their amusements were adapted to strengthen the body and improve the mind; by such a remarkable readiness to discharge their debts that they had a law, which prohibited the borrowing of money, except on the condition of pledging the body of a parent for payment; a deposit so venerable that a man who deferred the redemption of it was looked upon with horror; in a word, by a wisdom so profound that Moses himself is renowned in scripture for being learned in it.—See Diodorus, Siculus, and Herodotus, Liber 2—The Persians, also, obtained a distinguished place of honor, in ancient history, by considering falsehood in the most odious light, as a vice the meanest and most disgraceful; by a noble generosity, conferring favors on the nations they conquered, and leaving them to enjoy all the ensigns of their former grandeur; by an universal equity, obliging themselves to publish the virtues of their greatest enemies; by educating their children so wisely that they were taught virtue as other nations were taught letters. The children of the royal family and of the nobles were at an early period of life, put under the tuition of four of the wisest and most virtuous statesmen. The first taught them the worship of the gods; the second trained them up to speak the truth and practice equity; the third habituated them to subdue voluptuousness, and to enjoy real liberty, to be always masters of themselves and their own passions; the fourth inspired them with courage, and by teaching them how to command themselves, taught them how to rule over others.
The Romans founded their system of policy upon the best and wisest principle, the fear of the gods—See Montague’s Letters, a firm belief of diving superintending Providence, and a future state of rewards and punishments. Their children were trained up in this belief from tender infancy, which took root and grew up with them, by the influence of an excellent education, where they had the benefit of example, as well as precept. Hence we read of no heathen nation in the world, where both the public and private duties of their religion were so strictly adhered to and so scrupulously observed as among the Romans. They imputed their good or bad success to the observance or neglect of these duties, and they received public prosperity, or public calamities, as blessings conferred, or punishments inflicted by their gods. Though the ceremonies of their religion justly appear to us instances of the most absurd and most extravagant superstition, yet as they were esteemed the most essential acts of religion by the Romans, they must consequently carry all the force of a religious principle.—In his book on soothsaying, Cicero the great Roman Orator and Philosopher, speaking of his countrymen says, We neither exceeded the Spaniards in number, nor did we excel the Gauls in strength of body, nor the Carthagenians in craft, nor the Greeks in arts and sciences, but we have indisputably surpassed all the nations of the universe in piety and attachment to religion, and in the only point that can be called true wisdom, a thorough conviction that all things here below are directed and governed by divine Providence. To this principle alone he wisely attributes the grandeur and good fortune of his country. From this principle proceeded that respect for, and submission to their laws, and that temperance, moderation, and contempt for wealth which are the best defence against the encroachments of injustice and oppression. Hence too arose that inextinguishable love of their country, which, next to the gods, they looked upon as the chief object of veneration.—Cicero de officiis, This they carried to such a height of enthusiasm, as to make every tie of social love, natural affection, and self-preservation give way to this duty to their dearer country. Hence proceeded that obstinate and undaunted courage, that insuperable contempt of danger, and death itself, in defence of their country which completes the idea of the Roman character, as it is drawn by the historians in the virtuous ages of the republic. As long as the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans, weakened this principle of religion, and prepared them for the reception of Atheism, which is the never failing attendant on luxury. And thus by their rapid and unexampled degeneracy was brought on the total subversion of that mighty Republic.”

2. Witherspoon’s Lectures.

3. Belknap’s History of New-Hampshire.

4. And one from the council-board; Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, who in point of talents had few equals—who bore a distinguished part in our country’s cause and honors—and over whose memory who would not weep?

5. Five have departed life—Rev. Mr. Brockway, of Columbia. Rev. Mr. Rexford, of Huntington. Rev. Mr. Bray, of North Guilford. Rev. Mr. Eells, of North Branford. Rev. Mr. Enoch Pond, of Ashford.