Sermon – Election – 1804, Connecticut


Zebulon Ely (1759-1824) graduated from Yale in 1779. While at school the British were approaching the city and Ely was sent to fire at them with some other students, he narrowly avoided capture by the British. Ely was a tutor at Yale (1781-1782), and a pastor of a church in Lebanon, CT (1783-1823). This sermon was preached in Connecticut on May 10, 1804.


sermon-election-1804-connecticut

THE WISDOM AND DUTY OF MAGISTRATES.

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 10TH 1804.

BY ZEBULON ELY, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CURCH IN LEBANON.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A. D. 1804—

ORDERED, That the Honorable William Hill-House, and Hezekiah Ripley, Esquires, present the thanks of the General Assembly to the Rev. Zebulon Ely, for his Sermon, delivered at the Election on the 10th instant, and request a copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

Samuel Wyllys, Secretary.

AN ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM II. 10, 11, 12.

Be wise now therefore, O ye kings: be instructed ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but a little: blessed are all they that put their trust in him.

 

HAPPY for us who possess and acknowledge Divine revelation, the sacred volume contains a portion of instruction suited to every occasion. That now read, it is thought, will not be judged unsuitable to the present anniversary. Happy will the speaker be, if, in the view of its great author, he may be enabled to treat it with propriety. And happy will be the hearer who cordially receives the instruction.

The psalm evidently refers to the Messiah. It begins with a description of his treatment by the heathen, together with the vain imaginations of the people in general. It points out the opposition of kings and rulers, their impatience of the restraint the holy religion of Jesus would lay upon their lusts, with their vain and impious attempts to burst in sunder its sacred bands. It paints in lively colors the derision, in which, Jehovah, highly enthroned in heaven, would hold them, and his unalterable decree to uphold his Son as king of Zion. It declares the rich and glorious portion the Father had designed to bestow upon him, and the omnipotent sway he should maintain over his enemies.

The words of the text are then introduced. They contain an exhortation to kings and great ones of the earth, pointing out their duty with respect both to the Father and the Son, or with respect both to natural and revealed religion. They are exhorted to receive instruction from the Father of lights, to serve the Lord with fear, with sacred awe, with filial reverence of his adorable majesty; and to rejoice in their exalted stations if they do rejoice in them, with trembling, lest through unfaithfulness to their trust, they should fall into the pit.

They are exhorted to embrace the Son as altogether worthy their regard, but, under the slightest tokens of his displeasure, so mighty is his power, they perish from the way of duty and safety, of holiness and happiness in which they ought to walk.

All who repose confidence in him are then pronounced blessed, for he is able to save unto the uttermost.

The instruction contained in the passage may be summed up in the following observation, viz.

It is the wisdom and duty of kings, judges, and of all in authority among men, how exalted soever their stations may be, to serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus.

It cannot be the design of the text to point it out as their wisdom and duty exclusively, for it is most manifestly the wisdom and duty of all. All men, of whatever rank, condition or station they may be, are bound to serve the Lord; and so soon as they have opportunity to become acquainted with the gospel, they are bound to embrace the Saviour. Since this is the wisdom and duty of all, so of course it must be the wisdom and duty of kings, &c. It seems to be enjoined on magistrates in the text because they had been particularly brought into view in the context, and because from their high stations, through that pride and folly natural to the human heart in its present corrupt state, they might be in danger of losing sight of their dependence and obligations and so of pleading an exemption from the Divine service. Other reasons for this exhortation may be mentioned in the sequel. Surely nothing but pride and folly can lead men so to mistake their standing, their true interest and happiness, since the most exalted, not only of earthly but of heavenly created potentates, must be entirely dependant on Jehovah and owe themselves wholly to their Maker. To plead an exemption from His service therefore is to lose sight of their dependence and obligation as creatures; and such is the nature of his service that to desire to be excused from it, is to prefer bondage to liberty. His faithful servants in all ages can testify that in keeping as well as for keeping, his commandments, there is a great reward.

In farther attending to the subject I shall endeavor, through Divine assistance, to shew what is implied in serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus; illustrate this to be the wisdom and duty of all in authority among men; and lastly inquire more particularly why this with similar exhortations in scripture is addressed to magistrates.

I. I am to shew what is implied in serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus.

I join these together because they are joined in the text, and because, under the light of the gospel, they are in their own nature, necessarily connected. Those who truly serve the Lord, living under the light of the gospel, cannot fail of being Christians. Natural and revealed religion are perfectly harmonious, so that a genuine subject of the former, cannot fail of embracing the latter. It is a deception to suppose that men may be good men, that they may be the willing and acceptable servants of the One living and true God, and at the same time reject the gospel. It is in vain to plead that although they cannot admit the evidence of Divine revelation, yet they may possess good hearts, and so perform their duty as to find acceptance with their Maker and Judge. It is a truth capable of rational demonstration, that “Whosoever denieth the Son, the same hath not the Father,” and “that no man speaking by the spirit of God calleth Jesus Accursed.” As the Son is the brightness of the Father’s glory, so revealed religion is perfectly consistent with natural religion, as far as the latter goes. It is hence manifest, that every good man, having the means of knowledge, must be a believer.

These things are not said to cast any personal reflections, or unnecessarily to give pain. Indeed it is charitably to be hoped that in this venerable assembly there is not an individual who would avow the character of an infidel. But should this be the case, as such may obtrude themselves among the sons of God, these things are said to prevent a deception into which they and others may be liable to fall. It is indeed extremely manifest, that whatever specious appearances of virtue, piety and benevolence such may be put one, they are but appearances; they can have no solid foundation.

These things being premised I proceed to shew what it is to serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus. This implies

1. Supreme love to God.

Love is the fulfilling of the law, the substance of all genuine obedience. As Jehovah is infinitely the most amiable and glorious object in the universe, so it is most reasonable that he should require the heart, the whole heart. Jealous for the glory of his great name He cannot endure a rival. He must have the first place in the affections or he will have no place there. From a view of the perfect moral excellence of his character, or from a sense of the beauty of holiness, the heart must be conquered, the affections sweetly captivated and the desires of the soul go forth after God as the supreme good. The devout breathings of such an one, a magistrate too of the first eminence, are thus expressed, “Whom have I in heaven but thee, and there is none on earth I desire beside thee. As the hart panteth after the water brooks, so panteth my soul after thee O God. My soul thirsteth for God, for the living God; when shall I come and appear before God.”

When the heart, the fountain of all moral agency, is thus right with God; when it exercises sweet complacency in his holy character; his holy law, his righteous and perfect government; then obedience will follow of course. Then it will afford pleasure, it will be as meat and drink to keep the commandments of God. To the same purpose the apostle John observes, “This is the love of God that we keep his commandments, and his commandments are not grievous.” Love makes all service for the beloved object delightful. Hence arises the liberty of the children of God. Whatever service is pretended to be rendered to the Lord, so long as the heart is withholden and some idol is suffered to usurp his place, it is not that service which can be acceptable to Him who regardeth not the outward appearance, but looketh directly at the heart.

Suffer me just to observe that with this love, evangelical faith and repentance are necessarily connected.

2. That we make the Divine word the rule of our faith and practice.

Since God hath given us his word to this end, we cannot serve him unless we receive and treat it as a complete rule in these respects. In regard to those doctrines which are termed mysterious, they are to be received on the credit of Divine testimony as the highest evidence. To pretend to bring them to the bar of human reason, is to abuse reason; for there can be no plainer dictate of that noble faculty than this, that “God is greater than man”—that our wisdom is folly compared with his infinite understanding.

Besides, should not a revelation from heaven contain mysteries, unsearchable depths, it would not be analogous to the works of God.

The rules given us in scripture to regulate our practice, must surely be observed, or our service can never be acceptable. Those rules are most excellent, they are perfect. They point out our duty, or delineate that conduct which is beautiful and proper, in all relations and circumstances.

They point out our duty as men, as rational accountable creatures, which is summarily comprised in loving God with all our heart and our neighbor as ourselves.

They point out our duty as sinners in a state of probation, which summarily consists in repentance towards God and in faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ.

They point out our duty in all our natural, ecclesiastic and civil relations.

Our text in connection with the occasion, naturally leads us to pay some more particular attention to the last.

Be it then observed, and ever remembered, that the scriptures contain most excellent rules for kings, judges and all in authority among men; and for all their subjects. Surely there are none, however elevated their stations may be, who will disdain to receive instruction from the word of Divine wisdom; unless they are under the dominion of that pride which goes before destruction, and that haughty spirit which precedes a fall.

The advice which the prince and priest of Midian gave to his son-in-law the Jewish law-giver, respecting the choice of rulers, contains a general and excellent description of that character which they should be ever studious to maintain. They should be “able men such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.” A weak or a wicked ruler is a great judgment on any people. “Woe to thee O land when thy king is a child.” If a ruler be not a man of ability he is liable to become the tool of a party, and of course to sink the dignity of his office. Or if he be willful and obstinate, too wise to be advised, from his precipitate and injudicious measures, great calamity must ensue. If he be a man who doth not fear God and reverence the adorable Immanuel, his measures in connection with the influence of his example, must be expected to operate as poison, diffusing their baneful effects through the community and extending from one generation to another. To demonstrate the truth of this observation by experience, I need only refer you to the instance of Jereboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. Leading the body of the people astray from the worship and service of Jehovah, the pernicious influence of his authority and example, is traced by the inspired penman through the reign of no less than twenty succeeding monarchs. It is extremely obvious that the example of men in high stations is calculated to have the most powerful influence. People in common, naturally look up to their rulers and feel themselves supported by high authority while they imbibe their sentiments and tread in their steps. A ruler who renounces his allegiance to the Supreme King takes the most effectual method to undermine his own authority and introduce disorder in his government. The fountain head of moral influence being thus poisoned, the streams must of course partake of the corrupt tincture.

That a ruler should be a man of truth must be indispensibly requisite to the dignity and usefulness of his high station. How debasing in such an one is prevarication! If his speeches and practice disagree, if he study ambiguity of expression and be guilty of duplicity, what confidence can be placed in him. How detestable is such unfair dealing in one whose words and conduct should all be marked with simple verity; to the end that he may not be misunderstood and that public faith may rest on a firm basis.

That a ruler should be a hater of covetousness is requisite to render him amiable and respectable, a public blessing instead of a scourge. If a covetous spirit have dominion over him, he will be insatiably grasping for himself and his dependants. He will be given to oppression and tyranny. His measures will tend to impoverish and not to enrich a people. But if he be a hater of covetousness, instead of self-aggrandisement and the emolument of a favorite few, his object will be to promote the true interest of the people at large; and every reasonable private sacrifice which he can consistently make to this end will be made by him with pleasure. Around such a ruler the world will smile, and people will rise up and call him blessed. How exquisitely beautiful is the description of such an amiable and dignified character by the pen of inspiration. “He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.” Would you behold such a character in real life, look to Job that worthy prince of the east. “When I went out to the gate through the city, when I prepared my seat in the street; the young men saw me and hid themselves; and the aged arose and stood up. The princes refrained talking, and laid their hand on their mouth. When the ear heard me, then it blessed me; and when the eye saw me, it gave witness to me; because I delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him. The blessing of that was ready to perish came upon me; and I caused the widow’s heart to sing for joy. I put on righteousness and it clothed me; my judgment was as a robe and a diadem. I was eyes to the blind and feet was I to the lame. I was a father to the poor; and the cause which I knew not I searched out. And I brake the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his teeth.”

Would you behold another luminary of similar luster, look to Moses. How eminently, how faithfully and under circumstances most trying did he serve a numerous, but an ungrateful, rebellious people! How entirely was he devoted to their service, and how gloriously did a regard for their welfare, raise him above all private or party views! For all his laborious and eminent services, what compensation from them did he ever receive? Not that I would insinuate that a public officer should not be honorably rewarded, but these thoughts are suggested to display the noble spirit of a ruler who hates covetousness.

Should I bring the subject home to ourselves, to our own age and nation, might I not point you to that great American leader, who nobly refused any stipends, for his arduous, indefatigable labors; through a long, hazardous, bloody and successful conflict?

Again, good rulers are described by the apostle as not wearing the sword in vain, as a terror to evildoers and a praise to them that do well. Good rulers, by their authority and example, will awe and restrain the wicked, reward and encourage the righteous. When such men are in place, integrity is held in repute and the sacred rites of religion are respected. On the other hand, when bad men are exalted, the wicked walk on every side. Vice comes forth from its dark recesses—Impiety assumes a brazen front, and infidelity dares to blaspheme!

From these with many other descriptions and examples of worthy rulers in sacred writ, those who are exalted to high offices may find their duty most judiciously delineated. By consulting these they will perceive how they are to act their respective parts, so as to claim the honor and reward of faithful servants of the Most High.

Serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus implies,

3. That we make the glory of God and the good of mankind our supreme and ultimate end.

Acting as rational creatures, as moral agents, some object must be uppermost in our minds, take the lead in our affections, and govern our practice. This object must be either some private, partial good, or it must be the good of the community. By the latter is to be understood the same as the glory of God and the good of mankind. To make any private good our great object, or ultimate end, is to serve ourselves and not the Lord. It is to serve diverse lusts and vanities—It is to be in bondage to sin and Satan. The example of our Saviour and of his followers is directly the reverse. His spirit we must possess and his example we must imitate, or we never can make good our claim to the endearing and honorable character of his friends. Such was his zeal for the glory of God that it is said to consume him. Such were the riches of his good will to men, that for our sakes he became poor that we through his poverty might be rich. These objects combined induced him to leave the realms of glory, to assume our nature, and to go through such an astonishing scene of humiliation and suffering. His friends have each a portion of the same benevolent spirit, and to tread in his steps must ever constitute their felicity and glory.

Those who do thus, who give the all-glorious God their hearts, who make his word the rule of their faith and practice, his glory and the good of mankind their end, they are the servants of the living God, they are the friends of the Saviour. I am

II. To illustrate this to be the wisdom and duty of kings, judges and of all in authority among men, how exalted soever their stations.

To this end the following things may be observed.

1. They cannot possibly place their affections on an object more worthy.

Some objet or other must possess the throne of the heart, the first place in the affections. This object must either be the Creator or the creature. Between these, what an infinite disparity! What object, what creature on earth or in heaven, is worthy to be compared with Jehovah! Look to the Sun, that early and extensive object of idolatry, and it shineth not, compared with the glorious lustre of his character. It is but a beam of his glory. Look to the saints above and holy angels, perfect in his likeness—Truly, they are glorious, but what is their glory compared with His! What is a ray to the Sun!—a drop to the Ocean! Less are all the resplendent luminaries surrounding the throne above, compared with the Father of glory.

Would then the rulers and great ones of the earth shew themselves elevated in their minds as they are in their high stations, let them make it appear that their affections are supremely placed on that Being who is infinitely exalted above every other in the universe.

2. The wisest men and highest potentates on earth can have no better rule than the word of God.

However they may be distinguished by their abilities natural and acquired as well as by their exalted stations; if possessed of that wisdom which is from above, they will realize their need of divine teaching. This will qualify their dignity with the humble docile temper of little children. Candidly perusing the sacred scriptures, they will readily perceive that the system of Theology which they contain, is worthy of God—as much superior to the inventions of men as the heavens are above the earth. While the systems of the most learned heathen are evidently fraught with fable and folly, perusing the sacred oracles they will devoutly exclaim, “a God, a God appears!”

The system of Ethics contained in the scriptures will approve itself to their enlightened understandings as most excellent. The moral rules which they contain are indeed perfect. They point out the path of the most beautiful propriety and extensive usefulness in every condition of life. They shew us how to conduct so as to command respect, and insure happiness.

Hence rulers of every description, whether acting in a legislative, judiciary, or executive capacity, will do wisely to consult the sacred oracles. Enacting laws they will never lose sight of the Divine moral law, and as far as circumstances compare, be guided by the jurisprudence of Israel.

3. Can the greatest men act to a nobler end than the glory of God and the good of mankind?

Every intelligent and wise agent must propose to himself some end of action, nor will he be satisfied with an inferior end, when one more worthy presents itself. Kings and great ones of the earth, to support the dignity of their high stations, should surely act to the noblest end. This can be none other than the glory of God and the good of mankind. Setting up the general good as their great and ultimate object, disdaining to be governed by sinister ends, by selfish motives, they will have the honor and sublime satisfaction of acting in concert with all holy beings. Suffer me to observe.

4. Kings, judges and all in authority among men, however elevated their rank are accountable to God, under his government, subject to his laws. It must therefore be their wisdom and their duty to serve him. They are officers whom the Supreme Ruler, the King of kings, hath in his providence appointed as his subordinate gents, whom he hath called up to high stations, to move in enlarged spheres that they may be more extensively useful. The authority with which they are invested, together with the powerful influence of their example, constitute a great talent with which they are entrusted and for which they must render an account.

Men compared with men, creatures compared with creatures, may claim rank and precedence one of another to a high degree; but compared with the divine majesty, the most exalted must take their place at his foot-stool. And though there should be no power on earth to call them to an account, yet to Him they must be accountable for their every action. They must be strangely deluded by a subtle adversary and a deceitful heart, yea they must be foolishly intoxicated by the pride of life, to imagine the Divine laws are not as obligatory on them as on the meanest of their subjects.

5. By faithfully serving the Lord and being the friends of the blessed Jesus, they will taste the purest pleasure and enjoy the most exalted satisfaction this side of heaven.

Acting to the same end with the blessed God himself, He will make them drink of the river of his own pleasures. They will be little emblems on earth of the great benefactor above, and in a sense, gods among men. As the great benefactor above is continually doing good to countless millions, so they will be diffusing their benign influence through their respective spheres. Respected and beloved like our Washington of immortal memory, they will possess a treasure in the hearts of men of more value than thousands of gold and silver.

Compare the pleasures of wise and virtuous rulers with the pleasures of those who know not the Lord and will not serve him.

Those who are thus placed in exalted stations are generally supposed to have the good things the earth affords at their command. Supposing they have power which they gladly abuse, of consuming the choicest bounties of kind providence upon their lusts, riot and wanton in scenes of festivity and debauchery—Or supposing from their power to gratify the more malignant passions, such as avarice, ambition and revenge, they not only sacrifice the rights, the liberty, the property, the happiness and the lives of individuals and families, but lay whole province waste, desolate flourishing cities and spread devastation far and wide; what are their pleasures, sensual and infernal, compared with the pleasures of those in similar high stations, who fear God and keep his commandments? Who imitate the example of the Supreme Ruler in his government, doing all the good in their power, praising and rewarding those who do well, punishing the wicked, relieving the distressed, being fathers to the fatherless, and causing the widow’s heart to sing for joy? Possessing the benevolent spirit of Him who went about doing good and treading in his beautiful steps, having the confidence, respect and good will of the people, and beholding the happy fruits of their labors; how sweet must be their reflections! Verily, the difference in the enjoyment of these two opposite characters, the benevolent Christian Ruler and the haughty selfish, cruel despot, is like that between brutes and rational creatures. Or rather, between saints and sinners, holy angels and devils.

6. By faithfully serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus, they will entitle themselves to an ample reward in the world to come.

They will be found among the distinguished, the happy few of the mighty and noble who are called. They will have the rare honor of being crowned in both worlds. They will share largely in the triumphant honors and joys of the last great day. Placed on the right hand of the King, they will have the unspeakable and glorious satisfaction of being thus addressed by Him, “Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.” To each one will He say, “Well done good and faithful servant, thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.” Thus removed to higher spheres of usefulness, hey will shine s stars of eminent magnitude in the celestial firmament forever and ever.

III. Let us inquire more particularly why this with similar exhortations in scripture, is addressed to magistrates.

Why are they especially exhorted to serve the Lord and prove themselves friendly to the Saviour? Are their souls more precious than the souls of others, who sustain no such high and honorable office? This is hardly to be supposed. May not the reason be this? Are they not thus addressed by the inspired penman, on account of the regard they owe to their fellow creatures, to those more especially over whom and for whose benefit, they are called to exercise authority? The people are not made for magistrates, but magistrates for the people. It is a sentiment in which all the understanding and genuine friends of liberty will be agreed, that the civil ruler is vested with power, not to aggrandize himself, his own family, connections or party; but to promote the common weal, the good of those to whom his authority extends. For a ruler, how exalted and honorable soever the sphere may be in which he is called to move, to view the people as made for him, and to treat them with a view to self-emolument, is the very spirit of tyranny, ought to be carefully guarded against and eradicated if possible. The contrary sentiment is founded on the second great immutable branch of the Divine moral law, which requires every man to love his neighbor as himself. In conformity with this pure principle the civil ruler is bound to have as much more regard to the good of the community than to any private or partial good, as the former exceeds the latter in magnitude. Hence it is so highly incumbent on those clothed with authority to be good men. The higher the authority with which they are vested, the more important is it that they should be good, because they have so much more power to do good or hurt. The happiness of a people so much depends on a wise and righteous administration, that magistrates have motives to be good peculiar to themselves, and therefore are particularly addressed. For them to be irreligious and immoral is far more criminal than for other men, on whom, little, comparatively speaking, is depending. If they are good, the benefit is small, and if they are wicked, the evil is small, compared with what it is in the case of the ruler. The ruler moves in an extensive sphere, and wide is the spread of good or evil by him occasioned. The consideration of the following particulars may sufficiently illustrate this point.

1. Religious rulers will naturally care and consult for the good of the people. To hold that it is immaterial what the religious principles of a ruler are, or whether he have any or not, is preposterous. One might as well deny all connection between cause and effect through the whole moral world. Or one might as well say, that a man may be a very good man and at the same time a very bad man—that a man may be altogether contracted within himself or wrapt up in a party and at the same time prove as great a blessing to a people as though he were truly benevolent. If it be true that “all men will walk, everyone in the name of his god,” it must surely very materially affect the best interest of a people, whether a ruler be a votary of Jehovah the God of Israel, or of Bacchus, Venus or the Gallic goddess of reason.

Rulers who bear the image of that God whose moral character is all summed up in love, instead of plotting mischief on their beds and devising how they shall render the advantages of their stations subservient to their carnal ends; will be prayerfully exercising their thoughts how they shall magnify their respective offices by promoting the highest good of the community. This they will be disposed to do without noise and ostentation. They will have no occasion or disposition to amuse the people and cover sinister designs with the lullaby of liberty and equality. Conscious of their own integrity they will leave their actions to declare the real sentiments of their hearts, and willingly be judged by their fruits.

2. Religious rulers will enact good laws and execute justice impartially.

In enacting laws they will respect the constitution as the palladium of their rights. They will consult the sacred oracles as containing the fundamental principles of all good government. They will wisely consider the particular circumstances of the people, and they will look to the Father of lights for direction.

In the administration of justice they will be inflexible. They will respect no man’s person. They will disdain a bribe.

How vastly important it is for rulers to be wise and good men on these two accounts, a little consideration will shew. Unrighteous laws and an unfaithful administration of justice tend to unhinge all good order and throw everything into confusion.

3. Wise and good rulers will employ the force of their example for the good of the people. They will consider it as highly incumbent on them to walk in an exemplary manner, not merely for their own sake, but for the sake of the thousands, it may be, millions who are looking up to them. Being so conspicuously exalted, how vastly important must it be that their light should shine. The example of such dignified characters, operates on the common people as a fascinating charm. Since mankind are naturally corrupt, as they have a strong bias to evil, to irreligion and immorality, when their rulers set the example and take the lead in that way, their destruction, according to the usual course of things, is inevitable. If men placed on the eminence of authority who are supposed to have enlarged views, as they ought to have, are known to embrace sentiments unfriendly to the worship and service of Jehovah; it will have a most powerful tendency to leaven the whole lump, to propagate infidelity through the nation. If they indulge themselves in licentious habits, in scenes of intemperance and debauchery, what numbers emboldened by their example, will smoothly glide along the slippery paths of ruin, hardly suspecting themselves in danger.

On the other hand, if men in high stations are known to be the friends of religion, if they are ready to acknowledge God on all occasions, laying themselves low at his foot-stool, if they profess to believe in the scriptures as a revelation from heaven, a complete rule for our faith and practice; it will have a most powerful tendency to bring religion into repute, it will support and encourage its friends and advocates among all ranks, and it will lay powerful restraints on the wicked. On this account then is very great propriety in addressing the exhortation in the text to magistrates.

4. Such a government must meet the approbation and blessing of heaven.

On the character of such rulers, heaven will look down with a smile of complacency. Those who thus honor the God of heaven, the God of heaven will delight to honor. As it is the pleasure of the Supreme Ruler in all proper ways to manifest his love of righteousness and his hatred of iniquity, so he will delight to own and bless the people of such a government. For it is to remembered, as empires and nations as such exist only in this world, so if the high and holy One ever manifest his approbation or disapprobation of their ways, it must be done in the present state.

Let the dispensations of providence towards empires and nations in all ages of the world be examined with respect to this matter, and on that issue let the weight of the argument rest. If it doth not appear that they have generally been blessed or frowned upon according to the character of their rulers, if they have not been blessed when the government hath been friendly to religion and good morals, and in proportion as they have been thus friendly; and if they have not been frowned upon when it hath been otherwise, then this powerful motive for rulers to be good will readily be given up.

There is not time on this occasion to traverse the history of empires. To attempt it would be a trespass on the patience of this audience at large, and a disparagement of the information and good judgment of a number most highly respectable. Suffer me just to refer you to the history of that people recorded in sacred writ, with which a Christian assembly must be supposed to be best acquainted. When a wise and good king was placed on the throne of Israel, one who feared God and believed in the promised Messiah, did not things go well with them, did not the Lord appear to delight to shower down his blessings upon them? On the contrary, when an impious and immoral character was thus exalted, did not heaven frown, confusion and misery ensue?

It hence appears that good rulers are the great medium through whom God conveys his blessings to a people, and that wicked rulers are the rods of his anger, the staff of his indignation. If then the favor of heaven be important to a people, it is of importance that they have good rulers. If a people can be guilty of the amazing stupidity, folly and madness of setting up a government independent of Jehovah (as indeed we have seen in our day) then let them if they please appoint rulers who neither fear God nor regard man. But let them not be surprised when the consequences overtake them, consequences which mock all description—terrible as a storm of vengeance from heaven.

In the review of our subject we cannot but felicitate ourselves, that hitherto since the first settlement of our state, we have been so generally blessed with wise Christian rulers. Our governors, counselors, representatives, judges and those elevated to high stations, have generally professed themselves the disciples of the blessed Jesus. And to the glory of God and the good of mankind they have made it appear that their profession was not an empty name. Firmly believing all scripture to be given by inspiration of God, and to be profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness; they have embraced its mysterious and glorious doctrines, not being ashamed of the cross of Christ: and they have had respect to its sacred and perfect rules of practice. From supreme regard to the glory of the Divine lawgiver and the good of the people, they have viewed it their duty to enjoin the religious observance of the Lord’s day, and to make provision for the support of gospel worship and order. They have been convinced to use the words of revered authority, that “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.”

Under rulers convinced of the truth of these sage maxims, we have been peculiarly happy, and of this happiness under God we must view them as the prime instruments. In their laws they have respected the Divine law, in their lives, the Divine rule, and powerful has been the force of their example. It is devoutly to be wished we may ever continue to have such rulers. Our salvation indeed depends upon it. Should men of contrary principles, men who fear not God and contemn the gospel of his son, gain the ascendancy in our public affairs and fill the various departments of state; the great pillars of human happiness being removed, a wide spreading ruin must be expected to ensue, a ruin which in addition to all its temporal calamities, with respect to millions of individuals, must extend to the remotest ages of the world to come.

To guard against such evil and to lengthen out our tranquility as far as possible, let all who have the right of suffrage, make a wise use of that inestimable privilege. Let us be guarded against a spirit of party, cabal and intrigue, of pride and ambition, remembering that modesty is ever attached to merit, and that those best qualified for office, are to be sought out instead of thrusting themselves forward. It is well known to have been a trait in the political character of the people of New-England, that for a man to manifest a strong desire for office and to put himself forward as a candidate, has had a direct and powerful tendency to defeat his purpose and sink him in the estimation of the public. It is painful to notice the danger we are in of losing this distinguishing, this honorable political trait. It is in the power of the freemen, by maintaining the unbiased freedom of their suffrages, and by exercising that right with discretion, to prolong its preservation. And surely it behoveth those who call themselves Christians and hope to obtain the approbation of the supreme Judge in the great day, seriously to consider, how they can act in character and maintain their loyalty to the King of kings, in promoting those who are destitute of the requisite qualifications of good rulers as pointed out in the scriptures.

Those who fill the most honorable stations will suffer the word of exhortation from the royal preacher and sweet psalmist of Israel. It is a king and one of the most excellent of kings who, in the text, addresses kings and others in high stations. And this he doth, not in his own name, but in the name, by the authority of the King of kings. The substance of his exhortation is that they serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus. Ever keeping this in view, they will act in character, adorn the high stations they fill, and diffuse blessings on the world around them, in proportion to their respective abilities and the enlarged spheres in which they move.

While our highly respected political fathers and beloved Christian brethren thus magnify their offices, those of us who have the honor to serve at the altar, will not cease to pray for them, and in the stations in which we are placed, we will stand as sentinels for their good and for the good of the public. Thus co-operating like Moses and Aaron, may we not confidently hope that our American Israel will present a brazen front to her enemies, supported by the mighty God of Jacob.

Do I engage too much on your behalf my reverend fathers and brethren? It is evident I do not. The part you acted in the late great revolution, and the character you have uniformly supported, warrant the assertion. Our sacred rule teaches us to obey magistrates, to render to Ceasar the things that are Caesar’s, and where it is rightly understood and duly observed, it never fails to make good faithful subjects. With rulers, such as have been described our hearts are united. Our views and our endeavors, however the subtlety of the serpent by his agents, may seek to divide us, are generally the same. We wish, by all proper means, to promote the glory of God and the best interest of mankind. While they are called more immediately to consult and act for the secular temporal interest of the people, we have their spiritual immortal concerns directly in view. While we cannot but disapprove an heterogeneous mixture of civil and ecclesiastical power, and condemn the policy which makes religion a state engine for the purpose of subjugation; we approve the idea which makes civil government an handmaid to religion, and cannot but account it a favorable omen, when kings become nursing fathers and queens nursing mothers to the church. A sweet and harmonious union of church and state to promote the general good, must meet the full approbation of heaven. May we, my reverend fathers and brethren, ever act in character, so as to have the entire confidence and powerful aid of all wise and good rulers. May we be enabled to act our part worthily in this day of trial. And may we be quickened by the late repeated and solemn admonitions of God’s holy providence in the removal of one and another of our fathers and brethren in the ministry, whose praise is in the churches. While we deplore the loss of four in this and one in a neighboring state since our last anniversary, let us endeavor to realize that we must soon follow. Let a weighty sense of the high responsibility of our holy office duly affect us; and God of his infinite mercy grant, that we may be prepared to give up our accounts with joy and not with grief.

Beloved citizens, of the commonwealth, we will not yet despair. We will fondly hope that the gracious Providence which hath brought us hitherto and wrought such wonders for us, will still continue to watch over and protect us. He who saith to the proud waves, hitherto shall ye come and no farther, is able to restrain the wrath of man. He who overthrew Korah and his company, is able as suddenly to check their successors. The time will at length come, and there is reason to apprehend it is not far distant, when Jannes and Jambres shall proceed no further.

But whatever, dear Christian brethren, may be the fate of our state and nation, of this one thing we rest assured, that as Christ lives the church shall live also. Consequently with all who sere the Lord and prove themselves the friends of Jesus, we know it will be well. With them it will be well when the empires of this world shall crumble to ruins, and be blown away like chaff before the wind! With them it will be well when the earth shall be dissolved and the elements melt with fervent heat! With them it will be well when time shall be no more.

Finally, with them it will be well while the smoke of the torment of the wicked shall ascend up for ever and ever. Amen.

Sermon – Election – 1803, Massachusetts


Reuben Puffer (1756-1829) graduated from Harvard in 1778. He was pastor of the Congregational church in Berlin, Mass. from 1781 until his death. He was awarded his Doctor of Divinity degree in 1810 by Harvard. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Puffer in Boston on May 25, 1803.


sermon-election-1803-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, ESQ. GOVERNOUR,

HIS HONOUR

EDWARD H. ROBBINS, ESQ. LT. GOV.

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

May 25, 1803,

BEING THE DAY OF GENERAL ELECTION.

BY REUBEN PUFFER,
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH AT BERLIN.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY YOUNG AND MINNS.
MDCCCIII.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

 

In Senate, May 25, 1803.
 

ORDERED, That the Hon. Daniel Bigelow, Elijah Brigham and Jonathan Mason, Esquires, be a committee to wait on the Rev. Reuben Puffer, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon he delivered this day before His Excellency the Governour, His Honour the Lieutenant Governour, the Honourable the Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request of him a copy for the press.

WENDELL DAVIS, Clerk.
 

Election Sermon.

LUKE XIX. 44.

Because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation.

The origin, progress, decline, and final subversion of civil states, yield a most interesting subject of contemplation. Beheld through the medium of history, they attract the notice, and command the attention of mankind. They are to be regarded as so many monuments erected by the hand of heaven for the benefit of succeeding ages. They point to the causes, by the joint operation of which nations rose and fell. They lay open the sources both of human felicity and misery. And they admonish the world to avail itself of the means, by which the latter may be escaped, and the former secured. The history of no nation is more replete with instruction, than that of the Jews; nor can any portion of their national existence be surveyed to greater advantage, than the one under review.

The dispensations of heaven towards this people, connected with their perverse conduct, form a striking contrast. On the one hand, we behold with astonishment the patience and forbearance of Deity; with scarcely less astonishment we view, on the other, a train of provocation, which admits of no parallel. At the time of which we are speaking, principles of a dangerous nature and tendency were adopted; a most pernicious fanaticism was prevailing; and such was the prostration of morals, such the unbelief, obstinacy, impiety, and abuse of things civil and sacred, as indicated the approach of some dangerous crisis.

This is a just account of the moral state of the nation at the time of our Saviour’s advent.

The outrage and violence, experienced by this Divine Teacher, are well known. It was in the foresight of his own death, and of the consequent judgments of heaven, that he uttered the pathetic lamentation, of which the text is the conclusion.

He was now on his last journey to Jerusalem. When that celebrated city opened to his view, which had long enjoyed, and long resisted the efforts of divine goodness and grace; where prophets and righteous men, sent to reclaim them, had cruelly and unjustly suffered; where he himself was shortly to be added to the number of these victims of popular prejudice, it affected him in the most sensible manner. A mingled tide of grief, compassion, and regret rushed upon his mind, and found vent in a flood of tears. “He beheld the city, and wept over it, saying; if thou hadst known, even thou, at least, in this thy day, the things which belong to thy peace; but now they are hid from thine eyes. For the days shall come upon thee, that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee, and compass thee round, and keep thee in on every side, and shall lay thee even with the ground, and thy children within thee; and they shall not leave in thee one stone upon another; because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation.”

These last words assign the reason of that unequalled calamity, which shortly befell this devoted nation. While they lead us to explore the situation occupied by ourselves, they likewise bring into view those principles and habits, which are connected with our safety and happiness.

If we carefully search the records of divine providence, we shall be led to believe that nations, as well as individuals, have their seasons of visitation, when heaven is propitious; when the opportunity and means of happiness are afforded; and when it is in their power, by availing themselves of these advantages, to lay a foundation of solid and lasting prosperity. The entire history of God’s ancient people is an illustration of this remark. We scruple not to affirm, that proofs of it exist among all nations. They certainly exist in our own, and claim the attentive consideration of all.

Here it may be pertinently asked, when a people may be said to know the time of their visitation? They know this, when they duly consider the “signs of the times,” the character and aspect of divine providence towards them. They know this, when they appreciate present advantages and blessings, and do not hazard the loss of them in the delusive pursuit of a splendid phantom, of romantic schemes of liberty and equality, which can never be realized. Especially, they know this, when they eagerly seize, and diligently improve, the only safe and proper means for establishing national glory and tranquility.

There is a strong resemblance betwixt the character and state of nations, and of individuals. By prudent attention to their affairs, some, among the latter, acquire property, and rise into respectability, while others fall the untimely victims of profligacy. Is there not something resembling this visible among nations? Pursuing similar courses, they flourish or decline, ascend the heights of prosperity, or rush to the loss of freedom, of independence, and of all those political, civil, moral, and religious blessings, of which they once had the quiet and peaceable enjoyment.

Casting our eyes over those regions celebrated in ancient story, and what is discoverable, but a vast field of human misery and woe, where lie scattered round the broken remains of national greatness, policy, and power? Leaving these dreary realms, the prospect varies; brighter scenes, and more pleasing objects surround us. But concealed beneath the specious surface, principles are in operation, which tend to reproduce like disorders and calamities. Names and nations have changed; but their errors remain. New forms of government have arisen; but the evils which proved fatal to the old were not eradicated. Modern history with respect to ancient, is but a later edition of the wars and revolutions of nations; of struggles for freedom rarely crowned with success; or if in a few instances successful, the objects of which have speedily vanished, and left the people in less eligible circumstances than before. Thousands perish; but nothing worthy the sacrifice is gained to the sum of human happiness. Are we at a loss to account for these things? The solution is to be found in the text, “They knew not the times of their visitation.”

Rescued from foreign dominion by the outstretched arm of Omnipotence, and recently admitted to the honour of an independent existence, the United States now come forward to enjoy their day. Their political probation has commenced. The trial is progressing, and the decision impending, which shall make known, whether they are to be confirmed in the possession and enjoyment of the blessings of a free people, or be deprived of them.

How important is this period! How extensive the benefits, or the evils, that shall eventually flow from it! Posterity, distant generations, the race of man, are deeply concerned in the transactions of this time. These will reflect a bright ray, or cast a dark shade on ages to come.

No man liveth to himself. We live, we act for those who shall come after us. The customs, the manners, the habits, the national character now forming, will probably affect posterity of many generations. Their condition will take its complexion from this age. Their rights must descend to them through our hands. If by any neglect or misconduct on our part, these rights, of which we are the trustees and guardians, shall be forfeited and lost, they are forfeited and lost not to ourselves only, but to our descendants, who, in this respect, will suffer the consequences of their fathers’ sins.

Comparing our own with other countries, who can forbear to exclaim; “The lines are fallen to us in pleasant places; yea, we have a goodly heritage! Happy art thou, O Israel; who is like to thee, O people saved by the Lord!” saved “from the lion’s mouth, and from the horns of the unicorns.” It is not pride, it is pious gratitude, to say, that the blessings of freedom are enjoyed to as high perfection by us, as by any people on the face of the earth; perhaps to as high perfection, as will consist with the security of those blessings. They are not the exclusive privilege of a few: like the light and rain of heaven, they are a common gift, extending their salutary influence to the most distant part, and to the meanest individual. A situation so highly favoured, few nations have known. But are we secure of its continuance? Stands our mountain so strong, that it cannot be removed? Far otherwise. Whenever there shall be a general departure from the principles, which give support and permanency to our national institutions, they will then crumble to atoms.

It seems to be a maxim in the divine government, that when a people are no longer worthy of freedom, they shall cease to be free; that when they deserve to be slaves, they shall not long remain without their desert.

If such shall be the righteous doom of our country, which heaven avert! Then will this our day, wherein God hath “visited and redeemed his people,” rise, and witness against us. Then, with what anguish will posterity reflect on this period! In what accents of grief lament the mistakes, the errors, the faults, and the crimes, which combined to rob them of their rich inheritance, and left them poor indeed!

Admitting for a moment the painful supposition, and methinks I hear some future historian, after contrasting the happiness of our time with the wretchedness of his own, closing his remarks with these poignant reflections.

Happy America, hadst thou known, in the day of thy visitation, the things which belonged to thy peace! But these were hidden from thine eyes. Agitated by party, and rent by internal dissensions, thy true interests were neglected. Disagreeing about the best means of promoting the public good, the favourable opportunity for effecting this object was suffered to escape unimproved. Now, how art thou fallen! The days of darkness are come upon thee. The glory is departed. Lost is that freedom, which cost thee so dear. Perished are those liberties left in thy possession, and with paternal solicitude recommended to thy care, by the first of patriots and the best of men.

To proceed. The human race claims a share in the events of this day.

America arrests the attention of all nations. “We are made a spectacle to the world, and to angels, and to men.” The experiment is here making, whether, human guilt and depravity considered, mankind are capable of preserving the spirit, and supporting the form of a free, republican government. God forbid! that the negative should receive its last and decisive proof in us. If, indeed, our opinion were to be formed on past success, we should have reason to tremble for the result. In every instance that can be named, the trial has disappointed the hope of mankind. The singular advantages possessed by us, afford the prospect of a more favorable issue. Remote from other nations, there is less danger of falling under their influence, or of being involved in their endless disputes. A people dwelling alone, to use the expressive language of scripture, occupy a place of safety unknown to those, whose motions are perpetually disturbed by the proximity, and consequent powerful attraction of larger bodies. Add to this, we have the experience of past ages to guide our inquiries; to disclose hidden dangers; to develop the causes of failure in other instances; to acquaint us with the most probable methods of success; and to point out the course which ought to be pursued.

If with all these advantages the experiment should fail; should America follow the course of former republics, and exhibit only a transient view of liberty, glittering like a meteor for awhile, and then totally disappearing, what a dark aspect must it needs have on the common cause of mankind! Would the attempt to establish free governments again be made? Could it again be made on fairer grounds, and with better prospects? Must not the object, for which we have successfully contended be given up, on that contingency, as untenable? However reluctantly, must not the idea of equal liberty be thence-forward relinquished? With the freedom of America, will perish the world’s last, best hope; and ages will probably pass away ere mankind will have the courage to make a similar effort.

Contemplating the great things God hath done for this land, it imparts a hope that he will not destroy the work of his hands, and that future time shall perfect that which is begun in our day. But we have also our fears.

Will it be said that these fears exist only in a gloomy imagination? That they are visionary and groundless? Would to heaven they were! But if like causes must have like effects; if the eternal creator has so adjusted the relations of things in our world, that, in their general operation, virtue and piety lead to happiness, vice and irreligion terminate in misery; if, under his government, relaxation of moral principle is a prelude to the desolating judgments of heaven; then say, have we not some reason to apprehend that the day will come, (O that it might be a distant day!) which, concerning this noble structure of civil and religious freedom, shall verify our Saviour’s prediction; “There shall not be left in thee one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down?”

Solemn words! Who can read or hear them without emotion? Who can think of their past, and not anticipate a future accomplishment? We are as yet upon our probation. The irreversible decree is not yet gone forth. The season of heaven’s merciful visitation continues. But if it be suffered to depart unimproved, it departs to return no more.

Let us look on other nations, and receive instruction. Let those which have fallen from distinguished heights of preeminence, be our monitors. Let us hearken to that voice, with which from the depth of their ruins they cry aloud to us, Beware of the errours, that proved our destruction!

Never, it is believed, since the days of the jewish theocracy, has an equal opportunity for laying a foundation of lasting national happiness been afforded; and never, perhaps, if we except that nation, will another be found so despicable as our own, should we fail to do it. Raised to a high point of elevation, it remains, under providence, with ourselves, whether we shall maintain our allotted station in the political hemisphere; or like a star fallen from its orb, sink to blackness of darkness forever.

The principals and habits connected with national safety and welfare, come next to be considered.

Among the things that should engage the earliest attention, is correct information, or enlightened views of their state and circumstances.

Knowledge is to a people what the light of the sun is to the world. The general diffusion of accurate sentiments must lead them to a true understanding of the nature, use, and value of their rights; of the dangers that threaten their existence; of the enemies by whom, and the part on which they will most likely be assailed; and of the means necessary to their preservation.

It is by successfully playing off among them the arts of deception; by giving a wrong and perverted turn to public opinion; by begetting in the minds of the people a jealousy of their best friends, and persuading them to place unbounded confidence in those who have an interest in deceiving them, that their liberties have been usually wrested out of their hands. Here the work of mischief begins; hence originates that rage for innovation, which like a resistless torrent, sweeps away all the defences of public liberty erected by wisdom and foresight, and in its course demolishes the stablest pillars of social order and happiness.

To ensure safety, and to disappoint the views of disorganizers, a people must keep a steady eye upon their true interests. Cool and dispassionate, yet watchful and circumspect, they must pursue that line of conduct, which, after the best information to be obtained, appears most conducive to the general benefit. Vigilance is the guardian angel of freedom; if that be lulled asleep, this falls an easy prey to the first bold invader.

A patriotic spirit is intimately connected with the happiness of a people.

This is a branch of the great principle of benevolence; the love of our neighbour extended on the broad scale of the community. It consists not in empty professions, but in actual services. It leads a man to promote the good of the public, by a faithful discharge of the duties of his particular rank and station in society.

What a bright example of genuine patriotism was exhibited in the life of Jesus Christ? He gave the best evidence of love to his country, by his incessant labours for its good. The lost sheep of the house of Israel had the benefit of his instruction, of his miraculous operations, and of his prayers. He lamented their infidelity, and wept at the foresight of their impending fate. Though unjustly condemned by an act of public authority, it did not extinguish this patriotic flame. He died, not imprecating vengeance, but interceding heaven for his implacable persecutors. When, after his resurrection, his disciples were sent forth to proclaim the glad tidings of salvation in all the world, he expressly commanded the first offer to be made to his own nation; “beginning at Jerusalem.” How unlike was he to some modern patriots, who, amidst the warmest professions of attachment to their country, are industriously aiming at personal emolument? How unlike the spirit manifested by him is that spurious passion which, usurping the name of patriotism, kindles the torch of war, and spreads desolation over the face of the earth?

So far as love of country is a real virtue, it is recommended by the spirit of the gospel, and sanctioned by the example of the benevolent Saviour.

This is an instructive lesson to rulers. With what ardour should they copy the amiable original! To all around, their practice should hold this language; “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.”

That a people may flourish, they must cultivate industry, frugality, and temperance; and discourage the opposite vices.

Luxury and dissipation, idleness and intemperance, are the well known enemies of freedom. By rendering men unworthy, they make them incapable of this blessing. By debasing their sentiments, and corrupting their principles, they convert them into the instruments of their own degradation.

This remark receives a striking illustration in the Asiatic countries, where sloth and effeminacy have done that, which, without the aid of such auxiliaries, tyrants could never have effected; where the wretched inhabitants, long degraded to the lowest state of vassalage, have lost the hope, and almost the desire of meliorating their condition.

The liberties of a people will flourish or decline, in proportion as the virtues in question are cherished or forsaken. They impart health to the body, and energy to the mind. They are the pillars of national glory and strength, no less than of individual prosperity.

As the means of gratification multiply with our increasing wealth, it should induce a caution, how we depart too far from the simplicity of former times, the happy age of our fathers; left, with the loss of their domestic virtues, we lose also that independent spirit, the very soul of freedom, which those virtues have bequeathed us.

The manners of men in elevated stations will have a commanding effect. May the speaker therefore be permitted to solicit the influence of their example in aid of those social virtues, which coexist with the prosperity of a people, and the progress of whose ruin will be marked with their decline.

Union and harmony are the safeguard of a people; disunion and animosity a source of danger.

Amidst the prevalence of party, the common good too often ceases to be an object. In the heat of altercation, men forget they have a country; forget they have liberties, which must be secured and defended by union. More intent upon carrying some favourite point, or in mortifying an opponent, than in doing what the substantial interests of the community render necessary, they seem not to reflect how much those interests, which all profess to have at heart, are weakened and exposed.

Should jealousy and discord prevail to that degree in these states, as to blind their eyes to the common advantage, and lead them in pursuit of separate objects, the connecting bond, which now unites them into one people, will be quickly dissevered. Whenever that event shall take place, instead of being a respectable nation, we shall be broken into a number of unconnected parts, among which a destructive rivalship of interfering interests will continue to exist, until someone popular leader, more successful than his competitors, shall make himself master of the whole. Thus ended the quarrels between the Grecian States, in the dominion of a Philips, and of an Alexander.

To what is the instability of free governments owing? And by what means have they usually been subverted? By ambitious men fomenting jealousies, and sowing the seeds of disunion among the people, until, availing themselves of the scenes of confusion that ensued, they found means to seize on their liberties, and left them nothing to contend about. By arts like these, after long and violent convulsions, the enormous fabric of the Roman Commonwealth sunk at length into one universal, unqualified despotism.

Much does it concern every true friend of his country, and of man, to guard against this pernicious evil; to repress the virulence of party; to shun irritation; and to promote, to the utmost, union, harmony, and a mutual good understanding. Embarked in the common cause of freedom, how criminal shall we be to endanger it by our dissensions? Members of the same body, how unnatural our conduct, when actuated by disuniting, dissocial passions? “If ye bite and devour one another, take heed that ye be not consumed one of another.” Act rather by this rule, “As free, yet not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of God.”

The choice of rulers is another thing, which nearly affects the well being of a state.

The right of suffrage is one of the most important exercised by a free people. Language must fail to express the ill effects of a negligent, careless use of this privilege. If many forbear to act, if many more act without a due regard to the characters and principles of candidates, public stations will be filled by men who do not merit the distinction. It will be still worse, if the exercise of this privilege shall fall under the influence of intrigue and management. For then there will exist in fact a secret, invisible power in the bosom of the state; an active principle, the effects of which bid defiance to calculation; the germ of revolution; the source of those numberless mischiefs, by which free governments are disturbed, convulsed, and overthrown. Our liberties will perish, they will then perish, when elections shall be conducted on principles, and be influenced by motives foreign to the public welfare.

A wise, upright, energetic administration, is essential to the honour, safety, and happiness of a people. While it commands respect abroad, it will secure internal peace, order, and tranquility. But when weakness, timidity, and irresolution hold, with a palsied hand, the reins of government, the evil affects the entire system, and is felt in the remotest extremities. Public proceedings bear evident marks of languor, indecision, want of consistent plan, and neglect to seize the advantage of existing circumstances. In this state of things there is much to fear, nothing to hope. The general tendency is to anarchy and dissolution. Patriotism weeps over the declining glories of her country, and with keen sensations of grief realizes her exposure to foreign insult, and to unrestrained domestic disorders.

This view of a feeble administration must evince the importance of raising to office, those who possess energy and strength of mind to support the dignity of government, and to protect the rights of the people.

If it be demanded, what the qualifications of good rulers are; and how the people are to be directed in the choice of such? Let inspired scripture give the answer. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them.”

That rulers must be “able men,” possessing a competency of natural and acquired accomplishments, is universally agreed. The necessity of religious principle has been contested. But if it be this, which gives direction and force to other principles; which adds dignity and worth to character; which lifts men to noble heights of virtue, to look with disdain on every mean artifice, on every base, dishonest, immoral practice; then, if this be set aside, no sufficient security remains for the fidelity of rulers; and there is reason to apprehend the abuse of power, and breach of public trust, so oft as the prospect of personal advantage, aided by the belief of concealment, or the hope of impunity, shall present the temptation. Allow to other principles all that can be justly said on their behalf; still this will have a preponderating influence, over which no sinister motive can prevail. Bearing in mind the tribunal of the Supreme Judge, before which rulers great men must stand, as well as those of meaner rank, awed and impressed with the solemn thought, they will aim to be “the ministers of God for good;” and to answer the design of their elevation, in being “a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.”

None but characters of this description merit the suffrages of a free, enlightened public.

In hereditary governments, a people are not answerable for the character and qualifications of the civil magistrate. It is not their fault, but their misfortune, when high stations are not filled with the best men. In elective republics it is otherwise. Where power emanates from the immediate act of the people, it is both their sin and their punishment, when it falls on improper and unqualified subjects.

Consonant to this remark is the following passage from a sermon, delivered nearly forty years since, on an occasion similar to the present; 1 which I the rather beg leave to introduce, as displaying, in a lively manner, the sentiment and spirit of our fathers. “When,” says the preacher, “a people immediately appoint their own rulers, they are to the last degree infatuated , if they fix on those, who are not capable of seeing with their own eyes, but are obliged to move by the direction of others, or who get into power to gratify their vanity, their luxury, or their avarice; and it requires no spirit of prophecy to foresee, that a community who are so lost to public virtue, are nigh to destruction. A people may be deceived, they may be betrayed, by men in whom they put confidence. But they deserve to be abandoned by providence, if they trust their interest with men, whom they know to be either weak or wicked.”

The last thing to be noticed, as connected with national safety and happiness, is the regard paid to the obligations and institutions of religion.

It is not thought necessary to enter into a formal proof of the beneficial influence of religion upon the peace and the order, the security and the welfare of society. This has been often done in the most satisfactory manner. Let it be simply asked: If the responsibility of human conduct be denied, what remains to deter men from atrocious criminality? If the restraints which religion imposes be taken off, will not evil men wax worse and worse? Will principles, which confound the distinctions of right and wrong, virtue and vice, conduct their votaries in the paths of integrity and honour? Or will a man be more temperate, more just, more attentive to his duty, and better serve his generation, the less he believes in the moral government of Deity, and a future state of retribution? Whatever may have been advanced to the contrary, if you remove religious principle, no sufficient base will be left for the support of moral and social duty. If you take the fear of God away, and the expectation of a judgment to come, you loosen those cords, you burst asunder those bands, by which men are held to be good men, good neighbours, good citizens, good subjects, and good rulers. In a word, religion is the palladium of social order and happiness; and those, who are striving to break down its altars, and to overthrow its institutions, are to be regarded as in a state of hostility to the dearest interests of man.

The love of our country, the memory of our pious ancestors, the happiness of unborn millions, and our own eternal salvation, all conspire to exact it of us as a duty, to cherish the principles, adhere to the institutions, cultivate the virtues, and imitate the examples of our holy religion. Whenever we shall degenerate from the piety of our forefathers to that degree, that the house of God shall be forsaken; the ministers of religion be cast off as a useless encumbrance; and our Sabbath’s sacred to devotion, be converted into days of amusement and pleasure; then shall we have abandoned the ark of our safety; then shall we find ourselves, without chart or compass, afloat on the troubled sea of revolution, liable to be swallowed up by every swelling surge, and exposed to perish in the storm, which our own vices have contributed to raise.

Deeply impressed with the importance of religion to the happiness of a state, it greatly adds to the joy of this anniversary, and must be esteemed a token for good, that we see repeatedly placed at the head of the commonwealth, by the increasing suffrages of his fellow-citizens, a chief magistrate, who is not ashamed of the gospel of Christ; and in whose character are united the accomplished statesman, and the devout Christian. Bound by the strongest and most endearing ties to the civil and religious institutions of his country, these, we doubt not, will have his decided support. Under an administration combining dignity with mildness, energy with moderation, and rectitude of measures with a liberal regard to the sentiments and feelings of the community, we promise ourselves great quietness. It shall be our fervent prayer for his Excellency, that he may continue to “see the desire of his heart, and peace upon Israel.” At some far distant period, having served his generation according to the will of God, may he quit the labours of a mortal, to receive the crown of an immortal life.

The gentleman re-elected to the second office in government, will accept our cordial congratulation. While this affords a pleasing testimony of the public approbation of his past services, it yields likewise a stimulus to further claims upon it. Convinced of His Honour’s zeal and abilities, we anticipate with pleasure the fruits of their exertion for the good of the Commonwealth.

In our divided state of public opinion, it much concerns the legislative branches of government to have “understanding in the times, to know what Israel ought to do.” The people hope for, and permit me to say, they have a right to expect in their rulers, a firm adherence to those principles and measures, which have raised us to a state of prosperity unequalled in the history of civil society. From such principles and measures, what discerning friend of his country will wish for a departure? Rapidly advancing in the road of improvement, what may we promise ourselves from a change? In your wisdom and integrity, respected rulers, do we confide, that the powers, constitutionally vested in you, will be uniformly employed in checking a progress of innovation; in preserving the union of the states under the general government; and in maintaining the strength and proportions of that goodly edifice, which deservedly attracts the admiration of the world.

May divine wisdom guide, and divine goodness crown your deliberations with success! Under your auspices, may the principles of freedom be well understood; genuine patriotism increase; the social and moral virtues prevail; and the uncorrupt religion of the gospel attain an influence unknown to former time! May this age, in which you are called to act a part so conspicuous, hereafter arise and shine with bright characters of distinction! And at the day of final audit, may you receive the rewards allotted to the friends and benefactors of mankind!

Men and Brethren of this numerous assembly.

We all profess to have the same object in view, the good of our common country. Whatever want of agreement there may be among us in other respects, let us at least unite in supplicating the God of our mercies, that he will be pleased to enlighten the guides of our nation with wisdom from above; that he will lead them in the paths of understanding, and make darkness light before them; that he will direct to the adoption of wise, safe, and judicious measures; and that he will preserve from dangerous errours and mistakes.

Amidst the fluctuation of human events, one point of comfort eternally remains, that the Lord reigneth. Defeat may attend the best concerted schemes of mortals; but his counsel shall stand. The wrath, the follies, and even the impieties of men shall praise him. Through all obstructions, the purposes of heaven shall hold an uninterrupted course, till they issue at length in the glorious discoveries of the perfect day.

Taking the prophetic writings for our guide, we are led to expect, that great events are yet to be unfolded. In them a period is clearly foretold, when wars shall cease; war, that scourge of nations, that indelible stigma on human nature! When the blessings of equal liberty, rarely known on earth, shall become the inheritance of all men; when civil and religious institutions, no more at variance, shall combine their influence to produce the greatest good; and when Christianity shall triumph over all that is corrupt and vicious in the human heart and manners.

Then shall commence the genuine age of reason, and perfectability of man; of which certain blind philosophers, in language stolen from prophetic inspiration, have spoken, but like Caiaphus, known not they were uttering a prophecy. Not, however, in the manner predicted by them; not by “throwing Christianity into the background,” and advancing infidelity and atheism in its place, shall this event happen; but by the universal spread of the gospel, and the prevalence of its sacred principles.

None can be ignorant of the attempts to discredit the authority, and to abolish the influence of divine revelation. To what lengths these may yet be carried, or with what degree of success they may for a time be attended, cannot be foreseen. But, eventually, the truth as it is in Jesus shall prevail. The enlightened eye of faith, through all the surrounding darkness, descries the triumphs of the cross, the bright glories of the Redeemer’s reign. Of those triumphs, of these glories, our country shall one day partake. For so runs the decree of the Almighty; “I will give thee the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession.” And though mercenary Balaams should come from afar; though they should ascend every high place, and from every point of observation utter their blasphemies “against the Lord, and against his anointed;” yet, so far from defeating, they shall be made, contrary to their intention, to subserve “the purpose of him, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will.”

In the mean time, let us be guarded against every insidious attempt to corrupt our principles, or misguide our practice. It concerns us to beware, that no man spoil us through philosophy and vain deceit that we forsake not the old paths, which righteous men have trodden, for the unsafe ones of later inventions; and that we hearken not to the plausible, but ill grounded schemes of modern theorists, having for their object the demolition of all that the wisdom of ages, of all that divine wisdom has reared up; and which, if they meet with no check, if they proceed with their refinements, will erelong refine us out of the blessings of a free people, leaving us only the shadow of liberty, and perhaps not even so much as that. Let us aim to have just views of the situation, interests, and welfare of our country, and strive to promote these important objects. Particularly, let us cultivate in our own hearts, and recommend by our example to others, the social, moral, and Christian duties. Laying aside all bitterness and wrath, and evil speaking, let us seek the things that make for peace. Let us conduct our elections, both as respects the general and state governments, with due caution. Aware of its importance, let us cherish an attachment to the national constitution, the cement of our union, the ground and pillar of our political hopes. Whatever be the station in society we fill, whether dignified or humble, let us discharge the duties of it with all good fidelity. Let us, in fine, “exemplify in ourselves, maintain in our families, diffuse among our acquaintance, and transmit to succeeding generations, the sentiments and manners of confederate republicans, and sincere christians.”

On a due attention to these things, our national safety and glory depend. We shall stand or fall, rise to distinguished eminence, or sink to contempt and misery, by the character we establish for virtue or vice, religion or infidelity. If we know and improve the time of our visitation, then from us shall blessings flow down to posterity, and to mankind at large. Neglecting this, the loss of American liberty will furnish to future ages and generations one proof more of the truth of this moral aphorism, that “sin is the reproach and the ruin of any people.” “O that we were wise, that we understood this, that we would consider our latter end! O that there were such an heart in us, that we would fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us and with our children forever!”

END.

 

1.Rev. Dr. Eliot, 1765.

Sermon – Election – 1803, Connecticut

sermon-election-1803-connecticut


An

Election Sermon,

Preached at

Hartford,

On the Day of the

Anniversary Election,

May 12, 1803.

By Matthias Burnet, D.D.

Pastor of the First Church in Norwalk.

Psalm, xi. 3.

If the foundations be destroyed what can the righteous do?

This animated interrogatory exhibits in strong and expressive language, the deplorable state of the good man, when those only sure foundations of order, peace and security in
society, religion and government, are undermined and destroyed- For though these are not expressly named, yet I think it evident from the context, that they are the foundations referred to by the Psalmist, when he represents the righteous as reduced to such a perplexed; and wretched condition by their destruction. And indeed, what condition on earth can be imagined more wretched than this? If those only sure foundations of order; peace and security in society are destroyed, what can the righteous do? or where can they fly for protection and comfort?

The pillars on which their safety rested being taken away, they are of all men the most miserable. Their conscience will not allow them to resort to those measures, to which the wicked without scruple do, and they are exposed to the persecution, the rapine and plunder of all who hate their persons or covet their property, without hope of relief. If government is destroyed, every human barrier to the corrupt lusts and passions of men is broken down, and we have no security for any thing we possess. The hand of every man will be against the hand of every man, and the stronger will oppress the weak.

This doctrine, I am sensible, is contrary to that of some minute philosophers of the present day, who say, that man needs no external law or government to regulate his conduct, but that reason which was given him for his guide, united with opinion and sentiment, or the moral sense, as they call it, is amply sufficient to render him a law to himself and to answer all the purposes of society, without any written law or coercive power. But the falsity of this assertion is demonstrated by the whole history of man, and the great prevalence of vice, in every age and country, in opposition to reason, sentiment and law. Corrupt as the world is, the general sentiment of mankind is against vice and iniquity; the course of education in all schools and public instructions is to discountenance it, and the express design of all law and government is to restrain and repress it. Yet over all these barriers how often do the corrupt lusts and passions of men break?

How often are men found hardy enough to commit crimes which their own conscience and the judgment of all mankind condemn. They burst the law’s enclosure, rob the widow and the orphan, and riot in the spoil of innocence. They perpetrate treason, murder, and other atrocious deeds that strike the soul with horror but to name them.- And if such enormities are often committed in opposition not only to reason and the general sense of mankind, but to the restraints of law and government, how much more frequent would they be, and to how much greater height would they rise, if this fence was broken down, and this restraint taken off? Would not the lawless passions of men rage without control, and spread desolation far and wide? They surely would.

On this account therefore, in order to bridle the lusts, to curb the violence of men, and protect the person and property of one man from the invasion of another, all nations have of necessity, as well as of choice, submitted to some form of government, declared and established by written laws or common consent, to be administered and executed by the one, the few, or the many. A monarch, a body of nobles, or representatives and magistrates chosen by the people, for the terror and punishment of evil doers, and the encouragement and protection of them that do well. This is, or should be, the end and design of all government; and to this end when rightly framed and administered, it doth indeed greatly conduce.

But still excellent and beneficial as this institution is, feeble in many instances would be the best form of government, and ineffectual the most wise and salutary laws, and the greatest
fidelity in the execution of them, without a sense of religion and the terrors of the world to come. The great and the mighty are often, so exalted by their wealth and their power, as to be above the fear of the penalties of the law, and the censures of men for the breach of them; and the poor sometimes, view themselves as already sunk so low in the public estimation, that they have little concern about sinking lower, and they are so wretched in their circumstances that they cannot be reduced to much worse in this world, and are therefore under little restraint from what men think of or can do to them, and thus without fear or shame commit any crimes to which inclination or opportunity prompts.

But even where men dread the penalties of the law and the censures of the public, there are ten thousand instances in which they may elude them both. In which men of all ranks may commit a multitude of crimes, under the covert of such darkness and concealment as no human eye can penetrate, nor any finite arm lay hold on them.- If then there be no sense of religion on the mind, nor any fear of God before their eyes, what will restrain them from any deed however atrocious, to which profit or pleasure tempts them? Will the man who disregards the authority of that Being who is every where present, and to whose all piercing eye all things are open and naked, regard the authority of one whom he may deceive every moment? Will the man who has persuaded himself, if such a persuasion there can be, that there is no God, or if there is, that this life is the whole of his existence and that he shall never be called to an account in a future state, for any of his conduct in this; will he abstain from any crime to which his inclination leads, where concealment can shield him from the reproach, or power protect him from the vengeance of the public? Under such circumstances will he hesitate to defraud his neighbor, to betray or assassinate his friend, or fell his country, if he can make a profitable or even a saving bargain to himself? He surely will not.

But honor, honesty, gratitude and friendship, will in this case be all sacrificed at the shrine of interest, pleasure or ambition. In a word, banish a sense of religion and the terrors of the world to come from society, and you at once dissolve the sacred obligations of conscience and leave every man to do that which is right in his own eyes; you let mankind 1oose like so many beasts of prey, to roam at large, to deceive, destroy and devour all whom fraud or force may put in their power. Whoever therefore regards his own interest or that of the public, must be a friend to religion as the surest bond of propriety in all private dealings, and as the best preservative of national peace and welfare. If then religion and government are thus fundamental and important, to the order, peace and security of society, it will be natural to ask, how these foundations may be best laid and perpetuated? and to this question I answer,

I. By a right and virtuous education of the children and youth of the country. Train up a child in the way in which he should go, was the advice and command of a great ruler and very wise man; and the benefit of it he assures you will be, that when he is old he will not depart from it, and it is an advice most worthy of attention and regard as being founded in fact and experience. Tis education forms the mind and directs the habits.

Without education, and that knowledge which is the effect of it, men are ever liable to be imposed upon and led astray. Ignorant of the true nature of things they are degraded and depressed by the grossest superstition, or blown up by the wildest enthusiasm. They are duped and lead blindfold by every designing demagogue, or tamely crouch down under every lordly despot: but when men are well educated and rightly informed, they will shake off those fetters of the mind and affect the true rights and dignities of man. Instructed in the arts and sciences, in the laws and customs of nations, in their own rights and those of others, they will be more likely to defend the one and to abstain from infringing the other.

Trained up in the knowledge and in the habit of performing the duties they owe to God, their neighbor and themselves, they will be less likely to depart from or break the order and peace of society by any improper conduct. It is in this view that all civilized nations have considered the education of children and youth as a matter of the greatest importance. The ancient Greeks and Romans paid a very particular attention to this subject.

They early taught their children to fear the gods, to obey their parents, teachers and rulers, and to love their country. They instructed them in their rights, and inspired them with spirit and courage to defend them. They brought them up in the habits of industry, temperance and justice. They inured them to hardships by labor and exercises suited to their age. They simulated them to virtuous and heroic deeds by motives of glory and honor, and deterred them from vice and iniquity by disgrace and punishment.

Hence arose poets and orators, patriots and heroes, that have eternized the names of these republics. And would arrive to like fame, and hand down posterity unimpaired the happy constitution under which we live, and the divine religion which we enjoy, with a reasonable hope that they will be preserved in our land, it must be as one mean, by attending to the education of the rising generation. The happiness or misery of a nation like ours must greatly depend upon the knowledge or ignorance of the great body of the people.

2. In this view also, the public worship of God, the assembling ourselves together for prayer, praise, and religious instruction, on the Lord’s day, is a matter of the greatest moment. This is the most excellent method, to communicate, spread and perpetuate the knowledge of God and religion in the world, that ever hath been, or can be devised. Indeed it is the only method that can maintain a public regard to religion, which without it would be quickly lost and forgotten.

Were the preaching of the word and the administration of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s supper generally neglected or discontinued, men would soon relapse into the same darkness and idolatry which so universally prevailed before the appearance of the great sun of righteousness, and as universally reigns now in those parts of the earth where the gospel hath never come or been received. For this reason Julian the apostate, when he attempted to overthrow and destruction of the Christian religion, prohibited the public assembling of the Christians for public worship and religious instruction, well knowing that if he could succeed in this, he could the more effectually accomplish his design; and if ever the Christian religion is extirpated, it must be by bringing its institutions into disrepute, and causing them to be neglected. And therefore to demolish these is the great aim of its enemies.

But not only is public worship or an attendance upon the institutions of religion, important, as it is adapted to communicate, diffuse and perpetuate the knowledge of the doctrines and principles of Christianity, but as it has a most happy tendency to give them a deeper, and more lasting impression on the mind, to render men not only wiser but better, to rectify the temper and regulate the conduct. The hearing the virtues, of piety, justice, temperance, purity and charity or love from Sabbath to Sabbath explained and inculcated, and the opposite vices of impiety, injustice, intemperance, impurity, enmity, variance and contention, stigmatized and condemned, and all enforced, with the solemn consideration of a judgment to come, when the secrets of all hearts shall be revealed, and the deeds done in the body be rewarded or punished, according to their nature and desert, has a natural tendency to lead to the practice of the former, and to check and restrain from the commission of the latter.

In this way the public worship of God has a most salutary influence not only to promote the best good of individuals, but the order, peace, and harmony of families, societies, states and empires. To make good husbands and wives, good parents and children, good masters and servants, good rulers and subjects- To make rulers rule in the fear of God, and the ruled submit and pay all proper obedience, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. Yea the very meeting together of numbers in one place, from Sabbath to Sabbath, as the children of one God and Father, to offer up their prayers and praises to him the Father of mercies and the fountain of all good, is adapted to conciliate their minds to each other, and make them more loving and friendly than they otherwise would be.

On the contrary were the public institutions of religion generally neglected and disused, gross ignorance in divine things, and great corruption in morals would soon ensue. This I think may be fairly concluded from the difference there is, between the knowledge and the morals of the mass of the people, in those places in our land, where the institution of the Sabbath, and the preaching of the gospel are regularly observed, and where they are not. In the latter the people grow up in ignorance of these things, quite rude and uncivilized in their manners. The Sabbath being considered as a day of rest, is spent in idleness, drinking, gaming, and other vices which corrupt the mind, and introduce penury and want, misery and wretchedness into the abodes of men. So that as one strongly but truly expresses it, if our churches were generally shut up and the public institutions of religion thrown aside, according to the infidel’s wish, the civil magistrate, if he consulted the good of society, would soon force them open in order to reclaim the criminals that would otherwise be let loose upon the world.

3. Another thing, upon which the welfare and stability of government much depends, is the choice of wise and worth men, men of sound heads, honest hearts, and exemplary lives to fill the legislative, judicial and executive departments of state. This in a republican or free government is a matter of most serious concern, what are the characteristics and qualifications of the persons you elect to office, and too much attention cannot be paid to it, by all who wish well to their county; because, if the men who, are raised by the people to legislate, judge of, or execute the laws for them, are weak and ignorant, the laws they frame must partake of the same qualities; or if they be corrupt in their principles, and dissolute and immoral in their lives, they will have a motive in their own breast and conduct to be remiss in the execution of the laws, however wise and good they maybe. Yea they become themselves examples and encouragers of vice to others, and thus contribute to weaken and destroy the very government they are sworn to maintain. On which account, the ancient Greeks in the time of the greatest purity and perfection of their government, would admit no person to office among them who lived a dissolute and immoral life, judging him unworthy of public trust who could not, or would not govern himself by the rules of prudence, sobriety and justice. And upon the same principle no doubt it was that Jethro the father in law of Moses, gave that excellent advice to him, with respect to the qualifications of the judges he should choose to assist him in the government of the people Israel.

That they should be able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness. That is, as the words plainly import, that they should be men of good natural understanding and competent acquired knowledge. Men acting under the belief and awe of God as their inspector and judge, to whom they consider themselves accountable for their conduct and whom they fear to offend. Men truly honest and upright in their principles and views, not actuated and governed by he sordid motives of self interest and aggrandizement in their desire and execution of office, but by a sincere regard to the public good. And sure better advice than this, could not be given, nor more important qualifications directed to in the choice of rulers.

Yet I am well aware that one of these qualifications, viz. the fear of God, is by numbers, thought to be of very little consequence, and some there are, who even deride the very idea of paying any attention to it all, declaring our dearest interests to be as safe in the hands even of an atheist, as any other man. But with that great patriot and statesman the late governor Livingston of New Jersey, I must yet think that this is a qualification of very great importance in a ruler. And that the father in law of Moses gave him very good advice, when he directed him to pay particular attention to it in those whom he should appoint to be judges and rulers over the people Israel.

For if God be such a being, as both reason and revelation declare him to be, an omniscient, holy, just and all- powerful being, whose eyes are in every place, beholding the evil and the good, to punish the one and reward the other according to their character and deeds, then certainly, the fear and awe of him must operate as the greatest restraint from that which is evil, and the most powerful incentive to that which is good, and he who is truly actuated by this principle, will never give his voice or influence to pervert justice or support iniquity. But the man who does not believe in the being and providence of God, or is not actuated by the fear and awe of him, has in many cases no bond or restraint upon his conduct, and therefore is not fit to be trusted with a nation√s weal, which he will not scruple, whenever he can with impunity, to sacrifice to his lust or ambition.

4. Another thing highly worthy the attention of all who wish to promote the order, peace and stability of government is, that as much as in them lies, they cherish and cultivate a spirit of unity and concord, and avoid and discourage that unreasonable jealousy, and party zeal, which throws the members of the State, into different factions, pursuing different interests of their own, and often both of them very different from that of the public. So much political jealousy as leads men to watch over their rights and liberties with care, that they be not infringed, is proper and laudable, yea, is an indispensable duty: But when men enlist themselves in parties and range themselves under particular leaders, they too often lose sight of the public good and yield themselves up implicitly to their directions, whom like a band of dragoons they follow wherever they lead.

They consider not the truth, the reasonableness, or the justice of the cause, but what will promote the views and interests of the party to which they attach themselves. This casts a mist before their eyes and sanctifies every mean, however base and iniquitous, that will contribute to the particular designs of the party. Hence slander, misrepresentation, the grossest falsehoods and even violence when the end cannot be obtained without it, are the common resort of men actuated by this spirit. When it rises to any considerable height, it engenders the most virulent factions and deadly animosities in neighborhoods, societies and states, which are often perpetuated from generation to generation and sometimes work the overthrow and ruin of the community or state where they prevail.

It was this spirit of party, which hastened the downfall of ancient Rome, once the wonder and mistress of the world. The powerful parties of Caesar and Pompey kept the state a long time in convulsions, till the victory of Caesar over Pompey gave it a master, and instead of a government managed by freemen, subjected the property, the liberty, and lives of the citizens of Rome, to the will of a tyrant. And Josephus, the Jewish historian, informs us, that to the party factions and intestine divisions that rent and convulsed the Jews among themselves, their destruction as more owing, than to the conquering arms of the Romans. This same spirit also contributed to reduce Holland and Switzerland to their present degraded and humiliating condition, to have their rulers, government and laws dictated and controlled by a foreign power.

Should not then the fate of these and other nations famed in story, be a solemn memento and warning to the people of this land, to check and cast out that demon of party, which hath risen among us, engendering enmity, strife and contention, and inciting to the vilest slander, misrepresentation and falsehood, that alas! men of different parties in the violence of their zeal, can scarce think or say a good thing of each other; and of consequence, while this disposition reigns, will never unite in measures for the public good, but even against the plainest dictates of reason and common sense will forever use all their efforts to perplex and counteract each other.

5. Once more, permit me to observe, that in order to the stability of a free government it is necessary that the great body of the people be, and continue virtuous, sober, industrious and lovers of order. So long as this is the case, there will be little to be feared. All things will go well. Liberty, peace and prosperity, will dwell with such a people, at least there will be nothing among themselves, to interrupt or banish these blessed inhabitants from their residence with them.

But whenever there shall be a general corruption among the great body of the people, when pride, selfishness and ambition, or an insatiable thirst for power, shall pervade and actuate the higher orders; when vice, licentiousness and opposition to all just rule and restraint shall characterize the lower ranks of men; when rulers govern and people obey, when ministers counsel and soldiers fight, when judges preside over the laws and jurors bear testimony, not from any regard to the principles of conscience, the fear of the Lord or the public good, but their own private interests and aggrandizement, then it is easy to see, that a government thus administered is without any solid support within or without, and thus distempered in all its members, it must gradually decline and waste away, or fall a prey to the first acute disorder that attacks it.

This the Roman historians inform us, was the fatal progress of corruption and vice in that famed republic and once free state of ancient Rome. While a patriot ardor glowed in the breasts of her senators, judges and generals, while temperance, frugality and industry, submission to order and just government, patience and resolution, to do and to suffer all things for the security, reputation, liberty and glory of their country characterized her citizens, peace and prosperity reigned at home, fame, conquest and empire crowned their arms abroad; but when a selfish ambition took place of love of their country; and zeal for the public was extinguished by party rage, when the riches of the east and the spoils of conquered provinces, had introduced indolence, sloth, luxury and avarice, and all the arts and follies of a corrupted state, and above all, when the principles of Epicurus had banished religion, the only effectual restraint upon human conduct, from the state, and left every man to do what was right in his own eyes, then as a nervous writer very justly describes her fate, like the Israelites of old, when they had renounced the government of their God and the protection of his providence, they were given up to ruin.

Unnerved and inseminated by luxury and excess, they were exposed to insults from abroad, and to intestine broils and civil wars at home. A succession of tyrants, monsters of impiety, debauchery and cruelty, was permitted to lash the Romans into virtue, or correct and punish their vices, under whom the state languished, rather than lived under a complication of disorders, till Rome, imperial, immortal, eternal Rome, the mistress of the world, the strong and spreading oak, that covered all the beasts of the earth, having filled her measure of wickedness and accomplished her fate, the fate of nations, expires, or rather dwindles away, a poor and shriveled plant, deprived of its native virtue and the benign influences of heaven, and is scattered, the sport of winds, into the common mass of universal matter. An awful monument and solemn warning to the world, that while righteousness exalteth a nation, vice is the reproach and ruin of a people.-

And now to bring this already long discourse to a close, what are the lessons which it inculcates and the improvement which is proper to be made of it, by this numerous and august assembly?

To your Excellency the Governor- to your Honor the Lieutenant Governor, and to you Gentlemen the Legislators and Representatives of this State, doth it not strongly suggest, the high importance of giving all possible encouragement and support to the means of education, common schools and public seminaries, those fountains of useful knowledge to our youth, whence streams may continually flow to water and refresh our land, or to vary the figure, whence our children and youth may be trained up to usefulness and honor, and be as pillars in church and state? Again, do not the above considerations, also strongly declare the propriety and importance of giving countenance and support to the public worship of God, and its necessary institutions.

I know it is the opinion of some, and it is to be feared, that with the fool, who hath said in his heart, there is no God, it is the wish of more, that government should take no notice, nor by any laws enacted for that purpose, give any countenance or support to religion, but leave God and religion, entirely unnoticed, as much as if there was no such being or thing in existence. For a nation or government of atheists, if such a government ever did or can exist, I acknowledge such a conduct would be proper and in character; but for a nation of theists, and especially of Christian theists, who profess to believe in the being of a God, and that the worship of him is a duty, and of public and general utility to a people, I say for such a nation
or government to be silent on this head, would certainly be very improper, if not an impious and unpardonable neglect; for if there be a God, if the public worship of him be a duty and of great use to the virtue and morals of men, to check, restrain and repress, the overflowings of ungodliness, to engage men to live in peace and love with each other, to submit to order and good government, and above all to dispose and prepare them for a future and more happy state of existence, then certainly it must be a matter highly worthy the attention of every government to give countenance and support to the institutions of religion- nor can magistrates and rulers, according to scripture prophecy, be nursing fathers to the church, if they do not.

Far be it from me to wish to see, and God forbid we ever should see, any government in this country, enacting laws to dictate what articles of faith men shall believe, what mode of worship they shall adopt, or to raise and establish one mode of worship or denomination of Christians above or in preference to another. No, let the human mind be left perfectly free, in all these particulars, to chose and adopt, such modes as it pleases, and let all denominations have equal countenance and support of government; and while ye venerable fathers of your country, to whose care we commit our most valuable rights, civil and religious, while ye thus support the external institutions of religion, by wise and liberal laws and provisions, framed for that purpose, and thus become nursing, protecting fathers to the church, may we not rationally conclude, that while agreeable to the command of Moses to the tribes of Zebulon and Isachar, ye call the people to the mountain, the temple or house of God, there to offer the sacrifices of righteousness; you will sanction and give force to your laws, by your own example going before and leading them thither, and in all things being patterns to them, in piety, virtue and every good work. Thus will you most effectually give energy to your laws, and order, peace and permanency to government.

To you, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren in the gospel ministry, this discourse may with peculiar propriety be addressed.

It is your appropriate and honorable work to dissipate the clouds of ignorance and error, to enlighten and irradiate the human mind with knowledge, and by every mean to strive to make men wiser and better, to inculcate upon them principles of love and peace, with each other, of order and subjection to government, human and divine, and by instruction and example to lead their views to a future and better world. Let this then be the grand object of our aim.

Being by our station and office appointed and designed to reflect the rays of light from the great sun of righteousness, let our light so shine before men, that they seeing the light of our good works, may be led to glorify our Father, the Father of lights, who is in heaven. Considering ourselves as a city set on a hill that can not be hid, that all our actions and conduct is observed and critically scanned, and by many with the worst intent, that they may gain an advantage against us, and through our sides, wound and destroy the cause of our blessed Redeemer, let us agreeable to the command and direction of our Lord and his apostles, be wise as serpents and harmless as doves. Let us walk circumspectly, with prudence, honesty and uprightness, in all our intercourse with the world, being examples to the flock and to the world, in faith, in purity, in word, in doctrine and every good work. Thus let us put to silence and shame, the slanders and revilings of libertine and ungodly men, who are ever ready, and often do say all manner of evil of us.

But let us not be dismayed or disheartened, by their revilings, to give up the truth or desert the cause of our divine Master; but let us contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints, when opposed, not with the virulence of bigots but with meekness, candor, and sound speech, that cannot be gainsayed. Let us go on, in the noble and pleasing work of diffusing knowledge, human and divine, of inculcating upon men the principles of virtue, peace and order, of training them up for, and leading them to heaven and happiness above.

And ye fathers and mothers in this our American Israel, will you not unite your efforts with ours in this benevolent work? Much depends upon you in training up the rising generation to be worthy and useful members of society here, or suitable inhabitants of a better world hereafter; and especially upon you, ye venerable and respected matrons, who have the care of the tenderest years of your children, to sow the seeds of virtue, which are afterwards to be matured by the fostering hand of the father. The impressions first made are often most lasting, and numbers of great and good men have declared themselves more indebted to the tender and pious instructions of their mothers in childhood, that they were kept from vice, and became virtuous members of society, than all after means.

Very honorable is the mention which St. Paul makes of the mother and grand mother of Timothy, and which St. Austin makes of his mother Monica in this view, that the religious instructions which she gave him when a child made such impressions on his mind as were never obliterated, but remained with him through the dangerous season of youth, and by the blessing of God, preserved him from many a vice and folly.

Early then ye parents begin this benevolent, this pleasing work of seasoning the minds of your children with sentiments of virtue; teach them their duty to God and man- acquaint them with their rights, as men and citizens; inspire them with a love of their country, and a zeal to promote and defend its interests; educate them in the habits of industry, temperance, frugality, peaceableness, order and subjection to government- instruct them in the nature of the worship of God, and lead them to the performance of it, in your families and in the church; bring these lambs of the flock and present them before your heavenly Father, the great Shepherd and Bishop of souls, for his blessing; and thus habituate them to, and prepare them for the sublime employments of his holy temple above.

And ye blooming youth of both sexes, who are rising to succeed your parents, in whose hands the country and church will soon be deposited, will ye not listen to the counsels, and follow the example of your pious and revered parents, ministers and friends. With pleasing hope we anticipate the day when you shall come forward an ornament and blessing to your country, to direct her counsels, and defend her rights, or polish the manners and sooth the manners of her sons. That this may be the case, furnish your minds while young with useful knowledge, search for it as for hid treasure, qualify yourselves to act your part with ability on the great theatre of life, to serve your country and your God, whether in a humbler or higher department of the various stations, posts and offices to which you may be destined and called.

Cease from the- instructions of them who would cause you to err from the word of knowledge. Guard against the poisonous- the wide spreading and soul destroying principles of infidelity and libertinism- listen not to the siren song of pleasure, nor to the seductions of evil company, whose evil communications corrupt good manners. Be companions of the wise and the good, the friends of order, religion and virtue, by whom your minds may be informed, and your morals refined. Above all things let me enjoin it upon you, to remember your Creator in the days of your youth, before the evil days come on in which ye shall say, ye have no pleasure. Impress your minds with the solemn awe of the dread majesty of heaven and earth, and this will preserve you from many a sin, and from many a bitter pang. Seek that wisdom which is from above, and it will regulate all your steps; prescribe the proper rule of your conduct, and show you what is due from you to yourselves, your neighbor, and your God.

Finally, ye Freemen, all of every class whose high prerogative it is, to raise up, or pull down, to invest with office and authority, or to withhold them, and in whose power it is to save or destroy your country, consider well the important trust and distinguishing privileges which God and nature have put into your hands. To God and posterity you are accountable for them. See that you preserve them inviolate and transmit them to posterity unimpaired. Let not your children have reason to curse you for giving up those rights, and prostrating those institutions which our fathers delivered to you as a sacred palladium, and which by the blessing of God have been peculiarly beneficial to the order, peace and prosperity of this State, amid all the vicissitudes and convulsions of other states and kingdoms round. And that this happy state of things may continue, look well to the characters and qualifications of those you elect and raise to office and places of trust.

In this momentous concern, let the wise counsel of Jethro, tho a priest, be your guide. Choose ye out from among you able men, such as fear God, men of truth and hating covetousness and set them to rule over you. Think not that your interests will be safe in the hands of the weak and ignorant or faithfully managed by the impious, the dissolute and the immoral. Think not that men who acknowledge not the providence of God nor regard his laws, will be uncorrupt in office, firm in defense of the righteous cause against the oppressor, or resolutely oppose the torrent of iniquity. Their own emolument, ease or pleasure, will at any time induce them to connive at injustice and iniquity, or join with the oppressor. Watch over your liberties and privileges civil and religious with a careful eye.

In defense of these be zealous, resolute and intrepid. They demand it of you and are worthy of it, even tho your lives were to be sacrificed. But indulge not an unreasonable jealousy, nor a captious spirit of caviling with, or faulting the conduct of those you entrust with power- nor a fondness for perpetual and unnecessary change of men or measures. Remember it is always safer and better for a people, to commit their interests to the care of those whose ability, fidelity and patriotism they have tried and found equal to their trust, than to those whom they have not, even though they may be supposed to be perfectly equal in all these particulars.

Banish party factions from among you- let the general good take place of contracted selfishness, and the public welfare triumph over private animosity. Discountenance vice, and be patterns and promoters of virtue and good morals as the only security for the support and prosperity of a republican government.

Revere, imbibe and practice that holy heaven- born religion, which is first pure, then peaceable gentle, easy to be entreated, and full of good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy. In a word, let the love of God, your country, and mankind rule your hearts and actuate your conduct; and let this be manifested by that which is the only true proof of it- obedience to his laws, a patriot soul and a public spirit.-

Then may you hope that order, peace and harmony- honor and prosperity will dwell with us, and God himself be our shield and defense-

AMEN

Sermon – Election – 1802, Massachusetts


Thomas Baldwin (1753-1823) represented the town of Canaan, NH in the state legislature for a time. He was ordained in 1783 and ministered in towns in New Hampshire until 1790 when he became the pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Baldwin in Boston, MA on May 26, 1802.


sermon-election-1802-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq. Governor,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

May 26, 1802.

BEING THE DAY OF

General Election.

By Thomas Baldwin, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOSTON.

BOSTON:–PRINTED BY YOUNG & MINNS, STATE PRINTERS.

1802.

 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

In the House of Representatives, May 27th, 1802.
ORDERED, That the Hon. Speaker, Mr. Otis, Mr. Russell, Mr. Parkman, Mr. Lowell, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Hunnewell, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Thomas Baldwin, and to thank him in the name of the House, for his discourse delivered before His Excellency The Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature, on the 26th instant, the day of General Election, and to request a copy thereof for the press.

Extract from the Journals.

Attest,
HENRY WARREN, Clerk of the
House of Representatives.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

I PETER, ii. 16.

“AS FREE, AND NOT USING YOUR LIBERTY FOR A CLOKE OF MALICIOUSNESS; BUT AS THE SERVANTS OF GOD.”

 

INNUMERABLE are the favors which indulgent heaven bestows on the children of men. Among the choicest of an earthly nature, we may reckon the enjoyment of personal safety, the acquisition of property, and in general the liberty of doing whatever will not be injurious to the rights of others.

In order to secure these blessings men have been induced to associate together. Their mutual wants and weaknesses urge them to unite for their common safety; and a reciprocation of kind offices, in assisting and protecting each other, forms the bond of their social union.

To give force, however, to such combinations, they must be reduced to system, their principles defined, and order and subordination established. By thus uniting, the strength of the whole body, upon any emergency, can easily be collected to a single point. In this union only individual and personal safety can be enjoyed. It will hence follow, that where the rights and privileges of all are secured, and equal protection extended, all must be under obligations to contribute to the support, and to yield obedience to them who are appointed to carry the public will into effect.

These duties are inferred from the nature of civil government in general, from the express principles of our social compact, and from the plain declarations in the word of God.

The sacred scriptures inform us of the origin and progress of society, several centuries beyond what can be found in any other writings.

The particular history of the Jewish nation for many ages together, and God’s providential dealings towards that highly favoured people, afford us much interesting instruction. Their civil policy, which was principally dictated by God himself, and the influence which religion had in forming their national character, have been faithfully recorded and handed down to us.

The glory of this nation had been gradually declining for five centuries before the Christian era; and at this time they were groaning under the Roman yoke. They were indeed looking for a Messiah, but had no idea that Jesus of Nazareth was the person. They were expecting a temporal deliverer, and not a spiritual Saviour. Therefore when Christ attempted to introduce the gospel dispensation among them, they charged him with a seditious design against the Roman government. And although he declared that his kingdom was not of this world, yet his enemies insisted that he was endeavouring to establish a separate interest, which in its tendency was subversive of social order, and hostile to the existing powers. No inference could be more unjust, nor a charge more false and cruel; yet this pretence Pilate was prevailed upon to give sentence against him. “If, said they, thou lettest this man go, thou art not Caesar’s friend; for whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against Caesar.”

The same invidious charge was brought against the Disciples of Christ, and often made the pretext for their persecution. They charged Paul with being “a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world.” In order to wipe off a stigma so foul, and to convince his adversaries that the benevolent religion of the gospel was not unfriendly to social order, we find him frequently inculcating upon his Christian brethren, the duties of submission and obedience to established authority. In his epistle to the Romans, he charged them to “be subject to the higher powers;” by which he evidently meant civil magistrates. To give force to the exhortation he adds, “for there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God.” The same Apostle directed Timothy to offer up “supplications, prayers, and intercessions for all that were in authority.” He also charged Titus to put the flock to which he ministered in mind, “to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.”

It is worthy of observation, that when the Apostle wrote these epistles, the civil authority was wholly in the hands of Heathen magistrates. And some of them too the greatest monsters of cruelty, that were ever suffered to sway a scepter, or disgrace a throne. Tyrants, who were distinguished only by their crimes, and rendered immortal only by their infamy. Yet such was the pacific spirit of the gospel, that Christians were exhorted to “be subject, not only for wrath,” that is for fear of punishment, “but for conscience sake.”

Sentiments similar to these were enforced by the Apostle Peter, in our context. “Submit yourselves, said he, to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake. For this is the will of God, that with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men. As free, and not using your liberty for a cloke of maliciousness; but as the servants of God.”

The sense of the text will more fully appear, by the following familiar paraphrase. As if he had said; “you will not, my brethren, mistake the nature of your Christian liberty, to suppose that because you profess to be the disciples of Christ, you are freed from your allegiance to the government under which you are placed. It is true, that if the Son hath made you free, then are you free indeed. But this freedom consists in being delivered from the guilt and power of sin, from the dominion of your own lusts, and from final condemnation at the great day when God shall judge the world by Jesus Christ. But instead of lessening your obligations to contribute to the peace and order of society, it greatly increases them. Your duty as Christians is urged by higher motives, and your obedience secured by more solemn sanctions. Submit yourselves therefore to every ordinance of man, designed for the good of society, and not inconsistent with the dictates of your own consciences, or the duties you owe to your God: And thus, by well-doing, you will put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, who represent your sentiments as tending to disloyalty and sedition. As free, but not abusing your liberty in using it as a cloke for malicious conduct; but in all circumstances conducting yourselves faithfully as the servants of God.”

From the subject thus placed before us, we are naturally led to the following inquiries. When may a people be said to be free? What are the means best calculated to preserve their freedom, and promote their happiness and prosperity? And, in what respects are they in danger from the abuse of their liberty?

In order to find a free people, we need not repair to Lybia’s burning sands, to learn the savage customs and manners of those barbarous descendants of Ismael, who indeed boast of their freedom, but whose liberty essentially consists, in committing, with impunity and without a blush, the most flagrant acts of violence and injustice. Nor is it necessary that the restraints imposed by wise and equitable laws should be taken off, and the force of moral principle removed in order to render a people free. Such a state of things would only produce a lawless ungovernable freedom, which would terminate in the worst kind of anarchy and confusion.

It is evident that many who pretend to be the votaries of liberty, never understood its true principles, nor conducted themselves worthy of its blessings. Genuine social liberty can never exist without being protected and supported by law, enlightened and aided by morality and religion.

But what peculiarly distinguishes a free people from all others, is, the right they collectively possess to govern themselves: Or in other words, the right of choosing and establishing their own forms of government; and of appointing to office those who make and execute the laws.

That very considerable privileges may be enjoyed under a despotic government, and that the rights of justice may in general be maintained, will be readily admitted. But if the government exists independent of the governed, they cannot be said to be free. Their security for the few privileges they do enjoy, depends not on their acknowledged rights, but entirely on the will and disposition of the persons in office.

All legitimate governments are, or ought to be founded in compact. For it is not easy to conceive how one man should have a right to rule over another, equally free as himself, without his consent: And should any one presume to exercise authority over any portion of his fellow-men, without their express or implied consent; they might, with great propriety, demand of him by what authority he did it? And who gave him this authority?

But, instead of being founded in compact, most of the governments which exist, owe their origin to some usurping tyrant; who, being more crafty, or more powerful than his neighbors, assumed dominion over them. Power thus wrongfully obtained at first, after descending from hand to hand for a few generations, at length becomes legitimated and confirmed by time.

The people of these United States are peculiarly happy in this respect. Our history does not begin with narrating the exploits of some sanguinary Chief, whose blood-stained crimes like those of Pizarro rendered him the terror of defenceless innocence, and the execration of mankind. No; we glory in a race of ancestors, who were men of the purest morals, and most unsullied virtue. Who were too pious to dissemble, and to independent to submit to ecclesiastical fulminations. Men who were willing to leave their dear native shores, and cross the wide spreading ocean in quest of this better country. Who cheerfully encountered the numerous perils of an inhospitable wilderness, in order to secure to themselves and their posterity, the unmolested enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.

These blessings and privileges they bequeathed with their dying breath to their children; and in defence of this precious legacy, we feel ourselves justified to God and the universe, in appealing to arms in our late glorious revolution.

Our cause was just, and heaven succeeded it. The contest was severe, but victory and glory followed. The sun of freedom which had been gradually rising upon these infant states, now burst forth in meridian splendor. A nation was born in a day. A new era commenced. Another empire appeared on the map of the world. Astonished Europe beheld in this western hemisphere a new constellation. Conjecture was on tiptoe gazing, and speculation with unusual adroitness was endeavouring to find its magnitude and motion. Some thought they discovered a new planet in the political horizon, moving regularly in its own orbit. Others concluded it would prove only a satellite of some European power. But many who viewed it through a set of royal optics, conceived it to be only a baleful comet, portending revolution and war, making a hasty transit, and expected momently it would disappear. But, they had yet to learn that we were “a world by ourselves;” that we were independent Republicans; that we were free.

When the passions incident to a state of war had subsided, and God had given us rest from all our enemies round about, the public attention was naturally drawn to our internal situation. Our provisional government, which, like the tabernacle in the wilderness, had been erected during our revolutionary march, was too defective and inefficient for our future security. It was unable to preserve public credit, or secure public confidence. It hence became indispensibly necessary in order to consolidate the union of the States, and to give permanency and dignity to our national character, that a new Constitution should be formed. That the powers of the different branches of the general government should be specifically defined; their limits so distinctly marked as not to interfere with each other; and sufficient energy given to the whole, to support order and tranquility at home, honor and good faith with all nations with whom we were connected abroad.

Delegates were accordingly appointed by the different States who met in convention for this purpose. This was at a time and under circumstances peculiarly favourable to the design. The attachments which we once felt for royalty, had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had the Republican name at this time, been disgraced by acts of cruelty and irreligion. The friendly ties which bound us together during the period of our common danger, had scarcely began to slacken; and invidious distinctions between the different States were made (if at all) with great caution. Party-spirit, that Apollyon of all popular governments as yet slept in silent embryo. (Would to God its sleep had been perpetual.) No suspicious circumstances of personal power and aggrandizement, awakened either our jealousies or our fears. Nor could we feel any, for at the head of this venerable assembly was our late illustrious Chief. But not in arms like a perpetual Dictator, awing them into submission to his will. No; for like Timolion when he saw his country free, he sheathed his sword and returned to the rank of a private citizen. Never was there an Assembly convened upon a more interesting and important occasion. For not only the present fate of their country, but the future destiny of unborn millions depended upon their decisions. They were to lay the foundation of an empire, the extent and duration of which it was impossible to calculate.—What an august spectacle was here! The Fathers of our tribes deliberately forming a plan of government. The volumes of antiquity were open before them, and the experience of all nations and ages enriched their discussions. After surveying the interests of the whole, and making such mutual concessions, as local circumstances required, they unanimously agreed in the essential articles of our present excellent Constitution. It was then submitted again to the several States, and by them examined, approved and accepted, and thus became the supreme law of the land. This it is conceived is literally a social compact, what political writers 1 have said to the contrary, notwithstanding.

This sacred instrument ought to be considered as the great charter of our rights and privileges, and as the foundation of our national civil policy. So long as we preserve it inviolate, and govern ourselves according to its true spirit, so long we shall continue to be a free people. It will be impossible for despotic power to support itself in America, until we basely degenerate from the spirit of our ancestors, and depart entirely from the principles of our confederation.

One great security against the abuse of power, is the short tenure by which it is held. No offices are made hereditary, and for this plain reason I conceive, that talents and virtue, which are essential qualifications, are not hereditary.

No country ever exhibited a fairer specimen of moral justice than ours, nor can any be found of equal population where capital punishments are less frequent. It is not because we suffer crimes to go unpunished, but by encouraging sober habits and moral principles, we in a great degree prevent them. Our laws indeed are mild, and not like those of Draco, written in blood.

Religion, at all times essential to the well-being of society, though not established, is protected and encouraged by the laws of our country. This sentiment corresponds with that divine declaration, “By Me kings reign and princes decree justice;” importing, that they need Christ’s religion to support their tottering thrones, but that his cause could exist without their authority. No sectarian creed is imposed by law upon any man, nor have we any national formulary excepting the Bible; and every man is at liberty to interpret this according to the dictates of his own conscience, and is accountable only to God for his errors.

Oppression may gain a temporary existence under the purest government, by the mismanagement of particular agents; but it ought not to be attributed to the laws, but to their perversion.

The Constitution of this Commonwealth declares itself the friend and protector of every man, who demeans himself quietly and peaceably as a good subject, let his religious sentiments be what they may. It has also decreed, that “no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law.”

If it be acknowledged that men have a right to serve God according to the light of their own understandings, then they cannot be constitutionally deprived of the means of serving him. It is not enough that the mind be left free; for the command is, thou shalt “honor the Lord with thy substance.” What Moses said when he was about to leave Egypt will apply in the present case; “Our cattle also, said he, shall go with us, there shall not an hoof be left behind; for thereof must we take to serve the Lord our God; and we know not with what we must serve the Lord until we are come hither.”

It is with peculiar pleasure that we observe at the present day, the increasing prevalence of Christian candor and liberality. This candor it is hoped, is not the offspring of torpid indifferency; much less of infidelity; but arises from more just and enlarged views of the nature and genius of the gospel. While Christians are less zealous in defending some of the outworks of the system, they ought to be more firmly united in supporting the essential articles of the “Faith once delivered to the Saints.”

Having thus considered some of our most essential rights both civil and sacred which we possess, and which we hope to convey unimpaired to our children; shall I be chargeable with vanity in saying, there never has been a nation whose history has come down to our knowledge, which has enjoyed civil and religious liberty in a greater degree than we do. If we are not a free people, I confess it surpasses my ingenuity to conceive how a people can be so.

We proceed Secondly to inquire, What are the means best calculated to preserve our freedom, and to promote our happiness and prosperity?

To which it may be answered, 1. That as all popular governments depend in a great degree on public sentiment, it is highly important that this should be enlightened.

It is an observation which I believe will not be controverted; that the more despotic a government is, the more ignorant the people generally are. It is undoubtedly the interest of those in power to keep them so. For were they once so enlightened as to understand the nature of civil liberty, and to act upon any rational system in recovering their usurped rights, it would be impossible to keep them in subjection. It is justly observed by Paley, that “the physical strength resides in the governed.” It is, therefore, truly astonishing to see millions of rational beings, no ways “deficient in strength or courage,” submitting to the will of a single tyrant; and with all the docility of the laboring ox, put their necks quietly under his yoke. Still to keep up this ignorance every manly sentiment is suppressed, and every ray of political light shut out, and the slavish doctrine of nonresistance and passive obedience inculcated, with all the zeal of fanaticism, and enforced with the terrors of everlasting punishment.

In a representative republic just the reverse of this becomes necessary. Here, it is all-important that the people should be enlightened; as they are the acknowledged source of all power, whether legislative or executive. Correct political information, therefore, cannot be too generally and widely diffused.

As the public papers are the common medium of this information, it is of the highest importance to the well-being of society, that they should be conducted with intelligence and ability, and like a witness under oath, that they should “tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” Public opinion, which often controls the most important concerns of a government, is itself controuled and directed by so trifling a thing as a News-paper. If misrepresentations and falsehood are propagated instead of truth, the consequence will be, the people will be misled, and their liberties endangered. But the full vengeance of an abused public, will in the end, return upon the heads of those who have been thus guilty of deceiving them.

We also add, those literary institutions founded by our venerable ancestors, for the education of youth, with others of a later date; and to which the present improved state of society is so much indebted, must be cherished and supported with unabating solicitude. There can hardly be a subject more interesting to a community, or more deserving of legislative attention, than the education of youth and children. When this is neglected, an injury is done to society which it is impossible to repair. It is equally a violation of the law of nature, and of the express command of God. To bring up our children in the “nurture and admonition of the Lord;” is an apostolic injunction. It will be impossible to do this, if we neglect their education. The Legislature of this Commonwealth have done much already, and we hope they will not “be weary in well doing;” and that their last works may be more than their first.

As those impressions which are made upon the minds of children, are seldom if ever erased; it is the more important that their education should be properly conducted. It was a judicious remark of an ancient king of Lacedemon, “That nothing should be taught children, but what may be eventually useful.” Their tender minds frequently imbibe sentiments at a much earlier period than we are apt to conceive, which have an influence ever after upon their conduct. Hannibal, was but nine years old when he was led to the altar by Hamilcar his father, and took the oath of perpetual enmity to the Romans. The solemnity of this transaction made an impression upon his mind, which probably accounts for his future conduct towards that people.

Those to whom this important trust is committed, ought to be men of principle as well as talents. A vicious man, always lacks an essential qualification to inculcate the principles of virtue. To protect and aid the opening germ of genius; “to teach the young ideas how to shoot;” to give a proper set to the wayward passions; and above all to impress the tender mind with the love of virtue and religion; though a delightful is a very arduous task. Favoured, as we are, with public schools, academies, and other literary institutions, we may hope “that our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner stones, polished, after the similitude of a palace.”

But however polished and enlightened a people may be; they cannot expect long to enjoy either freedom or prosperity unless they are virtuous.—We therefore add, 2d. That the practice of moral virtue, or religion, is essential to the prosperity, if not to the existence of a free government. Where the authority of God is treated with contempt, and the great principles of morality and religion are disregarded, it must be expected that the vile passions will triumph and reign; and instead of rational liberty nothing will remain but an unbounded licentiousness.

Public confidence always attaches to moral principle; and hence in the same proportion this is vitiated, that is weakened. I appeal to the good sense of this enlightened audience, whether you can possibly repose the same confidence in a man who convinces you that he has no belief in the moral perfections of the Deity, and who does not feel himself accountable to such a Being, as in one who gives evidence that he acts under the influence of religious principle, and with a view to a day of final retribution?

If we look back into the remotest depths of Jewish antiquity, we shall find their most distinguished Patriarchs acting under the influence of this principle; and not unfrequently appealing to an invisible Power, to confirm and give solemnity to their social transactions. The same sentiment prevailed in the Pagan world.

Amphictyon, by whose eloquence and address the Grecian cities were first prevailed upon to unite for their common safety, was so fully convinced, that “those political connections are the most lasting, which are strengthened by religion,” that he committed to the council at Thermopylae, the care of the Delphian Temple.

The religion of the Bible, above all others, has a peculiar tendency to cement and strengthen the bands of society, and promote the happiness of mankind. It inculcates the purest precepts, and exemplifies the most amiable virtues. Every man, let his rank in society be what it may, will here find his duty plainly pointed out, and illustrated by example.

From the history given of the Jewish people, and the different characters of their civil rulers, the magistrates of other nations may derive the most interesting lessons of instruction. They will find, that those who ruled in integrity and uprightness, and walked in the fear of the Lord, were blessed in their administrations, and their people were prosperous and happy. On the other hand, those who disregarded the counsels of heaven, and chose out their own ways, generally involved themselves and the nation in calamity and ruin.

When a virtuous pious Prince was upon the throne, it frequently produced an immediate effect upon the manners and moral character of the people. What a surprising and happy change was often visible! The monuments of idolatry were destroyed, and the worship of the true God restored. The temple doors which had been closed, were opened, the sanctuary cleansed, and the fire which had gone out rekindled upon their altars. The Priests and Levites, who had fled to their fields, were invited back, and placed in their courses, and the service of the house of the Lord set in order.

What was the consequence of all this? Universal joy and gladness. Righteousness, peace, and tranquility reigned throughout the nation.

Whenever their government fell into the hands of wicked idolatrous rulers, their pernicious principles and example, like a contagious leaven, would seem to run through the whole lump. The people would relapse again into idolatry, and vice and irreligion triumph.

Perhaps it may be asked, whether this people might not, upon the whole, have been as free and happy without any religion as with? Or whether the worshipping the true God rather than Baal had a tendency to promote their national prosperity? Their history shall furnish the answer. God forbid, that we should make the experiment, as it may be attended with very dangerous consequences!

The following account will serve to illustrate the idea: When the ten tribes revolted from the family of David, they set up Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. After his death we have the following account given by the sacred historian:–“Now for a long time Israel hath been without the true God, without a teaching priest, and without law.” This bore a strong resemblance to what in modern times is called the “age of reason.” What a happy situation this people must have thought themselves in? Delivered from all fear and dread of that holy, just Being, whom we call God! Not only so, but they were freed from the intolerable burden and imposing dogmas of a teaching priest. This sacred class of men were deemed entirely useless, and were either dismissed or driven from the sanctuary. And to complete this happy state of things, they were also without law. No restraint from any quarter. What, no God! No priest! No law! Then consequently no future accountability! This was liberty worthy the name. What an immense harvest of felicity was now ripening before them? Could they possibly fail of being the happiest people in the world, when every obstacle was so entirely removed out of the way? We appeal to experience and fact, those great detectors of human errors, for an answer. They declare with great solemnity, that “in those times there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in; but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries; and nation was destroyed of nation, and city of city; for God did vex them with all adversity.”

This is no more than what might be reasonably expected: For when a people give up their religion, and renounce the authority of God, they will not hesitate to overleap all bounds of law and morality, and destroy one another.

From this brief specimen it appears, that the social order and happiness of a community depend essentially on the influence of moral principle; and we may venture to say, should this be destroyed, exterior force can never supply its place. Without it, we shall never practice that “righteousness which exalteth a nation;” but shall inevitably fall into those “sins which are the reproach of any people.”

There never has been a people, since the tribes ransomed from Egyptian bondage, under greater obligations to their God than we are; and should we basely apostatize from our holy religion, and use our liberty only for a cloke of maliciousness, we must expect some chosen curse will pursue us to final ruin.

But in a world like this, neither innocency nor uprightness will always preserve a people from the designs of avarice and ambition.

We, therefore, add 3d, Another mean of preserving our liberty and of promoting our prosperity is the power we possess of defending ourselves. Without the means of self-defence, the liberties of a people can never be safe. A state of weakness always invites aggression. Ambitious men seldom want a pretext to plunder and destroy such as have not the power of resistance. Popular governments have been supposed less capable of self-defence, than those of a monarchical form; because it is thought to be more difficult to collect their energies, and direct them to any certain point. Hence the destiny of our Republic has often been predicted by the fate of others. It has been supposed that the seeds of mortality are sown in the constitution of all Republics, that they grow with their growth, and strengthen with their strength, and that their early dissolution follows of course. But this is not true as applied to them in particular. No human government is exempt from disaster and change. Should it be asked, where are those republics of Greece and Rome, which make such a figure in ancient history? In reply, I would ask, where are those mighty monarchies which were raised on their ruins? The Grecian republics, retained their freedom for seven centuries; whereas the monarchy, which by the arms of Alexander was extended over great part of the known world, scarcely outlived its founder. The republic of Rome, after the expulsion of Tarquin, maintained its liberties for five hundred years. Nor did the empire, though one of the most powerful and despotic that ever existed, continue longer. It commenced nearly with the Christian era, was divided in the beginning of the 4th century, by Constantine, and in the fifth, wholly subverted, and a barbarous Chieftain seated on the throne of the Caesars. The causes which brought on the ruin of Sparta, Carthage, and Rome itself, are too well known to require a recital on this occasion.

It must here be remembered, however, that our republic differs essentially, in its constitution and genius, from all others, both ancient and modern. Had the Grecian states, instead of their Amphictyon Council, formed a permanent government like ours, they could not have been practiced upon separately, and ruined by the insidious arts of Philip, of Macedon. But, my brethren, we are blessed with a government which combines energy with freedom. God hath also put in our power ample means of defence; and we may hope, under the auspices of an indulgent Providence, long to enjoy our precious privileges.

When we look back to that perilous moment when we first assumed the attitude of self-defence, and compare our present situation and resources with what they then were, gratitude and joy rush in upon our souls, and constrain us to say, “the Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.”

We are by the providence of God, at this time, in the honorable and quiet possession of a country of vast extent and fertility. Our soil, luxuriant as the land of Nile; and our atmosphere, pure as that which surrounded the famed Helicon. The wide Atlantic laves our eastern board, and forms one barrier to the progress of invasion; and at the same time wafts to our shores the fruits and treasures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our ancient towns and cities are planted. Here, the busy multitude throng; and trade, and commerce collect their immense stores of wealth. Here, elegance and refinement unite their powers, to please the imagination and improve the heart.

On the west, the Mississippi rolls in majestic grandeur; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into its bosom, opens a communication of vast extent into those fertile regions. Here, the wilderness is turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvests smile in the rays of a setting sun. Where the Savage lately pursued his nimble chase, we now behold large towns and flourishing villages, adorned with temples sacred to religion, and crowded with devout and adoring worshippers of the Lamb.

No considerable part of our extensive territory, but what is capable under the hand of cultivation, of yielding subsistence for man.

Were we to rise with the morning sun, and travel on its rays round the globe, we should not find a nation more distinguished by its blessings than our own. Every uneasy thought therefore must be deemed ingratitude, and every murmur rebellion against heaven.

Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more impenetrable than walls of granite. Our dependence is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercenary aid; but under God, we rely on the skill and bravery of our own citizens. Do we need ships of war? Our own immense forests, our forges and work-shops furnish the materials; and our skillful artisans construct them in a manner, equal, if not superior to any which float on the bosom of the deep. Indeed, every article necessary in the whole apparatus of war, is, or may be furnished by ourselves. It is not then to be believed, that five millions of people, breathing the air of freedom and tasting her joys, inured to hardy enterprise, and lords of the soil they cultivate, can ever be conquered by any foreign foe, unless the stars in their courses fight against them.

With such immense and increasing resources, our only danger arises from the abuse of our liberty, which was the last thing in the method to be attended to.

Permit me briefly to observe on two or three particulars. The right of private judgment, or what is commonly called liberty of conscience, is one of our dearest privileges. This right is unalienable in its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our forefathers left their friends and country, and sought an asylum in this then howling wilderness. But precious as this privilege is, it is liable to abuse. A very malicious design may be concealed under the cloke of religious liberty. It is to be feared that many under this pretence, are in reality opposing and endeavouring to destroy all religion. Some by denying, others by corrupting its important doctrines and institutions. This is an abuse too for which there is no legal remedy. It seems to be beyond the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. According to our context, his power extends only to the punishment of evil doers, and not erroneous or heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide on another’s sincerity, ought certainly to know his heart; other ways, in attempting to root out these tares, he will be in danger of destroying the wheat. I know of nothing but light that will remove darkness; nor any antidote to error but truth. If men will abuse their Christian liberty, they must answer it to God.

Another important privilege, is the right of electing our own civil rulers. This is the distinguishing criterion of a free government. But we are in great danger of abusing this privilege; and especially at such a season as the present, when party spirit is wrought up to its highest pitch. When we suffer our prejudices and passions to influence our choice; when our judgment and conscience are sacrificed at the shrine of party zeal; when we pass over tried merit, and prefer an unworthy candidate because he is of a particular party; do we not then abuse our liberty? If our elections are biased and corrupted, our government will be corrupt, and consequently, our liberty will be endangered.

I add once more, The right to investigate the official conduct of all public agents, and in a respectful decent manner to publish our opinions of them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, when under this pretence, we calumniate and asperse the characters of our rulers, and endeavour to expose them to public contempt, this is a very malicious and dangerous abuse of our liberty. It is not easy to calculate the extent of this mischief; for by traducing their characters, and misrepresenting their motives and measures, we destroy public confidence, and prepare the minds of the less informed part of the community for complete opposition and revolt. This abuse has also another bad effect: It tends to alienate one citizen from another, and kindle the flame of discord throughout the nation.

To guard against this, we need only to reflect, that our national safety and prosperity depend chiefly upon our union. So long as we continue virtuous and united, we have little to fear. But should patient Heaven, offended by our aggravated provocations, give us up to a spirit of national distraction and discord, our ruin would be speedy and inevitable.

The fate of all preceding Republics, and the causes which accelerated their ruin, have been recorded by the faithful historian. Signals also have been placed on all the rocks and shoals on which they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I have been trying to read the inscriptions on these monuments, but can make out distinctly only the three following words, which seem to have been written in capitals, LUXURY, EFFEMINACY, and DISUNION. “United we stand, divided we fall.” This was our motto in those “times which tried men’s souls.” The sentiment is equally important at this time. Young Sampson’s great strength, we are told, lay in seven locks united in one head; but ours in seventeen. If we suffer them to be shorn, or a part cut off, our strength will most certainly depart from us.

Is it not then the duty of every friend to his country to discountenance every attempt to alienate one part of our citizens from another? Whoever endeavours to induce the belief, that the interests of one State are incompatible with those of another, or with the interests of the whole, ought to be considered, at least, as a very doubtful friend.

But it may be said, the speaker is only opposing a “man of straw.” I could wish indeed we had been said and done been without meaning? If so, it ought to have been suppressed. I am sure many well-informed persons 2 have been seriously alarmed at the progress of arty disaffection; and have feared lest some untoward circumstance should provoke the mad attempt to divide our hitherto happy Republic. Should we once begin the work of separation, God knows where it may end, and what the consequences may be. It will be remembered that the imprudent conduct of Rehoboam, urged on by the impetuous zeal of the young men who were about him, caused ten tribes to revolt from the house of David. What was the consequence? A civil war; in which half a million fell by the sword! The greatest slaughter, which, perhaps, has ever been in a single battle since the world began.

The danger of disunion, which we are considering, was contemplated by our late beloved Washington, and a most solemn warning given us in his farewell address. Permit me to enrich my discourse with a paragraph from it. “The unity of government, (saith he) which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of an attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.” This seasonable advice, it is hoped, will have its weight. You will remember that though dead, he yet speaketh.

Nor can a doubt be entertained, but his worthy successor, our late excellent President, held the same sentiment with regard to our union; and had he addressed the people when retiring from office, we may presume he would have exhorted us to cleave to our federal union as the “sheet-anchor” of our hopes.

Permit me to add, that whatever difference of opinion there may be in other respects, our present Chief Magistrate, in his inaugural speech, has recommended the same important sentiment with peculiar beauty and energy. But I am not insensible, that, considering the divided state of public opinion, I am here venturing on a point of very great delicacy; and yet to pass wholly unnoticed the Federal Administration, which has been constantly mentioned on all similar occasions, might be deemed disrespectful to the constituted authorities of our country. I do not, however, feel myself authorized, either to eulogize or to censure.

It is but just to observe, that our present Chief Magistrate, as well as his predecessors, was among the first asserters of our freedom and independence. At this early period, his distinguished talents and patriotism, procured him the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. When we add to this, the many important offices he has sustained with reputation, both in his own State and under the General Government, we shall not doubt his ability to conduct our public affairs, in such a manner as shall promote our prosperity, and do honor to the American character.

It will not be denied that the present administration differs in some important points from the preceding; and that a new order of things in some respects is taking place. What the final effect will be upon our political happiness and prosperity must be left for time to determine. I will only add, our religious as well as our political sentiments, oblige us to “give custom to whom custom, and honor to whom honor is due.”

It is confidently hoped, that the distinguished rank which this Commonwealth has hitherto held in the American union, will be maintained with increasing influence and splendor. That our citizens may be as remarkable for the practice of moral virtue, as for their regard to rational liberty and social order; and that we may ever be indulged with the propitious smiles of that gracious Providence, which has hitherto directed our destiny. Happy indeed shall we be, if our heavenly Parent may say of us as of Israel of old; “They seek me daily, and delight to know my ways, as a nation that did righteousness, and forsook not the ordinance of their God; they ask of me the ordinances of justice; they take delight in approaching unto God.” “Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

The pleasures of this interesting anniversary, which collects together so many of our civil and religious Fathers, are greatly heightened by the presence of the Chief Magistrate of our Commonwealth.

Whilst decency forbids adulation, it is presumed that every good man esteems the approbation of his friends, next to that of his own conscience. And although he does not seek their applause, yet it must afford him pleasure to know, that his endeavours to serve their interests have not been unacceptable.

The increasing marks of esteem and confidence, manifested in the late election, are the best eulogy upon his Excellency’s past administration. He will please to accept our sincere congratulations on his re-election to the important office he sustains. Every class of citizens look up to him with an emboldened confidence, that he will cherish their interests, and consider himself with his people, as a father with his children. They have the fullest satisfaction, that his authority and example will be united in supporting good order, in encouraging and protecting virtue and religion; and in promoting every measure which shall tend to the general interest of the people.

It must be pleasing to his Excellency to reflect, that by their own choice he presides over a free people; and he may be assured that he cannot enjoy greater pleasure in serving them, than they do in honoring him. That his Excellency’s life and health may be preserved, and that he may be enabled to discharge the difficult duties of his exalted station to acceptance, our fervent prayer shall be offered up continually to Almighty God on his behalf; that when his term of service on earth shall be completed, he may be received to the immortal felicities and rewards of the heavenly state.

His Honor the Lieutenant Governor elect, will indulge us to express the satisfaction we feel, in his election to the second office in the gift of the people of this Commonwealth. From his long acquaintance with our public affairs, as well as from his talents and patriotism, we have full confidence in his assistance and co-operation with the Executive, in all the important concerns of the government. He will remember that he is to fill a place which has lately been rendered vacant by the death of one of the most amiable and best of men. A man in whom “political wisdom, patriotic virtue,” and undissembled piety all united and shone.

While the life of the deceased may serve as an example to his successor, his death will admonish him of the end of all human greatness. With such an example before him, may his public career be equally honorable to himself, and acceptable to the multitude of his brethren.

The Honorable Council, share in our respectful attention, as an assistant branch in the executive department of our government.

The elevated station they fill, as well as their own personal qualities, entitle them to our esteem and veneration. We repose great confidence in their candor and integrity in those cases where their advice and consent may be required; especially in the appointment of persons to office. That they will feel themselves above the reach of party influence, and will recommend the claims of merit, arising from fitness of character, rather than those of interest and ambition.

We have only to add our best wishes, that, whilst they essentially aid the interests of government, they may also by their example give encouragement to the cause of religion; and like that honorable Counselor of Arimathea, may they be willing, not only to lend their tombs to Jesus if needed, but may they consecrate their hearts for his throne.

The Honorable Gentlemen composing the two Branches of the Legislature, will permit us to express the lively interest we feel in the repeated marks of respect with which their friends have honored them; but especially in their present appointment. By accepting this confidential trust, they pledge themselves to the faithful discharge of it.

The duty of legislation is at all times difficult, and often perplexing. It is rendered peculiarly so at this time, by the divided state of public opinion. It would favor of an intolerant spirit to suppose, that good men may not be aiming to promote the same object, while they differ in the means best calculated to attain it. Mutual candor and forbearance, therefore, will be necessary, in order to preserve peace, and promote the public welfare.

It is reasonably expected that our honored Rulers, in the whole of their conduct as legislators, will be governed by the great principles of justice and benevolence; and that every other interest will be subordinated to the public good. That they will enforce by example, what they inculcate by precept.

In all their attempts to aid the interests of morality and religion, great care will be taken not to infringe the rights of conscience. These ought to be held sacred as the prohibited tree in the garden of Eden, and the flaming sword should be employed only to guard the way. What Pindar said of Magistrates, may be applied on the present occasion. “Be just, said he, in all your actions, faithful in all your words, and remember that thousands of witnesses have their eyes upon you.”

Many are the motives to fidelity, but none more weighty than the consideration of future accountability. Under these solemn impressions, our honored Rulers will attend to the important duties of this day, and during their continuance in office. In their most zealous deliberations they will not forget, that “God standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods.” May all their public transactions tend to promote the various interests of the Commonwealth; and to strengthen the bonds of our National Union. And after having served their generation according to the will of God, when they shall fall asleep, may they be gathered to their fathers in peace.

Ye venerable Ministers of the Sanctuary; ye servants of the most High God; who show unto men the way of salvation. While our civil rulers, who have invited us this day to the house of God, continue to reverence the institutions of religion, and to respect and honor its ministers; you will not cease daily to offer up intercessions and prayers for all that are in authority. Nor will you cease to “put the people in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.” And may God Almighty bless your unwearied labors of love.

Fellow citizens of this respectable audience. How great, and how precious the privileges we enjoy! While so many of our fellow beings inhabit the dark regions of slavery and despotism; and bow with degrading reverence before some lordly tyrant, who sits upon a throne of ebony, swaying an iron scepter; we have the peculiar felicity to live under a free government. Our rulers are of ourselves, and our governors proceed from the midst of us. When thus cloathed with power, we are bound to honor them as the ministers of God, who exercise their authority not for their own emolument, but for the public good. Let us therefore endeavour to strengthen their hands, by a cordial acquiescence in every measure promotive of our common interest. If we do not protect our laws, our laws will not protect us. By our civil and religious habits let us shew to the world that Americans are worthy of freedom.

Be careful how you entertain unreasonable jealousies and suspicions of your old and long tried friends. But when you hear a man, whose integrity and talents never introduced him to public notice, saying, “Oh that I were made judge in the land;” although his face may be as fair as Absolom’s, you have reason to suspect that there are “seven abominations in his heart.” I feel a persuasion, my fellow citizens, that you are from principle attached to our republican system; and that you would oppose with energy and firmness any attempts to change it. Should any furious demagogue hereafter presume to play the tyrant, and by any unconstitutional measures place himself in the chair of state, should we tamely submit to it? No, the spirit of the American people would rise indignant, and hurl the wretch from his seat, and turn him out to graze as the Chaldeans did Nebuchadnezzar.

Brethren, “you have been called unto liberty, only use not your liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.” Cherish therefore all those friendly affections which unite man with man, and sweeten the pleasures of social life. Above all things let the gospel of the grace of God rule in your hearts. If you are made free from civil tyranny and oppression, never suffer yourselves to be the slaves of sin. No servitude can be more degrading. But having obtained redemption through the blood of Christ, even the forgiveness of sins, let us “stand fast in the liberty wherewith he hath made us free, and not be entangled again with the yoke of bondage.” And will the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Israel; the God of our Fathers, delight to dwell with us and bless us, and be our God now and evermore; Amen.

 


1.Paley, supposes there never was such a thing as a social compact, strictly speaking, but allows that this comes the nearest of anything to be met with. See also Burgh’s Polit. Disq.

2.See Governor Trumbull’s Speech, at the opening of the Conecticut Assembly in October last.

Sermon – Election – 1802, Connecticut


Joseph Strong (1753-1834), brother of Nathan Strong, graduated from Yale in 1772. He was the pastor of the 1st church in Norwich, Connecticut for fifty-six years. The following sermon was preached by Joseph in Connecticut on May 13, 1802.


sermon-election-1802-connecticut

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 13, 1802.

BY JOSEPH STRONG, A.M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN NORWICH.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1802—

ORDERED, That the Honorable William Hillhouse and Elisha Tracy, Esquires, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend JOSEPH STRONG, for his Sermon, delivered on the General Election, on the thirteenth instant, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
 

JEREMIAH, vi. 16.

Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.

 

THE Jews were at no period in a more prosperous state on worldly accounts, than when Jeremiah commenced his prophetic labors. During the reign of Josiah, a prince highly accomplished both by nature and grace, the continuance of peace for a number of years had introduced plenty and ease; though not without being accompanied with more than an equal proportion of vice and dissipation. Added to the complete prostration of private virtue, each social tie, whether it respected God or man, was violently broken asunder. Thus situated, it was the dictate neither of God’s covenant love nor of that regard which he owed to the honor of his own character, to allow the existing state of things to continue uncorrected. The experiment of mercy having proved but too unsuccessful, every principle dictated that judicial infliction should be made its unwelcome substitute. Nothing remained to be done previous to such judicial infliction taking place, but to make solemn proclamation of the fact, accompanied with one more overture in favor of national amendment and safety. This delicate and arduous task was assigned to Jeremiah, a man exactly formed for the purpose in every view which can be taken of his character. Possessed of a mind constitutionally firm, his address was plain and forcible. He felt for all the interests of his country with ardor, though in subserviency to a far higher principle—disinterested regard to the prerogatives of Jehovah’s character and law. As might be expected from such a messenger, acting under the immediate direction of heaven, each branch of his address was, to an unusual degree, pointed and solemn. “O daughter of my people gird thee with sackcloth and wallow thyself in ashes; make thee mourning as for a son, most bitter lamentation. The bellows are burnt, the lead is consumed in the fire, the founder melteth in vain, for the wicked are not plucked away. Be thou instructed, O Jerusalem, lest my soul depart from thee; lest I make thee desolate, a land not inhabited. Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see; and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.”

The circumstances which dictated the text, being those now sketched, its more particular application to the present occasion, will naturally direct our thoughts to two enquiries:–

What are those paths pursued by our fathers, which in a more distinguishable sense constitute the good way:–And

The nature of that rest to be secured by walking in them.

In view of the proposed outlines to the present attempt, it is far from my design to amplify in indiscriminate praise of ancient times, at the expense of those which are modern. Forward to concede the fact, that the age of the fathers was marked with numerous foibles or even faults, at the same time it will be contended, that in view of all circumstances it was an age to a superior degree exemplary and respectable; it is therefore the joint demand of gratitude and interest, that we carefully select its virtues and copy them into our own practice.

While standing in the way to see, there is no old path which more clearly and forcibly strikes the mind than the confirmed belief of our fathers in the Christian scriptures. The fact is not to be questioned, that short of fifty years past, scarcely a single avowed infidel either disgraced or endangered this privileged part of God’s American heritage. Every voice was rather in union with that of the apostle, “Lord to whom shall we go, for thou hast the words of eternal life.” Good sense, accompanied with reverence for Jehovah, formed the prevailing character; and the Bible was seen to command universal and unwavering esteem. The wide departure from such an happy state of sentiment and feeling which has since taken place, is but too perceptible and ominous. Numerous causes have conspired to produce the wide spread of infidelity among us; causes which continue to operate, and that not without being much strengthened by the solicitude which ever marks party spirit, to support its own favorite cause whether right or wrong. The motives which excite the infidel to exertion, are injudicious and malevolent in the extreme. The great effort of his life is to prostrate a system which can injure no one, and if true, promises essential advantage to all. To leave out of view the solemn article of death, with all that may ensue, the Christian scheme of religion merits the highest esteem and most industrious encouragement. Both its doctrines and moral precepts are adapted to promote personal enjoyment, strengthen the bands of social intercourse, and reduce to consistency and order the discordant, deranged interests of the world.

Another of those good old paths, the subject of present enquiry, was an especial reference to the religion of the heart. Our fathers did not stop short with advocating a mere speculative religion, however rational and sublime; but superadded their confirmed belief of its inward, transforming influence. Morality was their frequent theme, though not to prevent its being a morality the fruit of pre-existing grace. Although such a trait in ancient character, may probably sink it in the esteem of some and even subject him who mentions it to the disgust and obloquy of those who take pride in their liberal modes of thinking, it ought and will be contended that experimental religion is a great and glorious reality. None ought to blush in mentioning its name or in urging it home to the heart. While in the case of the private citizen it forms an invaluable possession; to the Christian magistrate, it is in superior degrees necessary and advantageous. In exact proportion as the duties devolved upon him are weighty and arduous, he ought to cultivate an holy temper—place his supreme dependence upon God—and encourage the vigorous exercise of faith with respect to those rewards, which await the faithful servant. Are these remarks just, we certainly owe no thanks to those who are so forward at the present day to rationalize our holy and good religion. Too rational already for them to love it, their efforts re no better than disguised infidelity. While their professed object is to display its harmony and extend its popularity, they in fact do more than the avowed infidel to disorganize its parts and enfeeble its energies.

It may be proper, in this part of the discourse, also to remind you, how industrious our fathers were, to give existence and energy to moral sentiment. Wherever the sphere of their influence extended, they were forward to impress ideas of the divine existence and government—the ties of social relation—creature accountableness—and the solemn remunerations of eternity. They were under no apprehension of practicing undue influence upon the untaught mind. They did not conceive it an encroachment upon the rights of natural liberty, to prepossess the heart in favor of what is virtuous and useful. Foreign to the impressions of moral sentiment, the whole is put to hazard which constitutes well regulated community. Proper veneration for civil rulers is done with—good neighborhood ceases—the natural and powerful cement of families is destroyed—and the nearest connection in life treated with baseness and infidelity. As all must be sensible, the efforts of the present day that tend to such an unwelcome issue, are by no means small. In total disregard of the good example of the fathers, how many among us have the effrontery to circulate writings, and advocate them in private conversation, the avowed design of which is to prostrate all distinctions in life—reduce man to a state of nature—vacate the solemn rights of marriage—and surrender the dearest interests of human nature to the guidance of appetite and passion. Such is the boasted philosophy which closed the eighteenth, and is with too much success, ushering in the nineteenth century. A commendable regard to the future respectability of the age in which we lie, would almost prompt a desire that the powers for history were extinct—that no heart possessed the inclination of hand the ability to inform posterity, how base were the ideas and degenerate the practices of their fathers.

In this connection you will permit me to mention also, that spirit of social deference and subordination which strongly marked the age of the fathers. As for the fact, no person to a considerable degree advanced in life, will undertake to call it in question. Not to pain your feelings by a recital of what is now fact,–the time has been when children did not conduct as though they were compeers with their parents—when those covered with grey hairs were treated with reverence—when talents and literary improvement excited feelings of veneration—and when both legislative and executive office, were looked up to and obeyed as the institution of God. Let a selfish, equalizing spirit say what it may, society will never rise with regularity and firmness unless the feelings of rational subordination constitute its basis;–feelings rarely operative, provided they do not commence with childhood, gradually forming into settled habit with the increase of years. With mankind, more the creatures of habit than of sentiment, when the latter principle does not operate to the extent which might be wished, the good influence of the former is by no means to be rejected. The parent and schoolmaster do more to make the child a good or bad citizen, than the whole which can be done through the remainder of life. It must be a great force indeed, which bends the full grown tree into a new direction. Bent aright at first, very little after labor is required to mould it to that particular situation in the great political machine, where it is most needed. Those who do not early commence the habit of commendable subordination and respect for superiors, almost without exception, prove themselves restless, troublesome members of community. A turbulent, incendiary temper, being the character of the child, will not fail to operate when arrived to years of manhood. The ring-leader of quarrel and faction among his play-mates, is certain of being an high toned demagogue, to whatever department of life providence afterwards assigns him. These remarks are jointly supported by theory and observation. Beyond most others, the spirit in question is one which society ought seriously to deprecate. The evidence of history is explicit to the point, that numerous well regulated governments have lost their liberties with everything which mankind hold dear, by means of a single unprincipled, ambitious individual. Through the agency of intrigue or direct usurpation, they have thus in a day exchanged the brightest national prospects for the chains of unqualified slavery. There is no kind of government which more loudly reprobates this spirit, than what ours does. For though a republican government gives opportunity for the exercise of the fiery, uncontrollable spirit, yet the genuine principles of such a government are opposed to its existence.

Another noticeable fact, with respect to our fathers, was their strict adherence to the principle, that none ought to be elevated to public office except those whose opinions and behavior were strictly Christian. Brilliancy of talents was a secondary consideration in their view, when accompanied with an unprincipled heart. What confidence can the public mind reasonably place in men who spurn our holy religion and sanguinely calculate upon death as the termination of existence? Except that feeble principle the fashionable world stiles honor, what stimulus have they to the regular and useful performance of those duties made incumbent by office? With respect to such persons, in what consists the obligatory strength of oaths? The idea of future accountableness laid aside, an oath instantly dwindles to a mere cipher.—A not less weighty class of objections are adduceable [to bring forward in argument or evidence] against the scandalously immoral than against the avowed infidel. Elevated to office, the influence of example never fails to be doubly impressive. To emulate and copy high life is inseparable from human nature. Beauty and deformity of character in the peasant or beggar, strike the mind in a very feeble manner, compared with what they do when attached to the rich and powerful. Clothed with the purple, vices the most base and odious, by a kind of magic influence, become completely fascinating;–there being nothing more certain than that the libertine magistrate, from whom the whole evil has originated, will not do anything to correct it either by the enacting of laws or their after execution. It is hard to conceive how the friends of society, and especially those who profess themselves Christians, can give their suffrage for men of the above description. Conscience must have had administered to it some soporific draught, or it could not be the case. Though it be a conduct which nothing can justify, two causes may assist to its explanation;–the rage of party spirit, and the base arts of electioneering. Nearly without fail do these two great scourges of community act in conjunction. Beyond most other circumstances, political controversy has a powerful operation to call into exercise the irascible, violent feelings of human nature. Rational, calm thought laid aside, a wide opening is made to misrepresentation and seduction. Those are never wanting whose highest gratification consists in poisoning the public mind, and warping it aside from the advancement of its great and permanent interests. The advancement of some pecuniary interest, through more commonly a wish to rise into office, is the stimulus to such an insidious, contemptible line of conduct. A people must have lost their native good sense, when they cease moist heartily to despise the electioneering candidate. Persons who will adopt and persevere in such a line of conduct, ought to be unfailingly viewed with disapprobation and disgust. They affront the discernment and impartiality of their fellow citizens, and in the place of a rightful claim to promotion they only deserve contempt and frowns. The honorable name freeman is most improperly applied to the one, who ceases to follow the dictates of his own unbiased judgment and surrenders himself the tool of unprincipled intrigue. When we consider who are the individuals upon whom such intrigue is commonly practiced, it is matter of surprise that its effect is not more extensive and ruinous. However good the intentions of the middle and lower classes of society, their habits of life and want of correct information upon numerous political subjects, greatly expose them to deception. The address made to their passions finds no corrective influence from the quarter of judgment. Although till of late, this state has exemplified nothing of the evil which is the subject of present remark; it now fast gains ground, and is an omen dark to our future weal, and of course makes loud demand for vigorous opposition, from argument, example and law. The growing venality which marks elections is a circumstance which beyond most others, strongly indicates a premature old age to these American states. A most desirable matter would it be for this state, might it reassume its former dignified ground with respect to free, unbiased suffrage, before such reassumption is rendered additionally impracticable.

It merits to be further remarked with respect to the good way which our fathers pursued;–that they did not manifest an inclination constantly to innovate upon the established government. Both men and measures commanded their approbation and support, so long as nothing was discoverable unprincipled in the one, or essentially defective in the other. The correct political maxim no doubt had full possession of their judgment, that a less perfect form of government is preferable to one more studied and nicely balanced, that fails in the important article of execution. The fallacy of theory is in no instance more glaring, than with respect to plans of national government. The statesman often exhibits what appears consistent and beautiful upon paper which in course of carrying it into effect does not fail to produce the speedy and complete ruin of empire. A greater chimera was never imagined, than that a single form of government admits of universal application. It is the unquestionable right of every nation to adopt what kind of government it pleases; but the great point is that its principles be adhered to with firmness and its duties fulfilled with punctuality. How fortunate would it have been, for the fairest portion of Europe, which in course of a few years past, has exhibited a strange and most forbidding spectacle to the world, had its citizens felt the unquestionable justice of these remarks and conformed to them in practice? Mad with theory—infatuated by a spirit of overturn, they exchanged evils which required redress for those still more pressing and to be deprecated. Has the daring enterprise of an individual, given a successful check to such a state of things, and from a chaos of confusion and tyranny produced a degree of national order and energy in government, the example, notwithstanding, is worthy of universal notice and improvement. It teaches nations to appreciate a settled order of things, to dread innovation, and to cling to their constitutional chart with increased gratitude and strength of attachment. None but essential and glaring defects, ever authorize experiment upon the forms, and much less upon the principles of established government. A pillar removed is never easily replace, and how often is it fat that the removal of a single pillar exposes the building to certain and speedy destruction. The hazard thus incurred is often immense, yet there is no circumstance of national exposure to which the feelings of our nature more directly and forcibly impel. Passing by all adventitious circumstances, it is a radical propensity of the human mind to dislike government. It implies the relinquishment of certain rights, for the more perfect security of others. It calls for partial sacrifice to a common interest, that the vigilance and energies of that interest may give freedom of exercise and permanency to those private rights which are retained. To comply with the social compact which is a dictate of the judgment, involves no small share of self-denial. Owing to the restless temper of man, his constant effort is to independence and self-direction. Hence the frequent efforts made, to counteract the constitutions of well regulated society. Notwithstanding the numerous advantages derived from governmental association, those restraints and burdens it is under necessity to impose, have a direct tendency to excite the calumny or more daring opposition of licentious and ignorant men. And how perfectly do these remarks, inferable from the structure of human nature, coincide with our own observation? The person who has noticed the progress of things in these states for a number of years past, cannot fail to approve their correctness. Under various disguises, the effort has been constant to undermine our excellent constitution;–a constitution of government equally the work of necessity and wisdom; and no other evidence is requisite in its favor, but the unexampled prosperity of the country during the whole period since it began to operate. Inauspicious to the success of any constitution however good, as the past convulsed period has been, ours has succeeded to a wonder. There is no class of citizens but what has been remarkably smiled upon, under its auspices. The three great component parts of American society, the farmer, merchant and mechanic, must fight against their own interests, provided they calumniate its principles or endeavor to enfeeble its energies. Are certain burdens necessarily attached to all governments, for the various purposes of their own support, and the furtherance of justice upon the great scale, ours has much the fewest of such burdens of any government throughout the civilized world. It deserves serious thought, which is preferable, such comparatively small burdens, or the complete prostration of all constitutional authority. Where there is no form of government in operation, and of consequence no law, the state of things cannot be otherwise than unfortunate in the extreme. A country which has experienced so much of divine beneficence, in baffling the plots of foreign enemies, ought to be very cautious not to lay violent hands on itself. Such is clearly the joint dictate of commendable gratitude to the Father of all mercies and of a principle of self-preservation. Smiled upon as our national affairs have been for many years, they are not at present beyond the reach of essential and permanent detriment. Continuing to be divided among ourselves, the whole which mankind hold dear is put to hazard. The order of society will of course be deranged,–our liberties may be wrested from us—our morals are certain to depreciate even below what they now are—while triumphant infidelity is but too likely to assume the place of godliness.

It will only be further remarked of the fathers, that they were powerfully actuated by a love of their country. Many circumstances conspired to awaken and give energy to such a principle. The persecutions which prompted their removal to this land—the multiform hardships and dangers which marked distant establishments in a savage country—and the constant effort made to abridge, or wholly vacate their charter rights, gave increased strength to feelings constitutional in the human mind. Attached to the parent state by strong ties, they still at no period shewed themselves forgetful that they had a country of their own. Benevolent and just to all, their views and exertions were at the same time, to a degree, local. They felt and conformed to those high obligations which they were immediately under to themselves and to their posterity. How fortunate would it have been for us as a nation, had the same love of country operated with equal force at a more recent date? Foreign attachments have been one principal source of the numerous embarrassments under which we have and do continue to labor. Hence in particular those violent party animosities, which cannot be either denied or excused. For the citizens of an independent nation to attach themselves with warmth to the views of this or the other country, is equally servile and impolitic. The real point both of dignity and interest lies here, to remember that we are Americans, and prove ourselves equally independent in conduct, as in name. May it not be hoped that the late pacification among the contending nations of Europe, will operate to extinguish party spirit and consolidate our union upon the broad basis of harmonized views, feelings and exertions?

A few remarks upon the closing paragraph of the text will complete the present attempt. “And ye shall find rest to your souls.” The nature of this rest admits no question. Intimately related as the good behavior of the present life may be to the rewards of eternity, this is not the principal object of the passage now under review. Its primary reference is to those worldly advantages which are national. The whole extent of life often fails to realize the rewards of private virtue; but those of public, national virtue are never thus distant. The natural course of things, seconded by the promise of Jehovah, insures the event “that righteousness exalteth a nation.” Nations are often exalted, as the result of divine sovereignty, foreign to their own good behavior, yet such exaltation is most commonly judicial and greatly insecure as to its permanency. How far our national exaltation is of such a character demands careful enquiry. Upon whatever principle we account for the fact, the allotments of providence to us as a nation have been without example. The ground we now occupy, in some points of view, is elevated and commanding, though not to supercede a laudable wish to advance still higher. However eligible our present situation, it leaves room for much improvement. Did we pursue the good ways which our fathers trode, with that industry which their example recommends; each interest of our country whether natural or moral, literary or political, would be essentially advanced.

Agriculture connected with a growing population—mercantile enterprise—the arts and sciences—industry and economy through all the various classes of society—energetic government, and the wide diffusion of united views and exertions with respect to national interests, could not fail to form the result. With fervent piety and good morals added to these circumstances, it is hard to conceive what further internal improvements a people could wish. The principles of happiness and prosperity among themselves being thus firmly established, they may safely calculate upon “sitting under their own vine and their own fig-tree, with none to make them afraid.” And in view of this sketch of “rest to the soul”—of national emolument, aggrandizement and security, who of us but must feel grateful that it has been already so far realized, and who will refuse solemnly to pledge all his future exertions for its completion? In a superior degree indebted to a sovereign all-gracious providence for public blessings, yet we cannot ensure to ourselves their future continuance unless through the instrumentality of personal exertion. Means and the end are as closely connected in the civil, as in the natural world. Not an individual who assists to compose community, fails to have numerous and weighty duties devolved upon him for the promotion of the general weal. While moral and religious principles should never be out of view, as a stimulus to action through the different grades of society; each grade ought to study and carefully adhere to its own particular department of action. The private citizen ought to be in the habit of industry, punctuality in dealing, and submission to constituted authority. Those who minister at the altar must study uncorruptness of manners, purity of doctrine and the whole fervor of zeal in the best of causes. Those in executive office, should be equally careful never to overleap the boundary of law, or see its requirements trampled under foot with impunity. In the judicial department, an high regard to law and justice must never be subordinated to party interest or a fear of rejection from office. With respect to the legislator, his ideas upon every subject which comes before him ought to be correct, his views superior to the influence of local attachment, his firmness too great to be shaken by the strong collision of party, and his integrity bottomed upon a good heart. With the body politic thus classed, each one confining himself to his own proper province, order and perpetuity are certain to constitute its great prominent features. Peculiarly privileged in this state from the proper combination of these various social powers, we are probably not more indebted to either of them, than to a wise and upright legislative magistracy. From the first establishment of Connecticut to this day, a large proportion of those annually chosen to legislate, have no doubt, to an happy extent, exemplified the character of the good ruler drawn by the pen of inspiration, “The God of Israel said; the rock of Israel spake unto me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.”

Under an impression that the public suffrage, the current year, has fallen upon characters not less meritorious than those who have possessed the same honorable designation;–may I be permitted to recommend and urge, that they recollect with care and adhere with firmness to that general system of policy, which has rendered this state, for nearly two centuries, united and secure, prosperous and respectable. With the past thus a model for future procedure, the demand is direct and forcible, that science and religion should continue to command the liberal patronage of the civil arm. Fostered by legislative aid, they are certain to make large remuneration for all the pains and expense. A treasonable wish to enfeeble and ultimately prostrate the varied interests of community, can in no way be so easily corrected, as by the diffusion of knowledge and the sentiments of piety. Good principles and an immoral behavior sometimes incorporate, yet as a general rule the corrective power of the former over the latter is great. There is no so eligible mode of discouraging vice, as by a marked preference in the laws in favor of virtue. While wise and upright legislators duly appreciate these foundation principles, and encourage a spirit of reliance upon Jehovah for his special direction, it may be calculated with confidence, that they will legislate well, and should on no account fail to live in the hearts of a grateful people.

Without confidence in government, it cannot fail to sink into contempt and all the unhappiness of enfeebled operation. Few greater blessings are there than good rulers and good laws;–though let it not be forgotten that they form a blessing which subjects may realize or reject as they please. I have no doubt as a general fact, it is more the fault of the people than of the ruler, that their expectations from government are not answered. With that mutual confidence between those who govern and those who are governed, which ought to prevail, no essential interest would be put to hazard; tyranny and anarchy would be kept at an equal remove; and by a close combination of views and exertions, each interest whether private or public, individual or social, would rapidly progress to its greatest possible extent.

Under the special direction of a sovereign, holy providence, may such prove the future lot of this particular state and of those connected states, which assist to compose our growing and respectable empire! Wise for ourselves, as it could be wished we were, the prophet’s flattering anticipation in view of his beloved country, would not be either too sanguine or flattering in view of our own, “Thine eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall not be taken down. Not one of the stakes thereof shall be removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken. But there the glorious God will be unto us a place of broad rivers and streams; wherein shall go no galley with oars, neither shall gallant ship pass thereby. For the Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the lord is our king, he will save us.”

Sermon – Election – 1805, Massachusetts


John Allyn preached this election in Boston on May 29, 1805.


sermon-election-1805-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED IN THE AUDIENCE OF HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq.

GOVERNOR,

The other MEMBERS of the EXECUTIVE,

AND

The Honorable LEGISLATURE

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 29, 1805.

BY JOHN ALLYN,

CONGREGATIONAL MINISTER OF DUXBOROUGH.

BOSTON:

PRINTED FOR YOUNG & MINNS, PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

1805.

 

IN SENATE, MAY 29, 1805.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Thomas Hale, William Brown, and John Phillips, (Essex) Esqrs. Be a Committee to wait on the Rev. John Allyn, and in the name of the Senate to thank him for the Sermon he this day delivered before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council and the Two Branches of the Legislature, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true Copy from the Journals,
WENDELL DAVIS, Clerk of Sen.
 

AN

ELECTION SERMON.

ROM. X. 1. & IX 1, 2, 3.

BRETHREN, MY HEART’S DESIRE AND PRAYER TO GOD FOR ISRAEL IS, THAT THEY MIGHT BE SAVED. I SAY THE TRUTH IN CHRIST, I LIE NOT, MY CONSCIENCE ALSO BEARING ME WITNESS IN THE HOLY GHOST, THAT I HAVE GREAT HEAVINESS AND CONTINUAL SORROW IN MY HEART. FOR I COULD WISH THAT MYSELF WERE ACCURSED FROM CHRIST, FOR MY BRETHREN, MY KINSMEN ACCORDING TO THE FLESH.

 

The most eminent personages of sacred history have expressed a peculiar attachment to the welfare of their own nation. That first divinely enlightened lawgiver, Moses, though nursed at the court of Pharaoh, and having a prospect of being advanced to the head of Egypt, yet, preferred affliction with his own people, the people of God, to the crown and treasures of Egypt. He chose to wander with his countrymen in a desert, where sustenance could not be had without a miracle, rather than to feast with a foreign monarch. The first impulse of resentment which agitated his breast was toward an Egyptian, who did wrong to one of his brethren, oppressing him with a burthen. When his people had “sinned a great sin,” in making the golden calf, whereby their title to the promised blessings of Canaan was forfeited, Moses intercedes, 1 “if thou wilt not forgive their sin, blot me I pray out of thy book which thou hast written.” He chose death rather than to see the miseries of his people, or would willingly submit to it, if their pardon could be purchased by this sacrifice. This natural affection to his own race, invigorated by religious faith, afterward unfolded itself in the most patient and laborious services of patriotism.

The great Author and Finisher of the Christian faith, in this respect, was like unto Moses. While he exercised the most self-denying and disinterested benevolence, productive of the most substantial blessings to mankind, his personal ministry was restricted to the Jews. Jesus the true light came to his own; 2 he did this from affection as well as by divine appointment. Being partaker of flesh and blood, he took not on him angels but men, and the seed of Abraham in particular. 3 Anticipating the unexampled tribulation, which awaited the unbelief and sins of his countrymen, he uttered that pathetic apostrophe, “O Jerusalem, Jerusalem—how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!” 4 Jesus Christ, the image of the invisible God, 5 and an exemplar spotless and undeviating, manifested the whole series of limited affections. He cherished the ordinary sensibilities of domestic life, 6 the more generous emotions of private friendship, and to these, added the display of the most fervent love to his country, with tokens of unparalleled grace and compassion towards mankind.

After the evidence of such a witness, it is not necessary to vindicate any sentiment by the subordinate authority of prophets and apostles. Indulge me, however, in two instances relating to the present subject.

The prophet Jeremiah, when Israel was carried away captive, and Jerusalem became desolate, sat weeping, and bewailed with this lamentation: “How doth the city sit solitary that was full of people! How is she become as a widow! She that was great among the nations and princess among the provinces, how is she become tributary! 7 O that mind head were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for the slain of the daughter of my people!” 8 The pathos of the prophet’s lamentation, on account of judgments already executed, is equaled only by the ardent language of the apostle in the text, in which he deprecates impending calamities. “My heart’s desire and prayer to God for Israel is, that they might be saved. I say the truth in Christ, I lie not, my conscience bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost, that I have great heaviness and continual sorrow in my heart. For I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ, 9 FOR MY BRETHREN, MY KINSMEN ACCORDING TO THE FLESH” Oppressed with the presentiment of that unparalleled tribulation, which awaited his countrymen, his bowels yearned with compassion, and his most affectionate prayers ascended to God in behalf of his kinsmen and brethren according to the flesh.

But why such a limitation of benevolence? Why such deep regret on account of the destruction which impended the Jews, when the spirit of prophecy might have taught the apostle that like miseries awaited the crimes of other nations? Why not from the prime minister of the gospel of peace on earth expressions of more extended sympathy? Why not an imitation of the Father’s love, who is no respecter of persons, and whose blessings flow, at times appointed, on Jews and Gentiles?

It is replied, that as “man was made for his species by the Christian duties of universal charity, so he was made for his country by the obligations of the social compact.” 10 Patriotism is no more incompatible with general benevolence, than the more partial affections of domestic life are with patriotism. General benevolence implies particular; it includes the limited affections; it is a seminal principle in the heart, producing, in just measure and at proper seasons, the fruits of beneficence to our family, friends, fellow-citizens and fellow-men. While it propels to every useful exertion as opportunity is presented, conscious of imbecility and obedient to the emotions of nature, its beneficent hand is most frequently opened to comfort and supply the household. Indeed, as the domestic affections may be cherished and expressed, without any infraction of the maxims of justice and mercy to our neighbours, or encroachment upon the rights of the commonwealth, so these rights may be respected and the duties of patriotism be performed, without any infringement on the obligations of humanity.—It is then no proof that the apostle Paul was destitute of general benevolence, that he had an ardent love to Israel, his brethren and kindred according to the flesh.

While the patriotism of St. Paul operated according to the dictates of nature and the necessities of man in a state of society, it received an accession of strength from his reflections on the invaluable privileges which had been long participated by the chosen people of God. He seems to assign a reason for his love to Israel in the words subjoined to the text: “I could wish myself accursed from Christ for my brethren—to whom pertaineth the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants and the giving of the law, the service of God and the promises; whose are the fathers, and of whom concerning the flesh Christ came.” Why this particular enumeration of national honours and privileges, unless because a grateful participation in them was intimately associated with deep solicitude for the future welfare of his fellow participants? He is himself an illustration of his own description of charity, when he says, “if one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it; and if one suffer, the rest suffer also.”

Were it necessary, in explaining and vindicating the patriotic character of St. Paul, it might be further urged that his love to his brethren was exercised in due subordination to the will of God, and the highest demands of philanthropy. Obedient to the voice from heaven he resisted his tender desires after his brethren, and pursued his mission to the Gentiles. He preferred compliance with the invitations of general benevolence and the will of God to the gratification of his limited affections. Though willing to be accursed from Christ for his brethren, without hesitancy, he acquiesces in the designation, “I will send thee far hence to the Gentiles.” 11

When we consider the order and progress of our social feelings, and weigh the authority of so great an exemplar as the apostle Paul, can there be any room doubtingly to inquire whether patriotism be compatible with the spirit of Christianity? And why does a celebrated modern writer 12 consider patriotism as excluded from the Christian system of moral duties? If indeed this term, when strictly defined, import a “disposition to oppress all other countries to advance the imaginary prosperity of our own; and to copy the mean partiality of a parish officer, who thinks injustice and cruelty are meritorious, when they promote the interest of his own inconsiderable village; if patriotism has ever been the favourite virtue with mankind, because it conceals self-love under the mask of public spirit,” Christianity, indeed, condemns it. Such patriotism does not approach, in degree or extent, the benevolence of the religion of Christ. But why degrade the term by such an exposition? Have there been no examples of a generous and laudable love of country? Will not fact justify the assertion, that those who are affectionate in limited circles, are seldom deficient in philanthropy? The kindest husband is probably the most helpful neighbour; this neighbour the most peaceable citizen; this citizen the most effective soldier; and such a soldier, educated in the different grades of social life, will the most readily weep over the ruins of war, cordially bewail the calamities of mankind, and conscientiously respect the obligations of humanity. It is, therefore, no proof that St. Paul was, or that any other person is destitute of general benevolence, that they manifest a kind affection towards brethren and kindred, according to the flesh.

But since the name patriot has been often usurped by wicked men, and historians have sometimes sanctioned the usurpation, and the nations aggrandized have acquiesced in the bestowment of unmerited honours upon unprincipled generals and statesmen; it is proper to discriminate more minutely on this subject, and thus to remove from the idea of patriotism, any disgrace into which it may have fallen by its alliance either with the weaknesses or vices of the human character.

No pretences of patriotism extenuate, much less justify the least violation of the maxims of justice and humanity. That greatness, which is invariably attached to vital benevolence, spurns at that policy which is merciless and dishonest. This benevolence, whether exercised towards family, fellow-citizens, or mankind, renounces every advantage, which cannot be secured without encroaching on the rights, or disturbing the happiness of individuals. It is indeed the greatest absurdity to attempt to build up any limited interest, by means which, if universally adopted, would prove subversive of all society.

It is scarcely necessary to add, that all illiberal partialities towards our own country, and unfounded antipathies toward other countries, are excluded from the idea of Christian patriotism. Neither is there anything commendable in the puerile attachment of some to their native soil and climate; though innocent, it ranks no higher than a fondness for one’s nurse. We may, however, view these natural feelings with a favourable eye, when they appear to be associated with moral feelings, and to limit and to strengthen them.

But severe censure is the just demerit of those hypocritical pretences to patriotism, which are designed for the concealment of personal ambition. Every age and country produces political sycophants, who flatter, that they may rule or plunder their fellow-creatures. The numerous instances of this deception should make us slow in giving credit to the appearances of patriotism. The popular opinion is frequently ungrounded. To-day we hear, Hosanna to the Son of David; tomorrow, Crucify, crucify him. Many excellent men sleep in the grave of obscurity, and others have a name to life, who deserve oblivion. Discrimination dictates an eulogy upon the poor man, whose wisdom saved the city, but who was never after remembered, 13 and assigns him a much more conspicuous niche in the temple of fame, than more celebrated characters, who have the credit of loving the nation and building a synagogue. It is but just to distinguish the unalloyed gold of patriotism from deceitful imitations, and the meteors of a moment from the stars of the first, second and third magnitude, which shine through successive generations.

Excluding then from the idea of patriotism whatever is unjust, frivolous, selfish or hypocritical, it is then only commended, when defined to express an honest solicitude for the welfare of the community to which we belong, and a glowing joy at the just gains and improvement of our kindred according to the flesh; a deep and anxious anticipation of our country’s dangers, and affectionate prayers for its prosperity:–Or in fewer words, patriotism is to be commended when the profession is sincere, the means just, and the objects important.

The favourable hearing of this intelligent audience is solicited, while the speaker dispatches the practical part of his subject, and applies it to the occasion in our view; to the characters here assembled, and the times in which we live.

The most arduous duty of patriotism is to die in its cause, when required. Many names in Greek and Roman history, as also in the history of other nations, have been transmitted with veneration, for this reason, that they counted not their own lives dear to them, if they might but work some great deliverance to their country. Indeed, a greater oblation than that of life cannot be made for the common safety. But the call to embrace certain death is made but seldom, and but to few individuals of any nation. And if called, many worthy citizens might shrink from so expensive an offering for the public good. The spirit might be willing, but the flesh might be weak. With more frequency, we are called to hazard our lives; and when the justice of our country’s cause is clearly established in the mind, and the obtrusions upon our personal safety and possessions are violent and continued, whoever can ardently pray for his brethren and kindred according to the flesh will seek no dispensation from the ordinary casualties of war; but cheerfully obey a summons to the field. The state of peace, in which we live at present, renders any persuasive on this head unreasonable. By favour of Divine Providence, we are not required at present to decide on such trying demands of patriotism. More pleasant themes invite attention. The ordinary course of things in our times and country affords many opportunities of rendering patriotic services, and everyone may daily find some work of love to his brethren. Beside what may be exacted in the defence of our country against a foreign enemy, there are a multitude of other expressions of patriotism important in their nature, practicable by all, and especially by such, as occupy stations of influence and authority.

It is consoling to reflect that every individual, in whatever station, may reap the honour of patriotism and enjoy the complacency which springs from useful actions, by cherishing in himself and others benevolent opinions and feelings, by setting an example of ready obedience to the laws, by giving support to institutions of public utility, by aiding in the establishment of such new regulations as the common good requires, by occasional acts of charity, and above all, by exhibiting an undefiled pattern of Christian virtue and godliness.

But perhaps these objects seem distant and general, and the effects produced by individual exertion almost imperceptible. We may, however, find a new spring of animation and diligence in considering how much good may be done to our country by only pursuing with zeal and fidelity the business of our respective vocations. It falls but to few to die for the nation, and an opportunity may seldom be afforded of contributing to the erection of some great edifice; yet everyone, in all times, by well discharging the duties of his sphere and station, may build up the interests and increase the happiness of his country.

The social body is composed of various members, mutually connected and dependent. Though some be deemed less honourable, they may not be less necessary than others. As the eye, the ear, the hand, the foot of the human body, cannot say one to the other, I have no need of you, but all in their respective places have indispensable uses; so, in the commonwealth, each citizen has dome gift or function, by which he may become a contributor to the support and pleasure of the whole body. In every society there is much mutual dependence. “The king himself is served by the field.” 14 All the various classes of men derive subsistence from each others’ power or favour. The most essential labours are those of the field. The different fabrications of the artist are either useful or convenient. The rich would be less happy without the poor to administer to their leisure and ease; and the poor, in turn, are profited by the stewardship of the rich, whose enterprise, providence and economy enable them to reward their labour, and relieve that indigence, which springs from indolence, wastefulness, and vice, or from sickness and misfortune. The young sustain an important relation to the aged, whose infirmities and sorrows it is their province to bear and mitigate, as well as perform the manual service, and endure the hardships of life; and the young may reap a full reward from the counsel of ancient men, matured by experience and rendered impressive by grey hairs. We need not therefore every despond with the idea that we are unable to serve the community; for keeping in the line, that nature and providence have marked out for us, we may effect a multitude of purposes useful to society. By assiduity in our professional labours, without any uncommon exertions and sacrifices, we may reap the praise of serving our country and generation.

But the subject of patriotic duties more properly embraces the consideration of certain weighty interests of society, in the advancement of which it is necessary we should all unite, be our particular vocations what they may. There are some burdens, which may be lifted by individual strength; others require the united force of the whole community to raise and support them. The opinions of all parties must be embraced, when it is said, that patriotism requires the watchful preservation of our constitution and liberties—the cultivation of agriculture arts—the diffusion of knowledge—and, above all, the promotion of a religious spirit, fruitful of good works.

I. The first duty of patriotism (especially in our country) is to PRESERVE OUR CONSTITUTION AND LIBERTIES. Mankind have entertained different ideas on the subject of civil constitutions, and have adopted different forms, “according to the different habits, genius and circumstances of the people.” With us there ought to be but one opinion; and, as the result of this opinion, the most decided support given to our republican institutions, as best adapted to promote the happiness of all ranks in society. Some parts of the superstructure may with propriety admit of occasional alterations; but the elective base, and those constitutional pillars of freedom, upon which we are compacted together, require vigilant protection. There is danger of innovation without improvement, of annihilating one point after another, to facilitate the designs of party, and serve the purposes of personal ambition.

Our fathers, in the most serious exercise of their understandings, and influenced by the most disinterested motives, adopted and established those civil constitutions, by which we have been protected, and to which we still look for protection. We have reason of full confidence both in their judgment and patriotism, from the experience of safety and prosperity. The lover of his country will watch against every encroachment on established rights and liberties, and especially such as have for their object the perpetuation of civil power in the hands of a few. But what are the means to this end? To what expedients must we have recourse in securing tour present privileges? No mean, no expedient is of more certain operation than the appointment of wise and good men to manage our common interests. Let all classes of citizens unite in this point, viz. To place honest and able men in their public councils. Can we be so infatuated as to think our constitutions and liberties ever safe, when we entrust civil power to men whom we discredit in private transactions? The governing part of a nation ought to be men of unimpeachable justice, prudence, temperance, and exemplary goodness. For if men have lost the moral government of themselves, how shall they direct the affairs of the public with reason and equity, and how can we suppose they will respect the rights of the whole people, who do not respect individual claims.

It may be added, that the corrupt example of men in station is peculiarly contagious and destructive. The pagans imitated the supposed practices of their gods. Gods on earth equally propagate their vices. And as it was formerly in vain for the philosophers to arraign the vices of heathen deities, so now it is equally fruitless for the preacher and moralist to inveigh against vices made reputable by official eminence. There is special reason to fear that our rights and liberties will be impaired and lost, and our national manners corrupted by unprincipled and immoral rulers.

So much evil is to be apprehended from this source, that it may be established as a prime duty of patriotism in every citizen to exercise his elective power with caution, and entrust the administration of public affairs only to men of sound minds and virtuous habits. Without this preventive, that treasure of independence and freedom, which our country so long and so nobly bled to acquire, will be dissipated and irrecoverably lost. We often look to political expedients for the preservation of political blessings; but they will all prove deficient, if the general course of our public affairs be not directed by wisdom and uprightness. To this point then, let all collect, and commit the custody of our political tables to men of unostentatious wisdom and experienced fidelity. Thus shall we preserve and perpetuate our constitutions and liberties.

II. But the attainment of this object is intimately connected with another branch of patriotic duty, the GENERAL DIFFUSION OF KNOWLEDGE. We have a text on this subject, the writer of which, and the chapter containing it must be recollected by every individual in this audience. “In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion be enlightened.” 15 Whoever loves liberty and the government of laws will cultivate seminaries of learning. He will manure and weed every plot where seeds of instructions have been sown, and hedge in new enclosures, that “children’s children may go in and find pasture” to satisfy the hunger of their minds. It may be a fact, that ignorant subjects are most peaceable and submissive, and that learning, beyond the sphere of one’s own occupation, has sometimes a tendency to beget uneasy and aspiring sensations. Under despotic governments, sound policy may forbid the dissemination of knowledge; but we profess to value liberty, as conducive to the safety, peace and improvement of man. Let us then provide against both its abuses and its loss. The preservation of it can be insured by no means of more infallible operation than that of enlightening the public mind. The wise sometimes, the ignorant always are led by their passions. By mental cultivation these passions are subdued in part, and the remainder restrained. The uninformed are easily excited to rebellion by coarse and noisy eloquence; and there are no establishments or measures, however wise and salutary, but must yield to the vandal rage of an ignorant populace. The light of knowledge also tends to harmonize the feelings of men, to prevent the unhappiness arising from a collision of manners, and dispose them to endure that heterogeneous quality of each other’s habits, which, to a certain degree, is incurable. Beside these considerations, showing the importance of diffused information, how unqualified are the ignorant to designate wise and honest agents from the general mass for the purpose of government. Blind electors will not probably choose seeing guides. The issue is still less problematical, when the blind are leaders of the blind. The grossly ignorant and immoral cannot subsist under a free government. Among such, civil power must be concentrated in the hands of one or a few, and profound submission to its most arbitrary exercise be the only means of preserving any order and justice.

Impressed with these convictions, the patriot will render every support and encouragement to teaching and learning, and the diffusion of useful information through all ranks in society. Though smatterings of knowledge may often produce pedantry, and though the poet has said, “A little learning is a dangerous thing,” yet boorish ignorance is both more unpleasant and dangerous.

But in devising methods for effecting this object, it must be recollected, that knowledge is not to be gained, after arriving to adult age. Some improvement may made on the stock acquired, but few additions to it can be expected. The nurture of the mind must be commenced early. It is then flexible, active, and partakes of a higher degree of susceptibility, than belongs to riper years. It is a most ingenious and instructive figure, which someone has adopted, to illustrate the necessity of early instruction in morals, who says, speaking of the young, “they must be died in the wool.” This idea applies as well to the principles of knowledge, as to those of morality. . The colours communicated after the cloth is made will soon fade, if not entirely wear out. It is hence easy to perceive that the diffusion of knowledge imports something more than circulating party pamphlets, newspapers, and sectarian theological tracts, 16 which, like some of our political schoolmasters, are not always the better for being of imported origin. The Christian patriot, in his efforts to spread knowledge, will first light the taper at home: he will teach his children and dependants, morning and night, in the house and by the way. And since few have both the ability and leisure to do this, it is necessary to patronize young men of respectable character and suitable talents, and give them ample encouragement to enter upon the laborious duties of common schools, that the profession of teaching may be pleasant and reputable, if not lucrative, to the teacher. In producing these teachers, and thus advancing the interests of early education, there must be primary schools for their instruction. The institution of colleges, where the higher branches of knowledge are taught and learnt, is indispensable for this as well as other purposes. Though they may be complained of as aristocratic, since the advantages of education they furnish are necessarily limited to a few, yet great is their influence upon political freedom and public improvement. Beside affording the community qualified teachers of youth, their effect is discovered in the debates of our public assemblies, in the weekly services of religious teachers, and the general style of reasoning throughout the whole community. Admit that they discharge their streams with partiality, watering here and there a favoured spot, yet providence has opened numberless channels, by which their salutary waters are diffused over the whole face of the commonwealth. We have not much to fear from literary aristocracy. Though knowledge be power, and superior intelligence as well as property extends the influence of the possessor; yet science, truly so called, has no corrupting effect on the heart. The pursuit of it tranquilizes the mind and reforms the manners. We may be assured, that if the larger windows of light be shut, the whole mansion will be soon involved in barbarian darkness, with which despotism is inseparably connected.

The Christian patriot will therefore cherish in his own and in the minds of others a veneration for the larger seminaries of instruction, and their founders, and daily pray that “healing salt may be cast into these fountains of knowledge.”

III. Although the defence of liberty and the spreading of knowledge are objects of high concernment in the view of patriotic minds; yet the article on which we are about to enter must be magnified in its importance. “Of all dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, RELIGION and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and cherish them.” Thus spake one, “by whom many worthy deeds were done to our nation,” at a time too when no personal motive could possibly bias his counsel.

The opinion of some that RELIGION is not to be associated in any degree with political affairs, that society may flourish without its aid and influence, it may not be needful to confute in this assembly; if it were, we would demand an instance of a people, altogether profane, regardless of an oath, destitute of religious fear, who have subsisted in peace and order, and found growing prosperity and happiness.

What part of nature is supported without God? Do the planets keep in their spheres? Does the earth revolve? Does the soil shoot forth the blade of grass? Does health nerve the limbs and cheerfulness expand the soul, without the all pervading spirit of the Most High? Nay. How then shall the social virtues bud and grow independently of the same cause? How shall order, strength and manhood accrue to the social body without any portion of divine influence? And through what channels can this influence flow, but through the mind and heart?

Religion may be considered as to its theory, its spirit, and

practice. Its theory involves the consideration of things infinite, eternal, and transcendently excellent, viz. God, immortality, and the immutable discriminations of holiness and sin. Its spirit implies such emotions towards God as are associated with everything mild, joyful and sublime. The practice of religion, or the sensible forms of it, conduce to the two first mentioned ends, viz. the knowledge of its theory and the exercise of its spirit. Religion doubtless subsists in different persons and communities, and at different periods of time, in various degrees of purity. But without some respect for a Supreme Lawgiver, there is no basis of obedience to the laws of morality. Even a weak sense of religion, clouded by ignorance and intermingled with the vanities and weaknesses of human nature, secures the practice of many duties, which can never be successfully enforced by civil laws.

It is necessary, however, to distinguish the religion, which is useful in the preservation of social order and happiness, from certain corrupt and unlawful establishments which have been made in many countries. Correct ideas of religion are not obtained by reading the debates of the council of Nice, the minutes of a Romish conclave or Protestant synod. Most, if not all ecclesiastic, academic, as well as legislative disquisitions on this subject have shed darkness rather than light, and unfolded the character of the man of sin, rather than that of the prince of peace.

Useful religion is also to be discriminated from the wild enthusiasm, excited by field oratory, and the anti-social gloom of the cloister. Religion has often been defiled and rendered unprofitable and unamiable; and is always tinctured, by the education, constitution, and moral habits of men; yet even in its most imperfect forms, it is accompanied with some meliorating effects. In this recommendation of religion as useful in a state, we are not so much concerned to make any casuistical statement of its metes and bounds, as to illustrate its general influence on the conduct and happiness of mankind. A scantier portion of religious knowledge and sentiment may answer useful purposes in society, than will be necessary to our obtaining a part in the future inheritance of saints.

In these remarks on the effect of religion, the epithet Christian, though omitted, is understood. For to us there can be no middle way between embracing the doctrines of the gospel, and resorting to skepticism and irreligion. We can have no motives and feel no impulse to adopt pagan idolatry or Mahometan imposture. And it is a thesis, from the defence of which no believer need shrink, that every person who experiences the smallest excitements of a religious nature, will eagerly read and hear the report of Jesus Christ. Is anyone alarmed by anticipations of the punishment of his sins? Is anyone conscious of inability to keep the law? In the gospel are promises of pardon and aid. Does anyone hunger for the bread of life? From this source it may be procured. The neglect or rejection of Christianity, when fairly proposed, in most cases indicates religious unsusceptibility, and we may add, an equal deficiency of moral feelings.

We are sensible there are many sects among Christians, some of which claim an exclusive patent right to the keys, which unlock the door of divine truth and the gate of heaven. Some incorporate the logic of the school with their Christian divinity; their liturgy does seldom comprise the Lord’s prayer, and their confession of faith is such as might be framed by men, who forget that the Sermon on the Mount was ever preached.

Others are disposed to monastic life, and think they never serve God, but when in the act of praying. There are, too, lordly Christians, who would bring over again the mischievous farces of national and ecumenical councils. Some, of unfeigned piety, but illiberal minds, deem nothing religion unless it be measured by their line, and its fervor be excited to a given point, which is also to be ascertained by their thermometer. In this collision of sentiment, the Christian patriot may hesitate what course to pursue, what tenets to defend, and to what establishment to adhere. Shall he embrace the church, whose articles of faith are multiplied and circumstantially defined? Possibly he may neither get any good himself or do any to the commonwealth. Shall he make the matter of rites and ceremonies a turning point? He will be fed, neither with “milk nor meat.” Let every man examine his faith, his feelings, and his practice by the word of God, permitting no inferior authority to warp his decisions. In promoting the interests of religion among his fellow-men, let him propagate those truths which are plain and important; nor feel obliged to satisfy the inquisitiveness of bigots by avowing the party of Paul, Apollos, or Cephas; contented if it do but appear that he hath been with Christ. So far at least as the welfare of society is concerned, there is but one essential point, viz. to convince those who believe in God that they ought carefully to maintain such good works as are profitable to men. Whilst these are indispensable to the character of the disciple, they form the sum of the religion of the patriot. As to those, who act a contrary part, and endeavour by their sophistry or their ridicule to extirpate that little respect for Christianity, which at present subsists, the most favourable remark which we can make was made by our Saviour on those, who were active in his crucifixion, “they know not what they do.” 17 The Christian patriot will cherish the vital sentiment, the inward operation of religion, and judge in all cases of its strength and purity by the fruits. “How shall I do this great wickedness, and sin against God,” is an exclamation, which, when dictated by the heart, and verified by the conduct, ascertains with sufficient clearness the power of religion in any man’s breast to entitle him to our confidence, respect and love.

Beside the influence of religion upon morality in general, it merits consideration, that whatever be the means or objects of patriotism, its spirit is purified and its zeal quickened by this principle. No virtuous emotion can long subsist, much less be excited to a high degree, in an unsanctified heart. Love to man, whether more or less limited as to its objects, must be frequently invigorated by the stimulations of piety. It will wax cold, and the number of its labours be diminished, unless its fire be renewed by a spark from the altar. 18

Beside the cardinal interests of LIBERTY, KNOWLEDGE and RELIGION, there are other objects of subordinate value soliciting the attention of him who loves his country.

Agricultural improvements, rural and domestic economy, the introduction of useful plants, roots and grains, rank high among SECONDARY TOPICS. He, who should discover one grain of wheat so much earlier than the common kind, as to be exempt from blast; and who should propagate it with effect, will in the result have done more good to his country, than he, who, by conquest or purchase, should add the mines of Mexico to our national domain. We ought to know who first introduced and encouraged the cultivation of that vegetable, which is next in value to bread. If the plough, in its present improved state, had been the invention of one man, a colossal statue, larger than that of Rhodes, would be too little to perpetuate the remembrance of the inventor. As the ancients contended about the place which gave birth to Homer, we, as philanthropists, have much more reason to respect the character of Rumford, 19 and honor ourselves by some indelible register of his name. The happiness of the human kind is an aggregate made up of particulars, some of which escape the observation of little and great minds. The vision of the former does not extend far enough, and that of the latter extends too far, to make discovery of the truth. Whoever surveys the map of our country, and considers the variety of its soil and climate, will see how much our interest and comfort are involved in the improvements of husbandry, compared with which, the mechanic arts and commerce are of secondary importance. The number of people, who subsist by these, must ever be comparatively small. Commerce indeed is a handmaid of agriculture, by opening a market for the surplus produce of the earth. But of what other value are the returns? In a moral view, the commodities of the East and West Indies are of little service. Ought it not to diminish our relish for some of them, that they are the produce of slavery? Such was the sensibility of David, that he would not, though thirsty, drink of water brought from the well of Bethlehem by three brave men at the hazard of their lives. He called it the blood of those who went in jeopardy of their lives. And yet we, Christians, advocates for liberty and the rights of men, stimulate our appetites and feast our palates, daily, and without remorse, upon luxuries produced—but I stop, lest something unwelcome should obtrude itself in regard to the social condition of some of our sister states. To revert to our subject. Many imported commodities encourage idleness, and engender corruption and effeminacy. By establishing two great interests, commercial and agricultural, unhappy alienations among citizens are excited, while the merchandize exposed on the ocean allures the cupidity of foreign pirates.

Provision for the subsistence and morals of the poor is a duty of patriotism. In every country this class is numerous; more especially where population increases and the means of subsistence are unequally divided. In our country, poverty arises from idleness, want of economy, and moral debasement. The patriot will deem it no trifling object to infuse into the poor a “spirit of decency, a love of economy, a desire of knowledge, and a regard to character.” In ordinary times, few services can be rendered to our country of greater magnitude than the promotion of the above objects. Abjectness and vice in the character of the poor are disgraceful to the laws and manners of every country. In some countries this subject is truly awful, and invites the most active services of benevolence. The prevention of this evil invites the most serious consideration of active patriotism in our own.

When we reflect the SPIRIT OF THE TIMES in which we live, it will appear evidently to be the duty of every patriot to set an example of sobriety and temperance, to promote peace and mutual confidence, to dissipate, by honest and prudent means, those pestilential vapours which hover in our political atmosphere, and to breathe out, in conversation and behavior, the spirit of meekness and urbanity. What we experience at this day is not new in the world. In navigating the sea of popular liberty, it has always been found tempestuous. The rich and the poor, the north and the south, form into parties to injure and destroy each other; and under the specious cover of preserving liberty, liberty is at length annihilated. To this danger we stand exposed. A part of the time we contend about principles and measures, but the whole time about men. Our restlessness and folly render imminent that demolition of freedom, which other free states have experienced. All lovers of their country, not putting far away the evil day, will labour to avert its calamitous issues.

With a view to this end, we naturally ask, are there not some untried expedients of peace, harmony and mutual confidence? Instead of debating any longer on the points of difference, let it be inquired coolly in how many things men are agreed. Instead of using harsh and scornful language, and wantonly shooting arrows dipt in poison, let men consider that a steady hand, a tender heart and gentle tongue are qualities most useful to the patriotic surgeon, who would heal the festering wounds of division. The “tongue of the righteous is health, his mouth is a well of life; his lips disperse knowledge; his communications are good to the use of edifying, and minister grace to the hearer.” Let also every man shew more solicitude that his fellow-creatures be well informed and governed, than that his particular opinions be adopted, or he himself allowed to share in the administration of public affairs. And above all, as a fundamental recipe in healing divisions, let every man govern himself, not serving his own interest at the expence of justice, or seeking revenge at the expence of charity. Self-government is striking the ax at the root of the tree; it is like drying up the sharp humours and cooling the feverish fluids of a diseased body. “Could men but be persuaded to prefer the public peace and welfare to their own private advantage; to seek fame, honour, authority or wealth in subordination to things of greater moment; in claiming their own rights to allow others theirs; to smooth the rugged waves of each other’s passions with the oil of kindness; soon would the tumults and strifes, which now exist, be hushed, and a happy calm spread itself over the face of the earth.” Should we continue to suffer our judgments to be perverted in the plainest cases; to invade the peace of individual breasts; to dissolve the tender charities of blood and kindred on the pretext of difference in political opinions, more baleful ills must be expected than we now experience; public order will be interrupted, the foundations of society endangered, and the effusion of blood and the establishment of despotism close the tragic drama.

The offices and objects of patriotism, which have been particularized, interest exclusively no one class of men. The powers and opportunities of individuals are indeed dissimilar; but everyone, the peasant, the prince, the villager, the citizen, the husbandman, mechanic and scholar, may all, in their respective places, do good to their country. And even the most inferior labours of beneficence, when stimulated by honesty and benevolence, are to be praised, and the Supreme Rewarder above will not forget them. Remember the widow’s mite: though small, compared with the gifts of rich men, yet the piety and penury of the donor made it a respectable offering. Let it console the obscurest individual, that though he is able to throw but a mite into the mass of common improvement and happiness, yet he shall in no wise lose his reward. Be it so, that his circumstances are straitened and his capacities small, yet there is some one good thing which he may do. Let him plant a tree; meliorate one acre of soil; diffuse love in his family and neighbourhood; give impression to one moral truth upon the tender and the real effect of his patriotism shall outweigh that of many statesmen, philosophers, and conquerors, who have had the name of serving their country. We are apt to be weary of well-doing, more especially if the benefaction seem like a drop in the ocean; but how are we sure this figure is just? With respect to moral influences, it certainly is not just. If “one sinner destroyeth much good,” 20 one righteous man may be the instrument in Divine Providence of repairing the ruin. Good men are the salt of the earth. Let them awake and come to their work of love and labours of patriotism, not disheartened by the fewness of either their powers or means. The feeblest man may remove a small stone from the traveler’s path, and perhaps save his life. The most obscure and indigent man in society may apply a healing medicine to one moral disease, stop the progress of one infectious particle, close the avenue of one crime, and the effect of such exertion shall extend to future generations. It is in the aggregate of such labours, that the commonwealth shall experience growing prosperity and happiness.

But THIS OCCASION and THE RESPECTABLE AUDIENCE here convened remind us of that extensive field of usefulness, which is occupied by men in PUBLIC STATIONS. Legislators, Magistrates and Ministers of the Gospel possess many ways and means of contributing to the public welfare. To them especially we look for an example of patriotism. A tendency must exist in their vocation to sequester their thoughts from private and local interests, and to expand their social feelings. Though they live by others, yet in a peculiar sense they live for others. Strictly speaking, there is no honour in station. “It is more glorious to be a good subject than a bad ruler; to be a good disciple than a bad teacher.” 21 There is neither any debasement or exaltation, absolutely such, but that which adheres to the moral character. Yet there are certain posts of eminence, those placed in which are highly responsible for the result of their example and administrations. These posts are occupied by the Civil Ruler and the Christian Minister.

Consider yourselves, O YE RULERS IN THE EARTH, as vested with eminent powers of doing good. It is yours, to facilitate the acquisition of right; to protect the hedge which separates individual property; to patronize improvement, and thus to meliorate man’s condition. Great are these objects of your appointment and authority. Think not merely of engrossing the honours and emoluments of station; but scrutinize with eagerness the means of rendering mankind more happy. Ye are the agents of God to punish evil doers, and to bestow praise on those who do well. The lives, the estates, the reputations of men are, in a qualified sense, committed to your keeping. Offices of such trust as yours will never be sought after, except by the vain and ambitious. The solicitude of a patriot, excited by a lively sense of responsibility, more than outweighs all the honours and profits of his station. An awful account must be rendered at the final day of retribution, if, through avarice and ambition, absorbing every feeling of justice and humanity, ye have desolated other countries or divided and plundered your own.

And consider also, ye MINISTERS OF THE SANCTUARY, the extensive influence of your functions and example. “Ye are an epistle, read of all men.” Evince your piety and patriotism by abounding “in faith, utterance, knowledge, diligence and love.” Instead of triumphing at the spread of those particular tenets, which ignorance, education or bigotry may have infixed on your minds, rejoice rather when you see the truths and comforts of the gospel exciting to resignation and benevolence, and the practice of those virtues, which dignified and adorned the character of your divine master. While with serious simplicity, ye illustrate the truth and maxims of Christianity, let your most concealed actions be as disinterested and upright as your public professions imply. Preach as often on purity of heart as on purity of faith. Be not eager to thrust yourselves into the chair of Moses. He who is the best servant to the church is the greatest. To shine in life and manners is a more suitable object of Christian ambition, than to shine in word and influence. Be not among the number of those who commend themselves; who encroach on other men’s labours. Feed the hunger, watch the wanderings of your own flock, nor seek to establish any intermediate guide between yourselves individually and the great shepherd of the sheep.

May God by his Holy Spirit assist and quicken all his ministering servants in Church and State, who now act on the theatre of public life; and may he sanctify others from the womb, to succeed in their stations, and even to display marks of superior excellence. May America produce a Fenelon to instruct the princes of our tribes how to exercise their power in the most beneficial manner; another Newton to unfold some hidden laws of nature, and fill the astonished mind with new transports at the sight of God’s power and majesty; another Locke to anatomize in some new and instructive manner the complicated operations of the human understanding; another Butler to destroy the fabric of infidelity, and raze it to the very foundation. May God, in the number of his heavenly gifts, supply all our churches with Doddridges and Wattses, who shall nourish and defend, with a well balanced zeal, the interests of orthodoxy, devotion, and charity. May he always provide and designate for the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness, to rule and to judge in every public department with equity and wisdom.

Let an affectionate regard for posterity stimulate us to the present discharge of patriotic duties. Whether high or low, private or public be our station, let this sentiment invigorate our exertions, that the improvement, virtue and happiness of the succeeding generation are inseparably linked with the diligence and fidelity of the present. Here parental and patriotic affections unite to encourage the same efforts. We are zealous to exhibit marks of elegance in our public buildings, and we devote the superfluity of our wealth to the purposes of many important improvements in the whole face of our country. But is there not infinitely more elegance and improvement in a body of youth, trained up in the holy nurture and admonition of the Lord? The Roman and Greek orders in architecture have infinitely less grace that the spiritual pillars of the Christian virtues. These virtues grace indeed the social building. To erect them on a stable foundation, and add some finishing strokes of moral beauty equally becomes the character of the Christian and the patriot. We rejoice in growing prosperity and wealth; but what wealth can a people boast, equal to the treasure of sons and daughters, walking in the truth, growing in stature, and by wisdom and virtue increasing in favour with God and man?

To dignify the acts of Government and give importance to this occasion, we have joined in a solemn procession to the house of God. How interesting is that procession of one generation after another, which the Author of Nature has ordained, and how desirable that we may have reason to believe, that in following our steps, our ancestors will not err. Sparta gloried in the military talents and achievements of her youth. But patriots and Christians will glory more in the knowledge and virtue of their children, in whom they had rather see an air of respect to the aged, than the stern visage of the warrior—the healthful complexion of charity, than the rough features produced by early toil and hardship. The military displays of a Spartan band excite not half so much interest in the peaceful and patriotic, as the youthful trains of our schools and academies, displaying at once the harmlessness of their purpose and the fervor of bloodless emulation.

While we leave to posterity improved roads, ceiled houses, literary institutions, salutary laws; let the higher ambition pervade our hearts of transmitting to them unsophisticated principles of religion and government, with the purest maxims of Christian morality. God forbid that we should encumber the opening minds of youth with our errors and follies—that they should inherit our factious dispositions, and have a pretence impiously to complain hereafter, “The Fathers have eaten sour grapes and our teeth are set on edge.” 22 May they rather have cause to eulogize us, as we have to eulogize our predecessors.

It may serve to inspire all with an affectionate regard for the common welfare to consider the examples of a patriotic spirit, which are exhibited in the annals of our country. At the glorious era of the American revolution, men of the purest and most active patriotism came forward into the public service; many of them sleep in the dust of the earth, and the few, who survive, have either retired or must soon retire from the field of public usefulness. We shall reap more instruction and be fired with warmer solicitude for the good of our country, by weighing the spirits and pondering the paths of some deceased patriots and others, now in the decline of life, than can be derived from all the empty harangues and fruitless diligence of the whole tribe of mushroom declaimers about the public good.

Those, who in the prime and vigour of life, at the epocha of our revolution, conducted the arduous struggle for independence—who planned and matured those constitutions of government, under which we live; who wrought in the vineyard from the earliest period of difficulty and danger, deserve gratitude and confidence, prior to those, who, stepping in at the eleventh hour of public labours, presumptuously claim the honour and recompence of doing the whole work. From these early patriots we may select many models deserving imitation. There is one model of preeminent beauty and proportion, which we trust may be mentioned without exciting any jealousy even in the hearts of the most envious and proud.—The name of Washington should be pronounced on this anniversary throughout all generations. Let all remember with what dissidence he received power, with what anxious solicitude for the public welfare he exercised it; and how willingly he resigned it when its destination was accomplished. His benevolence was not a transient sensibility, producing a flood of tears, not a spasmodic convulsion, now opening, then shutting the heart more close than ever; but it was a strong vibration, propelling to one uniform series of patriotic deeds from the morning to the evening of his precious life. The leaves of his patriotic professions were few; but the fruits, those signs by which a good tree is known, were large and sound. May not that Goth, who shall ever presume to deface that monument of admiration and gratitude, which his patriotic virtues have raised in the American breast, share the fate of Miriam when she spake evil of Moses, and become “leprous, white as snow.”

In surveying this respectable assembly, our thoughts have been for some time directed to a CHARACTER, in addressing to whom the respectful congratulations of the Commonwealth, private inclination concurs with a sense of propriety. Both prompt us to express a satisfaction in seeing the chair of supreme executive authority occupied by one, whose life illustrates the subject of patriotism. May that divine promise be fulfilled upon him: “When a man’s ways please the Lord, he shall make even his enemies to be at peace with him.” 23 May the Governor of this Commonwealth ever be a man, on whom the viperous tongue of malice and envy cannot fix for a moment the imputation of injustice, ambition, hypocrisy, or impiety. And may the citizens of the State never banish from their public councils an Aristides, because vexed with continually hearing him called the Just. 24

We tender our political homage to the Second Magistrate in the administration of Government, to the Council, to the Two Branches of the Legislature, who, we expect, will teach their constituents by all their deliberations to look more at principles than persons,–at measures than men. The state of things among us is not to be disguised. Such disguise indicates a contemptible timidity, unbecoming the free spirit of patriotism and religion. We beseech you all, by the manes of departed patriots and the hoary locks of the living, no longer to sever us in two, but by example, excite us to rise up and build the wall of common safety and defence. Deny yourselves the pleasure of petty conquests, and command our respect by seeking the things which make for peace and the edification of the whole body. You have received the suffrages of your constituents. It will be far more honourable for you, if by wise and patriotic services you gain and keep the confidence of the worthy. Then the ear which hears you shall bless you, and the eye which sees you shall witness favourably.

Every vice receives a currency from your example. With the image and superscription of a ruler, it passes, if not with the deserving and good, yet with the mass of mankind, who do not examine with care any coin, if it only satisfy the lust of present gratification. In men in your station and of your character, we expect to see an exemption from both the follies of childhood and the faults of old age. In you we expect a happy union of wisdom and patriotism, and hope to find you never departing from beneficent purposes—never unsettled by casual praise or dispraise, but founding a reputation with the people only by the sanction of self-approbation.

While as citizens of the commonwealth and members of the American union, we mutually embrace and provoke one another to love, let our practice be honourable and our feelings kind towards all men. The cultivation of a public spirit and the enforcement of patriotic duties have no necessary tendency to foster a contracted and exclusive spirit. The liberal genius of Christianity is to break down every partition wall created by the vanity, prejudices, or selfishness of mankind. And he who is our peace suffered on the cross, that he might reconcile us to God and to one another. The gospel is announced to those afar off, as well as to those who are nigh. While we express “our hearts’ desire and prayer to God for our brethren and kinsmen according to the flesh,” let no supplication be concluded without fervent intercession “for the stranger who is not of this people; 25 for such as groan under oppression, “who sow and reap not, who tread the olive but are not anointed with the oil.” 26 For such as are wasted by war, by pestilence, by famine; and especially for them, who sit in darkness and in the region of the shadow of death. Such expressions of benevolence become our highly favoured condition, and such devout sacrifices are acceptable with God.

It is not to be doubted but that united America has yet to exhibit an interesting character, and act an important part on the theatre of the world. The womb of futurity conceals the secret, whether she shall imitate the vices and experience the catastrophe of other nations, or whether her manhood and old age shall be as singular and unique, as her birth and youth. We may be ready to wish that Providence would permit us to become a great nation; but the spirit of Christian patriotism rather dictates another petition, that we may be a good nation, and that happy people whose God is the Lord. May not united America ever vie in magnificence and splendor ancient Rome, and after stretching the arms of her power from one end of the world to the other, pillaging mankind and becoming rich with spoil, suffer the distress and ruin, which she shall have inflicted, bow to the hardy courage of some barbarous Alaric, and sink under the dissolving influences of effeminacy and corruption. But may we be that virtuous people against which there is “no enchantment,” against which the heathen may rage and the kings of the earth set themselves in vain.

“Blessed is the nation which walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly, whose delight is in the law of the Lord. It shall be like a tree planted by the rivers of waters, its leaf shall not wither, and whatsoever it doth shall prosper.”

FINIS.
 

Note. A few paragraphs of the preceding discourse were omitted in the delivery, through want of time.


1.Exod. xxxii. 32.

2.St. John’s Gospel i. 11.

3. Heb. ii. 14, 16.

4.Mat. Xxiii. 37.

5.Col. i. 15.

6.John xix. 26.

7.Lam. Jer. i. 1.

8.Jer. ix. 1.

9.I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ.—This passage has been variously interpreted. By some the most literal construction is preferred, and the writer is understood to say, that he was willing even to postpone his own salvation, if it could be the means of saving his countrymen, by atoning for their sins. By others, he is supposed to describe his own former character, (I did wish myself accursed) the recollection of which made him more solicitous for the conversion and safety of his kinsmen, as it created a more lively feeling of their error and danger.—Another interpretation may be grounded on the ambiguity of the original term, rendered accursed, which may properly be used to express an honourable oblation. The meaning then is, that the apostle wished to have been deputed from Christ an apostle to the Jews, rather than to the Gentiles. From patriotic feelings, he would prefer to exercise the functions of his apostleship with his kinsmen and brethren. Whichever construction be adopted, the idea of love to country in the doubtful sentence under consideration concurs with the whole passage vigorously to express the sentiment of patriotism.

10.Mr. J. Q. Adams’ Ann. Ora. Plymouth.

11.Acts xxii. 21.

12.Soame Jenyns.

13.Eccl. ix. 15.

14.Ecclesiastes v. 9.

15.President Washington’s Address on retiring from public life.

16.Nothing is intended by this remark unfavourable or disrespectful to those individuals or associations, whose object is the dissemination of useful tracts. It is believed their designs are pure, and that their liberal exertions in this way have produced many good effects. It is however to be wished, that the books circulated should not contain dogmatic decisions on points of doctrine of a doubtful nature. The prefaces or appendixes subjoined should not be designed to make the common reader lay a stress upon particular controverted ideas and phrases, which many serious and judicious ministers decline introducing into their course of weekly instructions. We may also ask, is it not time that our country should produce authors upon common subjects, who can treat them with more conformity to the feelings and language of the place and time?

17.Luke, xxiii, 34.

18.The following general observations in Neeker’s work on the Influence of Religious Opinions, with many others in the same volume, deserve to be universally known and considered. “I cannot, I avow, without disgust, and even horror, conceive the absurd notion of a political society, destitute of that governing motive afforded by religion, and restrained only by a pretended connexion of their private interest with the general.” “It is at the tribunal of his own conscience, that a man can be interrogated about a number of actions and intentions, which escape the inspection of government. Let us beware of overturning the authority of a judge so active and enlightened. Let us beware of weakening it voluntarily; and let us not be so imprudent as to repose only on social discipline. I will even venture to say, that the power of conscience is perhaps still more necessary in the age we live in, than in any of the preceding. Though society no longer presents us with a view of those vices and crimes, which shock us by their deformity; yet licentiousness of morals and refinement of manners have almost imperceptibly blended good and evil, vice and decency, falsehood and truth, selfishness and magnanimity. It is more important than ever to oppose to this secret depravity an interior authority, which pries into the mysterious windings of disguise, and whose action may be as penetrating, as our dissimulation seems artful and well contrived.”

19. In this respectful mention of Benjamin Thompson, we have particularly in view his meritorious services to the poor of Munich.

20.Ecclesiastes ix. 18.

21.Saurin.

22.Exek. xviii. 2.

23.Prov. xvi. 7.

24. “It is said of Aristides, that he would never consent to any injustice to oblige his friends. He declared that a good citizen should place his whole strength and security in advising and doing what is just and right. In the changes and fluctuations of the government his firmness was wonderful. Neither elated with honours, nor discomposed with ill success, he went on in a moderate and steady manner, not looking so much to the reward either of honour or profit, as persuaded that his country had a claim to his services. When the following verses were repeated on the stage, “To be and not to seem in this man’s maxim; His mind reposes on its proper wisdom, And wants no other praise—the eyes of the people were fixed on Aristides as the man to whom this encomium was most applicable.”

25.I Kings viii. 40.

26.Micah vi. 15.

Sermon – Artillery Election – 1808


Leonard Woods (1774-1854) graduated from Harvard in 1796. He was a pastor in Newbury, Massachusetts (1798-1808), and a professor of Christian theology at the Andover theological seminary (1808-1846). Woods was active in establishing the American tract society, the Temperance society, and the board of commissioners of foreign missions. This sermon was preached in Boston on June 6, 1808 by Woods.


sermon-artillery-election-1808

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE ANCIENT AND HONORABLE

ARTILLERY COMPANY

IN BOSTON, JUNE 6, 1808

THE HUNDRED AND SEVENTIETH ANNIVERSARY

OF THEIR

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

By LEONARD WOODS, A. M.

 

Monday, 6th. June, 1808.

AT a meeting of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, Voted unanimously, that Captain Edmund Bowman, Lieutenant Jonathan Loring, and Ensign Whitney, be a committee to wait on Reverend Mr. Woods, to thank him for the eloquent and appropriate discourse this day delivered before the Company, and request a copy for the press.

Attest, T. CLARK, Clerk.

OFFICERS, 1807…1808.

Mr. Edmund Bowman, Captain.
Mr. Jonathan Loring, Lieutenant.
Mr. Jonathan Whitney, Ensign.
General John Winslow, Treasurer.
Captain Thomas Clark, Clerk.

OFFICERS, 1808….1809.

Captain Melzar Holmes, Captain.
Mr. Benjamin Coates, Lieutenant.
Mr. Dexter Dana, Ensign.

Sergeants
Captain Thomas Dean, 1st.
Mr. William Bowman, 2nd.
Mr. David Forsaith, 3d.
Mr. Samuel Waldron, 4th.

General John Winslow, Treasurer.
Captain Thomas Clark, Clerk.

ARTILLERY ELECTION SERMON.

HEB. ii. 10.

THE CAPTAIN OF THEIR SALVATION.

 

To men of every profession the Son of God is a finished pattern of true virtue. Every man, whatever his department in life, who diligently and devoutly imitates his example, will attain the most amiable and useful character; while he, who disregards it, whatever other qualities he may possess, and whatever honors he may receive, falls far short of real excellence.

I know not therefore, how I can render a more acceptable service to the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, at whose request I now speak, or more properly express that pious respect, which on this occasion we ought to feel for the author of our holy religion, than to exhibit him, as the great pattern of military virtue. Such a design is evidently authorized by the scriptures. “Behold,” says God by a prophet, “behold, I have given him—a leader and commander to the people;” and the apostle in our text represents him, as the Captain of our salvation.

Let us then devoutly contemplate the Son of God in this character; and may the contemplation inspire that martial virtue, which harmonizes with the benign spirit of the gospel.

The primary and most distinguishing characteristic of Christ, as the Captain of our salvation, is benevolence. The end, he pursues, is the good of intelligent beings. His love is not restricted to family, nation, or world; but is infinitely diffusive, extending to all beings capable of enjoyment, and apportioned to all according to justice and truth. His love is perfectly free from every kind and degree of selfishness. He did nothing to promote his own private honor; he came not to do his own will; he pleased not himself. His heart embraced no interest, but that of the universe.

This divine affection has a direct and commanding influence in every part of his mediatorial work. By love he was prompted to undertake the salvation of sinners. It was love, which induced him, who was rich, to become poor for our sake. In this astonishing act, the endless felicity of those, whom sin had expelled from Paradise, was the object of his benevolent heart.

It is a common expression, that men rise to office. But in becoming the Captain of our salvation the Son of God descended. The Lord of angels became a servant of men. His entering into office was an unparalleled exercise of condescending love. By the same motive was the author of our salvation guided through his whole work on earth. He went about doing good. The deaf blessed with hearing, and the blind with sight, the sick restored to health, and the dead to life, the hungry fed, the ignorant instructed, mourners comforted, the penitent pardoned, and profligates reclaimed, all bear testimony to the benignity of his character, and evince that his name is love.

It is said in scripture, he came to send fire, division, and a sword. For a just comment on these words we must look, not to the pure, peaceful nature of his gospel, but to those fiery passions and hostile exertions of his enemies, which contravene the benevolent and pacific design of his coming. The warfare, which the Captain of our salvation carried on, was wholly in subservience to the cause of love. The sword, which he used, was meekness and truth. The enemies, he opposed, were the enemies of God and man; the enemies of virtue, peace, and happiness. If his enemies prevailed, he well knew the divine government would be prostrated, and no trace of moral beauty or joy remain. The victory, which he sought and obtained, was the victory of wisdom over folly, of benevolence over malice, of truth and order over falsehood and confusion; the victory of righteous government over universal anarchy. In the holy war, which he waged, he showed himself a consummate, a divine commander. He had a perfect discernment of the power, designs, and motions of the enemy; and skill to make his arrangements in such manner, as to ensure success.

In pursuing his great object, the Captain of our salvation displayed the highest degree of courage. Confident of the goodness of his cause, and resolved on victory, he was not to be overborne or dismayed. He was carried on to his object by the force of equal, persevering benevolence. He showed no vehemence, no impetuosity; but calm, deliberate, invariable determination, the sure sign of a great and good mind. Difficulties, however numerous and constant; dangers, however alarming; opposition, however subtle, malignant, and formidable, had no discouraging influence. His sublimely benevolent soul was not subdued even by desertion. When betrayed by one of his followers, forsaken by the rest, and left alone in the hands of false accusers and bloodthirsty, triumphant foes; he was fixed, as the throne of heaven. Clamorous insult, a crown of thorns, cruel mocking and scourging, could not disturb the serenity, nor sink the resolution of his exalted spirit. Upon fortitude, like his, even the pains and infamy of crucifixion produced no effect. Nailed to the accursed tree, enfeebled by bleeding and torture, surrounded and insulted by enemies, deserted by his friends, and forsaken of his God, he was still unsubdued; still displayed the unyielding energy of his love. Yea, he there displayed the glory of his power; there he fought successfully for his people, conquered principalities and powers, and triumphed over them on the cross.

Now in all the sufferings, which the Captain of our salvation endured, he was influenced by the most enlarged benevolence. He voluntarily submitted to torture and death, in order to repair the injury, which human transgression had occasioned; in order to honor and support the divine government, so that we might be made the heirs of eternal life, without encouraging rebellion, or degrading the authority of Jehovah. Immanuel’s love to men was not a partial affection, aiming at their separate interest. It was an extensive, unbounded affection, aiming to promote the happiness of men in consistence with the good of the intelligent universe, and to augment the good of the universe by the happiness of men. To render these two objects compatible with each other, Messiah patiently suffered, and gloriously died.

Our divine Leader, now seated at the right hand of the Father, and honored by the praises of angels, is as much influenced by benevolence, as when he abode on earth. He is highly exalted, and hath received a name, that is above every name, not for personal aggrandizement, but for the good of the world. As the Captain of our salvation, he is entrusted with all power in heaven and earth, for this purpose, that he may give eternal life to his people. For their security he ascended to his celestial throne. For their benefit he wields the scepter of unlimited empire. His honor is the honor of infinite goodness. The glory of his character and the happiness of his kingdom are inseparably and eternally one. What was the joy, which was set before the Saviour, for which he endured the cross, despising the shame? Was it such a joy, as excites the desire, and gratifies the taste of proud, selfish mortals? God forbid! The joy, which he sought, and which was his full reward for the travail of his soul, was the joy of infinite benevolence in beholding the purity and felicity of those, whom he had redeemed by his blood.

This, it is conceived, is a true, though very imperfect description of the Captain of our salvation. To do good upon the most extensive scale is his sole object. He seeks no glory but the glory of doing good. For all his labors, he desires no recompense, but to see and enjoy the perfect holiness and happiness of his kingdom. According to reason and truth, he has a supreme regard to his own honor and blessedness. But his honor and blessedness always stand in connection with the interest of creation. To the cause of general good he is united by indissoluble ties. To that cause his whole being is devoted. For that cause he became incarnate, suffered, died, and now reigns in glory. All he has done in creation, providence, and redemption; all he has done in heaven and on earth, has been a correct expression of pure, perfect, divine benevolence.

To exhibit the Captain of our salvation, as a pattern of true virtue to men in military life, was the design of this discourse. But here it must be remarked, that, in some parts of his character, he is not an object of imitation. What man or angel shall aspire to resemble him, who is the Alpha and Omega, the first and the last, the Almighty? Him, who was in the beginning with God, and who was God? What man or angel shall admit the presumptuous thought of resembling him, by whom, and for whom all things were created, that are in heaven and that are in the earth, visible and invisible, whether they be thrones, or dominions, or principalities, or powers, and by whom all things consist? Who among God’s creatures can imitate him, who, by the sacrifice of himself, made atonement for the sins of the world, and is the eternal rock of confidence to the kingdom of the redeemed? Who shall entertain the impious desire of holding, like him, the scepter of the universe; or of receiving, like him, the profound worship of angels and men? In these sublime attributes of his character, the Captain of our salvation is too high for imitation. Compared with him, the most renowned generals, the wisest politicians, and the most powerful kings and emperors are, as nothing and vanity.

If we would exhibit Christ, as the object of imitation, we must exhibit his pure benevolence, his fervent zeal for the cause of virtue, his devotion to the honor of God and the welfare of man. In these respects he is to be considered, as an example to all military men. If they would attain the true excellence of martial character, and deserve the lasting esteem and confidence of mankind, they must be good soldiers of Jesus Christ; they must govern their actions by Christian benevolence and piety.

That wisdom of the world, which is foolishness with God, has often urged, that the obligation of Christian benevolence and piety is not so extensive, as we have represented; that these qualities, though useful and necessary in public worship, in the domestic circle, in the chamber of sickness, and in other retired scenes of human life, have no necessary connection with political or military virtue.

In reply, it might be sufficient to ask;—do men, by being engaged in political or military concerns, cease to be subjects of God’s moral government? Does their obligation to obey the divine commands terminate, when they leave retirement, and enter on public life? Are they not always under equal obligation to observe God’s law? The spirit of Christian benevolence and piety ought then to pervade every portion, and to prompt every action of their lives. The divine law is as much directed to the legislator, the judge, and the military commander, as to the believer at the sacred table, or the preacher proclaiming God’s mercy to sinners.

In this view of the subject, we are constrained to remark, that it is highly important to inculcate the Christian spirit on those, who are in military life; because in that department men are apt to consider themselves, as freed from the obligations of religion, and at liberty to deviate from the rules of Christian duty. In that sphere of action the Christian spirit is peculiarly necessary, as in it men are liable to peculiar temptations. Such are the nature and objet of military life, that those, who are engaged in it, are exposed to angry and violent passions; in consequence of which, is there not manifest danger of their losing every remnant of humanity, and becoming ferocious and cruel? Against this danger there is no effectual safeguard, but that benevolence and piety, which constitute the essence and beauty of religion. Where the Christian spirit predominates, it prevents the growth of the unfriendly passions, and gives a cast of mildness and beneficence even to those, whose profession is war and fighting.

How important to such men does the spirit of religion appear, when we consider, that their character is so generally respected, and their influence so extensive; and that, if actuated by wrong motive, they are likely to increase the corruption of public morals, and to be highly injurious to the best interests of society.

What principle can be safely substituted for Christian goodness? There is no principle, which has obtained so great influence over generals and soldiers, as love of military glory; and it may be added, there is none, which seems so well calculated to take the place and produce the effects of true virtue. But it is easy to see, that ambition, or love of honor and promotion, as a principle of action, is radically defective and corrupt, exceedingly inconstant in its operations, and fatal in its tendency. It is radically defective and corrupt, because it implies an overrating of one’s self, and of the vain applause of mortals, and an impious encroachment on the rights of God. It is exceedingly inconsistent in its operations. Depending on the capricious humors of mankind, and changing its course with them, it is fickle as the wind. Its tendency is fatal. Though in some circumstances it may lead to great and useful achievements; in others, it leads to the basest and most pernicious crimes. But what more is necessary to stigmatize this principle of action, than to say, it lives, and flourishes, and yields its natural and abundant harvest in characters, the most depraved and abandoned, that have disgraced human nature. The greatest scourges, that ever afflicted the world, have been formed and guided by love of military glory. The moment we have evidence, that men are governed by this passion, we may consider them, as prepared for every species of crime. The Caesars and the Alexanders of both ancient and modern times clearly prove, that plunder, carnage, desolation, and tyranny spring, as genuine fruits, from the love of fame. If this principle rule, the power of conscience and every moral principle are prostrated, and the door is opened for the reign of terror and destruction.

Ambition, or love of fame, has been called a splendid and noble vice. But it is neither a virtue, nor a noble vice. There is not on earth a greater moral pestilence. Though its features, at first view, may appear kind and lovely; it is deformity itself, and carries everlasting enmity in its bosom. If it could be successful, and execute all its wishes; there would be no bounds to the mischief and ruin, it would occasion. Scorning reproof and restraint, it would suppress conscience, and nullify God’s holy law. Brooking no rival, and no resistance, and disregarding every idea of justice and right, it would excite each individual to seek superiority over all others, and all others over him. The consequence would be the most violent interference and strife. And he, who in the issue should have no superior on earth, would still be uneasy at the thought of a POWER SUPREME in heaven;—uneasy indeed, if he should view that heavenly POWER, as the unchangeable and almighty enemy of human pride and human glory.

Not so the excellent Gardiner, celebrated by the pious friendship of Doddridge. Not so the man, who was once the hope and confidence, and will ever be the honor, of America. Those heroes fought, not for their own fame, but for their country, and their God. They proved that religion has as much to do in the field of battle, as in the house of prayer. It is religion, that must teach commanders when to engage in the bloody fight, and when to sheath the sword; how to bear defeat, and how to enjoy success; how to treat their bleeding enemies, their captives, and their victors; how to conquer, and how to die. Oh, had all the great generals and rulers of former and latter times possessed the spirit of Washington; nay, rather, the spirit of him, who was Washington’s Pattern and Savior; how different would have been the state of the world! What boundless evils would have been prevented! To the love of military fame and civil power we must ascribe a great part of the dissentions and wars, which have distressed and wasted mankind. This has kept, and still keeps the nations of the earth in a state of discord and misery.

No consideration, perhaps, deserves more particular notice on this occasion, or more directly exposes the love of personal honor, than its influence in originating and perpetuating the practice of single combat. What can be conceived more unreasonable, more vicious, more hurtful, or more detestable, than a principle, which gives rise to such a practice? A principle, which leads men openly to set at nought the righteous law of God, and to violate every social and civil obligation; a principle, which hardens the heart against the earnest cries and melting entreaties of domestic affection and distress, and against the still more solemn warnings, and more melting expostulations of divine mercy? Can it be thought necessary to prove that dueling is totally contrary to Christian virtue? Look at the Captain of our salvation. Was he quick to resent the insults and injuries he received? Did he return evil for evil? Did he aim at the life of others, and expose his own, to revenge every trifling offence? Was not he meek and lowly in heart, compassionate and forgiving? When he was reviled, did he revile again? When he suffered, did he load his enemies with angry threats? Did not he say, love your enemies; bless them that curse you; do good to them that hate you; and pray for them that despitefully use you? We must either renounce the fashionable maxims of personal honor and revenge, and decidedly discountenance the practice of dueling; or give up all pretensions to the name and privileges of Christians.

Can it be apprehended, that a character, formed and actuated by Christian benevolence, would be less dignified and sublime, than one, formed upon the principle of ambition? What constitutes sublimity of character? Does it arise from the sublimity and excellence of the object pursued? The object of an ambitious hero is, that his splendid victories may be celebrated through the world, and that he may rise in fame and power above all other mortals. The object of the Christian hero is the virtue and happiness of mankind. Which, I ask, is the more sublime and excellent, the high sounding honor of a weak, blind, selfish individuals, or the solid, durable happiness of unnumbered millions? The object of an ambitious commander is so narrow, groveling, and base, as to deserve no notice, but contempt. The object of the Christian commander is so sublime and excellent, as to engage the diligent exertion of angels, and the benevolent attention of God. What excellence and sublimity does such an object impart to his character? A sublimity, which will forever mock the aspiring views of proud ambition.

Will it be said, that love of glory creates the highest activity and energy of character? Is not the love of God and man a more powerful stimulus? Are mankind,—are all so lost to reason and virtue, as to be more strongly excited and more completely governed by the breath of flattery and applause, than by the honor of their Maker, and the welfare of the world? Are there no military, no civil characters, who display as much activity and energy under the uniform and salutary influence of Christian goodness, as others, under the influence of ambition? Through the favor of God, there are some. For the sake of our country and the world, we devoutly wish them multiplied a hundred fold.

The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company will accept our congratulations on the return of this joyful anniversary. Heaven grant, that you may continue to make the most valuable improvements in military science, and be a school of Christian heroes, till wars and rumors of wars shall cease. Wishing, Gentlemen, that you may attain the highest dignity and usefulness of character, we have directed your attention to the great Captain of salvation, and inculcated the importance of imbibing his benevolent spirit. Without this spirit, mankind, pursuing ten thousand separate, clashing interests, will be in a state of perpetual variance and confusion. But this spirit, by uniting mankind in one interest and one cause, will make what can never be made without it, a perfect society.

In training up young men for war, you will consider, Gentlemen, that it is indispensable to impress on their minds Christian truth and piety. If this be neglected, their discerning fellow citizens will look upon them with distrust and alarm. If this be neglected, their influence may be so baleful to society, and their conduct so extensively mischievous, that their death will be hailed, as the relief and joy of their injured country.

How great is the evil of setting up for examples men, whose characters were formed upon the principle of military glory. These, alas, are the men, whom poets and historians have celebrated. These are the men, whose crimes are ingeniously varnished, and whose names are transmitted to posterity, surrounded with the most captivating splendor. Ambitious young minds are imposed upon by the deceitful light, in which they are seen; and attracted, by the false honors which decorate their characters, to a studious imitation of their vices. Turn away with abhorrence from these contagious, destructive characters, which have so long been exhibited, as patterns of virtue; but which, in fact, have no recommendation, except to a proud, inhuman heart. Look unto him, whom the mercy of God has presented, as a perfect example; and lose not this distinguishing advantage of that holy religion, which you now publicly recognize and honor in this house of God. If all, who are invested with military and civil authority, will sacrifice the lust of power and every unhallowed principle, cherish the humble, self denying, and heavenly temper of Jesus, and regulate their measures, and employ their influence according to Christian wisdom and goodness; there is still hope for our country, even in this day of darkness, rebuke, and peril. The King of Zion deserves our entire, unwavering confidence. His throne is our refuge, our strength, and our safety. Without his friendship, fleets and armies are of no use. Let his gospel prevail; by faith, obedience, and prayer let his favor be secured; and America will yet triumph in peace and prosperity. Or, if we be called forth in righteous war, the Captain of our salvation will go with us, as he did with our fathers; will conduct our armies, and crown us with victory. Amen.

The following are the names of the gentlemen who have commanded the Honorable Artillery Company.

1638 Robert Keyne
39 Edward Gibbon
40 Robert Sedgwick
41 Edward Gibbons
42 Israel Stoughton
43 Elisha Cook
44 Thomas Hawkins
45 Maj. Robert Sedgwick
46 Maj. Edward Gibbons
47 Robert Keyne
48 Maj. Robert Sedgwick
49 Maj. Edward Gibbons
50 Humphrey Atherton
51 Thomas Savage
52 John Leverett
53 Thomas Clark
54 Maj. Gen. Ed. Gibbons
55 Francis Norton
56 James Oliver
57 Edward Hutchinson
58 Maj. Humph. Atherton
59 Thomas Savage
60 Maj. Gen. D. Dennison
61 William Hudson

1662 Thomas Lake
63 Major John Leverett
64 William Davis
65 Thomas Clark
66 James Oliver
67 Isaac Johnson
68 Thomas Savage
69 Peter Oliver
70 Maj. Gen. J. Leverett
71 John Hull
72 William Davis
73 Thomas Clark
74 Thomas Lake
75 Thomas Savage
76 Elisha Hutchinson
77 Richard Woodde
78 John Hull
79 John Walley
80 Major Thomas Savage
81 Penn Townsend
82 Theophilus Frary
83 Ephraim Savage
84 Elisha Hutchinson
85 John Phillips

In 1686, Sir Edmund Andross, upon his arrival, turned out all the Magistrates, Judges and Officers of the Militia chosen by the people, and appointed others in their room, and overturned by degrees the whole Constitution, so that this Company did not publicly meet till after his departure for England.

Ap. 1691 Maj. E. Hutchinson
91 Penn Townsend
92 M. Gen. Wait Winthrop
93 John Wing
94 Col. Samuel Shrimpton
95 Col. Nicholas Page
96 Bazoon Allen
97 Lt. Col. E. Hutchinson
98 Major Penn Townsend
99 Major John Walley

1700 Samuel Checkley

1701 Samuel Sewall
2 Major Charles Hobby
3 John Ballentine
4 Thomas Hutchinson
5 Thomas Savage
6 Major Adam Winthrop
7 John Walley
8 Thomas Fitch
9 Col. Penn Townsend
10 Lt. Col. John Ballentine
11 Habijah Savage

1712 Hon. William Taylor
13 Sir Charles Hobby
14 Edward Winslow
15 Edward Martyn
16 Samuel Keeling
17 Edward Hutchinson
18 Thomas Hutchinson
19 Hon. William Dummer
20 Col. Thomas Fitch
21 Major Habijah Savage
22 Thomas Smith
23 Col. Penn Townsend
24 Lt. Col. Ed. Hutchinson
25 Col. Thomas Fitch

1726 John Greenough
27 Major Habijah Savage
28 Col. Samuel Thaxter
29 Major Edward Winslow
30 Col. Ed. Hutchinson
31 Nathaniel Cunningham
32 William Downe
33 Major William Brattle
34 Major Samuel Sewall
35 Lt. Col. Jacob Wendell
36 Col. John Chandler
37 Col. Richard Saltonstall
38 Daniel Henchman
39 Caleb Lyman

The following are the names of the gentlemen who have commanded the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.

1740 John Wendell
41 Joshua Cheever
42 Hon. Samuel Watts
43 Hon. Joseph Dwight
44 Lt. Col. William Downe
45 Col. Jacob Wendell
46 Maj. Daniel Henchman
47 John Phillips
48 John Carnes
49 Ebenezer Storer
50 Hugh McDaniel
51 Jonathan Williams
52 Joseph Jackson
53 Thomas Edwards
54 Ralph Hart
55 John Symmes
56 John Welsh
57 Thomas Savage

1758 Newman Greenough
59 Col. John Phillips
60 William Taylor
61 Major John Symmes
62 Onesiphorus Tilestone
63 Thomas Marshall
64 Maj. Gen. J. Winslow
65 William Homes
66 Thomas Dawes
67 Lt. Col. Tho. Marshall
68 Maj. Jam. Cunningham
69 Josiah Waters
70 Capt. William Heath
71 Capt. Samuel Barret
72 Capt. Martin Gay
73 Major Thomas Dawes
74 William Bell

The company performed the duty enjoined by their charter on the first Monday in April, 1775, commanded by Capt. Bell.

The revolutionary war commenced April 19, 1775, when the members of the company were dispersed, and did not meet again until July, 1786, when the company recommenced military duty under the command of the surviving officers elected in June, 1774.

CAPTAINS ELECTED SINCE THE REVOLUTION.
1787 Maj. Gen. John Brooks
88 Maj. Gen. Benj. Lincoln
89 Brig. Gen. William Hull
90 Capt. Robert Jenkins
91 Col. Josiah Waters
92 Col. John Winslow
93 Maj. A. Cunningham
94 Maj. Gen. John Brooks
95 Col. Amasa Davis
96 Thomas Clark
97 Samuel Todd

1798 Col. John Winslow
99 Capt. Robert Gardner

1800 Jonas S. Bass
1 Maj. Benjamin Russell
2 James Phillips
3 Capt. Lemuel Gardner
4 Capt. Daniel Messenger
5 Maj. George Blanchard
6 William Alexander
7 Edmund Bowman
8 Capt. Melzar Holmes.

Sermon – Election – 1808, New Hampshire


Rev. Asa McFarland (1769-1827) preached this election sermon in New Hampshire on June 2, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-new-hampshire

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT CONCORD,

BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

June 2, 1808.

BY THE REV. ASA M’FARLAND, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN CONCORD.

SERMON.

II PETER, I. 19.

But we have also a more sure word of prophecy, where unto ye do well that ye take heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place.

MANKIND have, in all ages, been disposed to associate religion with the most important transactions and events of life. The Grecian states committed the guardianship of the great oracle at Delphos, to the general council of the whole nation, that they might the more certainly secure the favor of the deity, who was supposed, through the medium of that oracle, to communicate his will. Lycurgus, who instituted laws for the government of the Lacedemonians, consulted the same oracle, that he might commend the laws which he made, to the regard of his countrymen, by suggesting that they had the approbation of the divinity. For a similar reason, Numa Pompilius pretended to have had intercourse with the goddess Egeria, who dictated those laws to him by which Rome was to become the mistress of the world.

These men, though not favored with the advantages which we derive from divine revelation, were well versed in the feelings which govern mankind. The reasons which influenced them to consult the oracle, and publish laws under t pretence that they were communicated from heaven, have their foundation in one of the most powerful and operative principles of human nature, a principle of religion. The necessities to which men are subjected in this life, impel them to seek aid from above. Their hopes and their fears lead them to adopt some form of religious worship. Whether the object of their worship be the sun and moon, the stars and the elements, or the great Jehovah himself, who formed the light, and who createth darkness, they must seek relief from their distresses, dispel their fears, and cherish their hopes, by some supposed, if not real, intercourse with the Deity.

As mankind must have some religion, it becomes of course necessary to inspire them with confidence in the laws, and engage their conscience on the side of obedience, that they should believe them to have the sanction of divine authority. This principle is so interwoven with all their feelings, and it is so readily excited on every new occasion of alarm, that no change of manners, nor different mode of education, nor the lapse of ages, can prevent its operation. If improvements are made in philosophy, or in the science of civil government, they can modify, but not extirpate, this principle. In this respect man is ever the same. He cannot find means to quiet his mind in the moment of alarm, nor any prospect to keep his hopes alive, unless he have recourse to some principles of religion.

While legislators of antiquity consulted a pagan oracle to know what institutions they should adopt, or rather to give them efficacy when adopted, we, my hearers, have a more sure word of prophecy. In the Christian dispensation we have more infallible indications of the divine will, and more certain principles to guide us, as well in those transactions which are of public moment, as in the private walks of life. As men must have some religion to regulate their conduct, attach them to society, and enforce upon their conscience respect and obedience to civil institutions, wise men will choose and cherish that which most effectually answers these purposes. They will encourage that system which most effectually controls those passions which tend to the subversion of government, that which fixes on the mind of men the deepest and the most durable impressions of their accountability to God for their conduct in society, and binds them one to another by a common interest.—We have a religion in the Holy Scriptures which answers these purposes.

Hence I shall endeavor to illustrate this general truth: The Christian dispensation, more than any other system of religion, is favorable to the true end of civil government.

Those whose professional employments have led them to contemplate government in all its branches, are better qualified than I am to explain its nature and end; and it does not become me to discuss subjects of this nature; but as I have proposed to prove, that the influence of the Gospel is favorable to the end of civil government, let it suffice on this occasion to say, that the true end of government is the common safety; and to secure this end, there are dispositions in mankind which need to be corrected, and passions which need to be controlled; and they must be controlled y restraints of powerful efficacy, or the safety of a community must inevitably be endangered.

I am now to prove, that the Christian dispensation has the happiest influence to secure this end.

1. Because its restraints reach the temper of the heart, where only they can rectify or wholly prevent the evil. It is in the hearts of men that all the mischief is conceived, arranged, and matured, which interrupts the public peace, and converts the world, at times, into a melancholy scene of oppression and violence.

The heart of the ambitious usurper is that secret asylum where he first conceives the design to overturn lawful authority, and exalt himself upon its ruins. Here it is matured, and his future operations are marked out. Here the oppressor fixes upon the man whom he intends to ruin; and arranges the plan by which the fraud is to be managed. In this asylum, which is fertile in every species of iniquity, the adulterer designates the family which he intends to involve in disgrace and wretchedness, singles out the unfortunate object of his criminal passions, and securely exults in the prospect of success.

Murder also begins here. It has its origin in that malice, or lust for plunder, which being indulged in the heart, become too riotous for restraint. Into this asylum of iniquity no human eye can penetrate. NO human remedies can reach the disorders which rankle here, so as to heal them. Whatever mischief is conceived in the heart, human laws cannot rectify, until it is manifested in overt acts. The officer of justice cannot enter and seize the lurking enemy, before he has begun the work of destruction.

It is however desirable and necessary for personal and public safety, that some effectual restraint should be laid on the intensions of men: for when the criminal design is brought to maturity, and the man has already begun to commit deeds of violence, the evil, at best, can be rectified but in part. The religion of the Bible furnishes this desirable restraint. The word of the Lord is quick and powerful, sharper than any two edged sword, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intentions of the heart. It arrests the guilty purpose before it is ripened for execution. Here men are taught, that though they may avoid disgrace, and escape punishment in this life, on account of criminal intentions, yet there is another tribunal. They must appear in the judgment before God, who now looketh at the heart, and requireth purity in the inward part, and who will bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good or evil. At that awful tribunal, the intention to commit a crime will be found criminal, even though the crime had not been perpetrated.

Where the Scriptures have their effect on the mind, they already create some anticipations of the judgment in those self-reproaches which men experience when they harbor iniquity in their hearts. This religion begins its salutary work at the foundation. It rectifies the motives and the intentions of the heart; and when the heart is restored to order, it is easy to regulate the conduct of men. With the powerful aid of such principles deeply impressed on the mind, civil government can, with great ease, accomplish its object—the safety and happiness of a community.

As all these principles are denied, so these salutary restraints are removed, at one stroke, by infidelity. The man who believes and who acts on the principle that he shall not be called to account, in the future world, for his temper and designs and conduct in this, may allow himself great latitude. He can, and probably will, do much mischief in ways where it would be impossible for human laws to detect and punish him. He can deceive; he can oppress and defraud, and perhaps destroy the comfort of families, by his impurities; and if men of this description have conducted with decency and sobriety, it must be imputed to the remaining influences of a Christian education.

If we would contemplate the full effect of infidelity, we must conceive at least a new generation, on whose mind there is no trace of religious truth, and no principles of conduct which have their origin in revealed religion. Among such a people, it would be difficult indeed to secure the public safety. Fines, imprisonments, and corporal punishment, would be feeble restraints; too feeble to control the violence of cupidity: and as to maintaining a reputation, and avoiding public disgrace, they would not be under a necessity of restraining their passions for this purpose; because, in such a state of things as that which I have supposed, it would not be disreputable to commit any enormity which men choose to sanction by custom.

The religions of the pagan world, in their moral tendency, were but little preferable to infidelity. It seems their principles never reached the heart, at least not so as to correct its vicious propensity. In every form of pagan religion, there were encouragements held out to men to practice those immoralities which must inevitably interrupt the public peace. If the principles of their religion reached the heart, they could not produce any useful effect; for it could not be supposed that the morals of men would be pure, when they worshipped deities who were supposed to indulge in all the excesses of wrath, revenge, lust, or intemperance. Men, who have had the best means of knowing the moral state of the pagan world, have testified that St. Paul exhibited a true representation in the first chapter of Romans, when he said they were “filled with all manner of unrighteousness, without understanding, covenant breakers, without natural affection, implacable, unmerciful.”

The religion of Mahomet, it is well known, does not better secure the morals of the people: for that portion, which is not evidently taken from the Gospel, encourages them in the most abominable licentiousness. It is enough to say, they are taught to expect sensual enjoyments in Paradise, to reward them for spreading slaughter and destruction over the earth.

2. The Christian dispensation is favorable to the true design of civil government, not only because it lays effectual restraints upon the criminal intentions of men, but likewise because it distinctly specifies the whole system of their public and social duty in detail.

That mankind may be trained up in those habits which will make them good subjects in a community, it is necessary, not only that they be governed by pure motives, but they should also be well informed in the nature of their obligations. It is impossible but that a man should fail in many instances, however honest his intentions may be, if he be ignorant of his duties. The Gospel is commended to the regard of every wise man, on account of the universality of its principles; for they embrace every possible relation, and they are applicable to every case. If a man, with an honest and good heart, take his direction from the Scriptures, he will find how he ought to conduct in every relation, to his Maker, to civil rulers, to his family, and neighbors, and to mankind at large. In every case of doubt, he may find here some salutary direction. If he commit his ways to the Lord, his thoughts will be established. If he have committed mistakes, here he may learn how to rectify them: and if his hopes be disappointed, and his prospects cut off, he will find those consolations which will save him from total despondence.

The Gospel has made the best provision for the education and the government of youth, by guarding the marriage covenant with the most awful penalties. Are you placed at the head of a family, you are taught that God has put a governing authority into your hands, and made the future character and condition of your children to depend, in some respect, on your faithfulness. He also teaches you, that you are responsible to him for the examples which you exhibit before your household, and for the habits which your children form under your instructions. Are you a subordinate member of a family, your obligations to honor and obey your superiors is made exceedingly plain; and your correspondent duties are enforced by the promise of long life and prosperity here, with the favor of God beyond the grave, and the fear of incurring his everlasting displeasure.

That this provision, which the Gospel makes, for the early education and government of youth, has a happy influence to aid civil government, will obviously appear when we consider, that it is in the family circle where the youth receive those impressions which will remain and characterize them through life. Here they imbibe their most permanent principles of action. If care be used in their early instruction and government, there is a probability of their being peaceable members of the community; but if they are not habituated to subordination in their minority, they will not patiently endure it when they shall act for themselves. The strong arm of civil government must be exerted to control habits which have been fixed by age, and deepened by repetitions of sinful indulgence; and notwithstanding what the civil authority can do, the public safety will be endangered by such unsubdued spirits.

If infidelity does not go to the utter dissolution of the marriage covenant, it certainly removes from the mind a sense of its sacred nature, and therefore in effect it destroys those relations which alone can insure the proper care and management of youth. When men no longer believe that they are accountable to a divine tribunal for their conduct in their families, whatever care they may use to furnish their children with exterior accomplishments, or leave estates to them, it cannot be expected that they will be in any degree solicitous in forming their moral character. Such men will generally be either insupportable tyrants in their families, and vent their spleen upon those whom they should govern with a steady hand; or, neglecting all rule, they will suffer their children to form their own habits, and govern themselves.

Nor are the various forms of Pagan and the Mahometan religions much better in this respect than infidelity. They do not guard those domestic relations of husbands and wives, parents and children, from which only the public may hope that the morals of youth will be secured. When we find that polygamy, and an almost unlimited concubinage, were not incompatible with the principles of their religion; and when such abominable practices are encouraged by the example of persons in the highest stations; we may easily conceive, that as St. Paul says, they are without natural affection, covenant-breakers, and given over to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not convenient. All those bonds which attach husbands and wives, parents and children, are loosened, if not wholly dissolved, with them; and, therefore, their religion furnishes no principle that may be relied on for the proper government of youth.

3. The influence of the Gospel affords the best aid to the civil government, because its principles are unchangeable. They are the same to men of all conditions, and to every age of the world.

Most of the prevailing religions, except the Christian, have been variable. They have been adapted to the policy of particular nations, and to the exigencies of times. The pagan nations, as either their fancy or their fears might dictate, joined new deities to their catalogue. This necessarily laid a foundation for new principles, and the institution of new rights. They had no system which embraced men of all conditions, and which was suited to every form of government. They had mysteries interwoven in their system, in which the learned pretended to receive degrees of light and knowledge in divine things, which were not to be exposed to the great mass of mankind. But the probability is, that their mysteries were only a pretext to evade those moral obligations which were enjoined upon the vulgar, and indulge the criminal propensities of the heart.

It must be obvious, that government is most secure and permanent when the members of the community embrace a religion which is always the same; for at every new turn which the religious system experiences, the form of the government would be exposed to change. If the religion did not bind all men by the same obligations, there would be danger that one portion of the community would exempt themselves from burden, and indulge in liberties which would be hurtful to the state.

The Christian dispensation embraces men of all ranks and conditions. It does not bend to times and circumstances, or to the purposes of men. Amid the fluctuation of sentiments, the changes in men, views of morality, this is an invariable standard to recall them from their wanderings in a corrupt age. Here are no mysteries that are not to be exposed to the vulgar, where the learned or powerful may shelter themselves, and evade those moral obligations which are binding upon the common people. It is not one thing to the rich and honorable, and another to persons of humble rank. One man is not justified by the Gospel in laying burdens upon others, without bearing his own part. No change in a man’s outward condition can make void his obligations to God and his fellow creatures. It is, in short, the religion of all conditions and times, and forms of civil government.

If it be a principle of human nature, that man must have some religion, the government will unquestionably be most secure and efficient when the members of the community feel the influence of a system which binds every man, of whatever condition, to duties which he owes to God and to his fellow creatures.

4. As the Gospel is the same to the rich and the poor, the powerful and the weak, it affords at once the best security to rulers and to subjects.

Government will receive great support from a religion which adds weight to the authority of the magistrate, and which at the same time guards that authority so that it shall not be abused. Such is the light in which the Gospel places civil rulers, that their authority has a commanding influence over the minds of good men, an influence which infidelity denies, and infidels cannot feel.

In view of infidelity, the magistrate is but a creature of men, clothed with no other than human power. The authority by which he acts, is no more than that which men have delegated to him, if he be an elected ruler; or if an usurper, it is no more than a power which he has assumed. With such views, it is not possible that men should feel any great respect for the office of him who bears rule; or that they should consider it to be very criminal to oppose even the necessary exercise of authority.

In the light of divine revelation, the case is different. Here civil rulers are represented as deriving their power from a higher source than the suffrage of the community. They have a power which is calculated to command respect, and overawe the disobedient. According to the Gospel, the magistrate is not a creature of men; for though he came into office by the election of men, yet when executing the proper power of his office, he is a minister of God. He is appointed to execute the divine will, to correct and reclaim offenders, and encourage and protect them that do well. Viewing him as a minister of the Most High, conscientious men have other reasons to respect his office and obey the laws, than the fear of those corporal pains and penalties which the laws inflict on offenders. If they oppose the civil power, they have reason to fear, that they must answer to their Almighty Judge for having trampled his authority under foot.

These are the powerful enforcements to obedience, which the Gospel furnishes. “Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? For he beareth not the sword in vain; for he is a minister of God, an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.”

Although Christianity throws its weight into the scale of civil authority, and engages the conscience of virtuous men on the side of obedience, it effectually guards this authority that it be not abused. It recognizes the rights of the subject, and affords the best means of his security; for though it represents the magistrate as a minister of God, it reminds him that he is clothed with this high authority for good.—Such power is not committed to him of God to be an instrument of oppression, or to be subservient to pride, or selfishness, or a worldly mind; but that he may be extensively beneficial to his fellow creatures. The very consideration that he receives his authority from heaven, lays an awful responsibility upon him; and if good men are afraid of resisting power which is derived from so high a source, the Christian ruler will be no less afraid of abusing such power.

Thus those who are appointed to rule, are endued with a power, in some respect, divine, to carry into effect God’s designs of justice and benevolence towards men, to restrain offenders, and protect the upright and inoffensive; but not to subserve a private interest. The Gospel directs the magistrate to that dread tribunal, where he must stand upon a level with the most obscure subject, to give an account of his stewardship; and assures him, that as he acts in a higher station than others, and has it in his power to perform greater service to his Maker, so more will be required of him. Having authority to bear down iniquity, and encourage virtue, to protect the innocent, and punish the guilty; if, disregarding the rights of the subjects, he has aimed to enrich or aggrandize himself, he abuses not only a power which men have committed to him, but that which he has received from above. He stands amenable not only to the public opinion, but to the more awful tribunal of the great God.

The ruler who acts under the influence of these solemn Scripture truths, must be sensible that his eternal interest requires that he should rule in the fear of God. Such effectual security, both rulers and subjects derive from the influence of the Gospel. The former have need to beware, that they do not pervert a power to selfish purposes, which was committed to them to promote the general good. The latter have need to be no less cautious, that they do not resist an ordinance of God, by opposing the necessary exercise of civil authority.

5. When the Gospel, in any good measure, produces its effect on the minds of men, it begets the purest patriotism. It is a happy medium, between that selfish love of country which influences a man to desire the extirpation of all who do not belong to his own community, and the spurious philanthropy of some modern theorists which seems intended to dissolve the relations of kindred and country.

The pagan nations had each their tutelary deities; and these guardian gods of one people were supposed to be hostile to those of another. It were easy to calculate the effects which such a religion would produce on the temper and conduct of men. It would inspire them with surprising courage when fighting in the defense of their country, under the protection and with the aid of their chosen deity. Accordingly, the history of heathen nations furnishes astonishing instances of personal valor.—But at the same time it inspired them with a savage cruelty towards their enemies, at which humanity is shocked. It was an exterminating principle. This is an extreme of patriotism, if it may be called by that name, which, though it might produce some brilliant actions, is, nevertheless, baneful in its effects.

Another extreme no less pernicious in reality, though more plausible in appearance, is that of some modern infidels. They consider man in the abstract as the object of benevolence, without regarding the relations of family or of country; and that those who are the most remote, and beyond the region of our influence, have an equal claim to our affection and care, with our countrymen, or neighbors, or relatives. The fallacy of this principle will appear, when we consider that the sphere of man’s influence is circumscribed. He can be beneficial to but few. By being dispersed over an infinite surface, benevolence becomes wholly ineffectual. It is lost in the immensity of its object. This imaginary philanthropy tends to the subversion of society. It seems to be a chosen pretext to evade all the social and relative duties, and it terminates in unqualified selfishness.

The Gospel begets a patriotism which is adapted to the real state of mankind. It teaches them, that the God whom they worship is also the Guardian of other nations; and as his providence embraces all creatures so they are bound to embrace all in their good will; and that it would be criminal to desire the ruin of others, though not of the same community. But this benevolence is necessarily bounded in its operation.

As a man can actually benefit the members of his own family, his neighbors, or perhaps his countrymen, the Gospel recognizes these relations, and enjoins correspondent duties. It requires him to do good within the circle of his influence, rather than seek for remote objects which he cannot benefit. It begets the principle of patriotism in the heart, by teaching that none of us are to live to ourselves. Our calculations are not to terminate in our own interest or pleasure; that is, we must not make these our ultimate object; for if we take the example of the great Author of this religion for our model, we shall always be ready to sacrifice personal ease and emolument to the good of the community.

There are considerations to attach a pious man to his country, which can have no influence upon the mind of an unbeliever. His country contains not only the sepulchers of his forefathers, but also the institutions of their religion, the sacred temples where they sought the Lord, sang his praise, obtained relief in their distresses, and spiritual comfort to their souls. It protects not only his person and property, but the privilege of worshipping God according to the convictions of his own mind, and of enjoying those religious ordinances which to some are more precious than property, or kindred, or life itself. Nothing can animate him with equal zeal to repel an enemy who threatens to profane the sanctuary which his ancestors consecrated to God.

The truly patriotic sentiment of the Psalmist is exemplified in every good man, and his country’s peace is a constant subject of his prayer. “Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces. Because of the house of the Lord my God, I will seek thy good.”

The pagan nations contended with desperate courage in the defence of the temples and shrines of their gods; but their patriotism, as we have seen, was destructive in its effects. It had no mixture of that benevolence to the human race in general, which has softened the asperity and lessened the evils of war.

In short, where the Gospel has been published with success, it has produced an astonishing change in the views and manners of mankind; and this change is altogether for the better. Men of moderate capacity, who have received their principles from the sacred oracles, have more correct moral sentiments, and they are better instructed in the nature and extent of their relative and social duties, than heathen philosophers of elevated genius.

The Gospel presents enforcements to virtue inconceivably more efficacious than any other religion has furnished.—I have said, it has lessened the evils of war. It has also nearly abolished slavery; and God grant that it may perfect this good work. Where it has not wholly abolished this inhuman practice, it has certainly abated its severity; for the slaves of Christian masters are privileged beings in comparison with those who were so unfortunate as to be enslaved in pagan countries.

The time, and I fear your patience also, would fail, if I were to be more particular in stating the advantages which civil government derives from the influence of the Gospel.

I will now offer a few remarks on the conclusion which the Apostle draws in my text. Since we have a religion so completely adapted to the condition of mankind, a religion which furnishes such effectual aid to government, and which brings eternal life to individuals, ye do well that ye take heed to this sure word of prophecy, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place.

Perhaps I need not take a moment of the time in cautioning this respectable audience, that they do not conclude, from what has been said, that the principal excellence of this religion consists in its subserviency to the end of government.—Its great Author did not come down from heaven solely, or principally, to regulate the affairs of society; but for a more important purpose—to seek and to save that which was lost.

The Gospel is to be prized, chiefly because God has here given us all things which pertain to life and godliness, through the knowledge of Jesus Christ, who hath called us to glory and virtue. It is commended to our first attention as accountable creatures, because it contains those principles and discoveries which are able to make us wise unto salvation. Still it is a dispensation which embraces all the interests of mankind, in relation both to time and eternity: and since the aid which civil government derives from its influence is at once the most salutary and effectual, it is worthy of our regard in this respect.

If the positions which have been laid down in this discourse be true; and their truth may be ascertained and made evident by comparing the moral state of mankind in Christian and heathen countries; if mankind, under the influence of the Gospel, are made more discreet and conscientious rulers, or quiet and peaceable subjects, better parents, and more obedient children, benevolent masters, and faithful servants: If, I say, the Gospel produces such effects, it claims the regard of political men. Nay more, that man who would weaken or counteract this influence, immediately forfeits the character of a true patriot, and wise politician. He who aims, I will not say to promote the eternal interests of mankind, but the peace and happiness of the community, would not knowingly weaken the influence of one Gospel institution. He would carefully avoid every measure, whether he acts in a public or private capacity, which might lead others to disregard its institutions or doctrines.

I have already observed, that mankind must have religion; and I have the experience of all ages to justify me in the observation. I do not mean to say, that they are born with a holy disposition; that they are willingly subject to the law of their Maker; or that it is their pleasure to honor and serve him. But there are principles wrought into the very frame of their minds, which impel them to seek a refuge in some form of religious worship.

We admit, that there are times when all men do not feel the necessity of divine aid and consolation. This is the case with worldly minds in seasons of outward prosperity and inward quiet. If any, at such times, should suppose it would be as well with them if every principle of religion were extirpated, yet in the moment of impending danger they have other feelings. When the elements around them are thrown into confusion, and threaten destruction, something within impels them to consent to the truth that there is a God who ruleth over all; that it is infinitely desirable to possess his favor, and dreadful to meet his displeasure.

If then mankind have in all ages sought for some medium of intercourse with the Deity, the conclusion is unavoidable that wise men will choose and encourage that system which is best adapted to the condition of the human race, and which meets all their wants and difficulties.

The pious man will cordially approve of the Christian dispensation, as it clearly reveals his duty and supreme interest, and exhibits the desirable medium by which he may secure the divine favor. It administers those friendly warnings which are calculated to awaken him from his slumbers. At the same time promises are exhibited to allay his fears, lest they should drive him to a destructive issue. Here he finds safe ground for a humble hope and trust in the mercy of God. These are discoveries and aids which he cannot find in any other system of religion. When he finds such friendly warnings and instructions in the Gospel, that it contains a remedy for every moral disease, healing for every wound, duties prescribed for all the relations and conditions of life, and safe directions for every case of difficulty and doubt, he sees indications on every page of revealed truth, that it is the will of God, and bestowed, in mercy, on mankind.

But let a man even forget that he is a candidate for eternity; let him lose sight of all his relations, except his relation to society here; and in that case, if he be a friend to the peace and the true interest of the community, he will encourage the institutions of the Gospel; for surely such a man will encourage a religion which has the best tendency to secure the public safety, which opposes the most effectual restraints to the passions, and rectifies the disorders of the heart. He will be influenced, by these considerations, to pay a tribute of outward respect at least, to the institutions of religion, and encourage others also to respect and observe them.

To persuade mankind to abandon all religious principles, would be a fruitless attempt; it would be fatal, if not fruitless. Hence we see, that it is bad policy to counteract and weaken the influence of Christianity; for if mankind could be persuaded to believe that this is not important and essential to their peace, they are not persuaded to live without religion. They have only exchanged that which controls their criminal desires and intentions, for one perhaps more agreeable to their feelings, but inconceivably less safe. If they should be disengaged from the Gospel, they will feel at liberty to choose a system which will encourage them in immoralities, that will prove ruinous to themselves and to the community.—From these considerations, the Apostle’s conclusion in my text has a peculiar force.

We have a system of religion which afforded a refuge to our forefathers in seasons of the greatest peril and distress; a system which we have proved, and we have experienced its beneficial effects. It is to be imputed to the habits which have been formed under the influence of this religion, that we have been favored with civil freedom; and the state of society is more happy in this than in any other portion of the world. It is our interest to take heed to this system, until we can find a better, or at least one as good. It will be our wisdom to encourage the institutions of the Gospel, humbly receive its holy doctrines, and draw from this fountain of unerring wisdom, the principles of our conduct, whether we act in a public or private capacity.

Reflections of this nature must, at all times and under every circumstance, operate powerfully on every considerate mind; but they receive tenfold weight from the peculiar complexion of the present period. The political and the moral state of the world seems rapidly approaching to some momentous issue. The sudden changes which take place among nations astonish and alarm us, although we have hitherto been so happy as to remain distant spectators of the convulsions and distresses which other nations have experienced.

In the sudden vicissitude of human affairs, God is teaching mankind the uncertainty of worldly power. It seems that he will soon make it more manifest than ever, that he ruleth in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth; and that he giveth it to whomsoever he will. He is giving us sensible proof of the truth of Scripture prophecy, by visiting the nations with terrible judgments for their iniquities, as he has threatened.

We know not how soon we may share in the awful calamities which others have suffered. It will be remarkable indeed if we wholly escape. Should the wars and revolutions, which have convulsed Europe, reach this hitherto favored land, the civil government will need the aid of our holy religion, and individuals will need its consolations.

Whatever will be the result of those sudden and astonishing changes which take place in this age, we know it will be happy for those who have God for their friend. He will fix a mark upon his own people, that they shall not be involved in the destruction of the wicked. It will be safe for that nation where God has many true friends. Their prayers shall ascend for a memorial before him. It will, in short, be happy for that community whose members honor the institutions which Jehovah has ordained. He will be to them a covert from the tempest and the storm; for he never raised any expectations in the minds of his creatures which he will not fulfill.

I would not excite any unnecessary alarm, much less would I speak the language of despondence. That same kind providence, which has protected our country in ages past, will still protect us, if we have not forfeited the divine favor by ingratitude and disobedience. The Lord’s hand is not shortened that he cannot save. It has been our privilege to have descended from a race of men who were precious in his eyes; men who took early care to have the Gospel established among them, and made honorable provision for the education of youth.

It is doubtless to be imputed to the effect of institutions, that were so precious in the infancy of our country, that we have had so large experience of divine protection; that knowledge has been so generally diffused; and that there remains so great a degree of social order and happiness. We have been reaping the precious fruit of principles and habits which were planted and nurtured by the pious care of our forefathers.—Let us walk in their steps, and prove ourselves to be sons who are worthy of such fathers.

In these perilous times, let us take heed to that sure word which a gracious God has, in infinite mercy, spoken to us. Let us derive at once our principles and our hopes from the sacred volume. Let us honor its institutions, and be governed by its doctrines and precepts. Then may we hope that God will be our God, as he was the God of our fathers.

I proceed to such an improvement of this important subject, as the present occasion suggests.

We have assembled today, to seek the divine protection for those who are appointed to guard the rights and manage the public interests of the State. It is with pleasure that we see our rulers disposed to call in the aids of religion to the important object of legislation. It gives us confidence that they commence the business of the political year with suitable impressions of the insufficiency of human reason, and the necessity of direction from the Fountain of Wisdom.

We have endeavored to investigate some of the effects of the Christian dispensation on the habits and conduct of mankind; and to point out the degree of assistance which civil government derives from its influence. The general inference which results from this view of the moral tendency of the Gospel, is that which the apostle has exhibited. In whatever situation God in his providence has called us to act, whether rulers or subjects, ministers of religion, or people, it is our interest, as well as duty, to take heed to this holy dispensation as the ark of our temporal and eternal salvation.

When addressing myself to those whom I have represented as ministers of the Most High, I should be indeed inexcusable were I to betray any want of respect. But while I forbear to dictate to the rulers of the people on those topics which appertain to their office, and not to mine, I must not forget that I am set for the defense of the Gospel, and that it belongs to me, on this occasion, to vindicate this dispensation, the richest and the most desirable gift which a merciful God has bestowed on our world, and to recommend it to the regard of all men, whatever may be their rank and condition in life.

I will now apply the subject to the different branches of the government; and first to His Excellency the Chief Magistrate.

Your Excellency will be pleased to accept our cordial congratulations on this new proof of the public confidence and esteem. The providence of God has placed you in that elevated station, where your influence and example will have great weight in recommending to the regard to others that religion from which we have the happiness to believe you derive your own principles and hopes. It could not escape your observation, that the light in which the Gospel exhibits a Christian magistrate, ruling over a Christian and free people, is such as reflects great dignity on his office. His authority is derived from the highest source of power, and it will have a commanding influence over the reason and conscience of every good man. He is a minister of God for good, and therefore he holdeth not the sword in vain. But while this gives great weight to his office, his responsibility to the Supreme Ruler of the universe is proportionably great. The abuse of a power which is so sacred, and derived from such a source, will be followed by consequences greatly to be dreaded.

While an exalted station, like that which you fill, is always attended with trials, and especially in this convulsed age; and while the responsibility of such an office is great; you will feel that it is the more important that you take heed to that sure word of prophecy which the Christian Scriptures furnish; and that you take the principles of your conduct, as well in public as in private life, from the word of God.

Allow me to assure your Excellency, that, taking this unerring word for your rule, it will be a lamp to your feet, and a light to your paths. You will find support, equal to every trial, and safe directions in every difficult case: for though Jesus Christ did not undertake to legislate for mankind, yet he established those principles which are profitable to direct in all the relations of life.

We pray, Sir, that you may be favored with the divine direction, and experience divine support; and that, closing a long life, devoted to public employments, you may be approved as a faithful steward in the household of God, and be established in a state of everlasting rest.

Those who compose the Honorable Council, Senate, and House of Representatives, will permit me respectfully to recommend the religion of the Gospel to their regard, not only as men, but as rulers. I trust, that in the course of this exercise, it has been made evident, that where the principles of the Gospel have been understood and felt, they have given stability and effect to the government; though I will not pretend to have offered anything new.

If this truth, however, has been established; and we wish that everyone would satisfy himself on a subject of such moment, for it does not avoid, but invite, investigation; then the conclusion, which has been already suggested, is unavoidable.

It would be destructive policy, to counteract or weaken the influence of the doctrines and institutions of our holy religion. It would enfeeble the hands of rulers, and paralyze the nerves of government. It would disengage mankind from restraints which alone can reach the source of those evils that government was designed to recify, and leave them at liberty to adopt such system, for themselves, as would encourage them to commit every kind and degree of iniquity. It would, in short, set open the gates through which an overwhelming deluge of fraud, deceit, oppression, violence, profaneness, intemperance, and impurity, would pour in upon us, and lay waste this goodly heritage which our fathers left us.

We feel confident, Legislators, that none of you are disposed to try the desperate experiment. For should you weaken the influence of the Christian dispensation, or persuade mankind to abandon it, you have not persuaded them to abandon all religious principles. Such an attempt would be fruitless. It would be opposed by those hopes and fears which are wrought into the frame of every man’s mind. You only leave them to adopt such principles as will be infinitely less favorable to correct morality, and to the designs of civil government.

It is, then, far more safe, that we cherish the system which made our forefathers a respectable and happy people, and which has maintained among us, even to this day, a good degree of social order and happiness.—What then is the conclusion from these principles? It is obviously this—As men, and accountable creatures, we are all bound to respect the Sabbath, and keep it, and encourage the institution of preaching.

But you are called to act in another relation. An enlightened people have committed to your trust their most valuable temporal interests. In the discharge of this important trust, you will feel bound to take your principles from the oracles of unerring truth.—But this is not all. As political men, you will feel an additional enforcement to give all the efficacy in your power, by your personal example and official influence, to that religion which will strengthen your own hands as rulers, and which begets in the minds of people a confidence in government, and the principle and habit of obedience.

The recollection that you are called to legislate for one section of a community, the most happy and enlightened in the world, will naturally lead you to inquire by what means so much knowledge has been diffused, and so great a degree of social order and happiness has been maintained among us. If, in the result of such an inquiry, you find, as I am persuaded you will, that the happy state of society here, is in a great measure to be imputed to the divine blessing on the means of religious improvement, this will be a powerful inducement to regard and encourage these truths and institutions as the most effectual means to perpetuate our tranquility.

It is our prayer, that you may commence and proceed in the important business for which you are convened, under the divine guidance; that you may enjoy health and happiness; and when every earthly distinction shall be leveled in the dust, may you partake of the final rewards of good and faithful servants, in that Kingdom which will endure forever.

I conclude, with a few words to this numerous assembly.

This day, fellow citizens, exhibits to our eyes a sensible proof that our civil liberties are not yet wrested from us; and that the storm which has overwhelmed nations, and involved millions of our fellow creatures in want and wretchedness, has not yet reached us. The favors by which we are distinguished, demand our unfeigned gratitude to that Almighty Being, who holds in his hands the destiny of nations. Especially it becomes us to be the more thankful, that we are favored with a religion which reveals the whole system of our duty, and which is able to make us wise unto salvation.

I would devoutly hope, that in this assembly of people, who inherit the spirit of freedom, and many peculiar privileges, from pious ancestors, there are but few, if any, who wish that the principles of the Gospel were extirpated. If I were to address a congregation of this description, I would inquire, What advantage can you promise yourselves, should you succeed in your wishes? Would it make one soul more happy, or would it better the moral condition of mankind? Alas! if the Christian system should fall, the only remaining comfort of many would fall with it. I mean, those who are pinched with penury and want, and groaning under oppression, have nothing to make their condition tolerable, but those prospects of rest and peace beyond the grave, which they derive from the provisions and promises of the Gospel.

As to the moral state of mankind, as you weaken the influence of the Gospel, you will give a freedom and momentum to vice, that it will burst through every human restraint, and eventually dissolve the bonds of society.

In this age, infidels themselves begin to tremble at the result of their own work, and acknowledge that mankind must have religion. Public order and personal security require it. They find, that infidelity is an unnatural monster that threatens to devour its own children.

The present age has furnished melancholy proof, that when mankind are disengaged from the restraints of religion, they will go to greater excesses of violence than was expected. It is therefore generally conceded, that personal safety and public order absolutely require that some kind of religious institutions should be maintained. When we obtain such a concession that mankind must have religion, we ask, is it wise, is it consistent with prudence and correct policy, to reject that system which our forefathers received, or withdraw your support from those institutions whose salutary effects have been proved, until you have found some other system which you are sure will be at least equally beneficial and safe? It cannot be wise to hazard the experiment which promises no certain good, but much probable evil.

As you regard your personal happiness, and as you wish that your civil privileges may be perpetuated, let your choice always fall on those men to rule over you, who give evidence that they fear God, and regard his word and ordinances: and having chosen such men, give them your confidence and support.

Especially cultivate an acquaintance with the principles of our holy religion. Honor and observe its institutions. Such public calamities may come upon us, and we may experience such vicissitudes even in the present life, that we shall need all its consolations. In this we shall find a covert from the tempest and the storm. It will be our support under trials, our relief from distress, our hope in death, and our defense and joy in the eternal world.

Sermon – Election – 1808, Massachusetts


Thomas Allen (1743-1810) graduate from Harvard in 1762. He was pastor of the Congregational Church in Pittsfield, Massachusetts from his ordination in 1764 until his death. He twice volunteered as a chaplain during the revolutionary war and took up arms in the Battle of Bennington. The following sermon was preached by Rev. Allen on May 25, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY, JAMES SULLIVAN, ESQ.

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR, LEVI LINCOLN, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONOURABLE COUNCIL,

AND

BOTH BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

ON THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 25TH, 1808.

BY THOMAS ALLEN, A. M.
MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN PITTSFIELD.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY ADAMS AND RHOADES,
PRINTERS TO THE STATE.

 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In House of Representatives, May 25, 1808.
Ordered, That Mr. Wheaton, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Niles be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Allen, and in the name of the House of Representatives to thank him for the Discourse delivered by him, this day, before his Excellency the Governor, the Honourable Council, and both branches of the Legislature, and request of him a copy thereof for the Press.

Copy of Record,
N. TILLINGHAST,
Clerk of the House.
 

ELECTION SERMON.

I TIMOTHY, iv. 8.

GODLINESS IS PROFITABLE UNTO ALL THINGS, HAVING PROMISE OF THE LIFE, THAT NOW IS, AND OF THAT WHICH IS TO COME.

 

True religion is the only foundation of human happiness. The gospel of Jesus Christ contains a system of religious truth and duty, the best adapted to promote personal, domestic, and national good. It affords us the most excellent rules of conduct in every condition of life. The sacred volume gives us the most ample instructions with respect to all social and relative duties; and it points out the design of civil government, and makes known the duty of rulers.

An inspired apostle assures us in our text, that godliness is profitable unto all things; that religious obligation reaches every state and condition of life, even the most exalted. The Christian spirit, when it is possessed, pervades the whole conduct, and is felt through the whole soul.

The nature of godliness, its necessity and importance in the character of civil rulers and of the people, and its usefulness in promoting public happiness will be the topics of discourse on this anniversary. Though frequently touched upon by those, who have gone before the preacher in the offices of this day, the subject has not yet been exhausted; or if it had been, it might be reviewed with advantage.

The preacher is duly sensible of the great respect, that is due to this numerous assembly, and must appeal to a spirit of candor in an age of taste and refinement for the want of those modern embellishments, which advanced years seldom possess. If he can speak with the faithfulness, the subject and the occasion demand, and in demonstration of the spirit and with power, he shall not lament the absence of the recommendations of style.

Godliness comprises the whole Christian character. It embraces the whole Christian system. It receives its doctrines and precepts as of divine origin. It contains in it supreme love to God, and an ultimate regard to his glory, and a subordination of all selfish views to the highest good of the creation. It leads us to obey God and uniformly to fulfill the duties which relate to him and our neighbour at every hazard and loss. It implies a change of heart, the renovation of our souls by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Ghost; a resurrection from the dead to spiritual and divine life, the seed and beginning of life eternal. It consists in the divine likeness, in the moral image of our creator; and contains in it all that is implied in the new creature, repentance unto life, the faith of God’s elect, the sanctification of the spirit, and being rich in all good works. It implies a heart reconciled to God, subjected to him as the Supreme Ruler, and devoted to him as the last end of the universe. The possession of true godliness implies that we are delivered from the bondage of sin, and enjoy the glorious liberty of the children of God: that we are upright before him, and have respect unto all his commandments; and that Christ is in us the hope of glory, that we believe the sufficiency of his mediation, and place our whole dependence upon what he has done for our redemption.

Godliness in the human breast is a precious gift of Heaven, it is an unction from the Holy One, a seal and earnest of the Spirit, a well of water springing up to everlasting life. It triumphs over every selfish consideration, inflexibly adheres to truth and duty, notwithstanding every discouragement, and opens the eyes to see the truth as it is in Jesus. It courts no man’s favor, and fears no man’s censure so as to make shipwreck of a good conscience; and nothing can quench the sacred flame. No dangers, no losses, no sufferings will overcome it. The virtuous principle in man will be supported by the author of it, and he will crown it with glory and salvation.

The usefulness of godliness is asserted in the text. It is profitable unto all things. It is useful in every condition and relation in life. Its natural tendency is to promote our real happiness in this world, as it enables us to prosecute our worldly business to the greatest advantage, by rendering us temperate, industrious, and frugal. It yields the peace of God, which now is, and of that which is to come. God will withhold no good thing from them, who walk uprightly, and all things shall work together for good to them, who love God. Great will be their happiness here, but inexpressibly greater in the world to come. I give unto my sheep, saith our Saviour, eternal life, and they shall never perish, neither shall any be able to pluck them out of my hands.

Let us now consider the importance and usefulness of godliness in the character of civil rulers, as the words are to be understood without limitations.

It is not indeed the only qualification necessary in the character of a good ruler, many pious persons are not qualified for that office. To piety, must be joined a cultivated understanding, a good judgment, a penetrating discernment. But godliness is of primary importance, and sanctifies other talents, and renders them useful. The God and rock of Israel hath said, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And the wisest of mere men, under the inspiration of him, whose understanding is infinite, hath said, When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. In the latter case their interests are betrayed, and unnecessary burdens imposed on them.

Godliness will preserve rulers from those views and pursuits, from that selfishness and partiality, which are of pernicious influence on the public good.

Godliness will preserve rulers from bribery, and corruption, and from that covetousness, which is idolatry. They will not love the wages of unrighteousness, nor bow before the shrine of Mammon. Nothing can purchase their integrity, nothing seduce them from the path of righteousness.

Godly rulers will guard against pride and self exaltation, against that undue love of commendation and applause, which leadeth men astray. If it be more honorable to seek the approbation of a nation of freemen, than that of an individual; yet even here there is danger. The public esteem may be too highly regarded, as it always is, when men do what they believe is wrong in order to obtain it.

Godly rulers will not endeavour to subvert our excellent government, nor to wrest from the people their civil and religious rights by introducing arbitrary power. A principle of religion will teach them ever to respect the liberties of the people, and to become ministers of God for good to them. Neither civil nor ecclesiastical tyranny will ever be countenanced by pious magistrates.

True godliness will preserve rulers from the rage of conquest, and the desire of extending the territories of a nation or its advantages in commerce on the ruins of justice and humanity. National glory does not consist in the terror of arms, in the power to oppress and desolate the earth; but in a sacred regard to the principles of justice and equity, in promoting peace on earth and good will to men. Let it be our boast, that we have found out the untrodden path of national glory, which consists in diffusing happiness, in encouraging everything, which shall tend to the present or future welfare of the members of the community.

Godliness will keep rulers from framing unjust laws, and from violating in their own persons, the laws they have made. When legislators themselves disregard the laws they have enacted, the discordance of their example and their official conduct must have a most pernicious influence on society. On the contrary, if by their practice they enforce obedience to the laws, their example will co-operate with legislative provisions, and greatly conduce to the public welfare.

Godliness will induce magistrates, to whom is entrusted the administration of the laws, to preserve the fountains of justice pure. They will hold the balances with a equal, impartial hand; and no prejudice, nor passion will induce them to pervert judgment.

Pious rulers will be opposed to state establishments of religion, and to the impositions of creeds. They will leave religion, where Christ and his Apostles left it, to be propagated by the force of argument and persuasion, and not by the authority of civil government. They will not assail the liberty of these independent churches.

As godliness will preserve rulers from those measures, which are injurious to society, so it will lead them to seek the promotion of the public good.

They will give the people the benefit of their pure examples. Their veneration for the holy scriptures, their regard to the sacred institutions of religion, their affection for the faithful ministers of the gospel, their fear of God and constant sense of accountableness to him will give a lustre to their characters, which will shine around them.

They will legislate in obedience to God, for the good of the people. They will frame wise and just, and not oppressive laws. They will adopt measures for the general welfare, and not for the advantage of a few.

True religion is not only of happy influence on rulers to make them the greatest blessings to society; but it is equally important among the great body of the people in order to the security of national happiness. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Knowledge, morality, and piety diffused through a nation are a sure pledge of its welfare; while ignorance, profaneness, and impiety forebode its destruction.

Such is the importance, and usefulness of the principles and practice of true religion in the hearts and lives of rulers, and the people in order to national happiness. Lo, this is the way; let us walk therein, and we shall find rest to our souls. Nor can I think of any other course we can take for the restoration of peace and unity, after we have been so long rent by divisions, but by the restoration of living, vital religion. True godliness only can ever make us one again, and as we cannot meet on the ground of uniformity of sentiment, we must meet on that of mutual love, which may exist amidst a discordancy of views. Beloved, let us love one another, for love is of God, and everyone that loveth is born of God, and knoweth God. Without the exercise of this mutual affection, nothing can restore our lost peace.

It is to the principles of true godliness, that we owe the present happiness of our country. These principles brought our first fathers here. The seeds of virtue, which they early planted, have grown, and yielded us their descendants a rich harvest of blessings, which we hope will be continued to our posterity. Our literary institutions have enriched our land with the most exalted and virtuous characters; and it must be our desire, that they may train up our youth in sentiments of respect for our republican form of government, that they may be abundantly useful to our country, and may receive the most liberal encouragement from the legislature.

Though for the present our ships are shut up in our harbours to preserve them from capture by European powers; yet do we enjoy national happiness in a remarkable degree. The general face of our country proclaims, that this is not the abode of wretchedness. Survey the cattle upon a thousand hills and the abundance, which everywhere exists, and say if this be a land of poverty and want? The temples for the worship of God, convenient and elegant, which have been multiplied through the country, are not the monuments of our departed glory; nor do we find evidence of our approaching ruin in the neglect of ministerial support. With but few exceptions where a party spirit has sprung up, pastors are sufficiently supplied for by their flocks.

It is true the ministers of Jesus Christ are not held in such high veneration and awe, nor considered such infallible oracles of truth, as they were formerly. It will be well, if the people will search for the truth with their own eyes, and if they look upon their teachers only as their helpers.

Another proof of our general happiness is the mutual charity, and general harmony, that subsists among different sects of Christians, who are all one in Christ Jesus. It was not so with us fifty years ago. We stood aloof and at a distance from each other. If we were not chargeable with oppression and persecution, if we did not withhold from each other the blessings of social intercourse, nor deprive each other of equal privileges, yet we well remember that churchmen, Baptists, and others differing from us, were excluded from a participation in the services of this day. But godliness has brought us nearer together, and is producing that union, which we in vain look for from any other source.

In addition to these things; the formation of various benevolent nd religious societies, and the flourishing state of religion in various places, exhibit to us some evidence of our growing felicity.

The abolition of the slave trade, that infamous traffic in human blood, is very honourable to our country. We have not stopped, where our fathers left us. We have put an end to persecution for conscience sake. Our jurisprudence has been greatly improved; education has much advanced; colleges and schools have been multiplied; and the pleasures of social life have been increased. If new improvements can be made in the administration of government, or if new discoveries can be made in religious truth, the fear of innovation ought not to impose restraints.

But our happiness is not unmixed. Amidst the great variety of our blessings, there is much to deplore. The gold in some respects has become dim, and the most fine gold is changed. As riches have poured upon us, we have become extravagant and luxurious. The holy Sabbath is not sufficiently sanctified by us according to the rules of our holy religion. Immoralities show themselves in various shapes, and much needs to be corrected.

Will it be improper, while speaking of subjects of lamentation, to allude to the violence of party spirit among us? Wherever there has been a violation of truth, or outrage, let it be condemned; and if men of a party spirit have opposed their rulers without charity, and without regard to the public good, and under the cloak of religion have violated the principles of religion, we may be assured they have not been actuated by the gentle, humble, holy spirit of the gospel, and have made vain pretences to godliness.

We believe that the administration of our general government has been correct, and that the President of our country has for many hears employed his talents in pursuing the public good, and that he has displayed in his life many virtues honourable to his character. We believe that his unshaken regard to the civil and religious liberties of his country, and his wisdom in giving a constitutional direction to our government, and his pursuit of a course of measures best adapted to our prosperity and glory, give a lustre to his character, which no length of time will obliterate. Believing this, and as we know it to be the duty of a people to respect their rulers, we must express disapprobation of all instances, wherein opposition has been shown to what is considered as right, and wherein there has been any violation of a Christian duty.

It is to the gospel of Christ so early planted in this country, to its sacred principles, to its influence on the consciences of men, to its spirit formed in their hearts, and to the smiles of divine providence, that we owe all our blessings, and all the joys of this day. True godliness inspires a regard to the public good, and it was from a regard to the general good, that our constitution of government was formed; and it is owing to the intelligence and virtue of the people that its principles have been preserved, notwithstanding any design of altering its spirit. Our republican form of government depends for its continuance upon the public opinion and the public morals; and it is necessary that the public opinion should be enlightened and not debased by corruption, by luxury, by covetousness, love of pleasure, pride, by desire of conquest and the loss of all sense of honour; and it is necessary that the citizens should be actuated by principles of true godliness. So long as this is the case, we shall remain the envy of nations, and the glory of all lands.

The fathers of our happy republic, his Excellency the Governor, his Honour the Lieutenant Governor, the members of the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives of Massachusetts will accept of our respect and honour. Elevated to places of trust by the people, they repose confidence in your virtue and patriotism, and expect you to be governed by the principles and spirit of the gospel of Christ. The foundation of the noble edifice, on which you stand, is the public opinion expressed in the constitution. As you have assisted in laying the foundation of our state and national governments, and in raising the superstructure, we trust you will not suffer the goodly edifice to fall into ruins. If a rude hand should attack the building, we must look to you to repair its breaches.

At this solemn crisis of national danger and suffering, may He, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to men of understanding, direct your counsels, and inspire you with that wisdom, fortitude, and energy, which the public safety may require.

While the whole country is in suspense, and our national government resting on the only peaceable measure of security, awaits the issue of events, we rely on you to provide against those dangers, which threaten this part of the union.

We trust the honoured fathers of Massachusetts will give their efficient support to the general administration, while it seeks the security of the rights of our citizens, and is endeavouring to preserve our commerce from being destroyed by the enemies of our country. The people of Massachusetts confide in you to support our national government in the wise measures, which it adopts, for the safety of our maritime wealth; and in its endeavours to bring hostile nations to a sense of their injustice towards us, and their outrages upon us. We can have but one voice in the final result, and that voice will be, OUR TRADE SHALL BE FREE, OUR COUNTRYMEN SHALL BE PROTECED ON THE OCEAN.

It can never be, that as an independent nation we should be opposed to principles and measures which have for their tendency the protection of our maritime rights.

If the God of Israel is with us to protect us and save us, we need fear no evil. Strong is the Lord of Hosts, and having the eternal God for our refuge we must be secure. “The name of the Lord is a strong tower; the righteous runneth into it and is safe.”

May true godliness, may private and public virtue overspread our land; may our civil rulers be ever under the sacred influence of religion; and may the people generally be actuated by its principles. Then we shall have a strong city; God will appoint salvation for our walls and bulwarks. Our peace wil be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1808, Connecticut


Nathan Perkins (1749-1838) graduated from Princeton in 1770. He preached in Wrentham, MA shortly after graduation, and at West Hartford Congregational Church (1772-1838). The following election sermon was preached in Hartford on May 12, 1808.


sermon-election-1808-connecticut

THE BENIGN INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND NATIONAL HAPPINESS.—ILLUSTRATED IN

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY

JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Esq.

GOVERNOR:

HIS HONOR

JOHN TREADWELL, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR:

THE HONORABLE THE COUNCIL:

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 12TH, 1808.

BY NATHAN PERKINS, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE THIRD PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN HARTFORD.

 

GENERAL ASSEMBLY, MAY SESSION. A. D. 1808.

In the Upper House ordered, that the Honorable Jonathan Brace, and Ebenezer Faxon, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend NATHAN PERKINS, D. D. for his Sermon delivered the 12th day of May instant, at the General Election, and that they request a Copy thereof, that the same may be printed.

Test,
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.
Concurred in the Lower House.
Attest,

E. STIRLING, Clerk.
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

NATIONAL VIRTUE, AND NATIONAL HAPPINESS

DEUT. XXVIII. 1, 2.

And it shall come to pas, if thou shalt hearken diligently unto the voice of the Lord thy God, to observe and do all his commandments which I command thee this day, that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God.

TO render a nation happy and prosperous, the wise and reflecting will readily admit, is of the highest consequence. The first concern of civil rulers, of those who have the management of the public interests lodged in their hands, should, therefore, be to obtain and secure such a state. And if united in their exertions to accomplish it, as their main object, unquestionably, success would generally crown their labors. There is a way, without doubt, for a nation to be permanently prosperous and happy. A moderate share of true patriotism will lead us to wish that our nation, now in its infancy, and but lately risen to be one among the empires and kingdoms of the world, may be distinguished in the annals of history, for its virtue and prosperity.

Looking over the history of former ages and nations, we have to lament that the way to gain and establish public happiness has been seldom pursued. Concerning this way, a great diversity, likewise, of opinions, has prevailed in the history of the world. Of this diversity of opinions, all history is a proof. We know that wrong measures have been taken. And alas! we also know that most nations, in the past ages of the world, have never been long happy. They have either groaned under tyranny and oppression, been afflicted with famine, or plunged in bloody and expensive wars. The right measures to render a nation happy, have either not been discovered, or if discovered, have not been adopted. It may with high propriety be observed that a people must be free, in order to enjoy the greatest quantity of public happiness. An enslaved and oppressed people, cannot possess the necessary ingredient of national glory. Such a people, as live, or rather drag out their existence, under absolute despotism, where oppressive and unrighteous laws are enacted, and are oppressively and cruelly executed, may be calm, and tranquil; but their calmness or tranquility, is the calmness of the dead sea. The chief excellence of civil liberty, that pleasing and delightful sound, so dear to our citizens, is its tendency to put in motion all the human powers;–it promotes industry, and in this respect, happiness:–produces every latent quality, and improves the human mind; and is the source of riches, literature and heroism. People who live under arbitrary governments, are found to love their forms of government as ardently as those who live in a free state, love theirs; and often more ardently. They are as contented. Perhaps, impatience and discontent are more observable in free than in arbitrary governments. Immense advantages however, result from the enjoyment of a free government. And, in this land, we have a free government. The human race are all born EQUAL and FREE. The true notion of liberty and equality is the prevalence of law and order, and the security of individuals. This is supposed to be a primary source of national happiness. The grand enquiry is, how may a people under a free government, be most prosperous and happy. Virtue is essential to the well being of such a government. The truth contained in the words now read, is, that the GREAT MEANS of obtaining and securing national prosperity and honor, are piety and morality.—By harkening diligently to the voice of the Lord our God, and by observing and doing all his commandments, we are, past all doubt, to understand the whole of revealed religion, the duties of the first and second table of the law, piety and morality.—By God’s promising to set a people on high, above all nations of the earth, and blessing them, we are to understand, public happiness, and national glory and prosperity.

The doctrine of the text is, then, most obviously, this, that piety and morality are the only CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This is a truth of the greatest possible consequence to mankind; is the uniform doctrine of the holy scriptures; and is clearly proved from the reason and nature of the thing, and yet after all has been overlooked by most philosophers and statesmen.

To this important and interesting truth, your attention is now to be directed. And no subject can be more worthy of the attention of civil rulers, and those who have the management of the national counsels and interest, or be better adapted to this great anniversary occasion, when our rulers, and the tribes of the people are assembled before God, to render their homage to him, and devoutly to implore his blessing on the commonwealth. If everyone, whether in public or private life, had a deep impression of this truth, the effect would be most salutary.

What is accordingly proposed, in the subsequent discourse, is,

I. Concisely to explain the nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the CERTAIN MEANS of public happiness.

II. And chiefly, to enquire how it appears that they are the certain means of national glory and prosperity.—And we are to consider,

1. The nature of that piety and morality, which are said to be the certain means of public happiness. Little need be offered here. No more indeed will be offered, than may be necessary to present the subject, in a fair light, and to prevent mistakes and misapprehension. The nature of revealed religion is often delineated. It comprehends these two things, piety and morality; and they are put together, in this discourse; because, essentially connected. Morality is not only an important, but necessary part of true religion. No man can be really pious, who is not a moral man; neither can he be a moral man, in the largest and best sense of that word, who is not a pious man. In the words now under consideration, piety and morality are set forth, under the idea of hearkening diligently to the voice of God—and observing and doing all his commandments. To hear his voice, is to believe all the doctrines which he has revealed, and exercise all the affections of the heart towards him, which constitute vital piety. We cannot, with any propriety, be said to hear diligently his voice, if we disbelieve his truths, or omit devotional exercises and offices. To observe and do all his commandments is habitually to perform all moral, as well as religious duties. All revealed religion, consequently, may be considered as divided into these two great branches; piety and morality, or the love of God, and the love of our neighbor.

Piety comprises all the affections and duties, which we owe to God and the Saviour. We are required to love our Maker, with supreme affection. And this supreme love to him is the grand principle of religion, and foundation of all right exercises of heart or duty to him. Here all religion begins; and divine worship, steadily maintained in its several forms, is the chief part of piety. He, indeed, is a neglecter of piety, who does not devoutly engage in the exercises of divine worship, public, social, and private. The fear of God is essential to a pious temper. We are not pious, unless we have a reverential awe of his sacred Majesty. We are to serve, to fear, to adore, and to praise him, as our Creator, Preserver and Benefactor. In every step of our conduct, we are to look up to him as the supreme disposer of events, to feel our obligations of reverence for his names, titles, ordinances and word. The first concern should be to give all glory to him, and render him, as honest minds, all the duties which he requires. No man can be really pious, who habitually and statedly omits the offices of devotion, and holy exercises of heart towards him. A principle of piety will necessarily lead to a trust in his mercy and wisdom—a becoming sense of all his infinite glories—a choice of him as our God—a cordial reception of the Redeemer of a ruined world, in all his saving work and offices, a reliance upon the revealed way of life and forgiveness—the high and mysterious dispensation of grace. It will create in the soul, a holy mourning for all our departures from God and duty, and violations of the divine law. It will dispose us to place him on the throne, as exercising a wise and beneficent government; and as ordering, directing, controlling, and conducting a dependent universe, at his sovereign pleasure, and in the best possible manner, so as eventually to cause the greatest sum of blessedness. In the exercise of pious affections to God, and stated and habitual practice of the duties which we owe him, we choose him for our portion; and say, for this God is our God forever and ever: he will be our guide even unto death.

Morality is the other constituent part of revealed religion. We are to observe and do all God’s commandments, as well as diligently to hear his voice. Our duty to our neighbor, and ourselves is to be uniformly practiced, as well as our duty to God, and a divine Mediator.—Scriptural morality comprehends the constant practice of every civil, social and relative duty. The moral man, according to the inspired volume, is honest and righteous, kind and charitable, compassionate and pure, in his intercourse with his fellow-creatures. He never allowedly oppresses by extortion—acquires property by injustice and fraud, falsehood and hypocrisy. He never habitually takes away the reputation of others by slander and lies; or wishes to destroy their peace by violence and deceit—and is careful to avoid all crimes against society—or sins against others, as malice, hatred, revenge, dissimulation and evil speaking.—His rule of duty is to do unto others as he would be done by, from a principle of benevolence. All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye the same unto them. Scriptural morality is summed up, in the following manner by the apostle Paul.—Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these things.

The moral man, according to scripture, is attentive likewise to all that class of duties, which relates to himself, as well as his neighbor. He uniformly endeavors to exhibit to all observers, strict temperance, continence, sobriety, self-government, and purity in heart, speech and behavior. If at any season of temptation, he wrong his fellow-men in their property, he hastens to make restitution. If in their good name, he honorably makes reparation, if he fall into sins, by the indulgence of passion and prejudice, pride and avarice, ambition and envy, against himself or neighbor, he penitently regrets his folly, and resolves, in future, on amendment. He makes conscience of living in all the ways of holy obedience—of assisting and helping all in his power—of molesting and injuring none.—Such is the nature of scriptural morality: of that morality required and recommended, in holy writ—and which must flow from a right principle, the love of God and our neighbor.—And we ought to remark here, to prevent all misapprehension and prejudice, that this morality cannot exist without piety—but is essentially connected with it.—There may be, we know, and very often is, an outward decorum of manners and conduct, or outward regularity of life, where there is no piety. Nay, where there is a total disbelief of all religion—of the being of God—the immortality of the soul—a state of future retributions, and of conscience. This is, many times, through ignorance, relied on as all the religion necessary to man, and is frequently called moral honesty. But it is totally different from scriptural morality, and is only built upon maxims of worldly convenience—customs of the country—a pretended sense of honor, or some selfish views; it is, however, beneficial to society.

Upon the whole, no man can be a moral man in the scripture sense, who is unjust to God, to himself, or his fellow-men. He, who feels his obligations to God, will feel his obligations to man. He, who loves his Maker, will love his neighbor. He, who reveres the divine Majesty and attributes, will regard the rights of man. We are as inexcuseable, in allowedly omitting the duties of piety, as of morality. The sum of the moral law is to love God with all our heart, and our neighbor as ourselves—on these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.

2. We proceed to the next thing proposed, which is the principal design of the discourse, to enquire how it appears that piety and morality are the CERTAIN MEANS of national happiness and prosperity. This most important and interesting truth is strongly expressed, in the words now under consideration. And it shall come to pass that the Lord thy God will set thee on high, above all nations of the earth. And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God. The whole nation was to be thus blessed and protected, defended and prospered, if virtuous. As long as they would be faithful and diligent in serving God, adhering to, professing, and practicing the true Religion, he would bestow temporal advantages—withhold national judgments—raise them, in character, and importance, above other nations, give them a name, and make them a praise in the earth. The religion, which God has revealed unto the children of men, is calculated, to make both individuals and nations happy. This is a point of supreme importance, and as the sons of philosophy, and rulers of the world, have both thought and acted very differently from it, it is eminently worthy to be accurately considered, and firmly established by argument. Had the Empires of the world, and politicians believed and acted upon this single principle, man would, long ago, have reached the highest point of perfection and happiness in society, attainable on earth. But now alas! he is as far from this desired point as ever. After so many nations have perished—so many kingdoms have risen and fallen—so many wars and revolutions, mankind have still to learn that free governments only can secure happiness to the ruled, and that free governments can only be supported by virtue. As long as the body of the people continue well informed and virtuous, freedom may be enjoyed.—The truth now to be established, is that piety and morality are the certain means of national glory and prosperity. And that they are so, will appear first, from a consideration of the origin of civil government, and what is, or ought to be its end or design. The wants of man are unquestionably the first cause or origin of the social compact. In a solitary state, he would find himself totally inadequate to procure what might be essential to his well-being. Every individual has many wants, which he cannot satisfy, is surrounded with evils, which he cannot remedy, exposed to fears, which he cannot remove, and open to dangers, against which he cannot provide. Unable is he of himself to supply his necessities. He wants knowledge to guide and direct him; laws to restrain and rule him; property to support him; food to nourish him; and clothing to cover him. All find themselves encompassed with these wants. Feeling the same wants, men unite, to provide for their own convenience; and by common industry to guard against famine, and to procure, in sufficient plenty, the means of subsistence. They, therefore, form society and government. Man, in his very nature, is social; was made by his adorable Creator, to derive his sweetest happiness from union in society. Man is naturally inclined to unite with man for protection, defense, and the common good. The end of all government, consequently, must be to secure the rights and property of all its subjects. Why should they form society and government, but to promote their own welfare and happiness! As a rational creature certainly this would be man’s object in forming government. Endowed with reason, and capable of reflection, his desire would be to possess the means of being happy. The design of forming government then must be the COMMON GOOD of the whole, and to obtain blessings for all the governed. The original purpose of the institution of government must of course be the best good of the people, at large; not to provide for the ease, and honor of such as might be entrusted from time to time with its management. The people are the source of power.—The design, then, of all government, must be the good of the governed, not the aggrandizement of the individuals, who hole its reins.

If the origin, and end of government, have been justly stated, it is apparent that the blessings sought by the social compact, cannot be attained, without piety and morality—a sense of moral obligation—a belief of a divine existence—of man’s accountability—and the ties of justice and humanity. Each individual should feel responsible to each individual, and to the whole. He must be industrious, that he may not be burdensome to the rest of the community. He is bound to avoid also all those practices, which will injure others, or trespass upon their rights. He must love mercy, as well as do justly, that he may be the most useful to others. All the branches of morality must be observed, that the community may be generally benefitted. No man may live for himself alone, but must look at the things of others, and that the public good may be advanced. But the various duties, which man owes to himself, and his fellow-men, as a part of the public, will not be habitually performed, and with a good conscience, if he feel not his accountableness to a superior tribunal, to an omniscient and omnipresent Judge,–If he have no fear of God—no regard to a future world—and if he, customarily and openly, CONTEMN the duties of piety. The moral duties are essential to the well-being of the community. But they are built on the fear of God, or piety, as their only solid foundation.

In order to cut off all objections and cavils, which those may raise, who disbelieve or deny the necessity OF ANY RELIGION, in order to the greatest national honor and glory, we ought to remark, that when it is affirmed, that piety and morality, are the best means of national prosperity and glory, it is not to be understood that no nations have flourished, except such as were governed by the precepts and doctrines of religion. Some states, which have only partially conformed to its laws, have long flourished, and enjoyed glorious advantages on the theatre of the world; either because their false religion, contained some principles in common with the true; or because in order to induce such people to practice such virtues as are essential to the being of society, success has attended such practices; or because virtue has never yet been fully rewarded, or vice punished in this world. But it will be found, that public happiness is best promoted by an adherence to religious and moral institutions. It is not pretended that this will, in every particular case, ensure the greatest temporal advantages. If an individual will love life and see good days, let him refrain from evil and do good, so if a nation would prosper and be exalted, they must adopt the same wise course. STATE-CRIMES, however, may be sometimes, for a season, successful; and may have been the steps, by which nations may have acquired worldly glory. National justice, moderation, and regard to the rights of other nations, may be sometimes an obstacle to grandeur. But if we consider a nation, in every point of light, and in all its circumstances, we contend, that the more piety and morality are practiced, the more prosperity it will enjoy; and that the more it abandons itself to vice, the more misery, sooner or later, it will suffer, according to the very nature of things, and a wise and governing Providence. If vice for a while seem to exalt, and virtue to abase it, still in the end, vice will be its overthrow, and virtue its exaltation. It is, also, worthy to be observed that by the prosperity or glory of a nation, is not intended what worldly heroes and tyrants consider as such, enlarging its territories by wars and conquests; acquiring power and influence over other nations by fraud and injustice; and becoming a terror and scourge, as executioners of divine vengeance. By national prosperity, I mean the happiness of the citizens at large, in their various orders and classes—attacking an enemy when invaded with courage—defending itself with resolution—negotiating successful treaties—possessing every blessing conducive to public tranquility—and favored with the protection and smiles of the divine Being. We do not suppose that piety and morality will free a nation from calamities. This is an imperfect world. Adversity will be mingled with prosperity. Untoward events are to be expected. There may be unhappy disputes with other nations on account of interfering interest—or a supposed interference. There may be wars—famine—pestilence—and other great and terrible evils. The most virtuous societies, like individuals, may labor under trials and difficulties, and must expect many misfortunes.

A further consideration to evince, secondly, the benign influence of religion on civil government and national happiness, is, that public bodies and communities only exist in this world; and of course, can only be rewarded and punished in this world by Divine Providence. Individuals are to exist in another life, and are capable, consequently, of being either rewarded or punished, in that state of retribution, according to their deeds. But nations or kingdoms can only be blessed or frowned upon in this world, as they have no existence in a future. A Being of infinite holiness and wisdom is at the head of the Universe, and rules among all the nations on earth. And it is infinitely desirable that he should rule and reign among them, as AS HE, in his sovereign pleasure, sees best. He is the disposer of events, and the sovereign Arbiter of the fate of kingdoms. He will let it be known that there is a righteous God in the earth. The honor of his providence is concerned to give ample testimony of his benevolent and righteous character, as ruler of the world. It is of incalculable importance to the interest of his moral kingdom, that he should manifest himself to be the lover of righteousness, and hater of iniquity, to all mankind. The righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance doth behold the upright. The eyes of the Lord are over the righteous, and his ears are open unto their prayers: but the face of the Lord is against them that do evil. Nations, then, will, by him, in his holy government of the world, be blessed and prosperous, generally, when virtuous and pious; and be frowned upon and punished, when vicious and profligate. Public happiness is the reward commonly of public virtue; frowns and divine rebukes follow national sins and immoralities. The wisest and most virtuous nations are usually the most prospered. Virtue walks with glory by her side. God testifies his anger against a people for their wickedness. He turneth a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. If they forsake him, he will forsake them. If they seek him, he will be found of them. He is with them, while they are with him. And Azariah went out to meet Asa, and said unto him, hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him, he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you. Misfortunes and calamities, follow national immoralities and profligacy, as the natural consequence, as well as by special appointment of an all-governing Providence. Could we have, in one view, the reasons of the decline and fall of kingdoms, we should find them to be chiefly national crimes and vices. Idleness, dissipation, luxury, voluptuousness, pride, irreligion and contempt of moral principles have gradually impaired; and, at length, ruined former empires and states. The natural effect of vice, and gross crimes widely diffused among a people is to destroy them. As each individual makes a part of the nation, it is his indispensible duty, to contribute, what in him lies, to the good of the nation; and as his piety will tend to bring down blessings on the state, he is answerable to the public for his conduct as it respects religion. Many philosophers and statesmen, very erroneously conceive that religion is only an AFFAIR BETWEEN GOD AND THE SOUL, and may be necessary to a preparation for future happiness, but that it is of little or no consequence to the state, whether the Christian religion be believed or disbelieved, practiced or not practiced, protected and supported, or reproached, profaned and extinguished. The idea attempted to be disseminated, is, that every citizen is answerable only to God for his reception and practice, or rejection and neglect of it; not that he is, also, answerable at the bar of the public, and to civil society. But such are the effects of religious institutions upon men with respect to their moral character, their political state, and their domestic life; that whoever totally neglects, or impiously contemns them, has to answer for it to his God, to his neighbor, to his country, and to his family. “He partakes with other men in their sins. He associates with the enemies of mankind. He does what in him lies, to undermine the basis, on which the order and happiness of civil society is built. He teaches the false swearer to take the name of his God in vain. He directs the midnight robber to his neighbor’s house. And he delivers into the hand of the assassin, a dagger to shed innocent blood.” Hence it is worthy of remark, that the most of those daring and atrocious offenders, who, by their crimes, have forfeited life, and brought themselves to an untimely death, and the ignominy of a public execution, by their own voluntary confession, have traced their career in vice, to a profanation of the Sabbath, and total neglect or contempt of religious institutions.

We add, as a third argument, to evince the importance of religion to government and civil society, God’s special treatment of his people of old. Out of all the nations, he selected one people, who should be the depository of his revealed will, and towards which his providential conduct was, for ages, to be very singular.

The history of this people is very peculiar, and is worthy of the attentive perusal and regard of rulers, and may afford the most useful lessons to all governments. They were the care of God’s watchful providence. His hand was ever visible in what of good or evil happened to them. He warned and counseled them. He often and abundantly, tenderly and affectionately exhorted and entreated them to fear and obey him, to receive and practice the true religion. If they would be faithful to him, fear and serve him, abstain from idolatry and immoralities, he would bless them, defend them against all their enemies—lift them up on high—make them a great, a flourishing and happy nation—order favorably the seasons, cause the earth to be fruitful, and be their God, their covenant God; but if they refused to obey him, renounced his religion, would commit gross crimes, and fall into idolatry, he would bring upon them his judgments, he would punish and afflict them, give them into the hand of their enemies, distress them by national misfortunes and calamities. He uniformly treated them, as they treated him and his religion. If moral and pious, public blessings were conferred; if otherwise, judgments were inflicted; all their history is a proof of this. God, treated them, in his holy Providence, as they treated his religion. If they forsook him, he forsook them. If they sought him, he was found of them. National piety was followed invariably with national mercies. But they were only a sample of his treatment of all other nations. One grand object indeed in chusing them to be his people, was to shew all mankind, that he rules in the world; disposes of nations; and loves righteousness, and hates iniquity; that national virtue will be rewarded; and national wickedness punished. He, in general, deals with nations, in a similar manner, to what he did with the Jews, as their history fully evinces. The Lord ruleth among all nations. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice. An invisible hand guides and directs, among all nations, and in all ages. They do not rise and fall as atoms float in the atmosphere without his providence. At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it. If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil, that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.

This matter is by the decree of the watchers, and the demand by the word of the HOLY ONES: to the intent that the living may know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men.—The doctrine that an infinitely wise and benevolent Being rules over the kingdoms of men, is a most important doctrine. He raises up one, and destroys another at pleasure. He afflicts and destroys, when a nation becomes awfully corrupt and wicked; and blesses, and prospers, when there is national virtue. Religion has a no less intimate relation to the present life, than to another world. Its beneficial influence affects the happiness not only of individuals, of every temper and disposition, in all circumstances and situations; but, also, of societies and nations. “As the Sun, although he regulate the seasons, lead on the year, and dispense light and life to all the planetary worlds, yet disdains not to raise and beautify the flower, which opens in his beams; so the christian religion, though chiefly intended to teach us the knowledge of salvation, and to be our guide to happiness on high; yet, also, regulates our conversation in this world, extends its benign influence to the circle of society, and diffuses its blessed fruit in the path of domestic life.”

The necessity of religion to aid government, has been felt, and generally owned by wise men, in all ages, and under all forms of government. It is well known by the learned, that the wisest statesmen, in ancient kingdoms and republics, invented and framed a religion suited to their various kinds of government, and INCORPORATED THEM TOGETHER. Their object was to civilize and reduce mankind to order and law. The idea that religion of some kind is absolutely necessary to the existence and well-being of the state or civil government; whatever be its form, especially REPUBLICS, has generally obtained among the nations. Hence in pagan countries, where there has been no revealed religion, a system of false religion has been interwoven in the particular form of the government. The reviler of religion was deemed an enemy to the state. The superstitious rites were celebrated, in much pomp, and at great expense. The design of the whole, was to strengthen the ties of conscience, and by this means to add force to government. The fears of the people were wrought upon; and to be profane towards the PUBLIC DIVINITIES of the nation was considered as an atrocious offence against the laws of the land. It will always be found, even, among the most civilized and polished, and best informed people, on experiment, to administer government, without the ties of conscience is impossible. Hence the origin of kind of religion is necessary to civil society; and where the true was unknown, politicians and impostors have invented and disseminated a false one. Even the city of Athens, learned and polite as it was, obtained this character from an ancient historian, “hospitable to the gods,” but whether by way of reproach or encomium, at this distance of time and place, cannot be ascertained. It grew into a maxim among the wisest men of Greece, “to know no man beyond the altar.”

The SCHEMES of false religion invented by the famous impostors, Zoroaster, among the Persians; Numa Pompilius, among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Romans; Mahomet, among the Arabians; and Cophal Mango among the Peruvians in South America, were all intended to soften and CIVILIZE a barbarous and savage people; or to inspire them with courage; or to make them thirst for the blood of their enemies.—How deep a sense the rulers and statesmen, in ancient lands, had of the absolute necessity of good morals and some kind of religion to the safety and well-being of the state and prosperity of the nation is evident from history.

It may be acceptable to my audience, on this great occasion, to recite from authentic history, a few instances.—These shall be ancient Egypt, Persia and Rome. 1

A fourth argument to prove the benign influence of piety and morality on a free government, and society at large, is their natural tendency or operation.

That order of society is the most happy where all are obliged to be industrious; and where industry has all the benefits of its own care. Every branch of business, by which the nation is subsisted, should be diligently prosecuted, and each citizen protected in all his rights. Religion, in its natural tendency, has a most friendly and favorable influence on this order of society. That the Christian religion has this tendency, in the highest degree possible, deserves to be numbered among its great excellencies, and satisfactory evidences. It however interferes not with POLITICS, or directs to forms of government, but requires such a temper, and such a life and conversation, as will constitute quiet, peaceable, and useful citizens, in any government, and good rulers. It regards the civil and temporal, as well as the spiritual and eternal good of mankind. While this is strenuously maintained, no one can apprehend that the idea of a RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT OR HIERARCHY, as in modern Europe, is either tacitly insinuated, or advocated. In our happy land, nothing resembling, even, in a remote degree, the INCORPORATION OF CHURCH AND STATE, to make one whole body politic, exists. Neither in the state or general government, as that phrase is understood, in modern Europe, and naturally imports, is there any UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE. And I trust never will be. In the various Christian nations of Europe, since the fourth century, Christianity has been variously blended with all the existing governments, let the form be what it might. Out of pious motives, and from a belief of the beneficial effect, of such a scheme of worldly policy, the church and state formed an INTIMATE ALLIANCE, OR UNION. In this way, both civil and ecclesiastical history of the nations of Europe, reciprocally aided and strengthened each other. To this source, it is apprehended, most of the abuses and perversions of, and even errors blended with Christianity, are to be traced. No friend to civil and religious freedom, can suppose, considering the love of power in all men, that the RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS of modern Europe, could be introduced to advantage in this country. The holy scriptures know of no such ALLIANCES. They are the fruit of worldly wisdom. The office of the magistrate, and the office of the minister of Christ are altogether different. CHRIST’S KINGDOM IS NOT OF THIS WORLD. In our free governments, in the United States, we have no religious establishments. Many learned statesmen, however, in Europe, and some in this land, consider this, at least, as an infelicity; and venture to predict, that in the compass of a few years, the gospel will be left unprovided for, and unsupported in this land; and of course, be driven out of it; and the name of Jesus be obliterated in the United States; or an effectual door be opened to all kinds of enthusiasm, and even atheism; and so our free government be overturned. Whether they judge right, time, the great expositor of events, must decide.

It is one of the perfect rights of man, in natural liberty, and which he may never alienate, to judge for himself in matters of religion. But as religious sentiments are very various, how far the magistrate or government ought to interfere, in matters of religion, becomes a question of great importance. While all idea of religious establishments, as understood in modern Europe, is utterly disclaimed—I submit to the hearer, whether the following observations be not built on the scripture, and reason?—The civil ruler ought to encourage piety by his own example, and to endeavor to make it an object of public esteem. Whatever is in general esteem, many will follow. The civil ruler may encourage, and promote men of piety and virtue, and discountenance those, whom it would be improper to punish.—He may and ought, again, to defend the rights of conscience, and tolerate all in their religious sentiments, when not subversive of society, and inconsistent with the rights of others.

“A legislature, may enact laws for the punishment of acts of profanity and iniquity. For however different the religious opinions of the citizens may be, yet all ought to condemn, profanity and impiety—and they ought to be punished as injurious to the commonwealth. Every government has a right to restrain by law and penalties, all acts subversive of itself.—Unquestionably, also, the civil magistrate, or the ruling part of any society ought to make provision for the public worship of God in such a manner as is agreeable to the great body of the society, though all who dissent are at the same time fully tolerated.—Multitudes would never have any religious instruction, or public worship, if the government did not interpose, to provide a way, for respectable ministers of the gospel to be decently supported, while employed in teaching the people. If a parent may and ought to provide for the instruction of his children, then the state may provide for the instruction of the whole family of the state in the great duties of godliness and virtue.” 2—Perhaps, in our own free and happy state, our government has hit upon the golden mean, of not interposing too much or too little in matters of religion. It is one of the chief glories of our civil constitution, or government that it encourages, countenances, and provides for piety and morality;–looks up with reverence to the Christian religion; and interposes for its maintenance. But there is no resemblance of a religious hierarchy in our state, or any improper interference of our government in matters of religion. What it does, in this respect, is fully warranted by the word of God, and perfectly consonant to reason.

The natural effect of religion is to secure and promote the peace, order, and well-being of society, and to give efficacy to the wholesome laws of a free government. The value or goodness of a thing is justly argued from its natural tendency. The advantages of revealed religion, as to this world, are great and interesting. It blesses very society. It sweetens every relation. It exalts every character. Exalt her, and she shall promote thee: she shall bring thee to honor, when thou dost embrace her. She shall give to thine head an ornament of grace, a crown of glory shall she deliver to thee. The community is made up of individuals. A nation is composed of all the families in it. In the same way that a family or individual is to be made happy and prosperous, is the community or nation. Virtue, consisting in the fear of God, and practice of morality, can alone make man happy. If we would, as individuals, be happy in life and death, we must feel the power, and practice the duties of religion. Would we, as a nation, enjoy the blessing of God, and be prosperous, we must fear him and work righteousness. Happy is that people whose God, is the Lord. Yea, happy is that people that is in such a case. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.

The influence of religion to render a people flourishing and happy is most powerful. From being a pious Christian, to a regular and good citizen, the transition is easy. So far as any individual is pious, so far he is happy. The same may be said of a nation. The means of private and public happiness are substantially the same. That which makes one individual or family happy, will make another happy, and the whole body politic. It is as necessary for the public to be honest and virtuous, as for an individual, in order to enjoy a divine blessing. A dissolute, idle, and profligate family must be eventually ruined, and so must a vicious nation. And all these blessings shall come upon thee, and overtake thee, if thou shall hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God.

We will show the operation of PIETY AND MORALITY, in producing public happiness, in a few important instances.—What is the natural effect of a full belief of the being of God on the mind of men? Here all religion begins. He that cometh to God must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder of all them that diligently seek him. A disbelief of him, and his governing Providence, as ever been found, to lead to all manner of wickedness, excess, and dissipation. By necessary consequence, a belief of these will restrain the vile passions of man. He will fear to violate his oath, to commit murder, or robbery, theft, or any other secret or open crime. Conscious that he cannot hide his crimes from an omniscient and holy God, he will dread his anger, and refrain from open transgressions of his law. This belief, in a nation, will necessarily have an astonishing effect to preserve, amid all classes, a degree of order and decorum, and to prevent those heinous crimes, which destroy public happiness, and bring down on a nation the judgments of heaven.

Again; The knowledge of the various divine attributes, both natural and moral, has a direct tendency to produce great effects on the public character of a nation, and by necessary consequence, on civil government. Take away a sense of these, and you remove the very foundation of public morals. A sense of the divine perfections, power, wisdom, universal presence, independence, self-existence, holiness, goodness, justice and truth, leads to happy consequences, both on the mind and life. Realizing these glorious attributes, we shall dread to offend the divine Majesty, and feel our obligations to serve and obey HIM, who is possessed of such transcendent excellencies. Sensible that he is the greatest, best, and wisest of all beings, our Creator, Preserver, Benefactor, Lawgiver, Sovereign Lord of the universe, Disposer of all events, and Ruler among the nations of the earth, we shall continually aim to please him by a life conformed to his will; by a reverential fear; by seeking daily his blessing; by thankfulness for mercies received; by owning his providence and government; and by looking to him for general health, for fruitful seasons, for defense and protection in times of national danger, and public calamities.

Further; A belief of accountableness, and of the retributions of eternity has a wonderful influence on the public mind, to excite both hope and fear, two of the most powerful springs of action in the human frame; the one to restrain from vice, and the other to urge us to virtue. This belief is essential to the Christian religion. And the astonishing influence which it must have on the MORALS of a community, all are competent to understand. The very idea of our accountableness at the bar of a righteous and impartial Judge, insensibly leads to a fear, lest by sin, we offend and provoke him. Knowing, that when we shall have done with time, we must render an exact account of all our thoughts, words, and actions, is one of the most powerful considerations to induce to a regular and sober life. No doctrine is more either solemn or affecting, than that we must all appear, rulers, and ruled, before the judgment-seat of Christ Jesus, and give an account of the deeds done in the body, according to what every man has done, whether it be good or bad. Add to this, the exact retributions of eternity, of endless glory, or endless misery; and no motive can possibly have more weight to induce to a circumspect behavior, to prevent or reclaim from gross wickedness. In another world, ah my brethren! We shall be rewarded, or punished precisely according to our moral and religious character, to our good or evil deeds.—The more good we have done, in our place and station in life, or been the active means of, the more distinguished will be our reward: and the more sins we have committed, and vices, immoralities, and irreligion, we have been the means of others practicing, the heavier will be our condemnation, and the deeper our misery.—How solemn and affecting a doctrine! How well calculated is the full persuasion of it, to produce most beneficial effects on the public mind and morals; on all classes of people! And, of course, to prevent those gross abominations, which lay waste and destroy society. He, therefore, is doing the greatest conceivable mischief to the community, who attempts to rid the mind of the fear of punishment, or to banish the hope of reward, or to render doubtful the accountability of men to a future tribunal, and the immortality of the soul.

It is obvious still, further, to observe, that the constant exercise of divine worship, and the feelings of our dependence on God, and the infinite obligations of gratitude we are under to him for national, as well as personal blessings, have an inconceivable influence on civil government, and the temporal interests of a people. There can be no religion among a people, where the worship of the Supreme Being, public, social, and private, is wholly neglected; and his institutions set at naught. Public worship, at the religious instructions of the sanctuary, and the holy Sabbath are absolutely essential to the very being of Christianity. Every willful and total neglecter and contemner of these, is contributing, although he may think not of it, his proportion of influence to annihilate religion. The prevalence of religious principles, and the practice of religious duties among a people are essential to the morals; and the morals of the people are essential to their national prosperity. The decline, therefore, of religion in a nation, is an awful presage of evil impending that nation. When the worship of God, in its several forms, is disesteemed and neglected, when the dispensation of the word in the sanctuary is in disrepute, when the Lord’s day is vilely abused, hen morality will fail. Industry, learning, education, peace, the social duties, and with them, all public happiness will fail—RULERS will be disrespected—wholesome laws be trampled upon—and unfounded and unreasonable clamors be excited against the government. The institutions of religion, and constant exercise of divine worship, not only tend to harmonize the sentiments of the people, and to promote amity, civility and humanity, but, also, alone support the interests of morality. If a people reverence and statedly attend upon the ministrations of the gospel, feel their dependence on God, on the wisdom, goodness, and bounty of his Providence for general health, fruitful seasons, and success in their lawful pursuits; if they feel their obligations to be thankful for mercies received, and of humiliation and penitence under his frowns and righteous rebukes, they will be disposed to such a conduct as will subserve their highest temporal interest. Nay, I go farther and affirm, that, merely performing divine service, and expressing, in prayer and praise, gratitude to God for all his blessings, national and private, and acknowledging our entire dependence on his providential government, have a happy effect, both on the mind and morals of the public.

Moreover, it is an expressly commanded duty of the gospel to pray for civil rulers, from the highest to the lowest, and for all in authority over us, for the peace of government, for public order and stability, for good laws to be enacted, and that there may be obedience and submission to them, among all classes of people. I exhort that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made for all men. For kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour. How reasonable and benevolent the Christian religion! It requires of all, peace, friendship, faithfulness, good will to man, to all men, and the forgiveness of injuries, GODLINES, AND HONESY. All are to seek blessings for one another, for all orders, and classes, rulers and ruled, that the administrators of government may be guided by wisdom, be kept from wrong measures and counsels, that we may all lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty. Godliness and honesty are united. Piety and morality go together. MERELY PRAYING, in daily addresses to the throne of grace, for all in authority, for civil government—for good laws—for freedom, civil and religious—for a spirit of obedience to good laws—for a wise use of civil liberty has a direct and powerful tendency to honor civil authority, good laws, and good government; and, at the same time, to prevent unfounded jealousies, evil surmises, variance, hatred, calumny, sedition, pestilent ambition, mean and disingenuous artifices and intrigues against government. The gospel, alone, establishes on a due basis, the rights of man, liberty and equality of the rational kind, and fraternal sentiments. The gospel is an enemy to all tyranny and oppression, slavery and arbitrary government. How wise and suitable that we should pray for all men, when our morning and evening oblations ascend to heaven: and that all orders of the community, may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. Would all classes of people comply with this one duty, the effect on government, on society in all its interests, would be most salutary. Prayer has a causal influence in procuring the blessings devoutly implored. Piety is indeed the strength of morality. Take away the former, and the latter will wither and fade, as a tender plant, from which you remove moisture and nourishment.

The practice of moral duties, as already remarked, is an essential part of the true religion. No man can be a really religious man, without morality. There may be hypocrisy, feigned pretences, and external observances of religion, where there is no morality, or even where heinous sins are allowedly committed; but there can be no real heart-religion, without the strictest regard to every moral duty. A man can no more be a Christian, or have the evangelic graces and temper, without morality, than he can be a Christian, without piety, or faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and repentance towards God. Those, therefore, who have attempted to separate piety and morality, or faith and good works, have done an unspeakable injury to religion, and greatly disserved the cause, which they meant to promote. They have, most unwisely and unhappily, crated a prejudice against either faith on the one hand, or good works on the other, and tempted some to disbelieve the usefulness of the gospel as to our present temporal well-being. Moral duties are as obligatory as devotional, and have the most friendly aspect on government, and the general welfare of society. This might be evinced, most clearly, from a large and critical examination of them in detail. All that the limits, to which I am confined, will permit, is briefly to enumerate some of the moral duties, which constitute an essential part of religion, and examine their tendency in respect to the public mind and civil government, in general. The several moral duties, which will be concisely mentioned and argued upon, are truth, righteousness between man and man, humanity and love of enemies, kindness and compassion, meekness, candor and humility, sobriety, temperance and self-government.

The religion, enjoined upon us by an infinitely wise and holy God, who perfectly knew what would be most for our good, in time and in eternity, and who would prescribe no duty to be done by us, which had not a happy tendency on society, requires strict veracity. It teaches us that truth between man and man, with which is inseparably connected faithfulness, is universally biding; obligatory at all times. It forbids all evil speaking and falsehood, from perjury down to all mental reservation, or equivocation. It allows us to depart from truth, on no occasion, even the most pressing, and from no temptation. How important a moral duty this is; and how necessary even to the existence of public happiness, all must be sensible, who give themselves leisure to reflect on the subject. What dependence can be placed, or safety had in the lying tongue, in perfidious treacherous men! When a man is habitually unfaithful, and pays no regard to truth, in his words, we can repose no confidence. There will be no binding power in an oath. In a multitude of cases, right cannot, therefore, be obtained.

Religion, also, requires strict justice, in the various dealings, among men, in every government. This includes, integrity, equity, honesty. The heart must be upright, and the whole of the conduct be regulated y inflexible righteousness. Justice between man and man is the pillar, on which rests the welfare of society. We may never be guilty of injustice and dishonesty to others: never oppress, extort from, or injure them: not in wish or act injure them in their good name, property, or right; all orders and classes of citizens are to observe all the laws of righteousness towards each other. JUDGES, on the BENCH, are to administer, impartially, without favor or affection, justice. The most of the laws indeed of society are to prevent dishonesty, and keep people upright in their intercourse with each other. So selfish, so full of malicious passions, is human nature, that even heavy penalties, exemplary punishment, and courts of justice cannot keep people from deviating from the rules of equity, in their connections in trade and business. A man, who has religion in his heart, will constantly and uniformly aim to walk in all HONESTY, as well as GODLINESS, though he may sometimes mistake the nature of justice; or through a selfish bias, or strength of temptation, be carried away from it. For no man is free from sin. How much to the honor, peace, and interest of the community, justice between man and man is, all must feel. An unjust and dishonest, cannot be long a flourishing and respected people. A national observance of strict equity will tend to prevent wars—bloodshed—and costly disputes; as well as to preserve national respectability, independence, and honor.—In a free, perfectly republican government, recourse by the citizens is too often had to the LAW and COURTS to decide on their claims. A litigious spirit should be discountenanced.

Religion, tends, further, to exalt a people, and to make them prosperous, as it censures and condemns all idleness, dissipation, excess, and vicious amusements; and requires of man INDUSTRY, in some lawful calling. It requires an attention to the duties of our several callings and stations, and a right improvement of all our time, talents, and opportunities to do good. How directly this contributes to wealth, and competency, to peace, contentment, and order, the least reflection is sufficient to convince us. Can a people be happy, or civil government be well supported, where idleness, murmurs, discontent, factions, vicious amusements, dissipation, debauchery, and luxury prevail? If a people or individuals would be either wealthy or virtuous, they must be industrious.—The prosperity of religion is, then, the prosperity of a nation.

We add, again—religion requires of all, humanity, kindness, candor, compassion to the poor, and all THE OFFICES of benevolence and tenderness. We are to be patient and forbearing under losses and injuries,–to be mild and forgiving in our temper,–to be gentle and condescending—to be obliging to all.—Conscious how often we ourselves offend—how liable to mistakes—to unreasonable prejudices, we shall feel how much we need candor from others. We are required, by our holy religion continually to exercise compassion to the poor;–sympathy to the afflicted;–kindness to the unfortunate;–patience to the forward;–humanity to all;–to think evil of no man without a justifiable cause;–to speak evil of no man unnecessarily;–to be bitter, malicious, and envious to no man;–to slander, abuse, oppress, and ill-treat no man: but to extend our good offices to all—and by a patient continuance in well-doing, to seek for glory, honor, and immortality. How happy does the practice of these mild and amiable virtues tend to make society, to sweeten the intercourse, and cherish the civilities and charities of human life!

The gospel, also, no less strictly and solemnly enjoins upon all classes and ranks, ruler and subject, high and low, the moral duties, which relate to self: sobriety, temperance, purity, and the due discipline of the passions. It never allows us to do anything with sobriety—the great duties of temperance, purity, meekness, and humility. The two Christian tempers of meekness and humility, would prevent anger, wrath, revenge, hatred, envy, pride, and all the violent passions; and of course would prevent all murder and dueling; crimes, of a scarlet color, though alas! fashionable, where the fear of God, and the love of a Redeemer have no place, or little influence. It cannot but be apparent to all, that the duties now mentioned, more than is generally conceived, contribute to secure one’s own, and to promote the happiness of others. A larger and fuller elucidation would prove the point before us, the beneficial influence of religion on civil government and national prosperity so as to stop the mouth, one would imagine, of the most bitter reviler of piety, and hardened gainsayer.

It is only subjoined, that religion has a powerful influence on public happiness and civil government, as it nourishes an ardent wish and desire to advance all useful arts, and the sciences. It is auspicious to everything, which can adorn life, or dignify human nature. It cannot be diffused, where there is no civilization or knowledge, or even exist. It, therefore, always consults how human learning may be promoted, and displays its excellence in the education of children and youth. The welfare of a nation rests much on the right education of children. As religion enlarges our views and expands the soul by the grandeur of its objects, and sublimity of its doctrines, so it affectionately regards the education of children.—It devises liberally for the teaching of the rising generation. It is unwearied in exertions for the public good. Peculiarly happy is OUR OWN STATE in having such ample provision for the education of the children of our citizens. And greatly have the legislature honored themselves by their attention to this important OBJECT. We cannot be long either a pious or free people, if this object be neglected.

It was the saying of a great orator and statesman of antiquity, “that the loss which the community sustains by a want of education, is like the loss which the year would suffer by the destruction of the spring.” If the bud be blasted, the tree will yield no fruit. If the springing corn be cut down, there will be no harvest. So if the youth be ruined through a fault in their education, the community sustains a loss which cannot be repaired. For it is too late to correct them, when they are spoiled. 3 Thus, plain is it that religion, free from superstition and enthusiasm, has a direct and powerful influence to secure and promote the public happiness, and to aid and bless civil government.

In the manner above illustrated, is Christianity propitious to the dearest interests of society. It prescribes rules to regulate the conduct and conversation of all, in every station, from the highest to the lowest. Its benevolent spirit wishes well to all; and requires all, to direct supremely their whole strength to promote the public good—to do as they would be done by—and forbids them to make self their chief end, on the pain of the divine displeasure, here and hereafter. What wise instructions does it give to all mankind, whatever be their station, to kings and subjects—to magistrates and people—to citizens and soldiers—to the church and world.—How important that we contemplate and adopt the means, by which free states may be happy. “Of the states called Republics, in ancient or modern times, all have lost their independence or ceased to exist, except the United States of America. As exhibiting to mankind one example of Republican government, we now stand alone on the globe, surrounded by ruins.” Were we to enquire into the decline of free states, we should find it owing to the general prevalence of vice among all classes of people, to luxury, voluptuousness, dissension, corruption in the exercise of the elective franchise, and boundless ambition, to a total disregard of religion.

The declarations of scripture are abundant to this purpose. If any should be inclined to doubt the friendly influence of true religion, an essential part of which are pure morals, on the public happiness, after all the arguments above advanced, they are requested candidly to weigh the proofs from the sacred pages. The text, and all the blessings and curses pronounced, in the verses next following, down to the 45th verse prove the doctrine. Hear the tender words addressed to the people of Israel on account of their neglect of God and his laws. O! that they were wise, that they understood this; that they would consider their latter end! How should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. Agreeably to this are the affecting words uttered by the Psalmist. O! that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways. I should have soon subdued their enemies, and turned mine hand against their adversaries. Their time should have endured forever. I should have fed them also with the finest of the wheat, and with honey out of the rock should I have satisfied them. What a rich promise is made in Isaiah?—Thus saith the Lord thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel, I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee to profit, which leadeth thee by the way thou shoudst go. O! that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! Then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea. Thy seed also had been as the sad, and thy name should not have been cut off, nor destroyed before me. See also the threatenings denounced by Jeremiah against a degenerate and corrupt people. Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not e towards this people; cast them out of my sight, and let them go forth. And it shall come to pass, if they say unto thee, whither shall we go forth, then thou shalt tell them, thus saith the Lord, such as are for death, to death, and such as are for the sword, to the sword, and such as are for the famine, to the famine, and such as are for the captivity, to the captivity. Thou hast forsaken me, saith the Lord, thou art gone backward; therefore will I stretch out my hand, and destroy thee; I am weary of repenting. A people are said to be happy, who have God, for their God. Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord. Righteousness is said to exalt, and sin to reproach a people. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach of any people. The happy effect to a people of virtuous rulers, and unhappy effect from wicked rulers are thus stated. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.—It is needless to recite more proofs from the word of God. Suffice it to say, that a wise and holy God, in his providence, conducts towards a people according to their treatment of him; and that the people of Israel were constantly prosperous or afflicted, as religion flourished or declined among them; and that he deals with all nations, to whom to whom he has revealed his will, in a similar manner. If we were called, to offer an apology for religion, before such an audience, the subject above discussed, would be the BEST: and, indeed, is an ample vindication of it against all the objections and cavils of infidelity. That it hath been, alas! abused to the purposes of superstition, and been employed to support ecclesiastical and civil tyranny, cannot be denied. But what blessing of heaven, has not often, by the corrupt passions of man, been abused?

Men and brethren, preserved by an indulgent Providence, in our various ways and stations, thro’ another year, while many of our friends 4 are removed by death from the theatre of the world, we have the opportunity of assembling on this joyful Anniversary, agreeably to the wise institution of our fathers, DEVOUTLY TO IMPLORE the blessings and smiles of Almighty God on the NATION, of which we are a part,–on OUR STATE—ON OUR RULERS—ON THE LGISLATURE—and ON ALL OUR CITIZENS.

And, let not the truths, to which we have been attending, be with us, mere speculation. Let us endeavor to reduce them to practice. Let us never suffer our political principles to clash with the principles of religion. Let us make it our supreme object to accept of the offered salvation, and obey the precepts of Jesus Christ, our divinely benevolent Redeemer, to believe the doctrines, and conform to the laws of his religion, and always seek the Lord, then he will be found of us: For public happiness is of him. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth. By so doing we shall draw down blessings on our nation, still more valuable, than we have already enjoyed. The blessings which we have enjoyed, are such as ought to inspire us with lasting gratitude to the great Author of every good and perfect gift, the wise RULER among the nations, who setteth up one, and pullet down another. Through the good hand of our God upon us, we enjoy yet our liberties, and a free, equal, republican government. The same spirit of rational liberty, removed far from all licentiousness; the same love of our country, the same desire to enjoy the blessings of both civil and religious freedom; which were so conspicuously manifested, when our independence was established, should still operate with the same vigor. The grand question, which is equally interesting to all, is how may this great nation be long free, prosperous and happy; our rights; civil and religious, be enjoyed by all classes of citizens; our favored republic be perpetuated; saved from the evils, which have overwhelmed all past republics, buried the people under oppression and tyranny, and left them to mourn the loss of that liberty, which they never could again recover. History faithfully records by WHAT MEANS, free states have been ruined. May we have wisdom to receive the lessons of experience. In the United States, we have a free government. Few nations have enjoyed the opportunity of taking up government, upon its first principles, and chusing that form, which is best adapted to their situation, and most productive of their public interests and happiness. The government of the United States approaches the nearest to the social compact of any that history can furnish. It is as well, or better, perhaps, calculated for promoting the happiness, and preserving the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens, than any ever yet framed by the wisdom of man. Placing liberty in the custody of the people, it wisely guards against anarchy and confusion, on the one hand, and tyranny and oppression on the other. It is framed upon an extent, not only of civil, but of religious liberty, unexampled in any other country. The sacred rights of conscience are so secured, that no citizen is molested on account of his religious profession and sentiments. How should this consideration endear it, to its citizens, and induce them to regard it with a veneration and affection, rising even to enthusiasm, like that which prevailed at Sparta and at Rome. Happy people whose lot has fallen to them in pleasant places, and who have a goodly heritage! Happy people! If we have wisdom and virtue to improve aright, the advantages which we enjoy! Blessed be God who hath isited and redeemed his people: who hath called them to liberty, and granted them a free government! We have attempted above, to prove from reason and scripture, what are the certain and infallible means of national glory and prosperity; of establishing and perpetuating public happiness; and these are the prevalence of religious and moral principles, and practices, piety and morality. The great object of civil rulers, of those who make laws, or administer justice, or preside over the public interests, from the chief magistrate to the lowest, should be to render, as far as possible, the state happy, to advance the public good, the order and well-being of society. Consulting the annals of every government and people, we shall find, that arms and wealth, have been considered by most nations, and most politicians as the principal means of securing to a people, national glory and happiness. Piety and morality have been generally overlooked. If the arguments above urged, be conclusive, the civil ruler will feel it his duty, to endeavor to make the people happy, by making them virtuous. Much may he do, by example, by promoting men of good moral and religious principles and lives. We have been happy, in having from the beginning, even to the present day, a series of chief magistrates, who have been not only an honor to the state, but ornaments to our churches. May such a series be still continued, of EXCELLENT MEN, and EXCELLENT RULERS. Not only those clothed with civil offices and power, but the ministers of the glorious gospel of the Son of God, may, in the light of this subject, see their duty. The object of their office is to promote the spiritual and eternal good of man, his well-being in this world, and his future blessedness. Their business is to minister in holy things, avoiding all subjects foreign to their sacred calling. It is our business to study and teach Christianity, and thus to promote the civil, as well as spiritual good of man. What a noble employment! To fidelity and zeal, the motives of religion call us; and, also, motives of regard to our country. From love to religion and the souls of men, from a regard to the prosperity of our state and land, let us diligently study the evidences, nature, doctrines and duties of Christianity, and inculcate them with all plainness, assiduity and perseverance.

A consideration that we have but a short period, in which to labor in the gospel ministry, may well animate us to greater, and still greater zeal. We cannot continue long by reason of death. Since the last anniversary of this kind, several of our brethren in the Christian ministry, in our state, have closed life, and been called off from their labors. Let us drop a tear over their memory, and prepare to follow them to the silence of the tomb! 5

All this numerous assembly are deeply interested in the truths which I have illustrated. Men and brethren—you cannot be happy as individuals, but in the way of piety and virtue. You have not only the motive of eternal happiness, to choose the Lord for your God, but the motives of the peace, good order and happiness of the people, as a body politic, and the general happiness of the state. In a republic, all authority is derived from the people; and such as they are generally, such will be their representatives, legislators and civil authority. In order for the prosperity, and even existence of a FREE GOVERNMENT, there must be virtue and good morals among the great body of the people.—Where the elective franchise is enjoyed, those who rule, will, in character, be the same as the ruled. Let all make it their first and highest concern, to devote themselves to a life of piety, to the fear, love and service of God. And remember, your day of probation is rapidly passing away. Soon, at the longest, you will all be removed from earth, and go down to the dust of death. It is, therefore, of infinite importance that you embrace the gospel, receive a Saviour, who died for you, and prepare for a blessed immortality. How glorious the end of true religion! How desirable its effects!

We are happy, in being now met together in this large assembly, on this great occasion, and, for the first time, in this beautiful, elegant, and magnificent temple of worship, erected at great expense, and by the commendable exertions of this people.—But before the next return of this Anniversary, how many, who are now here, will belong to the great congregation of the dead, and be fixed unalterably in their eternal state! Who—where now in this Assembly are the persons thus destined so soon to another world.—Ah!—we all must travel the same dark road of death. What one individual here present can say he is not one of this number? Are we all prepared for our eternal state? In that state we shall all be soon found, while other busy mortals like ourselves, will take our places on this stage of life.—Never—never shall we all meet together again, till we meet with the assembled universe, before the tribunal of our final Judge.

The God of all grace, enable us so to live, that we may, at that solemn period, be found on the right hand of our Judge, and by the sentence of his mouth, have our portion assigned us with the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven, with the spirits of just men made perfect, with an innumerable company of angels, with Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant, and with God the Judge of all.

Blessing and honor, and glory, and power be unto him that sitteth on the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. By what mysterious art did ancient Egypt subsist, with so much glory during the period of fifteen or sixteen ages? By a benevolence so extensive that he who refused to relieve the wretched, when he had it in his power to assist him, was himself punished with death; by a justice so impartial that their kings obliged the judges to take an oath that they would administer impartial justice, though they, the kings should command the contrary; by an aversion to bad Princes so fixed as to deny them the honors of a funeral; by entertaining such just ideas of the vanity of life as to consider their houses as Inns, in which they were to lodge, as it were only for a night; and their sepulchers, as habitations, in which they were to abide for many ages; for which reason, they united, in their famous Pyramids, all the solidity and pomp of architecture; by a life so abstemious that even their amusements were adapted to strengthen the body and improve the mind; by such a remarkable readiness to discharge their debts that they had a law, which prohibited the borrowing of money, except on the condition of pledging the body of a parent for payment; a deposit so venerable that a man who deferred the redemption of it was looked upon with horror; in a word, by a wisdom so profound that Moses himself is renowned in scripture for being learned in it.—See Diodorus, Siculus, and Herodotus, Liber 2—The Persians, also, obtained a distinguished place of honor, in ancient history, by considering falsehood in the most odious light, as a vice the meanest and most disgraceful; by a noble generosity, conferring favors on the nations they conquered, and leaving them to enjoy all the ensigns of their former grandeur; by an universal equity, obliging themselves to publish the virtues of their greatest enemies; by educating their children so wisely that they were taught virtue as other nations were taught letters. The children of the royal family and of the nobles were at an early period of life, put under the tuition of four of the wisest and most virtuous statesmen. The first taught them the worship of the gods; the second trained them up to speak the truth and practice equity; the third habituated them to subdue voluptuousness, and to enjoy real liberty, to be always masters of themselves and their own passions; the fourth inspired them with courage, and by teaching them how to command themselves, taught them how to rule over others.
The Romans founded their system of policy upon the best and wisest principle, the fear of the gods—See Montague’s Letters, a firm belief of diving superintending Providence, and a future state of rewards and punishments. Their children were trained up in this belief from tender infancy, which took root and grew up with them, by the influence of an excellent education, where they had the benefit of example, as well as precept. Hence we read of no heathen nation in the world, where both the public and private duties of their religion were so strictly adhered to and so scrupulously observed as among the Romans. They imputed their good or bad success to the observance or neglect of these duties, and they received public prosperity, or public calamities, as blessings conferred, or punishments inflicted by their gods. Though the ceremonies of their religion justly appear to us instances of the most absurd and most extravagant superstition, yet as they were esteemed the most essential acts of religion by the Romans, they must consequently carry all the force of a religious principle.—In his book on soothsaying, Cicero the great Roman Orator and Philosopher, speaking of his countrymen says, We neither exceeded the Spaniards in number, nor did we excel the Gauls in strength of body, nor the Carthagenians in craft, nor the Greeks in arts and sciences, but we have indisputably surpassed all the nations of the universe in piety and attachment to religion, and in the only point that can be called true wisdom, a thorough conviction that all things here below are directed and governed by divine Providence. To this principle alone he wisely attributes the grandeur and good fortune of his country. From this principle proceeded that respect for, and submission to their laws, and that temperance, moderation, and contempt for wealth which are the best defence against the encroachments of injustice and oppression. Hence too arose that inextinguishable love of their country, which, next to the gods, they looked upon as the chief object of veneration.—Cicero de officiis, This they carried to such a height of enthusiasm, as to make every tie of social love, natural affection, and self-preservation give way to this duty to their dearer country. Hence proceeded that obstinate and undaunted courage, that insuperable contempt of danger, and death itself, in defence of their country which completes the idea of the Roman character, as it is drawn by the historians in the virtuous ages of the republic. As long as the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans, weakened this principle of religion, and prepared them for the reception of Atheism, which is the never failing attendant on luxury. And thus by their rapid and unexampled degeneracy was brought on the total subversion of that mighty Republic.”

2. Witherspoon’s Lectures.

3. Belknap’s History of New-Hampshire.

4. And one from the council-board; Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, who in point of talents had few equals—who bore a distinguished part in our country’s cause and honors—and over whose memory who would not weep?

5. Five have departed life—Rev. Mr. Brockway, of Columbia. Rev. Mr. Rexford, of Huntington. Rev. Mr. Bray, of North Guilford. Rev. Mr. Eells, of North Branford. Rev. Mr. Enoch Pond, of Ashford.