The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Century – 1801

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

Lathorp delivered  this message on January 1, 1800, ushering in the new era.


sermon-century-1801-2

Dr. Lathrop’s
CENTURY SERMON.

The works of GOD in relation to the church in general, and our own land in particular especially in the last century, considered in
A
SERMON,
Delivered
In West-Springfield, on the 1st day of the
NINETEENTH CENTURY.

By JOSEPH LATHROP, D. D.

 

PSALM LXIV. 9
All men shall fear, and shall declare the work of God for they shall wisely consider of his doing.

As God manifests himself to us in his works, it is our wisdom to contemplate them, as far as they come within our view. And we are to consider them wisely; in their connection with one another, and their relation to their end; in the benefits resulting from them to ourselves and to mankind. To consider them piously and devoutly, that our conceptions of the Author may be enlarged, our gratitude to him enlivened, and our faith in him established.

The contemplation of God’s works may be daily exercise, but there are particular seasons which especially invite us to this agreeable employment. The anniversary of great events and the beginning of a new year may, with great propriety, be chosen for this devout purpose. The emancipation of the Jews from Egypt gave them a new epoch, and fixed the month in which their ecclesiastical year should in future begin. This event was ever after to be recognized by a festival celebrated in the same month.

Civilized nations have generally had an era from which they dated their time. The Greeks dated their time. The Greeks dated from the institution of their public games; the Romans from the building of their city; the Turks and Arabians date from the flight of their prophet from Mecca to Medina. Christian nations have a more remarkable epoch, the birth of that wonderful person, who taught their religion, founded their Church, and purchased their salvation. This epoch came not into immediate use among Christians It was first used by Dionysius a Roman abbot, in the beginning of the sixth century; and next by Bede, and English writer, in the beginning of the eights century. After him it soon came into general use. The French that they might wipe away the very remembrance of Christianity, have with the Sabbath, abolished this era, and substituted their own revolution. Other nations retain it, and all Christian nations will doubtless continue to retain it in memory of the great Redeemer.

As this day begins, not only a new year, but a new Century from that memorable era, it is proper that we should employ a part of it in recollecting the works of God, and wisely considering his doings. And as we date our time from the birth of the Savior of men, and the Ruler of the Church, God’s doings in relation to the Church in general, o our own country in particular, and more especially in the last century, will most naturally fall under our contemplation.

In surveying so spacious a field, we can only select some of the most prominent objects.

The though which first meets us is grand and solemn. Eighteen hundred years ago was born in Judea the great Redeemer of our fallen race. After spending about thirty years in private life, he appeared on the public theatre, taught that divinely excellent religion which is conveyed to us, and confirmed the truth of it by his miraculous works, then voluntarily submitted to a death on the cross for the expiation of human guilt and for the father proof of his heavenly mission; soon returned from the dead, and, after spending a few days among his disciples, visibly ascended into heaven in the presence of more than five hundred people. Before his ascent, he founded a Church, or rather enlarged the foundation of the ancient Church, and commissioned a number of his disciples, whom he had educated for the work, to go forth into all the world, and by their preaching and miracles to collect subjects into his kingdom. And he left them a promise, that he would never forsake the faithful ministers of his word, and that his Church founded on the truth, as on a rock, should stand unmoved, and the gates of hell should never prevail against it. His promise we, to this day, see remarkably verified, and hence receive fresh evidence of the truth of his religion.

The religion of Jesus soon made a mighty progress. It subverted the idolatry and polytheism of the heathens, reclaimed them from their abominable vices, introduced among them a traditional worship, and formed them to virtuous manners. Within the age of the Apostles it had spread over the greatest part of the Roman Empire, and found a place even in Cesar’s household. That a religion so holy, so contrary to the opinions and vices, the habits and prejudices of the world, should, in so short a time, so far extend its power, in the hands of such weak instruments, is an undeniable evidence, that a divine energy accompanied it, and that its origin was from Heaven.

In its progress, however, it met with great opposition: but this opposition operated to display its dignity and increase its influence.

Among the Jews arose the first persecutors of the Christian Church. Of the believing Jews many fled into other parts to escape the persecuting rage of their countrymen. The dispersed Christians carried their religion with them, and by their means it became more extensively known.

The Jews, at this time, had only a limited government of their own: their country was a province of the Roman Empire. In about forty years after the crucifixion, they were totally subdued and extirpated by the Romans, whom they had exasperated by repeated insurrections, being excited thereto by a false expectation of a Messiah to deliver them from this foreign government, and to give them dominion over all nations.

Their rejection of the gospel of Christ was the direct cause of their destruction. Had they believed in the Savior already come, they would not have looked for another, nor in this vain expectation have risen in arms against the Romans. In this war, in which they resisted their enemies with an enthusiastic ardor, they were finally conquered, multitudes perished, the rest were captivated and dispersed. The have never since existed in a national form, and never will, till the fullness of the Gentiles shall come in. They fell by their infidelity, we stand by faith. Let us not be high minded, but fear. If a people, who have had the gospel, explode it for the abominable licentiousness of infidelity, misery, and destruction await them.

The first Christian Church was in Judea. It might naturally have been expected, that the conquest of that country would have been the extinction of the Church. But it proved the reverse this conquest was an awful display of God’s wrath against the enemies of truth, and a striking accomplishment of the prophecies delivered by Christ, a few years before, concerning this grand catastrophe. The dissolution of the Jewish state suppressed the most implacable enemies of the Church. The dispersion of the Jews spread the knowledge of the Old Testament, and the flight of Christians disseminated the doctrines of the New, and both concurred to awaken enquiry and excite attention. The present state of the Jews, wholly expatriated, everywhere dispersed, generally despised, often oppressed, and still preserved a distinct people, is so singular, so correspondent to prophecy, and so expressive of God’s design to collect them again into a national capacity, that it must be regarded as a standing proof of the divinity of the gospel.

Christianity, in the second and third centuries, while it was in progress in the empire, suffered repeated persecutions from the pagan powers. But still it increased and grew. Persecution kept the zeal of Christians alive, and directed it to its proper object, their exemplary piety, peaceableness and benevolence confounded the accusations of their enemies; and the power of divine grace remarkably animated them in their dangers, and supported them in their sufferings. Hence many were constrained to confess, that God was among them of a truth.

In the beginning of the fourth century, the Church had a season of rest. Constantine the Great was called to the imperial throne. He, being a friend to Christianity, put an end to her grievous persecutions. In him was in some measure fulfilled the prophet’s prediction concerning the Church that “kings should be her nursing fathers.” This prediction will be more eminently fulfilled in a happy age yet to come. After the government of the empire fell into the hands of Christian princes, the Church enjoyed a season of prosperity. Her increase and happiness in this period, John, in the 7th chapter of the Revelations, describes by the sealing of 144,000 out of the tribes of Israel, and by the accession of innumerable multitudes from all nations of the earth. The happy alteration in the state of the Church consequent on the transition of the government from Heathen to Christian Princes was a new subject of praise in Heaven. On this occasion the saints and the angels fell down before the throne of God, ascribing to him blessing and glory and thanksgiving for the salvation which he had granted to the Church. If any imagine that civil government in a Christian land may safely be committed to infidels, let them recollect that this is not the opinion of Heaven. Saint Paul, indeed, directs Christians to be subject to, and peaceable under the then existing government, though administered by heathen magistrates : but where Christians have the power of choice, he instructs them to submit their temporal controversies to wise men chosen from among themselves; not to unbelievers, or heathens, who were least esteemed in the Church.

In this state of security, the Church, after some time, degenerated into a lukewarm and worldly spirit. Heresies of various kinds started up, as is common, when the power of religion declines; and Christians, now delivered from their common enemy, fell into warm altercations and violent animosities among themselves. In this period, Arianism, or the denial of the proper divinity of Jesus Christ, first disturbed the peace of the Church. Before this time, Christians had spoken of the Trinity in the God head, and the character of Christ, very much in the language of scripture, and thus had avoided all dangerous controversy on these mysterious subjects. But, Arius a presbyter of Alexandria, hearing, in the assembly of Elders, the divinity of Christ asserted in  terms, which he thought exceptionable, rose in opposition to it, and affirmed, that Christ, though the noblest of creatures, still was but a creature. His opinion was warmly embraced by many, and by many as warmly opposed. The Church was divided; the parties hereticated each other, and by their intemperate zeal produced distraction and violence. Other controversies grew out of this; an immoderate heat attended them; and pure and practical religion was in danger of being consumed in the flame of party zeal. Christians now needed, and soon they experienced new judgments to arrest their attention to, and engage their hearts in the practical concerns of religion.

In the fifth century the northern barbarians in prodigious numbers broke into the western empire, and carried conquest and devastation with them. They plundered and demolished opulent cities, laid waste large tracts of country and took and sacked Rome itself, overturned the ancient government and established their own, and divided the empire into those ten kingdoms, which Daniel and John had foretold under the figure of ten toes on the feet of Nebuchadnezzar’s image, and ten horns on the head of the beast. From the fulfillment of these prophecies there arose a new proof of the divinity of the scriptures. These calamities, for a while threatened the destruction of the empire and the extinction of the Church; but they ultimately proved favorable to mankind, and to the Christian cause. They repressed the exorbitant power of the empire, checked the growing luxury of the age, and called the attention of serious Christians to the solid doctrines and precepts of religion; and they eventually contributed to the spread of the gospel; for these victorious barbarians, instead of imposing their own superstitions, adopted the religion of the countries which they conquered. They, however, mingled with Christianity some of their pagan ceremonies, and thus unhappily prepared the way for a more easy introduction of the papal superstition. But the corruption, now openly appearing, awakened, for the present, the concern of pious Christians, and roused the zeal of the abler and better part of the clergy, to explain the nature, assert the simplicity and vindicate the truth of the religion taught in the gospel. Thus pure religion was maintained amidst gross and threatening corruptions.

When Christianity began to assume a worldly form, avarice and ambition became motives to spiritual offices and ecclesiastical distinctions. The successive pastors of the church in the city of Rome felt and discovered the influence of these motives in a peculiar manner. They contended for a superiority in office above other ministers, and for the preeminence of this Church above other Churches. And in the beginning of the seventh century, the Bishop then in office succeeded I his ambitious project so far as to obtain from the Emperor the title and authority of Pope, or Supreme Head of the Church. In the middle of the next century the Roman pontiff was vested with civil authority. This papal power is supposed to be the beast in the Revelation. This is to continue from the time of its rise, 1260 years. If we date its rise from the former of these periods, it is within about 60 years of its fall; if from the latter, it will stand 200 years longer. Its present condition does not promise so long a duration.

After the papal power began to operate, ignorance and superstition more and more prevailed, and the Church sunk into dismal bondage and darkness. The pontiff claimed a superiority over kings, assumed the power of remitting and indulging sins, pretended to infallible knowledge, took the scriptures out of the hands of the people, and disposed of their property and their souls according to his own sovereign will. The spirit of liberty and enquiry was almost suppressed, and pure, genuine Christianity scarcely to be found.

In this dark period, however, there were some, who had better discernment, maintained the truth, and lamented the general corruption. These were the two witnesses, who, during the reign of the beast, were to prophecy, clothed in sackcloth. Some efforts for a reformation, from time to time, were made; but with little success, until the beginning of t the 16th century when God remarkably appeared for the support of the sinking Church and the revival of expiring Christianity. Men of eminent ability and invincible fortitude were raised up, who opposed the vices and corruptions of the times with a force of argument which confounded their adversaries, and with boldness of spirit, which astonished the world. Their preaching awakened the drowsy multitude to enquiry, and their writings, aided by the art of Printing, now lately invented, gave the pure doctrines of the gospel a rapid spread. The Pope, feeling his danger, had recourse to arms: many princes, embracing the reformation role in its defense. A war commenced which, continuing for some years with various success, terminated in favor of the reformed religion.

The reformation soon made a public appearance in England, the country of our fathers, where the principles of it had been more privately taught for many years. It met, however, with violent opposition, and suffered severe persecution. In one reign it was conceived and protected, in another it was condemned and execrated by the ruling powers, until about the middle of the sixteenth century, when, in the reign of Elizabeth, it was fully established. Attempts to subvert it were afterward made, but they were providentially defeated.

The reformation, though a glorious, was an imperfect work. Many pious and discerning people wished it might be carried to greater purity: but if this might not be done, they at least, wished for themselves to be excused from a compliance with certain ceremonies retained in the English Church; and on this condition, they would gladly have continued in her bosom. But in this request they could not be indulged. An unqualified conformity to all her established ceremonies was an indispensable term of communion. They were therefore compelled to withdraw. These puritans, as they were now called, suffered great oppressions and cruelties from the bigotry of the Church and the tyranny of the court. They were deprived of the rights of humanity as well as of conscience. They were dragooned from the sanctuaries of worship, hunted in their secret retreats, ferretted from place to place, until wearied out with dangers, and worn down with sufferings, they sought asylum, firs in Holland, and then in the deserts of America.

We are now, in the course of our narrative, come to our own country. Had persecution and tyranny been unknown in Europe, America might long have remained a wilderness. How important are the consequences of those oppressions, which our fathers suffered! What a mighty territory is here cultivated, once a wilderness, the haunt of savage beasts and men more savage! How much has Europe been populated by emigrations to, and enriched by commerce with the American world! She supports millions more than could have been nourished in her bosom, if she had derived no assistance from America. What an increase of human liberty – what a spread of knowledge – what a growth of wealth – what an enlargement of the Church, have followed from events which portended nothing but misery! How unsearchable are the ways of God!

The settlement of New England, which began in the year 1620, was at a time, and in a manner the most favorable that can be imagined, to the introduction of the Gospel in its genuine purity. It was a little after the reformation from Popery, and just before the eruption of infidelity in England. The reformation was there established about sixty years before, and the first deistical book was there published by Lord Herbert about ten years, and the next by Hobbes, about thirty or forty years after the settlement of this country began. Had it begun a little earlier, Popery would have been the prevailing religion: had it been deferred a little longer, the seeds of infidelity, planted with it, would have taken root in the soil, and produced their poisonous fruits with the luxuriance, in which they have appeared in some parts of Europe. The period of the settlement seems to have been providentially chosen for the purpose of preserving the purity of religion. The principal adventurers in this arduous enterprise were men distinguished for their ability and learning their zeal and fortitude. Hence Churches were immediately erected, eminent ministers settled, decent provision made for their support, and a college soon founded and endowed to supply the Churches with learned ministers. Our fathers had too much wisdom to think that illiterate men were capable of performing the ministerial duties; they had too much honesty to pretend that divine inspiration would supersede a learned education; they furnished themselves for the service of the Churches, should perform the service at their own charges.

The settlement of New England was begun by a small number of people. There arrived at Plymouth in 1620 no more than 101 persons; and of these nearly half died in the ensuing winter. In the space of twenty years, there came over from England about 21,000 persons, men, women and children, of whom few settled in Plymouth were the soil was uninviting, but the greater part planted in Massachusetts, Hampshire, Maine, and other places. After the year 1640, there were few emigrations from England, as persecution had then ceased; and many, who had come hither, returned to enjoy the sweets of their native land.

The perils and distresses of these settlers in a dreary wilderness, filled with savages, must have been inconceivable, and their preservation and increase remarkably providential; as it was at any time in the power of savages to have extirpated them, had they not been mercifully restrained. There were times, however, when the natives, apprehensive of danger from these increasing foreigners, attempted a general combination for their destruction. The most distinguishable seasons of danger, were in the conspiracy of 1630, in the Pequot war of 1636, and in Philip’s war of 1675, in which Springfield was burnt, and many other towns; some within 20 miles of Boston. But these combinations were broken and defeated; and the two last with such destruction and terror to the natives as greatly facilitated the progress of the English settlements. These wars, however, were exceedingly calamitous. By a computation made at the close of Philip’s war, the losses sustained by the English amounted to £150,000 besides expenses incurred in their defense. There were 1,200 houses burnt: 8,000 head of cattle of all kinds killed; several thousands of bushels of grain destroyed; and great numbers of the active men and promising youth of the country slain. Of the Indians, it is said, more than 3,000 were destroyed.

About the year 1664, the colonies were alarmed with a danger of a different kind. Their enemies here and in England had been secretly plotting to annihilate or abridge their charter privileges. Commissioners were now sent from the king, vested with powers incompatible with these privileges; and they opened and exercised their powers with a hauteur which indicated no friendly design. By the prudent firmness of the colonial assemblies, especially that of Massachusetts, the commissioners were disappointed and with some disgust embarked for England. Apprehensions still remained, that by their unfavorable report to the king, new displeasure would be raised, and a new attempt made against the colonies. But the commissioners, in their homeward voyage, by storms and capture, lost all their papers, and no report was ever made.

In 1686 the design was renewed with more serious effect. James II a bigoted papist and an arbitrary tyrant being seated on the throne, resolved, as his brother Charles had done before him to establish through his dominions the popish religion and an absolute government. But he proceeded with less cautious steps, than Charles had done. He seized the charters of corporations in England, and demanded the New England charters. These infant colonies, unable to contend with the king, yielded to the imperious mandate. The Connecticut charter was saved by an artifice, and afterward resumed; but for the present it efficacy was lost with the rest. Sir Edmund Andros was appointed governor-general, and vested with absolute powers to rule the colonies. He arrived at Boston in December 1686, and soon began the exercise of his authority. From this time, for about two years, all civil and religious liberty was suspended, and seemed to be lost. Printing presses were restrained; congregational ministers were treated as laymen, and personally insulted; attempts were made to invalidate their marriages; meeting houses were threatened with demolition, and congregational worship with interdiction. The fees of officers were fixed by themselves at an exorbitant rate. The business of probate was conducted by the governor; and widows and orphans from the remote parts of the country were obliged to repair to Boston, and pay an immoderate fee for the probate of a will. Few estates in that early period would bear the expense of a settlement in the probate office. Titles to lands were declared void without a patent from the governor, the cost of which, in many instances was more than the owners could pay; nor was the current money in the country adequate to the purchase of new titles for all the possessors. In this matter the Governor found it necessary to relax. The people were taxed at the pleasure of the Governor and four or five of his Council, without an assembly of their own. No town meeting could be held without special license. In short, ever vestige of former liberty was obliterated. Provoked by intolerable oppression and encouraged by intelligence of a probable revolution in England, the people took the desperate resolution to seize and imprison the Governor and his creatures, and to resume their charter-government. This was a bold and adventurous act: But the abdication of James and the accession of William in 1688, delivered the people from servitude and danger, and restored them to liberty and security. In four years after this, our charter was granted by William and Mary. By this the colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts were united. This, though less popular than the charter, which was lost, yet placed the people in a tolerable situation, and soon gave general satisfaction. If Britain had not been too exorbitant in her claims, it is probable we should for some time have been happy and contented under it. We have come to the century which is just closed. Here we meet events no less interesting. To trace their connection would be entertaining; but time will permit us only just to detail, them. This country in its dependence on Britain was involved in all her wars, which have occupied one half of the past century. These wars, though calamitous in themselves, have usually terminated favorably for us; and, together with the frequent incursion of the natives, they have obliged us to keep op that military spirit, which displayed itself so successfully in our late conflict with Britain.

The capture of Louisbourg, in 1745, by the New England forces, assisted by a few British ships, was a wonderful event. It raised the respectability of the colonies, gave them an idea of their strength and importance and enabled the British government to conclude a tolerable peace, after an unsuccessful war in Europe, and while it excited in that government a jealousy of our future attempts for independence, and suggested the expedience of bringing us more absolutely under their control, it strengthened our resolution to defend our liberties.

The defeat of the formidable French fleet, which, in the following year, was sent to recapture Louisbourg and destroy our coasts, and which had escaped the vigilance of the British fleet, was a striking instance of the care of providence for this favored country; for this defeat was effected wholly by the hand of Heaven – by unusual storms, sickness and mortality, without any human means.

The war, which began in 1755, and closed in 1763, was still more important in its consequences. It not only delivered us from the incursions of the savages, by which for 130 years we had been frequently alarmed and distressed; but drove the French from their encroachments on the claims of the British government, and put into the hands of that government a territory extending from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. In consequence of this acquisition, we now possess a territory vastly larger than could have been ceded to us in our treaty of peace with Britain, if the French had retained their encroachments. That war prepared the way for us to become a great and might nation. It operated to our independence in another respect. The prodigious expenses of that war put the British ministry on devising new expedients to increase their revenue. Among these the taxation of America was one. Their unbounded claims alarmed the spirit of freedom, which had ever distinguished the people of this country. As the ministry refused to recede from their claims, and we refused to submit to them, a war necessarily ensued, which, after a severe conflict terminated in our independence.

This is one of the most remarkable events recorded in the history of nations. Compared with our enemies we were few in number – without an army or navy – naturally brave, but undisciplined and unarmed – we had few experience officers – possessed little property, except the soil and its appendages – were thinly scattered over a wide country – without an energetic government – without any band of general union, but mere advice and recommendation, and without any coercive method to raise money or levy troops. We were to contend with a nation opulent, numerous, powerful and warlike; furnished with all the apparatus of war, and in a situation to form alliances if necessary. Great was the disparity – we saw it. But we felt the justice and importance of our cause. We were encouraged by able patriots. We entered the lists, trusting in the power and addressing the throne of the Almighty – we were united – we raised armies without compulsion, and we supported them almost without means – they soon were able to face veteran troops on equal ground – they endured hardship and met danger without complaining – we astonished the ocean with ships of force – we from various sources procured arms, ammunition and all the furniture of war. In many encounters we had success; in disastrous seasons we maintained our courage – we captured whole armies of invaders – we formed an advantageous alliance – we reduced our enemies to the necessity of withdrawing their forces and acknowledging our independence – we negotiated peace, which was ultimately established on terms equal to our wishes and superior to our hopes. Through the whole scene the hand of heaven was conspicuous in the production of events by disproportionate means; and in raising up and employing in the great work of men of eminent ability and unshaken fidelity, whose names will naturally occur to your mind. Among these General George Washington and President Adams were distinguished; the former in the field, the latter in the cabinet. The one at the head of his army conducted the war to a successful issue; the other, with his colleagues, negotiated an advantageous peace.

Nor can we overlook the divine influence in directing the people to the formation and adoption of constitutions, which happily combine energy with liberty; and to the choice of men to administer them, whose wisdom and fidelity have in the main preserved peace and respectability abroad, and tranquility and order at home, promoted industry, restored public credit and mutual confidence and rendered the nation prosperous and happy. If we can judge of the goodness of a government from its good effects, and this is certainly the best criterion, we must approve our own in its construction and administration.

The progress of our country in population, wealth, navigation and learning, is beyond example; and this has been most conspicuous since the revolution.

The growth of the Plymouth colony was, at first, but slow. In four years after it began, there were in it but 180 persons and 32 houses. In thirteen years its inhabitants were not more than sufficient to populate a single town. In the space of forty years it had only twelve small towns, on saw mill and a bloomer. The other colonies made greater progress. In 1643 there were in Massachusetts thirty incorporated towns, including four then under its jurisdiction within the limits of New Hampshire. Some other plantations were begun. There are within what is now the State of Massachusetts nearly 300 towns, 500 worshiping assemblies, and 400 settled ministers. The county of Hampshire was erected in 1662. There were then only three towns, Springfield, Hadley and Northampton. Within the same territory, which included Berkshire, there are now more than 90 towns.

In 1665, according to the report of the general court to the king’s commissioners, there were, in Massachusetts, 4,400 militia, exclusive of those excused by age, infirmity and office; and probably from 25 to 30,000 souls. The inhabitants at the present time may amount to 500,000. According to the same report, the shipping belonging to the colony was not far from 5,000 tons. The shipping of Massachusetts, exclusive of Maine, is now more than 200,000 tons. In the beginning of the past century, we may probably suppose, New England contained upwards of 100,000 souls; the other colonies a greater number. Virginia alone in 1671, contained 46,0000 white inhabitants, and 2,000 slaves. In 1760 there were in New England half a million, in 1790 more than a million of inhabitants. At this time there are probably 13 or 1,400,000; and in the united 5 million or more.

Within the last seven years, Pennsylvania has increased in taxable more than one fifth, and is supposed to have increased in inhabitants in equal ration, and to contain 530,000 souls. Her slaves, in this time, have diminished more than half, and are now but about 1500.

Within a century have arisen six new governments, and four within a few years, where before was only an uncultivated wilderness. Husbandry and commerce, by their mutual aid, are rapidly increasing. The shipping of the United States exceeds that of any nation, except the British. The armed ships of all descriptions, public and private, are said to amount to 300. In case of a war, which should offer inducements to the enterprise for private adventurers, the number might soon be doubled. In the Louisbourg expedition, fifty-five years age, it was with difficulty that a squadron of 12 armed ships, the largest mounting 20 guns, could be collected from New England.

In the year 1771, the exports from all the British colonies in America, including Bermuda and the Bahamas, and the shipments from colony to colony, amounted to about 15 millions of dollars. In the year 1790, the exports from the United only, exclusive of the colonies which the British retain, and of the home shipments, amounted 18 million. In 1796 they exceeded 67 million; in 1799 the amounted nearly to 79 million. They have considerably increased in the year past. The value of exports, in the space of nine years, has more than quadrupled. New York alone in 1799 exported as much in value, as all the states nine years before. Our exports in one year amount to more than the national debt. It is owing to our increasing commerce that our husbandry is in so flourishing a state. Our farmers had never less cause of complaint. The revenue arising from all our resources, chiefly from our commerce, was in 1791 short of five millions, in 1799 it was twelve and a half millions of dollars; and in this whole period it has amounted to above seventy-seven millions. This has been sufficient to defray the current expense of government, pay the interest of the national debt, and make some reduction of the principal; and all this at a time when our commerce suffered largely by wanton depredations, and when our expenses were increased by two insurrections, by Indian wars, by the building and arming of ships for the protection of our trade, and by the supposed necessity of assuming a warlike attitude on land. If we should enjoy external peace, internal tranquility and a wise administration of government, our strength and opulence in half a century will almost exceed calculation.

About the commencement of the last century, there was only one college in America, and in that number of students did not rise to seventy. Now there are in New England six colleges some of which contain from 150 to 240 students; and more than double this number of colleges in the other States.

Our country has produced many eminent characters in all the departments of civil and social life

In the late war our military officers soon equaled those of Europe in personal bravery and tactical knowledge. Our commander in chief was an honor to his country and to human nature. His reputation is surrounded with a glory to which no European can approach.

Our public ministers in the treaties which they have negotiated have shown a diplomatic skill not inferior to that of the ablest foreign ministers.

In our legislative assemblies there are speakers whose extensive science and commanding eloquence would do honor to a British parliament. And in our judicial courts, the bench and bar may boast of characters which would fill with dignity a correspondent place in the king’s bench.

Some of our literary writers in theology, history, philosophy, poetry and other sciences, might appear with reputation and acquire celebrity on an European theatre. American publications within twenty years have been multiplied, some of which are read with attention on the other side of the Atlantic. Too many7, however are frivolous some are vile. The increase of printing offices indicates the diffusion of knowledge. Newspapers are circulated through the nation and read by almost every citizen. These, if executed with regard to truth and decency, are useful vehicles of information. But when they are basely prostituted to irreligion, falsehood, slander, sedition, anarchy and party intrigue, they are the greatest curse that a nation can suffer. The moderate price at which they are obtained, and the facility with which they are circulated give them a peculiar advantage speedily to disuse their poison through all the veins of the body. A free and independent press is highly beneficial; but a licentious one is abominable. The former deserves encouragement; the latter will meet the execration of the wise and virtuous. There is no way in which a people can more rapidly accelerate their corruption and misery, than by patronizing newspapers of the latter description.

The American Revolution has been productive of serious consequences to other countries. By means of the French army and navy, which co-operated with us in the latter part of our late war the sentiments of liberty were spread through France; and, concurring with other causes, produced a revolution there. The opposition made to this revolution by the neighboring powers has involved Europe in a war, which has exceedingly deranged her ancient system of politics. Though the immediate effects of this war have been extremely calamitous, and though the French revolution, instead of exalting, has almost extinguished the liberties of the people, yet we doubt not, that the great events, which have taken place in that hemisphere, will, in the hands of providence, be made the means of accomplishing the predictions of scripture concerning the happy state of the Church and the world. The present events wear the complexion which prophecy has impressed on those which are to precede that glorious issue.

We see the prophecies fulfilling. Popery has received a mortal wound and is tending to its exit. According to prophecy, the mahometan and the papal powers will fall nearly together. The same duration is prefixed for both. Mahometanism arose about the time that the bishop of Rome was declared universal head of the Church. These two systems of superstition are equal obstructions to the spread of Christianity. This never can generally prevail, while either of those systems stands in the way.  The Turkish Empire has for some time been tottering. Its government, though despotic, is feeble and inefficient. The French have taken and still keep possession of Egypt. Passawan Oglou makes progress and gives terror to the Turkish government. He is probably assisted by the French and Russians. The Russians, who border upon and are enemies to the Turks, will probably soon make war upon them, and reduce till lower, their declining power. When popery and mahometanism have fallen, the two grand obstacles to the spread of the gospel will be removed. After this perhaps in about forty five years, if we rightly understand Daniel, a glorious reformation will begin to make its appearance. Previously, however there will be a great prevalence of infidelity. This, I fear, has not yet risen to his height, nor spread to its extent. It will be most bold and daring toward the commencement of grand reformation. The devil will come down with great wrath, when he sees that his time is short. Under the seventh vial in the Revelation, Babylon will completely fall. We are now supposed to be under the sixth vial perhaps near the last running of it. Under this we are warned, “Unclean spirits, the spirits of devils will go forth unto the kings of the whole world, and gather them to the battle of the great day of God Almighty.” These spirits of devils are supposed to be the malignant enemies of the gospel, who will apply every artifice to spread their pernicious sentiments and undermine the interest of Christ’s kingdom; and they will probably use force, as well as intrigue. This seems to be imported in the expression, “They will gather the kings to the battle,” Though they deny the right of rulers to support religion, they will call in their power to subvert it. They will, use every stratagem to put the power of the government into the hands of their own partisans, and to corrupt those in whom this power is vested. They will make a kind of open war against God. They will seem, for a while, to prevail against the friends of God and religion. This perhaps will be the slaying of the witnesses mentioned by Saint John. But these witnesses will not long lie dead. They will wonderfully rise up again and stand on their feet, to the terror of their enemies and astonishment of the world. On these enemies of the truth, awful judgments will now be executed thousands of them will be slain, and the remnant will be affrighted and give glory to God. Such a scene as we have described, prophecy instructs us, will precede the happy day.

“Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his garments.” Something of the kind seems already to have begun in Europe. Our safety will depend on our maintaining the religion of Christ, and standing firm against the machinations of its enemies. The gospel is a most benevolent and friendly institution: opposition to it must therefore proceed from a settled malignity of heart; and to what lengths this malignity may proceed, none can foretell. Let us not be shaken in mind, but stand fast in the Lord.

The 18th century has closed – and closed with an event, which, we hope, may be of happy consequence; a treaty of amity with the French. Of the merits of the treaty we pretend not to be judges. The disposal of it we leave to the continued authority. At least we flatter ourselves that it may lead to the termination of an unhappy controversy.

We wish this new century may begin with an event of more general importance, the establishment of a peace in Europe. Negotiations have been opened; but, I fear there is but a faint prospect of a pacific issue. The war has so deranged the ancient relations of the European powers, that an adjustment of their disputes will be extremely difficult; the satisfaction of their interfering aims will be utterly impossible. If necessity should compel them to a peace, it probably will be only a breathing spell to gather strength for war. This, if I mistake not, is that eventful period, in which there must be convulsions and over-turnings to prepare the way for the glory of the Redeemer’s kingdom. A people, among whom virtue and Christianity reign, will need no essential change; for the kingdom of Christ is already with them. O that we may be thus secured from a share in those judgments which will fall on a guilty world.

I will conclude this discourse with some general reflections.

1. In the dispensations of God toward his Church, we have full evidence of the truth of the gospel. From the beginning of the Christian institution; yea, from the beginning of the world, god has taken the Church under his protection. Mighty changes have been made in the world. Nations have risen, conquered, spread, declined and become extinct; others have succeeded them, followed their fortune, and shared their fate. But the Church has sustained and preserved; yea, to prevent its extinction God has often marvelously interposed. When we review God’s dealings toward it for eighteen centuries past, we plainly see that he has exercised over it a most peculiar care, and has directed the methods of his Providence in subservience to its interest. Can we doubt, then, whether the gospel be divine? On this the Church is founded: in this are foretold many of the great events which history records: evidence of its truth is constantly exhibited to our view. If the gospel is so much an object of God’s care, it must be highly important: indifference to it is a contempt of his grace; opposition is an outrage on his government.

2. Our subject gives us a humbling view of human corruption.

In all ages mankind, in a greater or less degree, have been favored with revelation. This, though in fact much confined, has been given under such circumstances, that, if men were as attentive to their eternal, as they are to their temporal interest, it would have prevailed universally. The partiality of it is no real objection against its divinity, but is a mortifying proof of human depravity. Were there the same attention to the concerns of futurity, as to those of the present life, the gospel would as easily and as rapidly spread among men, as discoveries in arts and sciences. It is a humiliating thought that when we need a remedy for our corruption, we are so obstinate in this corruption, as to spurn the remedy provided.

3. We see the importance of an attention to succeeding generations.

If the tendency of human nature is to corruption in sentiments and manners, it concerns us to communicate to our children just notions of religion, and to inculcate on them the virtues which it teaches. Let the generation on the stage faithfully discharge their duty to the next, and this again to the succeeding, and religion will be preserved. But the neglect of one generation opens the door to increasing corruption; and the neglect continued opens the door wider still; and in a succession of such generations the mounds will be broken down, and vice and error, breaking in like a flood, will overwhelm the land.

4. We see that the happiness of a nation depends on the existence of the Church among them.

This is God’s promise to his Church, “I am with thee to save thee: Though’ I make a full end of all nations, I will not make a full end of thee.” As the Church is under the protection of this promise, the nations which have a civil connection with her hence derive a national security. “Beautiful for situation is Mount Zion, the city of the great king; God is known in her palaces for a refuge.” Our security as a nation depends on our maintaining that religion which God, by a wonderful series of dispensations, has brought down to our days and put into our hands. If we neglect and despise it, and from us, our defense will depart with it, and we shall be made to feel, that it is an evil and bitter thing, that we have forsaken our God.

5. The events, which we have detailed, must awaken an expectation of still greater events.

The mighty drama is not closed. The day is coming, when the kingdom of Christ will overspread the world, and God will purge out of it all things that offend. But before this can take place, there is much to be done. God usually employs human agency in effecting the great purposes of his government, so that they seem to be brought forward in a natural way. He is now disposing the affairs of the world to introduce the mighty scene, and removing the obstacles which retard its appearance. Great alterations must be made before the gospel can have a general spread. Ignorant nations must be enlightened and arbitrary governments reformed. The paganism of heathens, the delusion of mahometans, the infidelity of the Jews, the superstition of papists, the corruptions of Protestants, the stupidity and formality of nominal Christians must all be removed. And all this must be a work of time. None of us can expect to see the glorious day foretold. It is our wisdom, however to seek and pray for such a state of religion among ourselves, as that which the world will hereafter enjoy. If we cannot see mankind as happy as we wish, yet let us be solicitous to obtain for ourselves that personal happiness, which religion offers. Let us diligently promote the faith and practice of religion within the circle of our influence – within the families in which we preside – within the societies of which we are members.

Through the goodness of God we have begun a new century. We saw not the beginning of that which is past, nor shall we see on earth the end of that which is begun. Great events have we seen, and great events will our children see. And there is one which we all must see, and which, as it concerns the individual, is more important than all that have passed before us – that within a short time, we must relinquish our earthly interests and connections, and remove, not from one clime, but from one world to another; must enter on a new state of existence; appear in presence of the Almighty Judge; receive our eternal destination to felicity or woe; dwell among spirits, holy or impure, according as our character is assimilated to the one, or the other – Good God! How amazing the thought! – To thine unbounded mercy we resort and here we rest. Compared with such a change, what is the revolution of a kingdom or the dissolution of an empire what multitudes have experienced such a change in the century past? What multitudes will experience the same in the century to come? Countless millions not yet in existence will, within a hundred years, come on the stage, act a part, and pass away to receive their retribution in another world. We have already come on the stage; our part is assigned us; our end will be according to our works. To us the gospel of salvation is given: whether our descendants will enjoy it, depends on our wisdom and fidelity. Let us cordially obey it, and faithfully hand it on to them. Thus we shall ensure our own salvation, and in the best manner contribute to theirs. Though we cannot in this low vale see all the vast events, with which the new century is pregnant, yet we may rise to a superior station, and thence behold them with admiration and joy. Though we shall not see the Church in its glory on earth, yet we may join a more glorious Church above, and thence look down on the wonders of Divine Providence toward the Church below, and join the Heavenly choir in ascribing glory and blessing to God for his great salvation to the faithful, and his righteous judgments on their enemies. Great and marvelous are thy works, Lord God Almighty: Just and true are all thy ways, thou King of Saints


A HYMN

Sung after sermon.

With wonder we survey they ways,
In which our God to men imparts
The blessings of his love; with praise
Our mouths are fill’d with joy our hearts.

From Heaven he sent his glorious son,
To dwell with men; for them to die;
From death he rais’d him to a throne,
With pow’r to rule through earth and sky.

Proud are the kingdoms of the world;
But though of wealth and pow’r they boast,
They all to ruin shall be hurl’d,
Rather than his Redeem’d be lost.

Rear’d by his hand, bought with his blood,
Firm stands his Church, though earth assail;
Through twice nine ages it has stood,
Nor will the gates of hell prevail.

Like Moses’ bush on Midian’s plains,
Oft has it been enwrapt in flame;
But unconsum’d it still remains,
Secur’d by Jesus’ mighty name.

By superstition’s madness driv’n,
To these Columbian wilds it fled;
Here nurtur’d by the care of Heav’n,
It , like a vine has grown and spread.

This vine, Dear Savior, nurture still;
Vile shoots prune off, but spare the root:
Increase it, till the land it fill
And bless the nations with its fruit.

With joy we contemplate the day,
When Christ shall through the earth be known:
Ye lin’ring years, come, roll away,
To speed the glories of his throne.

 

Sermon – Century – 1801


Benjamin Trumbull (1735-1820) was a historian and minister. He graduated from Yale in 1759 and received a theological education from Rev. Eleazer Wheelock. He served as a minster for almost 60 years. Trumbull also was a chaplain during the Revolutionary War.


sermon-century-1801-3

A
CENTURY SERMON,
Or
SKETCHES
Of
THE HISTORY OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
Interspersed and Closed With
SERIOUS PRACTICAL REMARKS.
Delivered at Norh-Haven,
JANUARY 1, 1801

BY BENJAMIN Trumbull, D.D.
PASTOR
Of the Church of North-Haven.

I. CHRONICLES, XXIX. 29, 30, AND PSALM LXXVII. 11, 12.

Now the acts of David the king, first and last, behold they are written in the book of Samuel the seer, and in the book of Nathan the prophet, and in the book of Gad the seer, with all his reign and his might, and the times that went over him, and over Israel, and over all the kingdom of the countries.
I will remember the works of the Lord: surely I will remember thy wonders of old. I will mediate also of all thy work, and talk of thy doings.

THE works of the Lord are great, honorable and glorious. They are sought out of all those who have pleasure in them. His works of providence, in the redemption, preservation, government and final salvation of the church, especially, are great and marvelous. They have employed the thoughts, the tongues and pens of patriarchs and prophets, of apostles and good men, in the various ages of the world. They have been the wonder and joy of saints and angels; and will be celebrated in their united songs forever. They exhibit the glories of God to men, and teach them their duty to him. How important is it therefore, that they should be made known to us: That they may excite out reverence and fear of him; our gratitude and praise, our hope and trust!

For these ends, those excellent men, Samuel, Nathan, and Gad, who were prophets, and teachers in the church, recorded the great events of David’s reign, and the times that went over him, and over Israel, and over all the neighboring kingdoms. – This affords full evidence that it is a pious and honorable work, becoming the character of a teacher in the house of GOD.

In our text, David, the man after God’s own heart, determined piously to recollect and most certainly to keep in his remembrance, the wonders, which, in former generations, the LORD had wrought for his people. He formed a resolution, that they should be the subject of his pious and frequent meditations, and that he would converse upon them, for his own support and comfort, and for the instruction and comfort of others. In how many other psalms does he, in a most sublime and animating manner, celebrate the divine works? How does he wake up his glory, and summon everything which hath life and breath to praise the LORD, for his mighty acts, and for his excellent greatness? How does he teach all men to regard and contemplate the works of GOD, and to praise him, for the wondrous things he hath wrought in all the earth?

Another thing worthy of special notice in the words of the text, is the doctrine of the universal providence of God, superintending all the affairs of men – all the revolutions and events of ancient and modern times. Whatever influence creatures might have in them, the psalmist teaches us that they are the works and wonders of God. In numerous other psalms he gives us the same view. Saith he, the LORD hath prepared his throne in the heavens: and his kingdom ruleth over all.[1] He celebrates the dispensations of providence over the sick, over travelers, captives, mariners, the planters of new countries, princes and nations, as governing them in adversity and in prosperity, and in all the various conditions of life. In this view, he exhorts all men to praise the LORD for his goodness and wonderful works.[2] The Almighty claims it as his sole prerogative, to govern all events. I form the light, and create darkness: I make peace, and create evil: I the LORD do all these things.[3] It was the doctrine of our Savior that the divine providence extended to all events, and to all things: That the hapless sparrow falls not on the ground without the notice of our Father who is in heaven: That he gives to the grass of the field, to the tulip and the rose their verdure, fragrance and beauty. Saith the apostle, of him, and through him, and to him are all things: To whom be glory forever.[4]

Having made these general observations, showing the duty of bringing into view and devoutly contemplating the works of God and that we should view the mighty revolutions and events of ages as the operations of the divine hand, I shall now proceed to give you a sketch of the works of God, in the century past, in Europe and other parts of the old world; and especially of his dispensations towards America, the United States, New England and this town.

In this sketch I shall more especially notice those events which respect the church of God, in which prophecies have been fulfilled and the work of redemption advanced.

At the commencement of the last century William and Mary reigned on the throne of Great Britain, and Lewis the XIVth on the throne of France. Poland was a powerful Roman Catholic kingdom. At Rome the pope reigned with great power and magnificence. He was supported by the Lewises, those powerful kings of France, by the emperor of Germany, the kings of Spain, Portugal and Naples, and by numerous petty princes and states. Avignon, that large opulent and capital city of Provence, in France, where seven popes had successively reigned, with the whole province of the Venaissin, was subject to his dominion. – In America, the French and Roman Catholics were powerful. – The Jesuits, who constituted the most deceitful, intriguing and formidable branch of the Romish hierarchy, were in full power. These kings and priests with the whole papal hierarchy, in their respective kingdoms, according to the divine prediction, had one mind to give their power and strength unto this anti-christian beast.[5]

At this period the state of literature and civilization was advanced to a considerable degree of eminence; but its progress since is beyond calculation. The improvements of the last century, in philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, law, physics, the fine arts, navigation, commerce, and manufacturers have exceeded all former precedent.[6] The acquaintance of mankind, with the seas, continents and islands, with the various inhabitants of the earth, with their customs, manners, religion, commodities, manufactures and commerce has exceedingly increased.[7] The progress in history and geography in Europe and America has been very considerable.[8] In both countries there have been great improvements in almost every branch of agriculture. In both the progress of civilization has been rapid. Numerous new and humane establishments have been made, for the relief and assistance of the poor, the infirm, the unfortunate and miserable of the human kind. A vast number and variety o instruments have been invented of great convenience and utility in manufactures, husbandry, and the numerous branches of business which employ mankind.[9]

However it is remarkable that in the midst of all these improvements, light and civilization, the most illuminated and civilized nations upon the globe, have employed one half of the century in fierce and horrid warfare. Between eleven and twelve years, Queen Anne and her allies carried on a powerful and bloody war, to defend themselves against the encroachments, growing powers and influence of Lewis XIV, and to preserve the balance of Europe. The wars of her successors, with France, Spain and America, have employed them nearly forty years more. About forty years of the same period, these American colonies and United States, have been obliged to fight in their own defense, against France, Spain Great Britain, and the American Indians. Other nations in Europe and other parts of the earth, have exhibited the same hostile desolation and death. What a public and striking evidence have all men, that violence is yet in the earth! That their feet are swift to shed blood; and that destruction and misery are in their ways?

In these mighty wars and convulsions, Kingdoms, commonwealths, and cities have been despoiled, overthrown and erased; thrones and royalty have been annihilated; whole countries impoverished and enslaved, and debts contracted which are the astonishment of mankind.[10] In Europe and America great and wonderful revolutions have been effected: and while kingdoms and thrones and cities have disappeared in some places, new and independent states, republics, and cities have sprung up in others.

Another event worthy of special notice is the growth of error, infidelity, atheism, the most filthy and abominable doctrines, immoral obscene, unnatural and wicked practices. Deism, which made its first appearance in France and Italy, about two hundred and forty years ago, and in England little more than a hundred and seventy, in the last century, as might naturally be expected, degenerated into the grossest atheism. The false reasoning and dissolute lives to which infidelity led those who embraced it so blinded and hardened them that they boldly denied authority to be a mere usurpation: That family government which God has enjoined, to be the beginning of all tyranny; AND CIVIL GOVERNMENT A CURSE. They have declared chastity and natural affection to be mere prejudices: and that murder, adultery, the poisoning of their neighbors, and other crimes of the same diabolical nature, , are lawful, and, as circumstances may be, virtuous actions. Their writings and conversation are too obscene to be expressed among people of any modesty. There is no impiety, filthiness, villainy, nor cruelty which they do not vindicate. They have conspired against religion, society, government and God himself. In the latter part of the century they spread their infernal doctrines and manners far and wide, in France and Germany, in several of the principal courts of Europe, and among people in other countries. By this means they have effected the late surprising revolutions, in France, Germany and Italy: and have filled Europe and other parts of the world with such a scene of horror rapine, death and carnage, as has no parallel in modern ages.[11]

In these wars and revolutions, God in his province, has in a conspicuous manner accomplished the predictions of his word, and diminished the resources, wealth, power and influence of the Roman anti-christ. Within the last half century the order of Jesuits has been abolished[12], and other orders of the Romish clergy, in several papal countries, have been suppressed or greatly reduced.[13] In some, their permanent estates have been confiscated. The inquisition in some popish countries has been abolished,[14] and in others greatly ameliorated. Poland, as a distinct kingdom, is no more.[15] Venice, and Sardinian monarchy, and the popish part of Switzerland, as political bodies, have vanished in the late memorable revolutions. Austria and the whole German empire have been greatly impoverished, weakened and deeply wounded. Rome and Naples have been taken, plundered and exceedingly weakened. Italy has been conquered, impoverished and laid waste.

In France, the throne of the Louis’s, those firm and powerful supporters of popery has been overthrown, and royalty and annihilated. The Romish hierarchy has been persecuted and destroyed with the hatred and cruelty which have no example. Thousands of the clergy have been slain or banished, and their estates confiscated. Not only in France, but in Belgium, the influence of the clergy has been in a manner destroyed, and their immense wealth taken from them, and employed for secular purposes. In France, Spain Germany, Italy and Egypt, millions have perished in the revolutionary wars.

At the same time the personal revenues of the pope have been exceedingly diminished, and in a good measure annihilated. Avignon, that ancient and opulent city, and the whole province of which it was the capital, has been taken from him.[16] The late pope was seized, divested of all temporal dominion, restricted to a certain pension, and exiled from his royal city. For a certain time the beast ceased to reign on the seven mountains. A successor, it is true, has been chosen and crowned. But what dominion resources or influence has he? Is not the mystical Euphrates dried up? Is there not a drought upon all its waters?

Can we not in these great events clearly see the accomplishment of several of the divine predictions, especially under the sixth vial! What can more clearly answer to the description of the three unclean spirits, the spirits of devils, working miracles, and going forth unto the king of the earth, and of the whole world, to gather them to the battle of that day of GOD ALMIGHTY, than the teachers of those impious and filthy doctrines of which I have just been speaking? Have they not above all contended against GOD? Have they not, in a very extraordinary manner, gathered the kings, and a great proportion of the inhabitants of the earth to fight against GOD? Are they not still gathering them together? Is not the figurative Euphrates drying up; and the way preparing for the destruction of the mystical Babylon?

It is not remarkable indeed, that the ten kings, the same earthly powers, which for a time, had one mind to give their power and strength unto the beast, should now hate and destroy him? Is it not worthy of special notice, that France, the very power whose king, nearly ten centuries and a half since, raised the pope to temporal power and dominion, should be the first to implacably to hate him, and  with such power and success, to begin the work of his destruction? Is there not something in this rapid decline of popery in the shaking of all the Roman Catholic kingdoms, and the destruction of so many men of eminence and figure among them, which looks like the falling of the tenth part of the city, and the slaying of seven thousand men of name! At least, do we not see the commencement of them? How strongly do these great events witness, that, known unto God, are all his works from the foundation of the world? What new and increasing evidence do they exhibit that the scriptures are a divine word!

America, New England, and the United States, in the same period, have witnessed great events and salvations. At the commencement of the century, they were few in number, poor, and scattered over a vast tract of country, the principal part of which was a vast wilderness. Their wants, enemies, and dangers were great and many. Queen Anne’s long war impoverished, weakened and almost ruined the Northern, and greatly distressed some of the Southern colonies.

In 1707, the French invaded South Carolina, demanded the surrender of Charlestown, landed in several places, and burnt a number of buildings, they were nevertheless, through a variety of providential circumstances, remarkably defeated. Of about eight hundred of the enemy, nearly three hundred were killed and taken. Among the latter was Monsieur Arbuset, commander in chief by land, with a number of naval officers, who offered ten thousand pieces of eight for their ransom.

The massacre of the Palatines, and war with the Tuscaroras in 1712, and the general rising of the Indians in 1715, exceedingly distressed the colony, and threatened its total extirpation. But, in the mount of difficulty, god appeared for the distressed colony and granted a signal victory.

The New England colonies, during the war, made great exertions to defend themselves against the enemy. In 1710 they were successful in an expedition against Port Royal. The next year, they, with the Providence of New York, made extraordinary exertions for the reduction of Canada. But the design failed by reason of the shipwreck of the fleet in the river St. Lawrence.

In 1742, Georgia experienced a memorable deliverance. – About the last of June a Spanish fleet or thirty-two sail, with more than three thousand men on board, under the command of Don Manuel de Monteano, came to anchor near the fort. They soon passed it, and proceeding up the river, out of reach of its cannon, landed the troops erected a battery of twenty eighteen pounders. The enemy had a fine artillery, under a good commander. But General Oglethorpe, with seven hundred men and some friendly Indians, defended himself for a considerable time, and finally by a stratagem, caused them, after sustaining considerable loss, to raise the siege and quit the colony.

The capture of the Louisburg by the New Englanders, assisted by a few of the King’s ships in 1745m, was a truly memorable event. Its consequences to New England to Great Britain and France were prodigious. The prizes taken, during and after the siege, amounted to about a million sterling. The French fishery on the coast was destroyed, the trade of the colonies was preserved, the Newfoundland fishery restored, Nova Scotia and the Eastern Coast protected. What was still more important, it finally purchased a peace for the nation.

The next year New England experienced a deliverance never to be forgotten. The French, fired with resentment at the losses they has sustained in America determined on the recovery of Louisburg, the conquest of Nova Scotia, the destruction of Boston, and the ravaging of the American coasts from Nova Scotia to Georgia. The armament designed for this mighty work of destruction, consisted of eleven ships of the line, and thirty smaller ships of war, from thirty to ten guns. It was accompanied with transports carrying between three and four thousand regular troops. These were to form a junction with fifteen hundred French and Indians, at Nova Scotia. The Duke D’Anville, a nobleman of distinguished abilities, in whose courage and conduct the French had reposed the greatest confidence, was appointed to command the armament. Monsieur Pomeret commanded the land forces. As early as beginning of May, this formidable fleet was ready for sea; but it was so detained by contrary winds, that the Admiral could not leave the coasts of France until the 22d of June. Admiral Martin, with a fleet of observation, waited before the harbor to prevent his sailing, but he got out unnoticed and proceeded without molestation.  The Duke detached Mons. Conflans with three ships of the line and frigate, to convoy the trade to Cape Francois in Hispaniola, with directions to join him at Chebucto, the place of general rendezvous. This powerful fleet and army were now left, without the least molestation from any human being, to carry into execution all their mighty works of destruction against the colonies. It was now left wholly to Him who disappointeth the devices of the crafty, and taketh the prey from the mighty, to save the colonies, and especially New England, from ruin. Let us be bold with grateful astonishment, how he wrought for their salvation.

Beside laying an embargo on them, for more than six weeks before they failed, he caused their passage to be stormy and tedious. Like the chariots of Pharaoh, when the Lord looked upon them, they moved heavily. At more than three hundred leagues from the place of their destination one of their first rate ships became so disabled, that the mariners were obliged to burn her. Soon after, they were overtaken with a storm, which so injured the fleet, that three more ships of the line were obliged either to bear away for the West Indies or return to France. It was not until the 12th of September, that the Duke D’Anville arrived at Chebucto, accompanied with one ship of the line and four transports only. But one ship had got in before him. Conflans had arrived on the coast some time before; and not finding the fleet, returned to France. This long and disastrous passage had totally deranged his whole plan. He waited until the 16th, and not one of the ships of war arriving, and but three of his transports, he was so affected with disappointment and chagrin, that it brought on him an apoplectic fit, or he drank poison, and died suddenly the same morning. In the afternoon, after his death, the Vice Admiral, with four ships of the line and some transports, arrived in the port.

By reason of the long passage, the troops arrived in an extremely sick and miserable condition. The admiral was dead Conflans was gone for France, more than half the force designed for the expedition had not arrived, and the season for action was far spent; D’Estounelle was therefor for giving up the expedition, and returning to France. He proposed it in council to his officers; but Monsieur De la Jonquiere, governor of Canada who was the third in command, with a majority of his officers, for nearly eight hours violently opposed him. De la Jonquiere and his party insisted, that the sick, with fresh air and provisions, would soon recover, and that they were able, at least, to reduce Annapolis and Nova Scotia: After which they might safely winter in Casco Bay, or return to France as should best suit their inclinations. The issue of the debate was a rejection of D’Estounelle’s proposition. This threw him into such an extreme agitation that it brought on a fever, and threw him into a delirium. He seemed to be smitten with a divine terror, and put a period to his own life. Jonquiere, who was a man of skill and experience in war, and zealous for the honor and welfare of his country succeeded him, and greatly raised the expectations of the fleet and army.

On the 28th of September, certain intelligence came to Boston, of the arrival of the fleet at Chebucto. It was reported to be more numerous than it really was when it sailed from France, and there was not the least intimation of the damages it had received. England was not more alarmed with the Spanish Armada, in 1588, than Boston and New England were at the news of this armament of the Chebucto. Every possible measure of defense was immediately adopted. In a few days six thousand and four hundred of the inland militia marched into Boston. Six thousand more were on the march on the first notice, from Connecticut, to the assistance of their brethren. The rest of the militia was to be retained for the defense of the sea coasts. In the meantime, the good people were prostrate seeding the divine aid. The consequences were happy; the enemy never came against a city, a village or a single fortress, or shot an arrow there. Sickness and death, in such an extraordinary manner emptied their ships, thinned their ranks, and wasted all the adjacent country – such storms and disasters constantly attended them that they finally returned with great loss and shame to their own country.[17] Our fathers stood still and saw the salvation of the Lord.

In the French war, which was proclaimed in 1756, the colonies experience d a great salvation. The French for more than half a century had been planning their total extirpation. They had nearly encompassed them, on the land side with a line of fortifications; and their plans were just ripe for execution. But those memorable events, the capture of Louisburg and Quebec, and the conquest of all Canada, in the course of the war, broke up their bloody designs, and threw them into the pit, which they had digged for their neighbours. The cession of all that country to Great Britain at the close of the war, was of high consideration to the then American colonies, and to the churches of Christ it gave then a happy season to rest, populate, increases their settlements, resources, and importance. It exceedingly weakened the papal interest, in America, and enlarged and secured the protestant territories and churches. It was an important part of that great series of events, which prepared the way for the cession of such extensive territories to the United States, at the close of the revolutionary war. Who can but be filled with a reverential and grateful admiration, in view of the immense and gracious designs of providence, in causing that chain of fortresses which had been erected around them to be delivered into their power, and to be the means of their enlargement, convenience and defense.

The repeal of the stamp act was, doubtless, a very essential part of that scheme of providence, which led to the present independence and freedom of the United States. Hag Great Britain persisted in carrying it into execution; it is not improbable that she would have succeeded. America was not then able to resist. Has she submitted to that, it is very doubtful whether the revolution would have ever been effected.

The American Revolution in which these United States assumed the rank of free, sovereign and independent powers; and in consequence of which they have, in so short a period, risen to their present state of strength, opulence, prosperity and respectability, is one of the greatest and most memorable events of the last century. That a people who, at the commencement of the war, had not a regular regiment, nor a forfeited town, nor a ship of war; who had neither money, arms, nor military stores, should maintain a seven years’ war, with one of the most warlike and powerful nations upon earth; that they should capture two complete armies, and finally obtain their independence ought ever to be acknowledged as one of the wonderful works of God.

New England and the American States have not only been wonderfully protected, but increased. At the commencement of this century, the inhabitants of New England, I supposed did not amount to more than forty-five of fifty thousands, and now they probably exceed a million. The whole number of ministers in New England was about one hundred and twenty four within the providence of New Hampshire, one in the providence of Main, eighty-six in Massachusetts, and twenty-eight in Connecticut. Now there are in New England, I suppose, about seven hundred congregational and Presbyterian ministers; about thirty-seven Episcopalian, and nearly one hundred and sixty Baptist ministers. The churches are much more numerous. In Massachusetts there are more than eighty vacant churches exclusive of the countries of Hancock and Washington, in which are more than 40,000 inhabitants, with not more than three or four regular ministers. In New Hampshire there are about forty vacancies in the congregational churches. In Connecticut there are twelve. In the Episcopalian and Baptist churches there are many more vacancies in proportion to their numbers.

The population and settlement of the United States, the increase of their navigation, commerce and husbandry, especially since the revolution, have exceeded all parallel. From an hundred, or an hundred and fifty thousands, they have, in a century, increased, probably to nearly six millions. Their navigation, a century ago, nay, at the pacification with Great Britain, was next to nothing, and now the American flag is displayed in the ports of almost every commercial state and kingdom upon the globe. The United States have now more tons of shipping upon the seas than any other nation upon the earth, except Great Britain. Their fisheries have increased in some happy proportion to that of their numbers and settlements. The old colonies, not states, have exceedingly extended their settlements, and four or five new ones have been added to them.[18]

Connecticut, since the beginning of the last century has increased from about fourteen or fifteen thousands of inhabitants to two hundred and fifty or sixty thousands. Within its limits, at that t period, there were thirty-eight churches illuminated by the same number of ministers. Now there are more than two hundred of each.[19] At that period except just in the center of the towns, it was a wilderness. Now it is covered with beautiful villages, towns and cities, and appears like a well in closed and cultivated garden.

Just after the commencement of the century Yale College was founded, which, considering its small endowments, for many years at first, has prospered beyond all parallel. It has been a source of blessings to the church and commonwealth. More than two thousand and five hundred have received its public honors. Of these, two hundred and thirty-five have been exalted to the feat of magistracy. Nearly eight hundred have shone as luminaries in the American churches. Others have been eminent in the profession of law, physic, and natural philosophy, of ecclesiastical history and the learned languages. The State abounds with academies and schools, and with respect to the degree of natural and moral instruction, with respect to the degree of natural and moral instruction, with which it is everywhere illuminated, it has no rival. Connecticut has not only settled and cultivated its own territories, but has borne a large share in planting, peopling, and forming churches, in all other States. – Her inhabitants settled Minas in Nova Scotia, Wyoming in Pennsylvania, large and numerous tracts in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, and even at Muskingum. Her sons have been envoys to foreign kingdoms, governors members of congress chief judges and general in this and other states. They have been presidents in their colleges, heads of their academies, teachers in their schools, and ministers in their churches. The have been missionaries in the new settlements, and to the heathen.

Indeed, literature, civilization, and everything which can ameliorate the state of man, hath been rapidly increasing in the United States in general. At the commencement of the last century, there was built one college completely founded in New England. Now there are six.[20]  In all the colonies, now States, south of Connecticut, there was then but one, how there are fifteen or sixteen.[21]

God hath not only wonderfully enlarged and protected the American church, but granted her happy days of spiritual reviving and refreshment. Besides the ordinary blessing of God on the churches and colleges in this country, from the beginning, there have been extraordinary seasons of seriousness and attention to religion. In 1733, there was a very great awakening, in many towns in New England, which continued for several years. – Happy additions were made to the churches; and those who had been good people before, experienced the fresh anointing’s of the spirit and was filled with new zeal and joy.[22] The great revival in 1741 was much more general and powerful. It pervaded New England and New Jersey, especially Yale college, and the college at Princetown, have experienced, several times of refreshing. Dartmouth College, has once, experienced a most happy visitation. By these seasons of salvation, a number of young men, from time to time have been raised up, whom, in their day, have been experimental, powerful preachers, and signal blessings to the churches.

At the time of the general awakening in Dartmouth College, the towns in the vicinity participated in the heavenly shower. In 1783, a considerable number of towns in the county of Litchfield, and in the county of Berkshire, in Massachusetts, enjoyed a precious harvest, in which many souls appeared to be gathered unto Christ. Besides these more general revivals, particular in towns and parishes, in this State, and in the other States, have been graciously visited, when there has been nothing special in the churches round bout them. God hath dispensed his mercies in a sovereign manner. It hath rained upon one city, and upon another it hath not rained: One hath been taken and another left.

The late awakening and gathering, which so many churches and congregations have experienced, for two or three years past, and which some are still experiencing ought particularly and thankfully to be acknowledged. Christ hath appeared, walking in the midst of the golden candlesticks, with greater power and glory than the churches have, at any former period, experienced. The work has been more powerful and genuine, and the fruits of love, union, self-loathing, humility, prayerfulness, righteousness, and peace have been more abundant.

Within the last century, have been formed all the religious constitutions, which unite the American churches, one with another, and which harmonize and regulate their ecclesiastical proceedings. The churches of Connecticut, associated and consisted in the beginning of the century, and their religious constitution was approbated and established by the legislature.[23] The formation of presbyteries, synods, and the United States, is of a more modern date. The formation of the general assembly was not effected till sometime after the American Revolution.[24] – Within a few years, a general union hath been formed between the general assembly of the Presbyterian churches, in the United States, and a general association of the State of Connecticut. A similar union hath been effected, the last year, between the general association of the State of Connecticut, and the convention of ministers in the State of Vermont. By these unions, the pastors and churches are brought into a more general and intimate acquaintance with each other, and with the general state of the churches and of religion; are under better advantages to give advice, guard against vice and error, against erroneous and immoral ministers and mere impostors; to act with more united and harmonious exertion and influence in promoting divine knowledge, unity of sentiment, piety, righteousness, and genuine Christianity among themselves, and in their respective congregations; and also diffusing Christian knowledge in the numerous new and vacant settlements, and in communicating the blessings of the gospel to the heathen.

Since the American Revolution, the Episcopalian church in the United States has been completely organized. The churches of that denomination, in each State, have their own Bishop. Dr. Seabury was the first bishop in the United States. He was consecrated to his office in Scotland, November 14, 1794. The Episcopalian churches in Connecticut, were the first in the United States, who enjoyed the privilege of a bishop. The episcopal clergy and churches meet in a general convention, or in particular conventions in each State, as they judge most convenient and necessary. They have agreed on forms of prayer and mode of worship adapted to the United States, and given themselves the name of the Episcopal Protestant Church in America.

Perfect toleration and liberty of confidence is enjoyed in all the United States, and various denominations of Christians are forming, or have formed themselves into such associations, classes, synods and conventions, as they judge most subservient to the great interests of religion.[25]

The abolition of the slave trade in Great Britain, in New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and in other parts of the United States; and the total abolition of slavery in some of them, ought to be noticed as a happy event of the past century. The amelioration of the condition of the slaves in the southern States, and in some other parts of the world’ the Christianizing of great numbers of them, with the pleasing prospect of the total abolition of that horrid trade, in the human species is matter of inexpressible joy. May the Great Parent of all creatures hasten the day, when all human beings shall enjoy natural and moral freedom.

Another occurrence which strongly characterizes the close of the eighteenth century, and shall still a more happy aspect on mankind, and the church of God, is that uncommon exertion, and charity, exhibited in Europe and American, for the spreading of the gospel among the heathen. The formation of numerous societies for that truly apostolical and glorious purpose is a new and peculiarly auspicious event. That holy ardor and union in prayer, among pious people, in both countries, for the conversion of the Jews and calling of the gentiles; the uncommon exertions which have been made, and are still making, fir the promulgation of the gospel, to the continents in the four quarters of the earth, and to the most distant islands in the seas, portend great good to the church. They afforded the highest encouragement to pray for the prosperity of Jerusalem to exert ourselves, and spare no pains for the furtherance of the gospel. When the people of God take pleasure in the stones and favor of the dust of Zion, will he not arise and build her up? Is not the set time to favor her then commencing?

Having given this general view of the principal events of the last century, suffer me to present you with a sketch of the history of this society and town.

The lands in the town were purchased by the Rev. John Davenport and Theophilus Eaton, Esq. in behalf of the first planters of New Haven, of Momaugin sachem of Quinepiack, and Montowese, son of an Indian sachem at Mattabeseck, now Middletown. The agreement with the first of these, was made on the 24th of November, 1638; in which he concedes all his right to all the lands rivers, ponds, and trees within the utmost limits of the said Quinepiack, with all the liberties and appurtenances thereof, to the said Davenport and Eaton, and the other English planters of New Haven, their heirs and assigns, forever. The other agreement and purchase was made December 11, 1638, in which Montowese confirms, in the same ample manner, a tract, principally north of the other, thirteen miles in breadth, extending eight miles east, toward Connecticut River, from the river Quinnipiac, and five miles west, towards Hudson’s river, and ten miles in length, north and south. These two deeds conveyed a tract of country about eighteen miles in length, and thirteen in breadth, covering the whole tract within the towns of New Haven, Woodbridge, Hamden, East Haven and North Haven; the principal part of the towns of Wallingford and Cheshire, and of the parish of North ford. By the terms of the agreements and purchases, the Indians were to enjoy lands to plant on, upon the east side of the river, upon the tract since called East Haven, they had also the right of hunting, fowling and fishing upon the lands and rivers secured to them. On their part, they bound themselves not to injure nor affright the English, nor to enter into any combinations against them.

The lands having been thus purchased, and Governor Eaton owning a large tract on the west side of the river, it seems put one William Bradley, who had been an officer in Cromwell’s army, upon it, nearly an hundred and fifty years ago. He, I suppose, was the first person who came into the town. Next to him, were Thomas and Nathaniel Yale, who, it seems, came on to the land about the year 1660. In a deed of said land, given by Theophilus and Hannah Eaton, heirs of Governor Eaton, to Thomas Yale, executed March 9, 1659, it appears that Thomas was then upon the land. About the year 1670, a considerable number of inhabitants of New Haven moved to Wallingford, and began the settlement of that town, formerly called New Haven village. This encouraged the settlement of North Haven, and Jonathan Tuttle, about the same time, began a settlement near the river on the farm formerly owned by Deacon Isaiah Tuttle, who was his grandson. Nathaniel Thorpe, Ebenezer Blakslee, and John Humaston, soon after settled on the eastern bank of the river near the center of the town. Daniel and Thomas Barns, Thomas Jacobs, and Moses Brockett, made settlements near the river, on the east side of it, about a mile north of the fourth line of the town. These appear to have been some of the first settlers; and they began the settlement in this scattering manner. Next to these families, were Stephen and Moses Clarke, Michael Todd, Ebenezer and Thomas Ives, James Bishop, John Cooper, John Grannis, John Brockett, and Joseph Ives. The two last of these went from first from New Haven. Joseph Ives built on the road, about twenty rods north of the house erected, at the corner, by Isaac Thorpe. In this the people met for public worship, until they were able to build them a meeting house. These were generally descendants from the first planters of New Haven. The names of a considerable number of their ancestors are among the first freemen and church members, who entered into the remarkable agreement and subscribed in the fundamental articles of government, adopted at Quinnipiac, June 4, 1639.[26]

The settlement was very slow, and it seems, that for nearly forty years, come of the first planters attended public worship, and buried their dead at New Haven. The woman usually went on foot to New Haven, on the Lord’s Day, attended two long exercises, and returned. In some instances they did this with a child in their arms.[27] The inhabitants were not made a distinct ecclesiastical society, until the session of the general assembly, in October 1716, when they were vested with all the privileges of such a society. The honorable Nathan gold, Esq. Deputy governor, and the Rev. Samuel Andrews, then pastor of the church, at Milford, were appointed a committee to repair to North Haven, and to assist the parish in appointing a place in which to erect their meeting house, and to advise them with respect to the settlement of an orthodox and worthy minister. The Rev. Mr. James Pierpont had given them the plat of ground, on which the meeting house now stands, upon condition, that the people would erect their house of worship upon it. This was thankfully accepted. – A house for public worship was erected about 1718; 38 or 40 by 28. The posts were of a proper height for good galleries.

While the parish was transacting those affairs, they had invited Mr. James Wetmore to settle with them in the work of the gospel ministry. At the session of the general assembly in May 1718, the assembly gave the inhabitants liberty to form into a church. And the November following Mr. Wetmore was ordained.

At the time when the parish was formed, the limits of it extended considerably north and west of the ground on which the meeting house in Mount Carmel has since been erected, and comprehended twelve families, which before 1716, were settled upon that tract. The whole number of families, at the time when they were made a parish, was about forty. Mr. Wetmore was greatly esteemed and beloved by his people; but after he had labored with them for nearly four years he altered his sentiments, and in September 1722, declared for episcopacy.[28] The consequence was a dismission, soon after, from his pastoral relation. He went to England and took orders, in 1723. He was rector of the church at Rye, where he finished his course, May 14, 1760. He was educated at the collegiate school at Saybrook, where he received the degree of Bachelor of Arts, in September, 1714.

After a vacancy of a little more than two years, the Rev. Isaac Stiles succeeded him in the pastoral office. He was ordained on the 11th of November, 1724. He was graduated at Yale College, 1722, and died May 14, 1760, on the same day and nearly at the same hour, in which his predecessor, Mr. Wetmore, died. He was well versed in the scriptures, had a natural gift of elocution, and was a zealous, engaging preacher.

The bereaved congregation, after they had heard several gentlemen, by the advice of the association, made application to me. Upon their invitation, I paid them a visit and preached to them, the first time, on Lord’s Day, August 31, 1760. After preaching with them a little more than two months, the church and society, with great unanimity, gave me a call to settle with them in the work of the ministry. I appeared my duty to accept their invitation, and I was ordained to the pastoral office, by the consociation of the pastors and churches of the whole county, December 24, 1760. Through help obtained from God, I continue to this time. I am now just entering on the forty-first year of my ministry. My locks have whitened and my eyes grown dim in your service; but during this long period, through the wonderful patience and goodness of the Great Father of mercies, I have never been unable to perform the public worship, on both parts of the day, but in one single instance. I have been able to meet you at every lecture, at every funeral, and upon all occasions in which my ministerial service has been required. Within a little less than a century you have had three ministers, two of whom have served you about seventy-six years.

There have been in the church, ten deacons; David Yale and Samuel Ives, chosen 1718. Deacon Ives died November 25, 1726. Samuel Todd succeeded him, chosen about 1727. – Moses Blakslee, about 1728, succeeded Deacon Yale.[29] Deacon Blakslee removed to Northbury, now Plymouth, 1739, and Deacon Thomas Cooper succeeded him chosen 1740. Upon the decease of Deacon Todd, Isiah Tuttle was chosen Deacon, about the year 1741.[30] The Deacons by reason of their advanced age, desiring assistance, Jesse Todd was chosen Deacon, December 24, 1772, and James Humaston, November 24, 1773. Upon the resignation of Humaston, Solomon Tuttle was chosen November 2, 1780. Deacon Titus Todd was chosen, March 1, 1787, to supply the vacancy made by the removal of his brother Jesse Todd, to Springfield, in Massachusetts.

The first military officers chosen and commissioned in North Haven were Capt. Joseph Ives, Lieut. John Granis, and Ensign Samuel Ives. They received their commissions at the session of the general assembly, October, 1718.

Your ancestors were few in number, but you are now increased to about fourteen hundred souls. They were clothed and fed coarsely, and fared hardly; but you are generally dressed with elegance, and have not only the conveniences, but many of the delicacies of life. They were compassed with a wilderness, with wild beasts and savage men.[31] But you dwell amidst cultivated and pleasant fields, orchards and gardens, and have nothing to fear from either. In their times, the ways were unoccupied. A solitary path through a dreary swamp or wood led to their humble cottages. But your roads are broad and smooth, and your houses are large and elegant. They had everything to do, but their means were small. You have houses built, wells dug, gardens planted, orchards and trees of various fruit, prepared to your hands. They were under great disadvantages for schooling their children, not only on account of their low circumstances, but their distance from each other, and of the danger of children’s travelling so far through groves and swamps; but you have distinguishing advantages to get wisdom yourselves, and to school your children. Your advantages, I these respects, are much greater now, than they were at the time of my settlement with you. There was then but one school house within the limits of the parish: Now you have eight school districts and the same number of school houses, general commodious and well built. –Your progress in knowledge, civilization, agriculture, and manufactures, has been very considerable. You have experienced no such distressing season of general sickness and morality, as the inhabitants have been visited with in former years. Your population has been very great, though on the account of the numerous emigrations and the setting off of a large number of families, to the parish of Mount Carmel, you are not, perhaps more numerous than you were in 1759.[32] In October, 1786, you were made a distinct town, and vested with all the immunities of such a free corporation. You have a large and convenient house for the public worship[33], an elegant steeple, a large and excellent bell. You enjoy peace among yourselves, and the blessings of uncommon health pervade your habitations. Are not the lines fallen to us in pleasant places? Have we not a goodly heritage? What more is necessary to complete our happiness, than thankful and obedient hearts, rendering unto the Lord according to his benefits?

I have now only one great and solemn event more, of the last century and year, to lay before you; that is the progress of death. A view of this is necessary, that we may close the last and begin the new year with proper views and exercises, and that we may form just conceptions with respect to the century before us.

Ever year is productive of events, solemn, vast and wonderful. A century increaseth them an hundred fold. From the Most accurate bills of morality, it appears, that half the human race, even in this healthful climate, die under twenty years of age: And it is computed, that, taking the world at large, on half die under seventeen. Once in about twenty-seven years, it is supposed that a number dies equal to the whole number of inhabitants upon the globe. Some estimate this number at a thousand millions – and that there die annually, about thirty-seven millions – seven hundred and twelve thousands every week – one hundred and one thousand seven hundred and fifty daily – four thousand two hundred and thirty-nine every hour – and about seventy every minute. . Nine hundred and fifty thousand millions is the lowest computation of the inhabitants of the earth. According to this estimate, thirty-five millions one hundred and eight-five thousands one hundred and eight-five die every year – six hundred seventy-six thousands six hundred and thirty-eight each week – every day, ninety-six thousand six hundred and sixty two- every hour, four thousands and twenty-seven – and sixty seven each passing minute. Wonder tremendous morality!!! What an astonishing current of souls is rapidly borne on the tide of time, incessantly shooting into the ocean of eternity, and appearing before God, in judgment!

If this representation be just, the earth changes the whole number of its inhabitants, at least three times and half each century. Three thousand three hundred and twenty-five millions have exchanged worlds the last century. During this period four kings and one queen have reigned on the throne of Great Britain. William and Mary, queen Anne, George the first and second, with all their courtiers, admirals, generals, and mighty men, rest together in the dust. The Louis’s, their courts and mighty men are no more. Royalty has been abolished, constitutions and tyrants in quick succession, have followed each other, and vanished away. Kingdoms and republics have been shaken and demolished, in the face of Europe, and of the whole world hath been changed.

If we come nearer home and review America, New England, Connecticut, and our respective towns, will not the retrospect be solemn, instructive and affecting? All the venerable fathers, who, at the commencement of the last hundred years, conducted the affairs of church and state, with their children, and most of their grandchildren, are gone down to the sides of the pit. Their wisdom, beauty, influence, and lives, have all been lost in the ravages of time. In this State, which was so small at that period, there have died ten governors, with their councils and officers, nine presidents or chief instructors of college. The fellows who were their contemporaries, and the tutors who assisted them, generally are gone down to the congregation of the dead. About three hundred ministers, who shone as lights in this part of the firmament of the church, have been extinguished and new stars and constellations have arisen, to illuminate her children, and guide them in their successive generations, to virtue and glory. – The numerous hearers, who once assembled with those preachers of righteousness, and hung upon their lips, have closed their eyes with them in death, and spread their graves around them. The pastors and the flocks have gone to judgment, and are reaping in different worlds, according to what they have sown. Your former pastors, their churches and congregations rest together in the places of burial.

During the forty years of my ministry, there have died out of the town 570 persons; 484from among the people of my pastoral charge; about 75 out of the Episcopalian society[34], and ten or twelve from among the separates and Baptists. I suppose, that the inhabitants of the whole town, upon an average, during the term of forty years, have been about 1300, a little more than a thousand have been under my pastoral care. The deaths and ages, among these, have been accurately kept. The deaths, upon an average, have been about twelve and one tenth annually, a little more than one to an hundred. Of the 484, 79 have lived to 70 years and upwards. Thirty-seven lived to between 70 and 80; thirty-five to between 80 and 90; and seven of the 484 have lived to be 90; and between 90 and one hundred years of age. Of the seven last mentioned, one was 91, one 92, one 93, one 95, and the oldest 99 and 8 months. This is the greatest degree of health and longevity, which, in modern times, I have known for so long a period. Nevertheless, how has the face of this assembly been changed! The fathers where are they? And how are the heads of their children whitening with years! One generation passeth away and another generation cometh.

What profitable reflections shall we now make, on the view we have taken of our subject, and of the year and century past? – With what feelings and prospect should we begin the New Year, and the nineteenth century? The doctrine of divine providence, that the Lord governs universally, uncontrollably, perfectly, and forever, exhibits HIM as a proper and glorious object of our e tire trust, of our prayers and praises. What encouragement is there to trust in, and pray to Him, who governs all worlds, creatures and events, and performeth all things for his people? – What support and comfort must it give to Zion and to all who fear the Lord, when the earth is removed, and the mountains carried into the midst of the sea, when the waters of it roar, and the mountains tremble at the swelling of it, that he sits king forever, and presides in every storm? How calming and consolatory to hear him speaking, in the dark day, and amidst the raging tempest, as he did to the affrightened disciples upon the sea of Galilee. It is I, be not afraid.

This, at the same time, should beget in us entire acquiescence and submission, with respect to all present and future circumstances, relating to ourselves, the church of God, and all creatures and things. In view of the universal and perfect government of the Most High; this should be the language of our hearts, it is the Lord, let him do what seemeth him good.

The universal dominion of God, teacheth us to acknowledge him in all the judgments and fearful desolations which have been, or are made in the earth, and in all the riches of goodness and mercy with which it is filled. It leads us to communion with him in all his providences, as well as ordinances: To know him by the judgments which he 4executeth, and to learn righteousness, while they are in the earth: – To see him in all his goodness, and to be led by it to repentance and thanksgiving.

While we behold his mighty works, and consider the operation of his hands, how should we adore his greatness, wisdom, and power, and learn to fear him forever? While we behold how he bringeth the princes to nothing, and maketh the judges of the earth as vanity; how he maketh cities a ruinous heap, and plucketh up and planteth the nations at his pleasure; how should we tremble before him, and fly to his mercy in Christ Jesus?

While we see him, in his inflexible justice and veracity, in all places and generations, executing that awful sentence, DUST THOU ART, AND UNTO DUST SHALT THOU RETURN, how should we learn, in this tremendous testimony which he bears against sin, how his soul abhors it? How inexpressibly should we and all men loathe and fear it? How should God’s inflexibility in the execution of this sentence, establish us, in the persuasion, that he will execute all his threatnings; and, that though hand join in hand, the wicked shall not be unpunished.

As we see in him all past ages, and in the present age executing his threatnings and fulfilling the promises and predictions of his word, how should it confirm our faith in the scriptures our confidence in him, and assurance that he will accomplish all the good which he hath spoken concerning Zion.

How does our subject teach us to give all glory to God, for the signal deliverances which he hath granted to our fathers and to us their posterity? For his complicated and mighty works in giving us this great and good land, in protecting his church here in every emergency, and in the admirable increase of it, the century past? With what venerable and exalted ideas, should we adore his providence in the American Revolution, in the establishment of our independence, and in our present peace, distinguished privileges and growing prosperity? How gracious has he been to us, that this war hath hunt out its bloody flag, and raged beyond all former example, in almost every part of the world, we have enjoyed peace? While the cities, kingdoms, wealth, commerce and resources of other countries, are in a manner annihilated, their inhabitants slain, by millions, and their habitations, and pleasant tracts made desolate, we have not only rebuilt the towns and cities repeopled and fertilized the tracts which war had ruined and repopulated, but we have extended our settlements, increased our numbers, navigation, commerce fisheries, wealth, and resources beyond all parallel. The tracts where war raged, where the clashing and roar of arms, the thunder of cannon and noise of battle shook all the adjacent country, where the wounded groaned, and the mighty fell, are now covered with pleasant villages, walks, and gardens, and fields wave with plenteous harvests. There freemen lie down in quiet, and mothers hush their numerous babes to rest in safety. Extensive regions, which for ages past had been a dreary wilderness, filled with the hideous howling’s of savage beasts and men are not peopled with Christians, and prayers and praises are constantly addressed to the throne of heaven. Are there my brethren, the works of the Lord, and shall not all America awake to praise him? Can we contemplate, that according to the common rate of morality, three or four ministers, and three or four thousands of people, upon the lowest computation, die annually in this State[35], and yet, that not one governor nor magistrate, not one member of congress, nor judge of our courts, has died the year past, and but one minister of the gospel[36], and not be deeply affected with the divine patience and goodness? – Are we alive amidst all the ravages of time and death, to celebrate the commencement of a New Year, and Century; and is the voice of health and peace heard in our habitations, and shall we not serve the Lord with gladness? Shall we not enter into his gates with thanksgiving, and into his courts with praise? – Should not every heart expand with gratitude, and every tongue sing hallelujah? Shall we not, like the psalmist, remember God’s wonders of old, meditate of all his works, and talk of his doings? Shall not this be the universal study, what shall I render unto the Lord for all his benefits?

While we weep over the graves of our ancestors and contemplate the revolutions of time and ravages of death, shall we not seriously think of our own dissolution? How soon time may be with us no more? Shall we not learn how frail we are? How precious is every moment of time? And how necessary to prepare for death without delay? Dow we see kings, counselors and judges of the earth, the wise, the strong, the young and beautiful covered with dust and worms? Do we know that we shall soon be like them, and shall we not be clothed with humility?

Now we have closed another year and century with what seriousness should we reflect, that such an important portion of time, all its Sabbaths and opportunities are past never to be recalled? That time has borne us on so much nearer to death, judgment, and our final doom! How seriously should everyone enquire, am I prepared for these great events? Do my preparations bear any proportion to the rapid advances I am making towards them? What if this year should be my last? What would be my condition? What my company where should I make my everlasting abode?

We are now advanced to a New Year and century.  The events of it will be vast and momentous. Old kingdoms and states will sink, and new ones rise. Millions will die, and millions be born, and the whole earth be peopled with new inhabitants. – States which are now small, may, by the close of the present century, outnumber the greatest kingdoms in Europe. The inhabitants of the United States, at their usual rate of population, will in an hundred years, amount to ninety-six millions.[37] In the same period, more than twice the number of mankind now upon the face of the earth will be swept awa7y by the hand of death. – Solemn thought! All the intelligence, literature, wisdom, life and beauty, now upon the earth will be no more!!! If Xerxes, when he took a view of his army of seventeen hundred thousand men, from a lofty eminence, wept at the reflection, that in one age they would all be dead; how should our hearts melt and our ryes run down with tears at the prospect before us? In this we see our own funerals, the deaths of our children, and of all our friends.

From past and present appearances, and from a general view of the prophecies the present century will be one of the most eventful and interesting periods, in which God, in rapid succession, will be carrying into execution his judgments against his enemies, and effecting the great events preparatory to the commencement of a new, more pure, peaceful and glorious state of the church.

With respect to ourselves, we know that we shall never see another century; we may not see another year. We know not what a day, much less what a year may bring forth. From the prospect which has been exhibited, you perceive that thousands will die in this State, before another year, and numbers among ourselves. Some of us – who, and how many, God only knows, must exchange worlds and go to judgment. With respect to such as shall survive, they may be called to lay their dearest enjoyments in the grave, or wounds, sickness, or misfortunes, wearisome nights, and days and months of vanity may be appointed unto them. How highly therefore, does it concern us all to begin the year with God; with an immediate preparation for the events of it, whatever they may be? With what an entire submission to the divine will, with respect to all the occurrences of the year, and of time itself, should we enter upon such a period? While we behold the rage of the wicked, the tumult and confusion of the nations, how the floods have lifted up themselves, their voice and their waves, how should we rejoice, that the Lord on high, is mightier than the noise of many waters; yea than the mighty waves of the sea? That he reigneth and will reign forever? That all the vast concerns of the universe are in his hands, and that he will govern them for his own glory, and the good of his holy kingdom?

As our conduct may have great influence on the countless millions of those who shall be born, lie and die after us, and on the present and future happiness of our country, how piously, righteously, and circumspectly should we live? What great and united exertions should be made for the instruction, pious and good education of young people, and to make the generations to come, wise, useful and good? With what pains, prayerfulness and perseverance should all Christians exert themselves to diffuse Christian knowledge, and as far as possible, to spread the gospel to the ends of the earth? The honor of God, his love to men, the salvations he hath granted unto us and our fathers, the distinguishing privileges, and countless blessings we now enjoy, love to God, to our country, and to such an innumerable multitude of human beings, combine all their energies, and press us to those duties.

We are now, probably, under the pouring out of the last part of the sixth vial. The spirit of devils is, doubtless, gone forth, and is still going forth unto the kings of the earth, and to the whole world, to gather them unto the battle of the great day of God Almighty. The battle is probably began, and will still be fought with greater fury and wider destruction. The ten kings will destroy the Romish anti-Christ, burn her with fire, and then, according to the prophecies, go into perdition themselves. The Turkish Empire the other great oppose of God, and persecutor of the saints, will fall with the harlot of Babylon. The judgments of God in the century past, and at present, are remarkably upon it, and it is not less rapidly declining than the papal interest. Constantinople has been eighteen times on fire, the last century, in which, more than 120,000 thousand houses besides other buildings, were burnt, with 8000 inhabitants. In 1750, it was visited with the plague, in which it lost 7000 people. The next year it was almost destroyed by an earthquake, in which 3000 more perished. Other principal cities and extensive countries have been overthrown, and in a manner ruined, by earthquakes.[38] The plague at several times, in various parts of the empire, hath swept away vast numbers of the inhabitants. Russia has made important conquests within it, and greatly impoverished and weakened the Turks. The French, in their invasion and conquest of Egypt and the adjacent countries, have slain a prodigious number of people, and seduced many others to rebel and take arms against the empire. They are progressing in their conquests, and threaten with destruction. At the same time, the rebellion and victories of Passawan Oglou are of an aspect no less menacing. – In this tumult of the nations and wreck of empires, it is reasonable to expect that the church will experience days of perplexity and danger. Fortitude, circumspection, patience, zeal, prayerfulness and self-denial, will therefore, be of the highest necessity. The language of the Savior to his church, at this period is Behold I come as a thief: Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked, and they see his shame.

To conclude, while I ask your acceptance of my grateful acknowledgements, for all the respect, kindness, and support which I have received from you, in the course of my ministry, with great pastoral affection, and desire for your welfare, I wish you a happy New Year. May it indeed, be a year of the richest blessings to you and your families. Especially, may it be a year of spiritual quickening, peace and salvation to all his flock, to this town and State, to the United States, and the whole Israel of God. That we may enjoy the smiles, and abide under the shadow of the Almighty, let us remember his wonders of old. Let us meditate also of all his works, and talk of his doings. Let the end of years and centuries remind us of the end of time, and of all things; of the judgment of the great day, and of the ineffable scenes of eternity: and let us all be prepared for them. Whoso is wise, and will observe those things, even they shall understand the loving kindness of the Lord.

AMEN

ERRATA

Page 3, last line in the text, for work read works.

Page 7, marginal note, fourth line from the bottom, for 38 miles read 38th mile.
Page 16 marginal note, fifth line from the bottom, for 90 read 190.

APPENDIX

The reason that the churches of several denominations of Christians have not been more particularly noticed in the preceding discourse has been the want of accurate information respecting them. Some general account, however, may be of service to give the reader a fuller view of the American churches. As there happens to be a vacant page it shall be employed for that purpose. The Dutch reformed churches in America are ancient and respectable. There were in the State of New York and New Jersey, about ten or twelve years since, 90 congregations of this denomination, 66 in New York, and 24 in New Jersey. – These were divided into five classes, three in New York, and two in New Jersey, the three in the State of New York, are that of New York, containing 18 churches; that of Kingston, containing 23; that of Albany, containing 23; and there are four ministers and congregations in the State of New York which are annexed to the Hackensack class in New Jersey. In that State there are two classes, the classis of Hackensack comprising nine congregations, exclusive of the four in the State of New York; and the classis of New Brunswick, in which were fifteen congregations. These are, probably now increased to more than an hundred congregations. These churches were formed exactly upon the plan of the churches in North Holland, and were under the direction of the classis of Amsterdam, until after the American Revolution. There are Calvinistic, and differ in nothing essential from the Presbyterians.

Since about the middle of the last century, a considerable number of Germans, Lutherans and Calvinists, have made settlements in Pennsylvania. The number of their ministers and churches, probably, is nearly 80. There are twelve or more churches of German Lutherans in New York.

There are in New York and Pennsylvania, a number of churches denominated Seceders, who maintain a separate ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but they are Calvinists, and differ in nothing materially from the Presbyterians.

In New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, there are 80, or 92 Baptist churches. In the southern States there are many Baptists and Methodists, but their numbers cannot be ascertained. In Pennsylvania, the Friends, or Quakers, are the most numerous denominations. There are about 20 congregations of Friends in the State of New York; and between 40 and 50 in New Jersey.

In Rhode Island there are a number of congregations, but in other parts of New England there are few of this denomination.

FINIS.


[1] Psalm, eiii. 19.

[2] cvii.

[3] Isaiah, c. xlv. 7.

[4] Rom. xi. 36.

[5] Revelation xvii. 12, 13,

[6] The aurora borealis, or northern light is a new appearance in the heavens, to this country, peculiar to the eighteenth century. It has been seen in Great Britain, especially in the north of Scotland, for many centuries past, but even in that country it had not appeared for eighty or a hundred years, until March 6, 1716. Its first appearance in New England was on the 17th of December 1719. It appears to have been a great light, and began about eight o’clock in the evening. It filled the country with the greatest alarm imaginable. It was the general opinion that it was the sign of the coming of the son of man in the heavens, and that the judgment of the great day was about to commence. According to the accounts given by the ancient people, who were spectators of it, there was little sleep in New England that night.

The ingenious M. Herschel has made new and useful discoveries in the stellary regions. In 1782 he discovered a new planet, which has been called  Herschel, in honor to the discoverer. He has made new discoveries since of a new region of stars, beyond that which had been discovered in preceding ages, presenting to the mind a far more magnificent view of the works of God, than had been before conceived.

[7] Great Britain has furnished ten circumnavigators of the last century; Cooke 1708; Clipperton and Shelooek 1719; Anson 1740; Byron 1764; Wallis and Carteret 1766; Cook 1768; 1772, 1776; continued by king 1780; and since by Portlock 1788. The Dutch have had one, Roggewein 1721; and the French one, Bougainville 1766. Other navigators have explored particular parts of the earth, and made new discoveries. By them many new islands, and multitudes of human beings have been found, of whome the civilized world before had no knowledge. Among these are Fox island in the North pacific ocean, discovered 1760; Suffolk islands, 1774; Oraheite, June 18, 1765; New Caledonia, a large island in the Pacific ocean, 1774; Owhyhee island, the eastern most and largest of the Sandwich Islands, 1778. This island is about eighty four miles long and seventy two wide, and is supposed to containing 150,000 inhabitants. It was here on the 14th of February 1779, that the celebrated Captain Cook fell a sacrifice to the revenge of the natives.

[8] Geography, both in Europe and America was very imperfect. The geography of almost every part of the world, is now much better understood than the best writers in England knew that of the American colonies a century ago. The accounts which they gave of the American settlements were, in a high degree laughable. But by reason of the great increase of navigation, and the assistance of good writers on geography, mankind are become acquainted with each others countries, manners, interests, religion and commerce. By the assistance of the Reverend Dr. Morse’s Universal Geography, and that of Doctor Dwight’s for schools, school boys know more of geography now, than men did an hundred years ago; nay more than even the writers on geography knew at that period. Besides, several good histories of the colonies have been written during the last century, which have greatly increased their knowledge of each other, and acquainted the world more intimately with their affairs. Numerous histories of other countries were written during the same period, by which knowledge has been increased, and the acquaintance of mankind, in the various parts of the earth, with each other greatly advanced.

[9] Among the numerous discoveries and inventions of the Americans in the last century, the discovery of the philosophy of the electric fluid and of rods to preserve building from the tremendous effects of lightning is worthy of notice. That great genius and philosopher, Doctor Franklin, conceived the idea of electricity about the year 1745, and began to communicate his discoveries in various letters to men of learning in 1746 and 1747,. He was the first and sole inventor of rods for the preservation of buildings. Some discoveries of this were made in Germany, at an early period, but the doctor appears to have been the first man who so fully investigated this branch of philosophy. It was not so fully investigated and established in great Britain until about twenty years after in 1766.

[10] The debt of Great Britain is one of the modern wonders in the world. It began in 1697, and at that time was about 5,000,000l. At the death of King William in 1702, it was 14,000,000l. At the death of Queen Anne in 1713, it was 50,000,000l. In 1747, it was 64,793,797l. lbs. 91/2d. In 1757, when the interest was reduced to 3percent, it was 110,603,at that time was about 5,000,000l. At the death of King William in 1702, it was 14,000,000l. At the death of Queen Anne in 1713, it was 50,000,000l. In 1747, it was 64,793,797l. lbs. 9 ½ d. In 1757, when the interest was reduced to 3percent, it was 110,603,6l. 8s. 2 ½ d. – In 1780, it was upwards of 200,000,000l. and in 1790, it amounted nearly to 242,000,000l. besides an unfunded debt of 30,000,000l. The French war, which was proclaimed in 1756, cost the nation 90,000,000l. sterling. This debt, in one century, has increased nearly 300millions. A certain writer observes upon this debt, as it stood in 1790. “This sum in cash, if put into carts, each containing a thousand pounds, and two horses to draw, allowing 40 feet to each cart would load 5,000 carts, and cover 37 miles in length with a remainder of 116 in the 38 miles. Were it to be laid down in guineas in a line, it would extend 4,300 miles in length; if laid down in shilling, would extend three and a half times around the globe.” How should this warn the United States, and all people upon the earth against war and national debts.

[11] See numerous quotations at large, from these writers, in professor Robinson’s proof of a conspiracy against all religions and governments; and the Abbe Barruel’s History of Jacobinism. Read also Godwin, and know facts from his own pen. It is very remarkable how God in his providence is retaliating upon most of the courts and princes in Europe, their own wickedness. They have joined with infidels in acting against God, his word and the glorious Savior, and how he is suffering those very immoral and abominable doctrines and practices which they encouraged, to be a means of shaking them from their thrones and filling their kingdoms with rapine, violence and death. How terrible has God shown himself to the kings of the earth. Has he not brought the princes to nothing, and made the judges of the earth as vanity?

[12] The Jesuits were a famous order of priests in the Romish church, established under the name of the company of Jesus, A.D. 1540. Their founder was Ignatius Loyola, a Spanish gentleman of illustrious rank. They made a rapid and astonishing progress through all the Roman catholic countries, and had great influence until they were suppressed. In 1773.

[13] Friars and Nuns were suppressed in Germany, A.D., 1785. In France 1790.

[14] All torture was abolished, and a toleration of religious faith granted, in Austria, 1776. The inquisition, inquisition, in France, was abolished by edict, August 25, 1780; at Naples, 1781.

[15] Poland suffered a defalcation of several of its provinces, by Russia, Prussia, and the Emperor of Germany, in 1772. May 3, 1791, the crown was made hereditary, and its citizens admitted to civil, military, and ecclesiastical employments. Since that period it has been conquered the king deposed, and the kingdom divided principally between the tyrants of Russia and Prussia.

[16] Avignon was taken from the Pope by the King of France, 1769. But on the suppression of the Jesuits, for four years after, it was restored. In 1791, it was declared to belong to France, and he has no possession of it since that period.

[17] The Acadians and Indians flocking to the French camp, with fresh provisions, took the contagion; and it was supposed that nearly half of the inhabitants of the adjacent country died with the infection. Besides the loss of two Admirals and a great proportion of troops, marines and seamen, the French lost three capital ships. The Caribou they were obliged to burn at sea, the Mars was taken by the Nottingham, just as she arrived on the coasts of France, and the Alcide was driven on shore by the Exeter, and burnt.

[18] The settlement of Georgia commenced 1733. The first settlement is Vermont was at for Dummer on Connecticut river, in the year 1724. But the general settlement of the State did not begin until after the termination of the French war, in 1762. In January 1777, at a general convention of the representatives of the towns, it was declared a distinct, free and independent State. On the 18th of February 1791, it was unanimously admitted into the union of the American States. The purchase of Kentucky was made in 1775. The settlement began about 1778. The Western Territory was made a government under certain conditions, July 13, 1787. This is very extensive, containing 411,000 square miles, equal to 263,040,000 acres. By act of Congress it may be divided into five distinct States.

[19] There are in this state 178 congregational pastors, and about 90 churches. There are 20 episcopalian ministers, 16 pluralities, and 17 vacancies, comprising in the whole, 52 congregations. The Baptists have 25 ministers, and several vacancies. The pastors have formed themselves into two associations, by the names of two associations, by the names of Stonington Association, and the Danbury Association.

[20] Cambridge university, founded 1638, was the only college in New England before the last century. In 1700 a number of ministers met at New Haven, and gave about 40 volumes of books for the founding of a college in Connecticut. In 1701 the general assembly gave a charter, and gave legal establishment to the college, which has since been called Yale college. The college at Providence in the State of Rhode Island, was founded 1764. Dartmouth, in the State of New Hampshire in 1769. Williamstown college, in Massachusetts, was instituted 1793. The Rev. Ebenezer Fitch, for several years a tutor in Yale college is president. A college has been lately instituted in Burlington in the State of Vermont, and the Rev Jeremiah Atwater, who was also a tutor in Yale college, ahs been appointed to the presidency of it.

[21] William and Mary, in Virginia, founded 1692, was the only college in the colonies south of New England, until after the commencement of the last Century. King’s college, in New York, was founded in 1754, and Union College at Scdhenectady, in 1794. Nassau hall, at Princeton, was instituted 1738, and Queen’s college, Brunswick, 1775. In Pennsylvania, there are three colleges, the university at Philadelphia, founded during the war; Dickinson college, at Carlisle, established 1783, and Franklin at Lancaster, founded 1787. Maryland abounds in colleges: In it are Washington college, at Chestertown, in the county of Kent, founded 1782, and St. John’s at Annapolis, established 1784. These colleges, by an act of the legislature, constitute one university, by the name of the University of Maryland. In these colleges uniformity of law, instruction, manners, and customs are punctually maintained. The Roman catholics erected a college at Georgetown, Potowmac, about the year 1780; and the Methodists, about three years before, instituted one at Abington in the county of Hartford, named Cokesbury college, in honor to Thomas Coke, L.L.D. and Francis Asbury, bishops of the Methodist church. In Virginia a second college has been erected in Prince Edward county, named Hampden Sydney college. The legislature of North Carolina, in 1789, instituted an university, by the name of the University of North Carolina. About ten years since, the State loaned 5,000l. to the trustees to enable them immediately to proceed with their buildings. In South Carolina there have been three colleges instituted, one at Charleston, another at Winnborough, called Zion college, and a third at Cambridge, but I believe, that at Charleston, and the other at Cambridge, are little more than respectable academies.

In Georgia a college has been instituted, at Louisville, and amply endowed, denominated the University of Georgia. Josiah Meigs, Esq. late professor of mathematics and natural philosophy, in Yale college, has lately been chosen president of said university, and is preparing to remove and assume the presidency.

[22] See the Rev. Jonathan Edward’s narrative of the work, printed 1738.

[23] October, 1708.

[24] The synod of New York and Philadelphia, at their sessions 1788, divided into four synods: viz. the synod of New York and New Jersey, the synod of Philadelphia, the synod of Virginia, and the synod of the Carolinas. These four synods were to constitute a general assembly; the first meeting of which was appointed to be at Philadelphia, in May, 1789. At the time of division the four synods consisted of sixteen presbyteries, in which there were 182 presbyters, who had the care of about 320 churches; and besides these, there were about 210 vacant churches. In 1794, the number of presbyteries within the limits of the general assembly, amounted to 22; but the returns from them were so deficient, that the increase of presbyters and churches could not be ascertained. The plan of union between the general assembly of the Presbyterian churches, in the United States, and the general association of Connecticut, was agreed upon, by a committee of each, at New Haven, September 15, 1791, and adopted by the general assembly, May 1792, and by the general associations the June following.

[25] The first convention of the episcopal clergy was at Philadelphia, 1789. At this convention, they corrected  and ratified the book of common prayer. – The prayers for the king and royal family were left out, and prayers adapted to the Government of the United States inserted; and alteration was also made in the burial service, and various resolutions passed for the government and good order of the episcopal church in the United States. They have met twice, in general convention since; in September 1795, and in June 1799. It appears that there were, at that time, in the States south of New England, 164 ordained officiating, episcopal clergymen. In the State of New York 18; of the New Jersey 6; of Pennsylvania 14; of Delaware 4; of Maryland 39; of Virginia 68; and of South Carolina 13.

[26] William Tuttle, John cooper, William Thorpe, John brockett, William Ives, and James Clarke, are expressed by name.

[27] The tradition is that Mrs. Blakslee, the great grandmother of the present Captain Blakslee, would take her child in her arms, on Sabbath day morning, travel to New Haven and hear Mr. Pierpont preach, and return again after meeting. The same is reported concerning Mrs. Thorpe, the wife of Nathaniel Thorpe. The people who settled this town were brought up in the strict puritanic religion of those excellent men, Mr. Davenport and Mr. Pierpont, and were numbers of them, truly of the excellent of the earth.

[28] One or two families embraced episcopacy with Mr. Wetmore, which began the church in this town. In 1751, when Mr. Ichabod Campwent for orders for Wallingford and Middletown, there were two subscribers for him at North Haven. He came back and officiated at Wallingford, Middletown and North Haven, until 1760, when he removed to Virginia. The Rev. Mr. Punderson visited them frequently, the latter part of the same time, and for a year or two afterwards. In 1760 they built them a small house 40 by 30. From the year 1762, until about the year 1783, they were under the pastoral care of the Rev. Mr. Andrews, of Wallingford. The Rev. Mr. Hart preached to them for several years since, but they are now a plurality under the charge of Rev. Reuben Ives, of Cheshire, and have preaching once in three Sabbaths.

[29] Deacon Yale died 1730; and some years before his death resigned his office.

[30] Deacon Isaiah Tuttle died September 11m, 1776, aged 72. Deacon Thomas Cooper died March 11, 1784, aged 80.

[31] The Indians were sometimes very numerous in this place, and gave much alarm to the inhabitants, especially to the women and children. When the towns of New Haven and Guilford settled, the Indians from both towns collected, principally to Branford and East Haven. At East Haven was the grand Indian burying place to which the Indians, at times, had a king of general refort. The Indians at Mattabeseck, were connected with the Indian in this par of the state, and the extent of the river into the Southern part of Farmington, and the fine fishing and fowling upon it, formed a connexion with the Farmington Indians. The combination of these circumstances, sometimes filled the parish with Indians. At particular times they seemed to swarm upon the river, and the groves and swamps appeared alive with them. Once after the settlement commenced they made a grand pawaw, on the road between the corner of the Market place, and Mr. John Humaston’s; people were in great fear that their fields of corn would be ruined by them; but by the influence of the chief sachem, they were restrained from doing any damage.

[32] Some time before my ordination, Mount Carmel was made a distinct parish, and between twenty and thirty families were taken off from this society’ but they worshipped with us until about the close of the year 1760. The church in Mount Carmel, was embodied January 26, 1764, at which time about 18 members of the church in North Haven, by mutual consent, were embodied with that church. They communed with this church until that time, though they had been annexed to another society.

About 150 families have emigrated from this town within the 40 years of my ministry, besides a great number of young people; but few have moved into it. Almost all the inhabitants of the town are derived from the first planters.

[33] It is 60 feet by 45 and ½. It was erected in 1739m and finished in August 1741.

[34] This consists of 41 families. The firs man in the society of this profession, was Mr. Ebenezer Blakslee. He went off from the church in North Haven with Mr. Wetmore. The church increased considerably, in nearly 40 years, by the population of his own family; some families of the same persuasion moved into the parish, and some others joining them, from among the people in the society, towards the latter part of Mr. Stiles’s ministry, they, on the 24th of April, 1759, had attained to such numbers, that they, in a solemn manner, formed into church state, and for the first time, chose wardens. At the commencement of the last century there were no sectaries in Connecticut, and thee was but one Episcopalian church in New England, which was in Boston. In 1707, a small Episcopalian church was established in Stratford. At the same time, when Mr. Wetmore declared for episcopacy, Mr. Cutler, the rector of College, and Mr. Johnston, minister at West Haven, declared. They went to England and took orders, and rector Cutler was fixed at Boston, and Mr. Johnston at Stratford. These gentlemen, with one or two more, who declared for episcopacy, at or about the same time, were very much the fathers of the episcopal church in New England.

[35] Life in Connecticut, and New England in general, is one third, at least, nearly one half longer and better than it is in the world in general. Accordeing to the common estimate, one half of mankind die under 17 yars of age, and in populous cities and some parts of the world under 11 years of age; but in the bill of mortality for this town, but two more than half have died under 20. In every thousand people under 20, therefore, 3000 years of life are gained. – among 125,000, 375,000 years are gained. Were all the people throughout this State as healthy as the people in North Haven have been for forty years past, the bill of mortality for the whole State would be but about 3000. But the bills of mortality in the more populous towns and cities are greater; so that upon an average, is between four and five thousands. This is but about one half of the number which die through the world, in general, according to the common estimate. This is not owing wholly to the healthiness of the climate, but to the manners and comfortable living of the people. In Great Britain and in other parts of the world, where the climates are as healthy as in New England, the bills of mortality are much greater. The luxury of the great and opulent shortens their lives and renders their children less healthful and vigorous. The taking them off from the breasts of the mother and putting them unnaturally to others, to suckle and nurse, is doubtless, a further injury to life. The great poverty, low living, hardships, and vides of the people of the lower classes in life, shorten their days. But in New England, none are so poor, or necessarily subject to such hardships as to shorten their days. Their general temperance, regular and sober manner of living, their tender care and nursing of their children, are, under God, the great means of their extraordinary population, health, and longevity. The fear of the Lord prolongeth days. Temperance, chastity, a contended and quiet mind, and peaceful and righteous conduct, a cheerful confidence in God, and the reviving hope of his everlasting mercy, all unite their influence to secure and promote the natural life and happiness of man. Were there no world but this, the human race, would, no doubt, be most happy in the belief and practice of all things which God hath revealed or commanded.

[36] The Rev. Nathaniel Taylor, of New Milford, who died December 9, 1800, in the 79th year of his age.

[37] On supposition that the inhabitants of the United States now amount to six millions, and that they double once in 25 years, they will in 1825, be 12 millions, in 1850, 24 millions; in 1875, 48 millions, and at the close of the resent century, 25 millions.

[38] August 22, 1752, the city of Adrianople, the second in opulence and population in the empire, was, the greatest part of it, destroyed by an earthquake. September 2m, 1754, Grand Cairo had two thirds of its buildings shaken down, and 40,000 people swallowed up. In 1755, Fez, in Morocco, was half destroyed by an earthquake, and 12, 000 Arabs were buried in ruins. A few years since that part of the country was almost desolated by the plague. Tippoo Saib and his people, lately conquered by Great Britain were Mahometans. These judgments have been executed upon the people of that denomination.

*Originally published: Dec. 26, 2016.

Sermon – Election – 1800, Massachusetts

sermon-election-1800-massachusetts

A

SERMON

Preached
Before The

Honorable
The Council,

And The

Honorable The Senate,

And

House of Representatives

Of The

Commonwealth
of Massachusetts
,

May 18,
1800,

Being
The Day Of

GENERAL ELECTION.

By Joseph
McKeen, A.M.

Pastor of the
First Church in Beverly.

 

Ordered- That Moses Brown and James Burnham,
Esquires, and Mr. John Stephens, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. McKeen,
of Beverly, and in the name of the House, to thank him for his Discourse this
day delivered before the Hon. Council and the two Branches of the Legislature,
and to request a copy thereof for the Press.

 

Matthew 5- Latter part of the Verse.

 

A city that is
set on a hill, cannot be hid.

The divine author of our holy religion addressing his immediate disciples, suggested to them the distinguished part they should be called to act in erecting his kingdom of righteousness and truth in the world.

He well knew that many would estimate the character and worth of his religion by its visible influence on their conduct. If they imbibed its genuine spirit, and exhibited in their deportment a just specimen of its purity, they would recommend it to the consciences of men. But should they, on the contrary, practically disregard its doctrines and precepts, they would incur the suspicion of propagating a cunningly devised fable for selfish purposes, unfriendly to the general interest and happiness of mankind.

That they might act their part with dignity and fidelity, with honor to themselves, and advantage to their fellow men, it was necessary that their minds should be impressed with a deep sense of the importance of the work assigned them, and of their high responsibility. Their every word and action would acquire new importance from their office, and would invite the critical attention of friends and foes. The former would be likely to defend and imitate even their foibles, and the latter to exaggerate them into crimes of magnitude to the disadvantage of them and their cause. It behooved them therefore to remember that all eyes were upon them, and that, to
guard their own reputation, and promote the best interest of mankind, their whole conduct should be governed by wisdom and integrity. A City that is set on a hill cannot be hid.

The same observations are in a degree applicable to all men, who fill important offices in the Commonwealth.

Many will always form their opinion of a government from what they know of the characters of the men who administer it. They are better judges of the private characters of men, with whom they are conversant, than they are of the constitutionality, propriety, or tendency of their political measures. When a government is administered by men of acknowledged wisdom and rectitude, it will have the confidence, attachment and support of good men. When it is administered by men, whose characters are vile or contemptible, it will be abhorred or despised.

That rulers therefore may in the best manner answer the end of their elevation, it is desirable that their private as well their official conduct should command the respect of every beholder. To do this, brilliancy of talents is by no means the most essential requisite. It is far from being necessary, for instance, that every member of a deliberative assembly should be qualified to shine as a public speaker. A sound judgment, and a general knowledge of the public interest, are necessary to the discharge of the duties of their places with reputation to themselves, and advantage to the community; but these endowments and qualifications for usefulness will not ensure them the respect and confidence of an enlightened and free people, unless they are reputed men of virtue. The greater their abilities and knowledge are, if they are believed to be destitute of moral principle, the more they will be objects of fear and distrust. The servile and corrupt will seek their favor, and expect to gain it by their readiness to co-operate in the execution of base designs; but good men, alarmed and discouraged, will retire into the shade, accounting in such a state of things a private station the most honorable post. It is obviously, then, of great importance that men in places of public trust, authority and honor, should be not only truly virtuous, but unsuspected. It is conceived to be more necessary in a free, than to a despotic government. In the latter, force is the instrument that is principally relied on to preserve the public tranquility; but in the former, much is to be done by instruction, persuasion and example. The influence of these will be felt by the well-disposed, who will be gently drawn into a combination in favor of the order and happiness of society, which will extend its.benign influence over others less informed and less virtuous. In a design so laudable and patriotic, it may be reasonably expected that virtuous rulers will lead the way. The happiness of society is an object, which they will always keep in view. And it is
believed that in
many cases their example will contribute not less efficaciously than their statutes to the real respectability and permanent prosperity of the State.

It has pleased God in his gracious providence to grant us the singular privilege of deliberately framing, and freely adopting, constitutions of government, for the express purpose of securing our freedom, and promoting our welfare. Their importance and excellence are, and ought to be, gratefully acknowledged. But, if the real freedom of a country depends as much on the character and habits of the people as on a written constitution, our civil fathers will give us leave to solicit the weight of their example, authority and influence in opposition to the mistaken notions and vices which threaten our liberty, and in favor of the principles and virtues, which are indispensable to our freedom and happiness.

It is not thought necessary to attempt on this occasion a formal proof of the power of example. It has been seen and felt and acknowledged in every age. It is equally obvious that the example of men in places of authority and honor is more influential, and more likely to be imitated than that of persons in the lower walks of life, especially in an elective free republic, where there are no hereditary distinctions of rank to prevent a free intercourse between the people and their rulers. Their elevation renders them conspicuous, like a city on a hill, and naturally attracts the public attention. Besides there is a general disposition in people to imitate the conduct of their superiors: And, unfortunately, they learn more easily to imitate their vices than. their virtues. For this reason men, who are clothed with power, or raised by their wealth above their neighbors, ought to feel themselves in a degree responsible for the behavior of those around them. The happy tendency of good example deserves to be seriously considered by every virtuous ruler, and every real friend of his country. Blessed be God, we have had a Washington, whose unrivalled fame may silence the suggestions of a false shame, and dissipate the fears of timid virtue, which dreads the charge of singularity in goodness.

Good example acts with the greater effect, because it reproves without upbraiding, and teaches us to correct our faults without giving us the mortification of knowing that any but ourselves, have ever observed them. We feel the force of counsel or persuasion much more sensibly, when we see that one does what he advises or requires us to do. But the best counsel from one, who obeys not his own precepts, nor practices upon the principles of his own advice, will generally be little regarded. We do not believe a man to be in earnest, who advises one thing, and does the contrary.

To resist the progress of irreligion, injustice, luxury, selfishness, and an impatience of legal restraint, is a duty imposed by patriotism. And I hope my much respected hearers feel their obligation to recommend by their own example piety, justice, economy, public spirit, an attachment to our constitutions, and a cheerful submission to the laws, as essential to our political happiness. The influence of their ex ample is the more necessary at the present day, because an attachment to old opinions and old customs, which once exercised an almost boundless sway over the human mind, has lost great part of its power, and has given place to a passion for innovation, which rejects whatever is old fashioned, with as little reason and as little examination as prejudice formerly retained it. This passion indulged would prostrate the religious, moral and political principles, which are the bulwarks of our freedom.

It has been thought by many, and still is by some, that government is the only foe to liberty; that the people of any or every country might at once become free and happy, if such a spirit of opposition to their oppressors could be excited as would enable them to cast off their old chains. But experience is correcting this error.

When we cast off the British yoke, we generally apprehended the greatest danger to our liberties from the power which must be delegated to our rulers. Accordingly, our principal guards were placed on that side. Power was granted with great caution. Barriers were erected against its abuse. Its duration was made short. Its exercise has been watched with the eyes of jealousy, and the right of censure exercised with great freedom. But is there not equal or greater danger on the other side? The constitution of this Commonwealth has not indeed left us unguarded against our vices; but the importance of these guards has not in general been duly appreciated. We have been less afraid of our vices than our rulers.

The love of liberty we inherit from our fathers; it is so “interwoven with the ligaments of our hearts, that there can be little doubt of our enjoying it, and little danger of its being wrested from us so long as we are capable and worthy of it. But a capacity for enjoying it depends on a sound and healthful state of the body politic.

The more freedom we have, the more necessary is the aid of religious and moral principles to the maintenance of order and tranquility. When these are lost, or very much relaxed, severe restraints, which cannot always admit of those legal forms, that are essential to the security of liberty, become necessary; yet the people may retain a love of liberty, or rather an impatience of restraint, as the sensualist retains a passion for pleasure, after his constitution is so much impaired by excess, that indulgence would be fatal to him. Liberty, like the pleasures of sense, must be enjoyed with temperance and moderation, lest degenerating into licentiousness it prove destructive.

There are none, it may be presumed, who will openly avow that political liberty is, or ought to be, a license for every one to do what is right in his own eyes; yet where the love of liberty is strong, and its nature not distinctly understood, there is too often a disposition to look with an indulgent eye on licentiousness, as only the extreme of a good thing, and therefore pardonable. But the difference between them is greater than some imagine: They are indeed so different, as to be incompatible in society. When one has an excess of liberty, he invades the rights of his neighbor, who is thereby deprived of a portion of the liberty which a free constitution promises him. Liberty in that case becomes exclusively the possession of the strong, the unprincipled, the artful, who makes a prey of the innocent, weak and unsuspicious. A state of things like this is a real despotism, and of the worst kind. It is a poor consolation to the plundered, abused sufferer to be told, that he must not complain; for his oppressor is not an hereditary monarch, acting by a pretended divine right, but only a fellow citizen, acting in the name of “liberty and equality.”

He might answer, “If I must be deprived of my liberty or property at the will of another, let me have an hereditary master, who, secure in the possession of his power, will oppress according to certain rules, which long usage has sanctioned, and long experience has proved to be not incompatible with the existence of the community. But deliver me from the tyrant of a day, who knows no bounds to his rapacity: Deliver me from anarchy, which rages like a fire that cannot be quenched. Established despotism, dreadful as it is, is systematical, its operations are in some measure subjects of calculation; but anarchy, like the hurricane, spreads horror and devastation, and seems to rejoice in its triumph over every thing that wears the semblance of order or utility.

To some, who do not distinguish between social and personal freedom, it may still seem a paradox that restraint should be necessary to the being of liberty. In their view a free government and a weak government mean the same thing. But scarce any mathematical truth admits of a more conclusive demonstration than this, that laws wisely framed, impartially interpreted, and faithfully executed, are essential to the liberty of a community. Liberty cannot be long enjoyed under a government that has not sufficient energy to be a terror to evil doers. The law is not made for the righteous, it is not made to restrain the honest, peaceable, sober and industrious members of society, who are a law to themselves; but it is made for the lawless and disobedient, murderers, men- stealers, liars, perjured persons, and others, who can be restrained only by the strong arm of power. That love of liberty, therefore, which prompts men to resist the laws, and to overturn or weaken the government established for the common good, is a spurious passion, which every well informed friend to real liberty will feel himself in duty bound to discountenance. It is not less necessary that we should understand and practice our duties, than that we should understand and assert our rights. The prevalence of sound virtue therefore would afford the best security to our liberty. It is admitted, I believe, by all political writers, that morality is absolutely necessary to the happiness of a free State. And there is if I mistake not a growing conviction in reflecting minds that religion is the only sure support of morality. It is with peculiar pleasure, that we read in the valedictory address of the late illustrious president of the United States, the following sentiments, which can never be too deeply impressed on our minds. “Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, religion and
morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who would labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice. And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded of the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.”

The constitution of this Commonwealth recognizes the same important principle, and expressly declares that the happiness of a people, and the good order and preservation of civil government, essentially depend upon piety, religion, and morality. It requires that any person chosen Governor, Lieutenant- Governor, Counselor, Senator, or Representative, and accepting the trust, shall make a declaration that he believes the Christian religion, and has a firm persuasion of its truth. Charity therefore forbids us to believe, without strong evidence of the fact, that any of them will ever endeavor to destroy the foundation of our happiness and best hopes, and thus incur the reproach which justly belongs to the hypocrite.

And the same charity teaches us to indulge the pleasing expectation that our honored civil fathers will lend the influence of their example to support the institutions of Christianity, and to attract a general attention to “public instructions in piety, religion, and morality.” The excellence of Christianity, and the good effects of which it may be productive to society, must be acknowledged by all who seriously and impartially consider the purity of its precepts, the tendency of its doctrines, and the power of its motives. Yet no person, who is acquainted with the true genius of the gospel, will be likely to suspect that it is merely a political institution; or that its highest object is the preservation of civil order. Its great aim is to assimilate us to the moral image of our Maker, and to make us happy in eternity. But such is the constitution of things under the government of our benevolent Creator, that the same temper and conduct which lead to happiness in another world, have a tendency to make us happy in this. The spirit of genuine Christianity universally, or even generally, imbibed, would meliorate the condition of mankind in a higher degree, than can ever be expected from the wisest and best institutions of a merely civil nature. Its chief energy is leveled at the heart; its first aim is to purify the fountain of human actions, that the stream may be pure also. By its influence on private character it makes good rulers and good citizens, and disposes them to fulfill the obligations, that result from the various relations, in which they respectively stand. It is the vigorous root, which supports and nourishes all those virtues, that constitute the dignity of human nature, and the strength and glory of a state.

The gospel of Jesus Christ has not prescribed any particular form of civil government to be adopted by the nations of the world. And it is conceived that one very good reason may be given why it has not, which is, that the kind of government the most suitable for one, might be the most improper for another. But as it forbids all injustice and oppression, as it inculcates every personal, social, and divine virtue, and teaches us to respect the rights of others, as well as to stand fast in our own liberty; it has certainly a friendly aspect on the cause of freedom and of free governments. The nature of the religion of Christ, therefore, and its tendency to promote the happiness of society, and to make us meet for a heavenly inheritance, give it a just claim to our most cordial affection. And a recommendation of it by the example of our civil fathers will justly entitle them to double honor.

Justice is a virtue enjoined by every government, human and divine: And, being reputable in all countries and in all ages, every man would be thought to practice it, yet to enforce the practice of it, and to prevent injustice, may be considered as the chief end of government. It cannot confer rewards on all its quiet and obedient subjects. Its business is to protect them against the violence and injustice of others, that they may enjoy the fruits of their industry in security and peace. This being the end for which civil government was instituted, it is of vast importance that those, who administer it, should act in strict conformity to the rules of justice, both in their public and their private capacities. With how much dignity does a ruler appear, when he can say with Job, “I put on righteousness, and it clothed me: My judgment was as a robe and a diadem!” His character commands respect, overawes the wicked, and makes him a terror to evil doers. It adds authority to his office, and enables him to answer the end of his elevation much more effectually, than if he were of a different character. Even good men may sometimes find it difficult to pay due honor and respect to an office, when they must despise him who holds it.

A scrupulous adherence to the principles of justice is necessary to procure for a government that respect and confidence, without which it cannot in the best manner effect the design of its institution. When a government defrauds individuals, it may be naturally expected that they will retaliate when they have opportunity: And they will do it with the less compunction or remorse, because it may seem the only practicable mode of obtaining redress. The government in this way contributes to the corruption of the public morals, and strengthens a pernicious opinion entertained by too many, that there is a real opposition between the interest of the government and that of the people. Injustice on the part of government deprives it of its best support, the confidence of good men. It provokes a spirit of hostility, which is followed by a series of oppressions and frauds, producing and reproducing each other, that too plainly indicate a disease in the body politic, which must terminate in convulsion or dissolution.

The constitution of this Commonwealth declares that “industry, temperance and frugality, are absolutely necessary, to preserve the advantages of liberty, and to maintain a free government. The same doctrine is maintained by the most judicious historians, philosophers and politicians. Patriotism enjoins it therefore as a duty upon all men in public stations to make these virtues reputable by their example, and to resist the progress of the opposite vices, luxury, extravagance and an inordinate love of pleasure, which, as one justly observes, “enervate the soul, make fools of the wise, and cowards of the brave.”

The rapid increase of wealth in our country for a number of years is a subject of congratulation among the friends of our prosperity; but at the same time it has excited some painful apprehensions. Its usual concomitant luxury has kept pace with it.

Is there no reason to fear that our habits of patient industry and economy will be impaired, and that we shall feel little disposition to return to them, when they shall become as necessary, as they have been in any former period? It cannot be expected that our career of prosperity will be perpetual. It may meet a severe and sudden check. In any case the demands of luxury increase more rapidly than the means of satisfying them. She is one of the daughters of the horse- leech, which says not, It is enough. Luxury and extravagance have a certain and direct tendency to subject individuals to embarrassments, which are a dangerous snare to integrity, and a fruitful source of discontent and faction in the State. They have a tendency also to produce a speculating, adventurous spirit, which cannot contribute to the general prosperity. It is in the nature of things impossible that every man should make a fortune by games of chance; but it is possible that many by indulging such a spirit may involve themselves and a multitude of innocent persons with them in want and wretchedness.

Patient industry and economy are the only certain sources of private and, public prosperity, and they are indispensable to the preservation of good morals. They interest men in the support of order, law and government, without which they have no security for the possession and enjoyment of the fruits of their own labors. While the speaker solicits the example of men in public stations to recommend every virtue that leads to political prosperity, he does not presume to instruct them in their official duties. He would however in this connection beg leave to express a wish that, when money is to be procured for any useful purpose, recourse may be had as seldom as possible to lotteries. They not only operate as a heavy tax upon the poorer class of people; but they beget fantastic hopes and expectations, which cannot he realized, they foster a rage
for gaming which tends to the destruction of every virtuous and manly principle, and they undermine the basis of private and public prosperity.

The importance of economy in the public expenditures cannot have escaped the notice of any one. It begets a confidence in the government, it encourages the people to submit to heavy burdens when they are necessary, and it enables the State to meet the extraordinary demands, which providing for the public safety may at any time occasion. It saves the government from much embarrassment in case of war or invasion by means of its credit; and prevents a temptation to have recourse to such expedients as are at once dishonorable, and ruinous. It is however a very different thing from parsimony. It shrinks from no burden, which the independence, liberty, safety and honor of the community impose. It does not estimate the value of these things by a pecuniary scale. It does not require men to devote their time and talents to the public service without an adequate compensation. It does not withhold the encouragement that is necessary to the progress of science, and the improvement of useful arts. Parsimony, on the contrary, produces many of the same evils as profusion. It begets no confidence. It regards not the worth of objects, but inquires how much they will cost. It holds out a constant temptation to fraud. It not unfrequently defeats its own intentions, and by a solicitude to save trifles incurs the necessity of making large sacrifices.

A generous public spirit is indispensable to the happiness of a free people.

When a mercenary, selfish disposition pervades a community, the love of country becomes a pretence; a regard to the general welfare is professed for the purpose of deception, public employments are sought only as the means of accumulating wealth and a wide door is open for the practice of corruption, which in process of time may become so general, and be so well understood, that it shall cease to be offensive. When such is the character of a people, their degradation is far advanced, and ruin by rapid strides is hastening on them. It is important therefore that a generous regard to the public welfare be assiduously cultivated. In this, as in every other view, the spirit of Christianity is highly favorable to national respectability. This spirit imbibed by a people disposes them to be just and benevolent, to do to others as they would have others do to them, and to look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of others. It prevents their entertaining a mean wish that their representatives should so far forget the dignity of their office, as to govern their public conduct by local attachments and interests, or to as the part of mere attorneys for their respective districts, or to do in their public capacity, what a man of probity and honor would blush to do in private.

The same spirit actuating legislators gives a liberal complexion to their conduct. They feel and act as guardians of the Commonwealth, and invariably aim to do justice
to all, and to promote the general welfare. They do not confine their views to the short period of their political existence; but consider the tendency of every public measure to promote the future prosperity of their country.

Were the Commonwealth a company or partnership to be dissolved with the present legislative body, after which each individual, detached from every other, were to shift for himself, patriotism would not impose such, duties on our rulers, as it now does. It would not require them to project or mature plans for the benefit of posterity, nor even of this generation beyond the present year. They might act on the maxim of the epicure, “Let us eat and drink; for tomorrow we die.” Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, public credit, and institutions for the promotion of science, religion and morality, would have no claim to their support or patronage. But as the social compact is not formed for a year or an age, but to be of the same duration with humanity itself, the public- spirited and virtuous guardians of the Commonwealth will consult the interest of unborn generations. In this respect the wisdom, piety, and patriotism of the first planters of- New- England can never be too much admired. At a period, when an invincible fortitude was necessary to surmount the difficulties at tending a new settlement in a savage wilderness, and when their dangers and hardships might have been thought a sufficient apology for applying all their resources to the purpose of feeding, clothing, and defending themselves, they established schools, provided for the religious instruction of the people, and founded a college. Their aim was not merely to people a country: their more noble and sublime object was to make it a seat of piety, virtue and freedom. To their enlightened and patriotic exertions, under God, the present generation is indebted for many of its most precious blessings, and this Commonwealth for the very respectable rank she holds in the union. May their example in this respect belong imitated, and their descendants prove themselves worthy of such ancestors by cherishing their wise institutions, and inquiring, as they did, into the remote, as well as immediate, influence of public measures on the character and happiness of the community. Again,

An attachment to our constitutions of government in opposition to a spirit of innovation, is necessary to the permanency of our political prosperity. Any man, who will take the trouble to reflect, and every man in a public station ought to reflect, because he has to think for others as well as himself, will he convinced that innovation and reformation are not synonymous terms.

You will do the speaker the justice to believe that he is not the advocate of unreasonable and groundless prejudice; but he frankly confesses that it appears to him less dangerous than a blind, impetuous passion for changing. The evils produced by the former are capable of being estimated: the deleterious consequences of the latter bid defiance to calculation. It is justly remarked by a learned British writer, now in America, that “human nature, with the various interests and connections of men in a state of society, is so complex a subject, that nothing can be safely concluded a priori with respect to it. It is extremely hazardous, he adds, to introduce any material change into an established form of government. No human sagacity can foresee what inconvenience might arise from it.” If these observations are true, and their truth will hardly be controverted by any man of reflection, considerable changes should be the effect of necessity only. Forms of government, and modes of administration, that have been found to answer the end of their institution, should not be hastily changed because some imperfections are discoverable in their theory. When experience has shown the necessity of alterations, and they can be made without hazard to public peace and order, let them be made. A prudent man will not set fire to his house, and thereby endanger the lives of his family, because some parts are not so perfectly convenient, or some of its proportions not so agreeable to the eye, as they might be made in a new edifice.

Even necessary alterations should not be precipitated. It is not sufficient that the necessity be perceived by a few men of superior discernment, skilled in the science of government. Let them wait till the conviction becomes general: and. a general conviction must be  the effect of feeling, rather than the result of reasoning. If, previous to this, any material alteration be attempted, though it should be with good intentions, the example will have most of the bad consequences of innovation. It will tend to loosen the bands of society, excite a political tempest, and give opportunity to some unprincipled, ambitious, and as yet unknown adventurer to mount the storm, and direct its vengeance against our wisest and best men, whose very, wisdom and goodness will in his view be crimes, which nothing but their blood can expiate. Our honored fathers will join with all good men in earnest prayers to the supreme Arbiter of nations, that the day may be far distant, when so sad a catastrophe shall be realized, when the people, after being made the instruments of their own degradation, shall pass from the hands of one master to those of another, with as little ceremony, as if they were- beasts of burden. And we feel a confidence that the legislature of Massachusetts will set an example of attachment to her own and the federal constitutions worthy of the imitation of other legislatures; as well as her own citizens. Lastly, a cheerful submission to the laws is indispensable to our political happiness.

In a government like ours the rulers can make no law that does not affect themselves equally with their constituents. This affords a high degree of security that all our laws will be dictated by a regard to the general good, and that no restraint will be laid upon individuals, which does not conduce in a greater degree to the public happiness. Interest therefore as well as duty enjoins a prompt obedience.

But as there are many, and perhaps always will be, in a large community, who do not perceive that they gain more by the restraints laid on others, than they lose by those laid on themselves, it is of great importance that rulers set an example of cheerful obedience to the laws. If they do not, they will be suspected of having had improper views in enacting them: And the laws will be hated or despised. It is justly required of the ministers of religion that they teach by example: It is not less necessary in a free State that rulers should govern in the same way.

Their personal examples and influence may do more than their statutes to discountenance impiety and vice, to promote a religious observance of the Christian Sabbath, to check the progress of infidelity and licentiousness, and to make us a virtuous and a happy people.

Addresses of congratulation to the first and second Magistrates in the Commonwealth have been usual on this anniversary. But it has pleased the all- wise GOD, whose counsels and ways are incomprehensible by us, to remove both of them by death in the last political year.

Soon after its commencement we were called to mourn the loss of our amiable and worthy Governor Sumner, whose spirit of government, happily tempered with moderation, and guided by wisdom and integrity, eminently qualified him for the exalted station, to which for several successive years he was invited by the general suffrages of his fellow- citizens. We had indulged the pleasing hope of long tranquility under his government; but his death afforded an affecting illustration of the propriety of that scriptural admonition, “Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help. His breath goeth forth, he returneth to his earth; in that very day his thoughts perish.”

By a recent stroke his Honor Lieutenant- Governor Gill is also numbered with the dead, after having discharged for nearly a year the duties of the first Magistrate with zeal and fidelity, and after having received the approbation of his constituents, expressed by their almost unanimous reelection of him to fill the station, which he had holden for a number of years.

It would have been peculiarly pleasing to see the people of this large and respectable Commonwealth happily united in the choice of a first Magistrate to succeed his late Excellency Governor Sumner. But in a free elective government it cannot be thought strange that the eyes of the people should be turned towards different persons to fill so important an office. We indulge however the expectation that there will be a general and cordial acquiescence in the will of the majority; as we doubt not a great part of the majority have full confidence, that the Character, to whom the prevailing suffrages have been given, will ably and faithfully discharge the duties of his office.

Honored Fathers of the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives,

Many of you have had repeated assurances of the confidence of your fellow- citizens, who believe that you love your country, and that you will labor to promote its prosperity.

They have a right to expect that you will aim in all your acts and deliberations at the public welfare, and particularly that you will exert the powers, with which you are constitutionally vested, to preserve the union of the States, and to support the general government, which is indispensable to our liberty and happiness. We are happy in the confidence that these just and reasonable expectations of your constituents will not be disappointed.

You have many motives to fidelity; but none that ought so deeply to impress your minds as this, that you are accountable for all your conduct to the King of kings, and Lord of lords, who standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods. Your public and private conduct now will have an important influence on your future state. You will consider therefore, that, though you are rulers over men, you are God’s servants, and his approbation is of more importance than all other interests.

Though ye are all called gods on earth, ye shall die like men.

What painful demonstrations of this solemn truth have we had in the past year! Alas! Washington, whom we loved, and delighted to honor, is no more. The father of his country sleeps in dust. How long shall our tears continue to flow at the recollection of his dear name! But it is for ourselves, not for him we are to weep. Having finished the work, which has Master in heaven had assigned him, he has been called from the field of his labors to receive, as we trust, his reward, and to hear, “Well done, good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of thy Lord.”

Though removed from our world, his virtues live in our remembrance. And may the affection we had for him in his life, and the sorrow we felt at his death, engage us to honor his memory by an imitation of his pious and virtuous example! By this may he long continue to bless his country!

Imagine, honored fathers, that ye hear him, though dead, yet speaking to you. And is not his language to this effect? “Remember that you are not elevated to your present places for your personal emolument, but for the good of your fellow mortals, whose happiness in life depends much on your conduct.

“Rejoice in the honor conferred on you by your fellow- citizens, chiefly because you are thereby enabled to be more useful to them during the short period of your continuance on earth. Bear in mind that however eminent your talents and usefulness, or however great the affection of your country may be, you must soon fall by the hand of death, and your heads be laid low in the dust. Seek therefore the honor that cometh from God. Let his fear rule in your hearts; embrace and obey the gospel of his Son, fulfill the duties of your respective stations with fidelity, and then you will be prepared to resign your earthly honors without regret, and enter into possession of glory and immortality.”

Fellow- citizens of this assembly,

If, as has been said, the real freedom of a people depends very much on their character and habits, every member of the community by setting a good example may contribute to the preservation of our liberty and happiness. Every man, who lives under the influence of Christian principles, who leads a sober, righteous and godly life, is a benefactor to his country, and he shall not lose his reward. When all terrestrial kingdoms and states shall be dissolved, and the fashion of this world shall pass away, he shall be glorious in the eyes of the Lord his God, and shall shine as the firmament, and as a star forever and ever.

FINIS

 

 

Sermon – Election – 1800, Connecticut


John Smalley (1734-1820) graduated from Yale in 1756. He was the preacher for a church in New Britain, Connecticut (1758-1798). This sermon was preached by Smalley in Connecticut on May 8, 1800.


sermon-election-1800-connecticut

ON THE EVILS OF A WEAK GOVERNMENT.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT HARTFORD, IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 8, 1800.

By JOHN SMALLEY, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN BERLIN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, one thousand eight hundred—

ORDERED, That the Honorable Thomas Seymour and Selah Heart, Esquire, present the thanks of this Assembly, to the Reverend JOHN SMALLEY, for his Sermon, delivered on the Anniversary Election, on the eighth of May instant, and to request a copy thereof for publication.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

An Election Sermon, &c.
 

ISAIAH iii. 4, 5.

And I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. And the people shall be oppressed, everyone by another, and everyone by his neighbour: the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.

 

When we read and hear such threatening predictions as this; and see our judges as at the first, and our counselors and governors as at the beginning—equally wise and good; we are ready to bless ourselves, and to say in our hearts, These things shall come upon us. That the whole of what is here foretold, has not yet come upon us, we have certainly great reason to bless God, and to congratulate one another. But it should be remembered, that neither past mercies, nor present happy circumstances, are any security against evils to come. Surprising changes in this fallen world, have ever been frequent, and are still to be expected. Prosperity and adversity, like sunshine and storms, are wont to follow each other, almost in constant rotation. Communities, as well as individuals, that have been remarkably raised up, are often as wonderfully cast down, in the providence of God, when most exalted. “He blesseth them also,” it is said, 1 “so that they are multiplied greatly, and suffereth not their cattle to decrease. Again they are minished, and brought low, through oppression, affliction and sorrow.”

Of such vicissitudes, the chosen people threatened in our text, was a striking and an instructive example. This nation had long been favored, in regard to government, as well as religion, far beyond any other then on the earth. From its earliest infancy, it had been under the peculiar guardianship of heaven. “When Israel was a child,” says the most High in Hosea, 2“then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt:–I taught Ephraim also to go, taking them by their arms: I drew them with cords of a man, with bands of love; and I was to them as they that take off the yoke.”

They had been liberated from powerful oppressors, and cruel task-masters, by the out-stretched arm of the Almighty. They had been led like a flock, through the Red Sea, and forty years in a most perilous, howling wilderness, by the hand of Moses and Aaron. Under Joshua, their great and beloved general, they had vanquished mighty armies; and had obtained a peaceful settlement as a free and an independent people, in a land flowing with milk and honey.

Here, when they forgot God their Saviour, who had done such great things for them, and so many wonderous works before their eyes, he sometimes left them to have no guide, overseer or ruler; and suffered the Heathen around them, to make terrible inroads on their borders. Nevertheless, as often as they cried unto the Lord in their distresses, he raised them up judges—valiant, righteous men, to deliver them out of the hand of their enemies, and to administer justice among them. Afterwards, because of their uneasiness, and the hardness of their hearts, God gave them kings; and these, several of them, were very eminent for wisdom and virtue. Nor was their happiness, in this respect, yet at an end; for Isaiah prophesied no later than the reign of Hezekiah; one of the most amiable and best of princes.

But, from the days of their fathers, they had gone away from God’s ordinances; and now, it seems, the measure of their iniquities was almost full. A very awful decree of the holy One of Israel against them is therefore here announced. See the preceding context. “For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, doth take away from Jerusalem, and from Judah, the stay and the staff; the whole stay of bread, and the whole stay of water; the mighty man, and the man of war; the judge, and the prophet, and the prudent, and the ancient; the captain of fifty, and the honorable man, and the counselor, and the cunning artificer, and the eloquent orator. And I will give children to be their princes,” &c.

From my text, thus connected, the doctrine deducible, which will be our present subject, is this:

That to be under a weak government, is one of the greatest calamities, ever sent upon a people.

This, you observe, is here threatened together with drought and famine in the extreme—a total want of bread and of water; as well as being bereaved of the most eminent men, in every necessary employment: and it is mentioned last, and most enlarged upon, as the consummation of misery.

But, after explaining the calamity designed, and some of the principal causes of it, I shall attend, more particularly, to the proof and illustration of this doctrine.

There are two senses, in which government is said to be weak: when it is unwise; and when it wants energy. The latter is the more extensive signification of the phrase; and it comprehends the former: this, therefore, is the sense now to be considered. By a weak government will be meant, one that wants energy; whether through the weakness of those by whom it is administered, or by any other means.

To mention, with a little enlargement, some of the most common causes of so great an evil, will not be foreign to the design of this anniversary.

1. That the government of a nation or state has not proper energy, may be the fault of its constitution. A form of government may be such, that, unless the administration of it be arbitrary, it will necessarily be weak.

To give rulers all that power, and reserve to the subjects all that liberty, which is best for the people, is a nice point; very difficult, I imagine, to be exactly hit, by the wisest of men, and men the most disinterested. There is a danger of erring, undoubtedly, on either hand; of abridging freedom, as well as of limiting authority, more than is for the greatest general good—of adopting a constitution too despotic, as well as one too feeble. But when it is left to the people at large, what government it is left to the people at large, what government they will be under, the error most to be apprehended, I believe, is on the side of inefficiency.

The love of liberty is natural to all mankind; and even to birds, and four-footed animals, and creeping things. Of this celebrated virtue, we lost nothing by the fall of our first parents. Everyone, however depraved in other respects, wishes to be free—unboundedly free; to have none above him; to be his own subject, his own governor, his own judge. And when, for obtaining the advantages of social union, individuals give up to the community, or to any constituted authorities, a power over their words and actions, their property and lives; they do it with great reluctance, and as sparingly as possible.

To observe the extreme reluctance of some, on such occasions—to see how strenuously they will dispute every inch of power, vested anywhere, which might possibly be abused, or turned against themselves; is apt to remind one of the cautious policy of certain ancient Pagans, described by Jeremiah, in regard to their gods. Not only would they have gods of their own making, and made of such materials that they must needs be born, because they could not go; but, as wooden gods could fall and might happen to fall upon the makers of them, or on their children, or valuable furniture; for full security, they fastened them with nails and with hammers. “Be not afraid of them,” says the prophet; “for they cannot do evil, neither also is it in them to do good.”

Checks, unquestionably, there ought to be, on every department of a free government: But if such checks be laid upon rulers, that the ruled are under no check at all, harmless, indeed, will such rulers be; but altogether insignificant. These servants of the people, must have more power than the child, and the base, who proudly so call them; unless we would have them miserable gods, or ministers of God to us for good—their scripture titles. They must have authority to punish treasonable lies against themselves, as well as slanders against the meanest of their subjects; otherwise, who will be afraid of them? Or what protection can they afford?

2. That the government of a people is too weak, may be the fault of those betrusted with its administration. It may be owing to their weakness; or to their indolence, or flowness in doing business; or to their excessive lenity; or to their not being of a virtuous character, or not paying a due attention to the strict regularity of their own lives. These particulars, suffer me cursorily to go over.

When the rulers of a land are children; whether in understanding, or in firmness and stability of mind, we are not certainly to expect that the reins of government will be guided with discretion, and held with sufficient force. To govern well, at least in the higher and more difficult offices, considerable theoretic knowledge, some experience, and more than common natural powers, are altogether necessary. And so is that degree of courage and inflexibility, which will enable a man to maintain his post, and to persevere in what appears to him the plain path of duty; unmoved by noisy opposition—undaunted by popular clamor—undismayed by imminent danger.

To support an efficient government, rulers must likewise be men of vigilance and activity. “He that ruleth,” says an Apostle,3with diligence.” And of Jeroboam it was said, 4 “Solomon, seeing the young man that he was industrious, he made him ruler over all the charge of the house of Joseph.” A commonwealth, under the superintendency of indolent men, will resemble the field of the slothful which we read of, that was “all grown over with thorns; the face of it covered with nettles, and the stone wall thereof broken down.” Or, though rulers be not “slothful in business;” they may be so slow in transacting it, and in bringing anything to a termination, as very much to lower the tone, and defeat the salutary designs, of civil government. When courts of justice are so dilatory in their decisions, and such endless evasions, and reviews, are admitted; that a man had better lose almost any debt or damage, than commence a legal process for a recovery, the protection of law must be lamentably weak.

Excessive lenity, will have a similar effect. Mercy, is indeed an amiable attribute; to pass over a transgression, is said to be the glory of a man; and being ready to forgive, is a duty much inculcated in the word of God: But in one who sustains any place of authority, whether that of a parent or master, or civil magistrate; lenity and indulgence may be carried farther than is the glory or duty of a man; unless it be his duty and glory to have no government. Should rulers remit crimes, or pass them over without condemnation, when the public good, or righting an injured individual, requires their punishment; merciful they might be, but not as our Father in Heaven is merciful.

Liberality to the poor, out of one’s own proper goods, is a capital Christian virtue; but of the property of other people, judges and law-givers, may possibly be over liberal. The persons even of the poor are not to be respected in judgment. Making provision by law, for supporting such as are unable to support themselves, is doubtless very commendable; but why those who happen to be the creditors of the poor; who have helped them much already, and suffered much by their slackness and breach of promise, should be still obliged to lose ten times more for their relief, or for the relief of their families, than others equally able, it is not easy to conceive. And should courts of law, or courts of equity, cancel the debts of men, whenever they please a present incapacity to pay them, whether such clemency might not too much weaken government, as a security to everyone in his rightful claims, may be a question. Indeed, in any case, to give an insolvent debtor a final discharge from all he owes, without the consent of his creditors, looks like giving him a license to be an unrighteous man. For can it ever be right, or can any court under heaven make it right, for a man not to pay his promised debts, for value received, when now he has money enough, because once, the payment of them was not in the power of his hands.

Thus to exonerate of a heavy load of old debts, one deeply insolvent, is necessary, it will be said; as without this he could have no courage to commence business anew. And, no doubt, such expected exoneration, will be a mighty encouragement to extravagant adventurers, who have nothing to lose, since, by running the greatest hazards, with the slenderest chance of immense gain, they risk only the property of others. If successful, the profit is their own; if unsuccessful, the loss is their neighbour’s. But if the tendency of being thus merciful, were much better than it is; or the urgency for it far greater; would it not be doing evil that good may come. “He that ruleth over men must be just” 5 The laws of truth and righteousness, are not noses of wax; to be bent anyway, as will suit present convenience. It is dangerous to break down, or break over, the fixed barrier of eternal justice, on any pretence of temporary necessity.

One way more was hinted, in which those who govern, may weaken government; and that is, by being men of a vicious character; or by not paying a due attention to the strict regularity of their own lives. Indeed, “a wicked ruler” is often strong, and fierce, and active, as “a roaring lion and a ranging bear;” but rarely for the benefit of “the poor people.” He will not be eager to pluck the spoil out of the mouth of the fraudulent villain, or the violent oppressor; unless that he may get it into his own. Nor will authority, in the hands of libertine men, however it may terrify, be much revered. When the makers or judges of laws, are themselves notorious breakers of them, or of the laws of heaven, government will necessarily fall into contempt. It is also to be observed, that advancing to posts of honor, men of loose principles and morals, gives reputation to licentiousness, and stamps it as the current fashion. Their example will encourage evil doers, more than all the punishments they are likely to inflict, will be a terror to them. “The wicked walk on every side when the vilest men are exalted.” 6

But rulers may be far from being the vilest men, they may be very good men; and yet, by an incautious conformity to common practices, supposed to be innocent, they may too much countenance some things which are of very hurtful tendency. Permit me to instance in one particular. “It is not for kings,” we read, “to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink.”7 And certainly, it is not for the lower classes to drink so much of these as many of them do, if they regard their health, or competence, or peace. I select this instance, because it is directly pertinent to the main subject in hand. Nothing is a greater weakener of government—nothing makes the multitude more heady and high minded—nothing raises oftener or louder, the cry of liberty and equality—nothing more emboldens and enflames that little member, which boasteth great things, and setteth on fire the whole course of nature—nothing, in a word, makes men more incapable of governing themselves, or of being governed, than strong drink. Now, if rulers drink, though not to drunkenness; no so as quite to “forget the law,” or greatly to “pervert the judgment of any;” if they only drink as much as is very universally customary, in polite circles, on great occasions; though they do not hurt themselves, they may too much sanction that which will hurt their inferiors. That divine injunction, “Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil,”8 lies with peculiar weight on civil rulers, as well as religious teachers. They, more than others, are under obligation to lead the multitude, in whatsoever things are sober, wise and good. They, of all men, are bound in duty to abstain from all appearance of anything, which, improved upon by bungling eager imitators, might grow into a practice pernicious to society. Nor should it be forgotten, that every deviation from rectitude of conduct, lessens the dignity, and lowers the authority of great men. “Dead flies cause the ointment of the apothecary to send forth a stinking favor: so doth a little folly, him that is in reputation for wisdom and honor.” 9 But,

3. That weakness of government which is a calamity to any people, is often principally the fault of the people themselves. It may be owing to their negligence, or to their caprice and folly, in the choice of their rulers; or it may be owing to their ill-treatment of them when chosen. A government most excellent in its constitution, and most wise, just and firm, in its administration, may be enervated, or rendered inadequate, by the ungovernableness of the people: By their revilings and slanders—their haughtiness and insolence—their factions and tumults. David once said, “I am this day weak, though anointed king; and these men, the sons of Zeruiah, are too hard for me.” 10

Nor must it be omitted, that, besides the immediate natural causes of a weak government, the irreligion, or general wickedness of a people, may be its procuring cause, as a judgment of heaven. “The most High ruleth in the” nations of men; “and giveth” the dominion over them, “to whomsoever he will.” 11 “For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south; but God is the judge; he putteth down one, and setteth up another.” 12 When the ways of a people please the Lord—when they fear Him, and work righteousness; among other blessings, he gives them good governors, under whose able and equitable administration, they lead quiet and peaceable lives. On the contrary, when they forget Him, neglect his worship, and disregard his word; among other modes of punishment, he takes away their wise and faithful magistrates, and gives them weak or wicked ones in their stead; or leaves them to trample all authority under foot. This was the cause of the calamities threatened in our text and context. See the eighth verse, which concludes the paragraph. “For Jerusalem is ruined, and Judah is fallen; because their tongue and their doings are against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory.”

Let us now attend, as was proposed, to the proof and illustration of the doctrine laid down: That, of all the calamities ever sent upon a people, being under a weak government, is one of the most deplorable.

It is said, 13 “Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child.” It is also asked, 14 “If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?” And if we consider the matter, it may easily be seen, that the people of all characters, and not merely the righteous among them, must be in a very wretched condition, should government be overturned, or have no coercive force.

First; an exposedness to all manner of mutual injuries, without redress, is one obvious evil thence arising. The people shall be oppressed, everyone by another, and every one by his neighbor.

“Surely oppression maketh a wise man mad,” is an observation of the royal preacher.15 And many are the accounts in history, of oppression’s having had this effect on a multitude of men, the wise among the foolish. How often have whole nations raved and raged, like the fiercest of animals, under the operation of the hydrophobia, at only a distant oppression of this terrible evil?

I am sensible, it is the dread of oppression from government, and not of being oppressed one by another, through the want or weakness of it, that usually occasions this rage, and these ravings. The people are ten times more apt to be afraid of having heavy burdens and grievous restraints laid upon them, by the best men in power, than of anything they might be in danger of suffering from their equals, however wicked, and however unrestrained. But what can be the reason of this? Is it because there is not really as much mischief to be feared, from individual, as from public oppression? From the oppressions of the many, as of the few? From the unrighteousness of millions, let loose, as from that of one man, or a small number of men?

This, certainly, is not the case; this cannot be the reason. When there is no law, and everyone does what he thinks fit, without fear of punishment, the people, I believe, have ever been and are ever likely to be, much more unhappy than even under a very despotic and oppressive government.

What then is the reason? Why are the people, whose voice is said to be the voice of God, so much more ready to sound and take an alarm, when threatened with the latter, than with the former of these evils? Why are they so loud and tumultuous, when their liberties are thought to be in any danger; and so quiet and easy, when government is rudely attacked, and ready to be overthrown? Why is the shock of terror so much greater and more universal, at the remotest prospect of tyranny, than at the nearest, and most evident approximation to total anarchy?—There may be several reasons.

One, probably, is; when the people are oppressed by each other, their sufferings are separately felt: Whereas, oppression from the higher powers falls upon all in a body. In the former case, everyone bears his own different burdens; and divided complaints, though bitter, make but a confused and feeble murmur: in the latter case, all feel or fear the same; all voices, therefore, are united in one tremendous cry.

Another reason may be; under oppression from government, often no other way of relief is seen, than popular combinations and insurrections; but when injuries are done us by individuals, because there is no government to restrain them, a remedy is always near and obvious. If everyone is oppressed, everyone can be an oppressor. If a man’s neighbours all bite and devour him, he can bite and devour all his neighbours. Hence, a dissolution of government, instead of being universally deprecated, appears to many, “A consummation devoutly to be wished.”

But there is another cause of the wonderful phenomenon I am accounting for, more influential perhaps with the most, than both the forementioned. It is owing to charity. A kind of charity, not the exclusive glory of modern times; but entirely peculiar to fallen creatures. A kind of charity, which covers a multitude of our own sins, from our own sight. A kind of charity which always begins, and ends, at home; though often extensive in its circuits. From this boasted charity, we are ever inclined to hope all things, and believe all things, in favour of any number, or class, or order of beings, in which we ourselves are included. Thus men, naturally think of mankind, more highly than they ought to think. Frenchmen, of the French: Britons, of the British: Americans, of the people of America: Those of every state and town, of their own state’s men and town’s men; and men of every calling, of their brethren of the same occupation, collectively considered. In like manner, the common people, think the common people exceedingly honest, harmless, and virtuous; while of those in power, though of their own choosing, and just chosen out of all the people, they have not near so favorable an opinion. That the people should have too much liberty, therefore, they are not at all afraid: that rulers will not have checks enough upon them, is all their fear.

This beam of selfish liberality of sentiment, it ay be impossible for us to cast wholly out of our eye: But that, round the edges of it, we may get some glimpse of real human nature; I know of no better way than to look upon mankind one by one; or in circles not including ourselves. Let us then think of other nations; other states; other towns, and neighbourhoods; or of particular persons among our nearest neighbours. In this separate view, let us search and look; let us impartially examine characters.—Where do we find a great predominance of the innocent inoffensive people? Where do we find a nation, or state, or town, or society, except our own, so very virtuous? Where do we find many individuals, besides ourselves, so just and true, temperate and chaste, meek and merciful; so free from covetousness, pride, envy, revenge, and every unfriendly passion, that we could live safely among them, were they at full liberty from all the restraints of law and government?

Indeed, how great an alteration this would make, in the apparent characters of most men, it is difficult to conceive, without the trial. A very partial trial of it, for a short time, some of us have once seen; when it was made lawful to discharge pecuniary obligations, at the rate of a tenth, a twentieth, and even a fiftieth, of the real value justly due. We then had a convincing evidence, that the external justice of our common honest people, is owing to the expected compulsion of civil law, much more than to uprightness of heart, or feelings of conscience, or any dread of a higher tribunal. From this specimen, and from the sacred story of the behavior of the men of Benjamin, relative to the Levite from mount Ephraim, when “there was no king in Israel; and everyone did that which was right in his own eyes;” we may have some faint idea of the horrid scenes of unrighteousness, lewdness and cruelty, that would everywhere be acted, were it not for the fear of temporal punishment. From all that we have read of the destruction of mankind by one another, whenever they are at liberty; and from recent indisputable information of the shocking state of things, where government has been overturned; we may well believe that the scripture accounts of the depravity of men, are no exaggeration. Not even the following: “Their throat is an open sepulcher; with their tongues they have used deceit; the poison of asps is under their lips; whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness; their feet are swift to shed blood. Destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace have they not known.” 16

But if this be a true portrait of fallen men, when left to themselves, how much are we indebted to the restraint laid upon them, for the little peace we enjoy? And may we not well be convinced, that all the terror of the civil sword, in the most faithful and skillful hands, will not be more than enough to restrain from iniquity, such a race of beings, so that they may dwell together, not in unity, as brethren, but with any tolerable safety? Especially if, as is added to finish the above picture, “There is no fear of God before their eyes?” And that this last trait, is still a part of the character of many, is abundantly evident, both from their avowed principles and open practices. Now this being the case, that while the hearts of men are fully set in them to do evil, they have no fear of the God of heaven to restrain them; were it not for the dread of gods on earth, our civil rulers, what security should we have, for our names, or property, or lives? If we had no other evil to apprehend, from weakness of government, than only this, of lying open to all manner of mutual oppressions, slander, frauds and violences; it would, even then, be evidently one of the greatest calamities that could befall a people.

But a second evil, somewhat distinct, and worthy of some notice, is suggested in our text: No one in a subordinate station would keep his proper place, or treat his superiors with suitable respect. The child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.

Solomon says, “There is an evil which I have seen under the sun, as an error that proceedeth from the ruler: Folly is set in great dignity, and the rich in low place. I have seen servants riding upon horses, and princes walking as servants upon the earth.” 17 When authority fails, or is obstructed, at the fountain head, its remotest streams must, in a little time, run low. If parents will not obey magistrates, children will be disobedient to parents; if masters refuse subjection to the higher powers, their servants and apprentices will soon pay as little regard to their injunctions. Thus this evil proceedeth from the ruler; or from his not being able to rule. And a serious evil it certainly is. By superiors, in every degree, it will soon be very sensibly felt. They will have none to fear them, none to honor them, none over whom they can have any command. Inferiors, of the very lowest grade, may exult, for awhile, in such areas of freedom; and think them glorious times. But even to these—to the child and the base, this turning of things upside down, generally proves fatal in the end. Being under no control, they spend their time in idleness; waste their substance, if they have any, in riotous living; have recourse to pilfering, gambling, and every hazardous expedient, to support their extravagances, and by various foolish and hurtful practices, soon plunge themselves into irrecoverable wretchedness and ruin.

There is yet a third capital evil, arising from too weak a government, which, though not mentioned in our text, should be briefly noticed, when treating of this subject at large. A community in such a situation, will be able to make little defense against a foreign enemy. Like the people of Laish, who had no magistrate in the land to put them to shame in anything; they will be an easy prey to any handful of enterprising invaders. No resources can be drawn forth—no navies furnished—no armies raised and supplied—no fortifications erected and garrisoned, without energy in government. What Solomon says of a man that has no rule over his own spirit, holds equally true of an ungoverned nation: it “is as a city that is broken down, and without walls.”

The doctrine, I conceive, needs no farther illustration or proof. It only remains, that I endeavor to point out some useful inferences from it, applicable to our own times, and to the present occasion.

1. The Holy Scriptures may hence be vindicated, in their being so much on the side of government; and no more favorable to the insurrection of inferiors.

On these topics, it must be acknowledged, the spirit of the gospel, as well as of the Old Testament, is somewhat different from the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience, among whom we have all had our conversation. Our Saviour “went about doing good, and healing all that were oppressed of the devil;” but under the political oppressions of the Jews, his countrymen, he seemed not much to sympathize with them. When it hurt their consciences to pay tribute to a foreign power, and they asked him whether it were lawful; his answer was, “Render to Caesar, the things that are Caesar’s, and to God, the things that are God’s.” He constantly preached peace, meekness, humility and submission. His apostles in like manner, taught children to obey and honor their parents: and servants to be “subject to their own masters, with all fear; not only to the good and gentle, but also to the forward.” And, instead of animating their numerous proselytes, at Crete, at Rome, and all over the world, to rise in arms against these rulers of the earth who were their unrighteous and unmerciful persecutors; they would have them “put in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates:” 18 they exhorted them to “submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake;” 19 and told them, “Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.” 20

At this distance of time, and after so many revolutions, such passages as these may seem hard sayings, to some good soldiers, even of Jesus Christ. No wonder that the inculcators of so much poverty of spirit, should be rejected with scorn, and treated with scurrility, in this “age of reason.” We are not to wonder, were there no other cause, that infidelity should exceedingly increase, in these times of “illumination.”

To the spiritually minded Christian, however, it will readily occur, in favour of the author and finisher of our faith, and his first ministers, that the great objet they had in view, was to save the souls of men; and that, teaching them to be meek and lowly in heart, poor in spirit, and contented in whatsoever state they were, was better adapted to this design; than filling the heads of inferiors with exalted notions of the equal “rights of man;” inflaming their hearts with pride and angry passions; and throwing families into envying and strife, and nations into the convulsions of civil war; till everyone can be as free as the freest, and as high as the highest.

But, leaving things eternal out of the question; according to the subject to which we have now been attending, if the preachers and penmen of the New-Testament had aimed only to promote the temporal happiness, of only the lower classes of mankind, they would have done wisely in writing and preaching, on the duties of subordination, exactly as they did. Never can there be peace on earth, or any safety among men, while children are allowed to rise up against their parents, servants against their masters, and subjects against their civil rulers, whenever they think differently from them, or dislike their government. Thus to make the child, the governor of his governors, and the base, the judge of his judges, is the certain way to endless confusion, in all human societies.

2. If the doctrine insisted on be true, it follows, that a ready submission to all those burdens which are necessary for the support of good government, and for national defence, is the wisdom, as well as duty of any people.

The apostle to the Romans, having said, “The powers that be are ordained of God;” having observed that the benevolent end of their ordination was the good of the people; and, on these grounds, having enjoined subjection to them, he adds; “For this cause pay ye tribute also: for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing.”

Public expenses are apt to appear to many, excessively high: but, perhaps, they do not well consider the real occasion there is for great expenditures, in a nation or state of any magnitude.

In order to the support of good government, many rulers, of high and low degree, are absolutely necessary. And it is necessary that those who occupy the higher offices, should be men of superior knowledge, and uncommon natural abilities: such knowledge as is not easily acquired, and such abilities as might procure them a plentiful income in other occupations. If the bramble, or the shrub oak, were adequate to rule over the trees, a cheap government might be expected; but if the vine, the fig-tree, and the olive-tree, must be promoted; we are not to think that these will leave their rich fruits; their sweetness, and fatness, without a suitable compensation.—Besides, rulers of high rank, must be at no inconsiderable expense, to support the proper dignity of their stations. It is also to be taken into the account, that the duties of those who rule well, and attend continually upon this very thing, are not only exceedingly laborious, but that some parts of the essential services they have to render must be very disagreeable; if they have any compassionate sensibility. The execution of deserved vengeance, is said to be God’s strange work; as being, in itself, most opposite to One whose nature is love, and who delighteth in mercy. And, doubtless, that punishment of evil doers, for which earthly rulers re appointed, and which the public good requires, must be rally painful to the feelings of humanity; more painful, in many cases, than the amputation of limbs, and other high operations in surgery, for which, on that account, as well as because of the superior skill and great care requisite, an ample fee to the operator is thought reasonable. Moreover; those who stand in elevated stations, are the marks of obloquy, and exposed to many dangers, much more than men on the level ground of private life. All these things well weighed, the equitable reward of governors, and the necessary cost of supporting good government, must be no inconsiderable burden on the people.

In order to national defense, against hostilities from abroad, still heavier expenses are often indispensible. In perilous times, there must be armies and fleets, forts and garrisons. At the first outset, more especially, when all these things are to be new-created, to a people unused to such vast expenditures, they will naturally appear enormous; and very easily may a popular clamor be raised against them. It is possible, indeed, that more may be laid out in these ways, many times, than the public exigencies require; but of this, few of the complainers are competent to judge. A nation that has an extended coast, and an extensive commerce to defend, had better be at immense charges for the security of these, than lie open to those spoliations and invasions, to which, without arming, when all the world is at war, they might inevitably be exposed.

To provide both for the internal and external safety of a numerous people, the burdens laid upon them must often be heavy. These are evils to be lamented; but in the present state of mankind, they are necessary for the prevention of far greater evils; and should therefore be submitted to, without murmuring.

3. The preceding observations may suggest to us, some peculiar advantages of a republican form of government. 21

Under every form, there must be orders and degrees; some must bear rule, and others be subject to tribute. Under every form, there will be duties, imposts, excises, and perhaps direct taxation. All forms of government, however, are not equal. Much advantage hath the republican, many ways.

One advantage is, that the people may always have good rulers, unless it be their own fault. Under a monarchy, or an aristocracy, let the body of the people be ever so virtuous, and ever so vigilant, they may have children for their princes, and babes to rule over them. When power is hereditary, in kings or nobles, not only is there a risk of having the highest seats of government filled by minors; but, if this should not happen, the hazard is great, that those who inherit the first offices of government, will frequently be men of not much knowledge, or of not much virtue. But in elective governments, where the people at large are the electors, and especially where the elections are frequent, they may always have wise and faithful men in all places of authority; if such are to be found, and if such they choose.

It may next be observed; that in republican governments, there is the least occasion for illegal associations, or popular tumults, to obtain a redress of grievances. If there be any mal-administration, or any fault in the constitution, a remedy is provided, without disturbing the public pace.

Another advantage must not be forgotten, which is very great: under this free form of government, the interests of rulers and subjects are so blended—so the same, that the former cannot oppress the latter, without equally oppressing themselves. In an absolute monarchy, the king; and in an aristocracy, the nobles, may “bind heavy burdens, and lay them on men’s shoulders,” without being obliged to “touch them themselves with one of their fingers:” but in democracies, the highest magistrates are subject to the same laws, the same duties, the same taxes, which they impose upon others. At least, those who this year bear rule, the next election may be under law, under tribute. This is a great security against their decreeing unrighteous decrees, and writing grievous things.

Lastly; representative rulers feel themselves so dependent on the people, for their continuance in office, that they are not likely to grow haughty and unreasonably over-bearing, as those naturally will, who have no such dependence.

These are some of the peculiar advantages of a republican government. But then, it is to be well remembered, that the best things may become the worst for us, be being abused. To render democratic governments stable and happy, it is highly necessary that the people should be wise, virtuous, peaceable, and easily governed. For want of these requisites, republics have often been, like “man that is born of a woman, of few days, and full of trouble.”

4. In the more particular application of our subject, we are naturally led to a view and conviction, of our own mercies, and privileges, and prospects, and duties.

That the past mercies of Heaven towards this country, have been singularly great, every pious observer will be ready devoutly to acknowledge. I have reference, chiefly, to political mercies; or those which relate to civil liberty and government. Hardly another instance can be found, I believe, in all history, of a people’s enjoying both these blessings jointly, in so high a degree, for so great a length of time, as they have been enjoyed by several of these united states; and by this state, in particular. The people of Connecticut, from the beginning, have invariably chosen their chief magistrates, and general assembly; and they have had a succession of good governors far beyond the common lot of mankind. Our “officers have been peace, and our exactors righteousness,” with as few exceptions, perhaps, as ever were known in any part of the world.

Or, if we confine the retrospect, within the compass of the last five and twenty years; and extend it to the whole union, how wonderful have been the salvations granted us! In this period, we have passed through the Red Sea of a revolutionary war; in which our then friends and coadjutors, assaying to follow us, as most who ever attempted it before us, have been drowned. Here, quite contrary to what usually happens, on such occasions, we had guides eminent for prudence, stability, coolness, and unconquerable perseverance. And one, super-eminent for all those; by the integrity of whose heart, and the skillfulness of whose hands, we were led like a flock, in safety, far surpassing all rational expectation. We have also passed, afterwards, thro the howling wilderness of an almost national anarchy: where were pits, and scorpions, and fiery flying serpents. Here again, our great men, with the greatest of all at their head, in a general convention, formed and recommended our present admirable constitution. And our wisest counselors and most eloquent orators, in every state, straining every nerve, procured its adoption; whereby we were saved, when on the brink of dissolution. That such men were raised up, and put forward, in these times of need; and their way made prosperous; was certainly “the Lord’s doing, and ought to be marvelous in our eyes.” In either of these perils, “it was of the Lord’s mercies that we were not consumed.”

And as past mercies, so our present privileges, are singular, and such as deserve a very grateful acknowledgment. While many other nations are suffering the ravages of a most furious war, still likely to be carried on with redoubled rage; we enjoy the inestimable blessings of peace. While most other nations are under the dominion of hereditary kings and nobles, such as they happen to be born and educated, whether virtuous or vicious, wise men or fools; we have rulers from the highest to the lowest, of our own election. While one other nation, great and highly civilized, after swimming in seas of blood for eight years, and after nearly as many revolutions, in a violent contest for liberty and equality, has at last, nothing more of either than the empty name, we possess the reality of both, as far as is consistent with any order or safety.

Our national expenses are necessarily great: but the burden of them is laid, as much as possible, on those most able to bear it; among whom, the imposers, being of the richer class, has taken a large proportion on themselves. In the nation, and in this state, the policy of government, certainly, is not to “grind the face of the poor.” The mildness and gentleness of our administration, it appears to me, is generally very great; and, in regard to its wisdom and firmness, considering the times, I think it deserving of much applause. Respecting rulers, certainly our condition, hitherto, is far different from that described and threatened in our text.

Such have been our mercies; such are our privileges. What then are our prospects?—Not altogether fair and promising, after all. As in the blessings of heaven, and the abuse of these blessings, there is a striking resemblance between us, and the land of Judah and inhabitants of Jerusalem, at the time of this prophecy, to which we have been attending; so, in the sequel, it is possible there may be a similitude. Our mountain is not yet so strong, that we have reason, from any quarter, to say in our prosperity, we shall never be moved.

Some may flatter themselves, that, although other republics have frequently been tumultuous, and of short continuance; ours will be peaceful and permanent, because of the greater knowledge and virtue of the people.

It is true, in this part of the union at least, “We know that we all have knowledge.” But, I doubt, we have more of the “knowledge which puffeth up,” than of that knowledge which promises “stability of times.” It is true, we have the light of the gospel; and were we disposed to be guided by this light, we need not fear the fate of ancient republics, that were bewildered in Pagan darkness. But, in matters relative to government and subordination; too many choose to take their instructions from Heathen philosophy, rather than from the oracles of God. And as the knowledge, so the virtue, of even this happy country, exceedingly wants to be Christianized. It is true, our “charity aboundeth:” but I am afraid we have not much of that charity which is “the bond of perfectness, or the bond of peace.”

Perhaps some good people are ready to think, we may safely “trust in God; who hath delivered, and doth deliver, that he will yet deliver us.” And had we rendered according to the benefits done us, indeed, we might thus securely trust. But has this been the case? On the contrary, have we not sinned more and more, since the almost miraculous deliverances granted us? Has not the worship of God been neglected; his day and name been profaned, his laws transgressed, and his gospel despised and rejected, of late years, more than ever? Have not infidelity, and all manner of loose principles, and immoral practices, abounded in all parts of the land, since the revolution, and our happy independence, more than at any former period?—Shall we then “lean upon the Lord, and say, Is not the Lord among us? No evil can come upon us?” 22 Or shall we think, “Because we are innocent, surely his anger shall turn from us?” His ancient covenant people thus leaned, and thus said, in times of their greatest degeneracy; but what were the answers of God to them? 23 “You only have I known, of all the families of the earth; therefore will I punish you for all your iniquities.” And, “shall I not visit for these things? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?”

When we read such solemn divine admonitions as these, and consider our own ways and doings, can we confidently expect the continued smiles and protection of the holy governor of the world? Instead of this, may not our flesh well tremble for fear of him? Have we not reason to be afraid of his avenging judgments?

And has he not already begun to testify his righteous displeasure against us, in some terrible instances? For several years past, our capital towns and cities have been sorely visited with a wasting pestilence; little, if at all known before, in these parts. And now, very lately, a most awful breach has been made upon us; and of the very same kind threatened in our context to Jerusalem and Judah. For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, hath taken away from America, the stay and the staff:–the mighty man, and the man of war. The judge, and the prudent, and the ancient: The captain of all our armies, and our most honorable man. All these, in one; by a sudden and surprising stroke, hath the Lord taken away. The man who “fought for us, and adventured his life for, and delivered us.” The man who gave system to our distracted affairs; united our broken confederacy; and long guided our difficult course, between the whirlpools of European wars. The man, but for whom, very possibly, we should now have been wretched, conquered, rebel colonies; instead of triumphant, free, independent states; and but for whom, afterwards, we might have been as a rope of sand, instead of a strong united nation:–The man to whom we are thus indebted—on whom we were thus dependent, is no more.

What farther public calamities the sudden decease of this great Saviour of his country may portend, God only knows. We have reason to apprehend, that as he was ever prosperous in life, so his death, for him, was favorably timed; that he was taken out of the way of evils to come; great evils coming on a land most dear to him; which he could only have seen, to his inexpressible sorrow of heart, without being able to prevent. This lesson, however, we are plainly and most impressively taught, by a Providence which has clothed a continent in mourning; that Gods on earth must die like men.24 That o man hath power over the spirit, to retain the spirit; neither hath he power in the day of death; and there is no discharge in that war.” We have many great and good men, yet spared to us; nor are we without one, at the head of our national government, who, I presume, has the high veneration of the best judges, and their cordial prayers that he may long live; and long fill the important station which he now possesses. But his breath is in his nostrils; and so is the breath of every other man, most accounted of; in the nation, or in the state. Nor is natural death, the only way whereby our remaining firm pillars, may be removed.

And if we consider the spirit that now worketh, well may we be apprehensive of unhappy changes; and of all the evils threatened in our text. Some of these, we already experience. Though God hath not given children to be our princes, nor many bad men, we hope, to rule over us; yet the people are oppressed one by another, in a degree, I believe, beyond what has been usual heretofore. And certainly it is a remarkable day, for the child’s behaving himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable. Nor is this to be wondered at. Of such scenes as we have lately passed through, it is the natural consequence. In revolutionary times, all expressions of respect are wont to be laid aside, or the application of them reversed. The great lessons inculcated on youth, instead of modesty, dutifulness and subordination; are boldness, self-sufficiency, and self-importance. Children, too young to read the Bible, or to be taught their catechism, are mounted on the stage, to act the orator, the patriot and politician: while the parents, the aged and the wise, fit or stand around in low place, wonder and applaud. Brutus and Cassius, (not Jesus nor Paul, Peter nor John,) are the great models and instructors, of the rising generation of Christians. Such things as these, we have seen; and the effects of them, we still sadly feel. Habits of subordination, always painful to human pride; when once effaced, or much weakened, are not easily restored. On the other hand, habits of haughtiness and disobedience, always congenial to the human heart; when once imbibed, naturally increase to more ungovernableness. One point of freedom gained, another is struggled for with the greater ardor. Licentiousness, like the rave, never says, “It is enough.”

In this state, though not near so free as some, great liberties are enjoyed. We have liberty to do everything that we ought; and a great many things that we ought not. In matters of religion, our liberties are almost unbounded. We may sell, buy and read, what books we please: the best, or the most atheistical and blasphemous. We may worship what god we choose: a just God, or one who has no justice for men to fear. Every creature, has equal liberty to preach the gospel: and to preach what gospel he thinks proper. Those who persuade men by the terrors of the Lord, to stand in awe, and not sin; and those who embolden men in all manner of iniquity, by assurances of no wrath to come, have equal encouragement. Any people may make the firmest legal contract for the support of what minister they will; and any number, or all of them, may break it when they will.—In civil matters, our liberty is a little more circumscribed; yet, in these, we have a good deal of elbow-room, to do wrong, as well as right. We may honor all men, or defame the most dignified and worthy characters. We may speak the truth, or assert and propagate falsehoods. Man may fulfill their promises, or not fulfill them; pay their debts, or never pay them, without any restraint, or much danger of compulsion. All these liberties, and a thousand others, if not explicitly by law allowed; are taken, very freely by many, in their worst latitude; and taken with impunity, in a multitude of instances.

Yet, with all this, numbers among ourselves, and much greater numbers in the freer states, it is said, are not satisfied; but are striving, by calumnies, and by intrigues, for new revolutions still further to weaken government. That some men might wish to have their own hands and tongues at greater liberty, provided their neighbours and enemies could be kept fast bound, may easily be conceived: but how any man, on the least sober reflection, should be willing that all others should be under less restraint than they now are, appears almost inconceivable. One would have thought, that the tragedy so long exhibited on the great European theatre of confusion, and especially the last scene; must have opened the eyes of the most blind; and obliged them to see, that overturning and overturning, with a view to break all bonds of society asunder, is not the way to public happiness, or personal safety. Nevertheless, this seems not to have been the case. A majority of the people, however, it may be presumed, are convinced, that our greatest immediate danger, is of having too little government, not too little liberty.

Nor are our duties, if we have this conviction, hard to be understood. Were we in earnest disposed, to stand in the ways, and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way? And would we walk therein, rest might be found; and the threatened evils now spoken of, be prevented.

If we would not have the child behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable, greater attention should be paid to the schooling and government of the rising generation. Some attempt towards a reform in this matter has already been made, under the auspices of the general assembly: and, as far as I have had opportunity to observe, it has been attended with encouraging effects. It is necessary that those just weaned from the breast, should have line upon line, and precept upon precept; and it is of importance what those lines and precepts are. Little ones should be learnt their letters, at least; if not a few lines of the New-Testament, before they are learnt to be Grecian and Roman orators and patriots. They should be learnt a little modesty, and a little manners, before they are learnt to govern the nation. They should be made good children, before we attempt to make them great men.

If our legislators would prevent our being oppressed every one by another, the old and good way is, to have a code of laws, as short and plain as possible, and suitably enforced. Obsolete laws; and laws the only tendency of which is to evade, or needlessly delay, the operation of justice; I should think, ought to be repealed. And certainly great care should be taken, by the appointment of capable and faithful judiciary and informing officers, that the laws unrepealed be duly executed.

If our judges of courts, would keep us from oppressing, or being oppressed, they should cause “judgment to run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.” They should see that the old complaint in Isaiah;25 “Judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off; truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter,” be not applicable to ourselves. They should see, if possible, that their judgment seats be not environed with so high piles of voluminous fortifications, and such numerous garrisons, armed at all points, and able to defend anything, that right can hardly be obtained, in the plainest cause, without a siege, as long, and as costly, as the siege of Troy.

If the freemen—the fountain of power, would strengthen government, or guard against its being farther weakened; they should be very punctual in attending their legal meetings, and very careful for whom they give in their suffrages, as members of Assembly, or of Congress. They should see that they do not vote for weak men, however honest; nor for vicious men, however capable; nor for intriguing men, who are crowding themselves forward, by every popular artifice: who understand perfectly all the duties and faults of their superiors, but see no beam in their own eye, and never mind their own business. Men of real abilities, are generally unassuming and self-dissident. Men sensible of the difficulties and responsibility of important posts of trust, are generally backward to undertake them. Men restless where they are, and troublesome to those above them, are generally haughty and overbearing, if advanced to higher stations. Nor should the freemen be too much given to change; unless they mean to weaken government. Bad men, if in office, cannot be too soon turned out; but those who have ruled well, ought not to be dropped, merely that every man may have his turn; nor merely to show the great power of the people, and to keep their servants, who govern them, more in fear of them.

The ministers of the gospel, are thought to have no concern with the temporal happiness of mankind: doubtless, the good way for them, whether the old way or not, is to confine themselves very much to their spiritual vocation. Doubtless their principal business is, to save the souls of those who hear them. But in order to this, they must warn all, of that “wrath of God which is reveled from heaven, against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men.” They must “convert sinners from the error of their ways,” or they cannot “save their souls from death.” They must teach their converts to “observe all things whatsoever Christ hath commanded,” by himself or his Apostles; or they cannot make them “meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light.” And among these instructions, teaching them to “obey those who have the rule over them, and to be cautious how they speak evil of dignities, must not be omitted. Ministers must not “shun to declare all the counsel of God,” both to rulers and subjects, if they would be “pure from the blood of all men.” In a word, they must do what in them lies to make all their hearers good Christians; for without this they can never get them to heaven; and they need do no more, to make them peaceable and orderly members of society on earth. Thus far, and in this manner, Aaron may still support the hand of Moses, in ministering to the temporal good of men, even in a consistency with the modern line of separation drawn between them.

Lastly; all of every order, if they would do their part to prevent all the evils threatened in our text and context, from coming upon us, as the righteous judgments of Heaven, must see that their tongues and their doings are not against the Lord. Never can we rationally hope that God will be at peace with us, unless we treat his laws and ordinances with greater attention and respect. Unless we cease to do evil, and learn to do well; unless some check be put to those loose principles, and licentious practices, which have over-flowed all our cities, and towns, and villages.

The old paths, then, and the good way, to which we must return, and in which we must walk, would we find rest, are plain before us.

But, it is to be feared, the voice of a majority may now be, as it was in the days of Jeremiah: We will not walk therein. Both from the signs of the times, and from several predictions of scripture, I think the probability is, that things are not about to alter for the better, but for the worse. Mankind seem yet combining, and “taking counsel together, against the Lord, and against his anointed, saying, Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us;” and God seems remarkably leaving them to strong delusions, to believe strange lies. He seems determined to let them go on, and try the boasted experiment of liberty and revolutions, to the uttermost: designing, it may be supposed, to have a more convictive discovery exhibited, than has ever yet been given, of the madness in the heart of the sons of men, before the general regeneration of the world. The unclean spirits, predicted to come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, as represented in the vision of John; appear evidently to have gone forth over all the earth, and to have been exceedingly busy and successful, in raising and training up their forces for the battle of that great day of God Almighty; 26 which, according to the common calculation of expositors, is now only commencing. Whether we turn our eyes to the word of prophecy, or to the aspects of providence, we have reason to be very apprehensive, that “this darkness” is yet for a while, to “cover the earth, and gross darkness the people,” 27 in a greater and greater degree, before the expected reign of light and truth, righteousness and peace.

Nevertheless, let not good men despond: nor let them relax their exertions to repel, as long and as extensively as they can, the prevalence of error, irreligion and wretchedness. Mightier is He that is with them, than all that are against them. When it is asked in the eleventh Psalm: “If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?” the answer is short, but very emphatical and abundantly sufficient: “The Lord is in his holy temple; the Lord’s throne is in heaven. Elsewhere, the Psalmist, adoring the power and wisdom of the Most High, says, “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee; the remainder of the wrath shalt thou restrain.” 28 It is often said, “Christ is able to support his own church and ministers, without the aid of human laws.” This is doubtless true, it is also true, that Christ is able to take care of his church, and to bring the many sons given him to glory, without any ministers at all. And equally true is it, that God is able to govern the nations, without the help of earthly rulers. But, from these premises, the consequence will not follow, without hard drawing, that men may innocently and safely neglect exerting the power they have, for the support, either of good government, or of uncorrupted Christianity. “Those that walk in pride, God is able to abase;” but is there therefore nothing hazardous, nor wrong, in thus walking? A curse was once denounced, on them who “came not to the help of the Lord, against the mighty; though the Lord helped himself, without their assistance. But the foregoing truths, however they may have been perverted to the countenancing of human negligence in the cause of God or Christ, are matter of just consolation to the pious and good, when they walk in darkness and have no light: when they see little probability that their utmost efforts for the support of order, or of undefiled religion, will have any effect.

There will always be some, and some that ought to be leaders and teachers, whose policy it is, to turn with the times; to swim with the tide, and swing with the vibrating pendulum of popular opinion. Who will trim their way to seek love; and “become all things to all men, if by all means they may save” themselves. But a steadfast adherence to truth and duty, however great the apparent danger, is the only way of real safety. He who thus “loses his life, shall save it;” and he shall lose his life who would save it,” by deserting his post, or hiding himself under refuges of falsehood, when evil is forseen. “The fearful and unbelieving, shall have their part” at last, in the same lake with bolder transgressors. “The fear of man bringeth a snare; but whoso putteth his trust in the Lord shall be safe.”29 For the encouragement of good men, in perilous times, and particularly of good rulers, it is written: “He that walketh righteously, and speaketh uprightly; he that despiseth the gain of oppressions, that shaketh his hands from holding of bribes, that stoppeth his ears from hearing of blood, and shutteth his eyes from seeing evil; he shall dwell on high; his place of defence shall be the munitions of rocks: bread shall be given him, his waters shall be sure.” 30 On these grounds is the exhortation in Isaiah, a few chapters after our text, 31 with which I shall conclude. “Say ye not, A confederacy, to all them to whom this people shall say, A confederacy: neither fear ye their fear, nor be afraid. Sanctify the Lord of hosts himself; and let him be your fear, and let Him be your dread.”

 


Endnotes

1. Psalm cvii. 38, 39.

2. Chap. xi. 1-4.

3. Rom xii. 8.

4. I Kings xi. 28.

5. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3.

6. Psalm xii. 8.

7. Prov. xxxi. 4.

8. Exod. xxiii. 2.

9. Eccl. x. 1.

10. 2 Sam. iii. 39.

11. Dan. iv. 32.

12. Psal. lxxv. 6, 7.

13. Eccl. x. 16.

14. Psal. xi. 3.

15. Eccl. vii. 7.

16. Rom. iii. 13-17.

17. Eccl. x. 5, 6, 7.

18. Tit. iii. 1.

19. 1 Pet. ii. 13.

20. Rom. xiii. 2.

21. This inference was passed over in the delivery.

22. Micah iii. 11. Jer. ii. 25.

23. Amos iii. 2. Jer. v. 9.

24. Psal. lxxxii. 6, 7. Eccl. viii. 8.

25. Chap. lix. 14.

26. Rev. xvi. 13, 14.

27. Isa. ix. 2.

28. Psal. lxxvi. 10.

29. Prov. xxix. 25.

30. Isa. xxxiii. 15, 16.

31. Chap. viii. 12, 13.

Sermon – Death of George Washington – 1800


Peter Thacher (1752-1802) graduated from Harvard (1769), was ordained pastor in Malden, MA (1770), and also served as pastor to the Brattle Street church (1785-1802). He was a supporter of the Americans during the Revolution, preaching a sermon against standing armies and publishing a “Narrative of the Battle of Bunker Hill.” Thacher was also a delegate to the Massachusetts state constitution convention (1780) and served as chaplain to one or the other of the branches of the state legislature for 15 years. The following sermon was preached by Thacher after George Washington’s death.


sermon-death-of-george-washington-1800

A

SERMON

Occasioned By The Death Of

General George Washington,

And Preached Feb. 22, 1800, By Their Direction,

Before His Honor MOSES GILL, Esq. Commander in
Chief, the Honorable COUNCIL, the Honorable
SENATE and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Of The

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY PETER THACHER, D.D.
Chaplain to the General Court.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, Feb. 24th, 1800.

 

Ordered, That Jona. Mason, Esq. with such as the Hon. House may join, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Doct. Thacher, and present him the thanks of the Legislature for the Discourse he delivered on the 22d instant, before His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two branches of the General Court, and request a copy for the press.

EDWARD M’LEAN, Clerk of Senate.

 

SERMON

II. CHRONICLES, XXXV. 25.

And they spake of Josiah in their lamentations to the day, and made them an ordinance in Israel.

We cannot wonder that the people of Israel were thus deeply affected by the death of a good prince who was their warm friend and their great benefactor. Josiah was the common centre around which every good citizen of Judah revolved; and on him they relied, under God, to defend their country if invaded from abroad, and to crush, with the weight of his name, and virtues, faction and rebellion at home.

How melancholy is the reflection that in the universal dominion of death over the human race, men of the most sublime virtues and most illustrious talents, are not only subjected to it, but frequently become the more early victims of his power; while some others who cumber the ground, and infest society, still live to disturb and distress all around them! We cannot comprehend the designs of Providence! It becomes us only to submit and to adore, to bow before the throne of the highest, encircled as it may be with the thickest clouds, and to know that “the Judge of all the earth will do right.”

Alas! that the empire of death is so universal; that the wise and the prudent, the brave and the virtuous, must submit to its power, as well as “the fool and the brutish person.” It is indeed “appointed unto all me once to die, and there is no discharge in that war.”

When the power of the king of terrors is exercised over those who, like Josiah, where highly esteemed and fondly beloved; when it levels, with its fatal wand, the men who stood high above their fellow mortals, and removes to their long home those whose services and suffering had purchased the freedom and happiness of a nation, we cannot be surprised that uncommon grief should possess the heart, and uncommon tokens of mourning should be displayed.

The people of Judah, not content with simply committing their hero to the tomb, and bedewing his hearse with the tears which a recent loss occasions, resolved to manifest their grief by long an uncommon mourning. All Judah and Jerusalem we are told, mourned for Josiah. They attended his remains to the sepulcher of his fathers, with deep and solemn grief. But they did not cease the expressions of it, when the clods of the valley covered him, and the grave concealed him from their view. But, “led by Jeremiah, the prophet of the Lord, they lamented for Josiah.” Determined to perpetuate their gratitude, “the singing men and women (the poets and historians of that age) spake of Josiah in their lamentations to the very day” in which the chronicles were written. This was many years after the death of Josiah; probably after the return of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity, when the sacred cannon was completed, under the auspices of heaven, by Ezra the high priest of the Lord.

When we lose those who are peculiarly dear to us, and those whom we highly honor, we cannon endure the idea of their being forgotten. We determine that they shall live in our remembrance, and that their names shall be transmitted with honor and respect to the “generations which are yet to be born.” It is a sentiment similar to these which led our civil fathers to institute the religious solemnities in which we are now engaged. Some weeks have elapsed since we were deprived of the great and good man who was so long the pride and the father of his country. Everything which gratitude could dictate, affection inspire and eloquence express has already been said and done on this occasion. The service before me is therefore a difficult one.

But, this solemnity is of a religious nature. The humble worship of the Deity is our object, and a moral improvement of a death so affecting, our design in the exercise before us. My duty is not that of the eulogists, whose classic elegance and glowing description have drawn the character of the illustrious dead, and richly emblazoned his fame. No; it belongs to the present discourse to lead our thoughts from earth to heaven; to adore the divine sovereignty; to acknowledge his gracious hand in all that the departed was himself and did for us; and to point out the lessons of wisdom, from earth to heaven; to adore the divine sovereignty; to acknowledge his gracious hand in all that the departed was himself and did for us; and to point out the lessons of wisdom, civil and religious, which we may learn from the affecting event!

The sovereignty of God, like the thunders and lightnings and thick cloud which surrounded him on Mount Sinai, veils from our eyes many of the motives which influence the divine conduct, and operate in the government of the world. Without control or restraint he does his pleasure in heaven above and on earth beneath. God is absolute and unlimited in hi will and purposes., himself the first cause, the source, the fountain of all existence and energy, he has communicated to his creatures whatever they possess, and the highest archangel in heaven is as entirely subjected to the divine sovereignty as the meanest reptile on earth. “God is a rock, and his work is perfect.” The plan of his government is fixed beyond alteration, and all creatures are in his hands as the “clay is in the hands of the potter.”

The divine sovereignty would be a doctrine f terror and distress to us, did we not know that it resided in a being perfectly wise and essentially good. It is not the exercise of power, prompted by caprice, actuated by resentment, or dictated by folly. It is the result of infinite wisdom which beholds the past, the present and the future at one view, which beholds the past, the present and the future at one view, which knows the nature and the consequences of all events, and will bring them to pass in the time and by the means which are most honorary to him, and the most beneficial to his creatures. Viewed in this light, the sovereignty of God should calm our hearts, engage our trust, command our obedience, and elevate our affections. With the inhabitants of heaven we should in humble devotion and grateful rapture, exclaim “Alleluia, the Lord God omnipotent reigneth!”

In all the circumstances which relate to the world and to man, from the revolution of a kingdom to the lighting of a sparrow, we view and should acknowledge this sovereign providence of the most HIGH. “In him we live and move and have our being.” We are supported by his bounty, defended by his power, pardoned by his grace and sanctified by his spirit. Surrounded by his immensity, we are always before his eyes. He upholds us in life. His “visitation preserves our spirits.” And he has determined the bounds of our habitations which we cannot pass.”

Death is an interesting period to us all, and for wise purposes we are made to dread its approaches. When its icy hand is laid upon us, or when its fatal vortex swallows up those who are dear to us as ourselves, then we should realize the sovereignty of God. “Behold, he taketh away, who can hinder him? There is no man who hath power over the spirit to retain the spirit in the day of death.” When the decree goes forth from the eternal throne, when the “time, the set time” is come, then the grim tyrant performs his fatal office. The prayers and tears of an assembled nation; the fondest affection of immediate friends; the most brilliant virtues; the most illustrious character; the esteem and honor and veneration of a world cannot for a moment arrest the progress of prevent the approach of death! The great and the small; the high and the low, the rich and the poor, bow their heads and die!

But under the exercise of this act of sovereignty, at a day of lamentation like the present, let us contemplate the wisdom and goodness and righteousness of God “He is in heaven and we are upon earth, and therefore it becomes us that our words should be few.” Our understandings, darkened by sin and clogged with the ways of God. But submission to his will becomes us who “are of yesterday, and know nothing.” We are as certain as he exists that God cannot do wrong. When therefore we mourn a loss like that which now covers America with sadness, we are to submit without a murmur to those dispensations which we cannot comprehend, and keep “our hearts fixed, trusting in the Lord.”

But when, in our lamentations, we speak of the friends, the patrons whom we have lost, we cannot fail to recollect their amiable characters and their excellent virtues.

Let us constantly remember that God is the source of all virtue and of all excellency; that mortals are good in themselves and useful to us as he makes them to be so. We may meditate with pleasure on their virtues. We may remember them with the warmest esteem and tenderest affection; but we should never be unmindful, that to every talent of nature, of reason and of art, descends from him who is “the father of our spirits, the former of our bodies, and the author of all our mercies.”

We mourn this day “a prince and a great man fallen in our Israel;” a man more truly elevated in the esteem of the world than any monarch who wields a scepter, or any hero who commands an army! The people of America have borne witness to his numerous virtues; and now, we will summon his illustrious shade to aid us in support of the religion which he honored, and to make those men virtuous and good whom he was instrumental of making free and happy.

Too often the public virtues of great character are clouded by private views. Sometimes those who are most useful to the world, and whose solid services and brilliant talents, compel our respect and admiration, prove themselves in the more retired walks of life to be “weak like other men.” It is happy for America, now she mourns her darling son, that not even the envenomed tongue of malice, battening on the faults of its neighbours, nor the rageful voice of party, more cruel than the grave itself, can assail the fair fame of the man whom she laments! In the domestic relations; in his private dealings; in his daily department, you always beheld him discreet, amiable dignified! He shone, not with the lustre which dazzles courts and armies, but with the purer, the more honorable rays of private virtue.

Was it not a sense of religion which led out late excellent friend to acknowledge, when at the head of our armies, and more lately when he presided in the nation, our absolute dependence upon the God of providence, ascribing the honor of his victories and our deliverance to him who “setteth up one and putteth down another!” In his public instruments; in his last precious legacy to his country and in his private conversation he expressed the deepest reverence for the infinite and eternal being who is “in all and over all, and by whom all things consist.” His constant attendance on the Christian church, is reverend observation of the Lord’s Day, as well as his whole behavior, demonstrated his belief in the religion of the Cross.

“He that is slow to anger is better than the mighty, and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city.” Never does a man appear so truly great as when he subdues those passions which infuriate others, and hurry them to the most fatal excesses. And here our beloved chief discovered true greatness, and placed before our eyes and illustrious example. His mildness, his patience, his impartial benignity enabled him to control the passions of others, and reconcile contending interests. His self command enabled him to rule those who did not possess their own minds. A reserve, partly the gift of nature and partly the effect of prudent habit, prevented him from betraying his own purposes or expressing sudden and unfruitable feelings. His patient endurance of wrong from the envious and the mistake, made him their superior, and converted his enemies into friends. The enemies of his country I mean; personal enemies he had none.

“He that walketh uprightly, walketh surely.” The blessing of God, the favor of men, and the testimony of a good conscience are the consequences of an honest and faithful discharge of our duty. These consequences of his integrity did our late excellent President enjoy. Neither wealth nor flattery nor clamour nor violence could corrupt his heart, or detach him from his duty. Honestly did he exert his whole power and influence to serve his country, nor can an instance be produced of his having neglected its concern, or betrayed its interests.

It is recorded of Naaman that “by him God gave deliverance to Syria.” And him whom we mention in our lamentations this day, God made the principal agent in giving freedom and deliverance to America. A soldier in early life, when he was highly useful to his native province, he possessed a cool judgment and a determined courage. Without the ardent impetuosity, the furious valour which some times give success to folly and prosperity to injustice, he was intrepidly brave. His love of liberty, his well known military talents, led the venerable band of patriots who, at the commencement of the revolution, conducted our councils, to consign to him the chief command of the American forces. Many of us remember this period, when at the hazard of his life and fortune, he first headed our feeble armies — “Gallant mortal” — how did our souls love him when first we beheld him on yonder plains flying to the relief of the oppressed, and defending the freedom of his country! How anxiously did we watch his footsteps through the dangers of our revolution, and how did our hearts warm with gratitude to heaven to him, when we found that the soldier had not destroyed the citizen; that the lust of power which led so many generals, the Caesars of old and the Cromwells of later days, to destroy their country and advance themselves, had no existence in his noble bosom; but that he could cheerfully resign his brilliant and flattering command, and seek the shades of private life! — Tither did he modestly retire from the applauses of his country and the world, and shook from his venerable brow the laurels which oppressed him!

To such a man it was self denial to leave the happiness and the security of private life, and again to enter on the fatigues and hazards of elevated station. — But the call of his country General WASHINGTON never declined. The unanimous suffrages of his fellow citizens (an election without a parallel in the history of the world) selected him to administer the free and excellent constitution of government which he had assisted in forming. In the cabinet he shone equally as in the field. The interests of the Union and of several States he guarded with tenderest care. Our foreign relations he conducted with a temperate firmness which defeated the designs of faction, crushed the efforts of rebellion, and prevented us from being fatally affected with the convulsions which have shaken Europe to its centre, and agitated the whole world!

Like Joshua, the brave leader of Israel to independence and Canaan; like David, the intrepid defender of his country; our late illustrious chief, when manly dignity and patriotic affection he retired from the chair of government, left a legacy the most valuable and important to his country. While we are governed by the moral and religious principles, and preserve the policy with respect to our internal and external affairs which he recommends, we shall be free and happy. When we leave them to adopt other principles and maxims, we shall deserve any consequences which may take place.

No man’s character is fully ascertained till his death. And happy is he who dies as he has lived in the exercise of firmness of spirit and benevolence of heart. So died our beloved friend! Without the sickness long debility which sometimes precede death; in the full exercise of reason, of humanity and patriotism, he suddenly encountered the universal conqueror. He submitted, for resistance was vain! — But nobly, and like a hero he submitted! — Great in his last moments, with his own hands he closed his own eyes, and gave up the Ghost!! — Happy man! Useful and beloved in live, calm and composed in death, embalmed with the tears of thy friends and thy country, God did bless thee above other mortals!

And now, let us make a solemn pause in our lamentation, and amidst our grief acknowledge the goodness of God in raising up this great man, in qualifying him so essentially for the service of his county, and continuing him to us for so many years. On this day when we used to celebrate his birth with warm and grateful pleasure, we feel his loss most deeply. But, now much more deeply should we have felt it, had he been taken away from us at any period of our revolutionary war; or when the whole weight of his influence and character was necessary to preserve us from being involved in the confusions of the European world, or when insurrection reared its hydra head, and threatened the most fatal of consequences?

But that God who has always been kind to America in raising up from among her own sons those who “naturally care for her state” and watchfully guard her interests, continued his life till a period when our excellent constitution is firmly established, and the prospects of disuniting and destroying us are greatly weakened. While we mention WASHINGTON in our lamentations this day, let us be thankful that so many great and good men in our Federal and State Governments are still spared to us; men whom God has qualified for eminent service, and called to fill the most important stations. Let us be thankful for the inestimable life, the un corrupted integrity, the superior wisdom, and the pure patriotism of Adams, the wise and the good who now presides over these states! May the Almighty continue him for many years, to be the father of his country, and the friend of mankind!

Let us be deeply humbled before God, this day, under the frowns of his providence in taking away men so great, so good, so useful as those whom we have lately been called to deplore.

When God removed from his ancient Israel “the stay and the staff, the mighty man and the man of war, the prudent and the ancient, the honorable man and the counsellor,” it was considered a token of the divine displeasure, and called not only for grief but humiliation. Great and good men are instruments in the hands of God to effect his purposes. They accomplish his will, and by them he does good to us. When they are taken away therefore, we ought to humble ourselves in his sight. When those by whom God has been used to do good to us are removed by death, have we not reason to fear that he means to deprive us of the good itself?

God is, we trust and hope, the guardian and friend of America, and his gracious favor is the palladium of our country. Its existence and prosperity do not depend upon any one man, or any number of men, let them be ever so wise or good. “The Lord is our defence, and the holy one of Israel is our king.” It is true that when we sustain the loss of such men as a WASHINGTON and a SUMNER, we are constrained to say, “Help Lord, for the godly man ceaseth, the faithful fail from among the children of men.” When those who “seemed to be pillars” are removed, we feel the goodly fabric of our government shaken. But, “the residue of the spirit is with God.” He gave us these excellent men. He continued them to us as long as he saw to be best. And not what he has taken them away, we will submit to the will of Heaven, and rely on him who has never forsaken us nor our fathers.

But surely when we mention the virtuous and the good in our lamentations, we should be stimulated to emulate their virtues, and be studious to follow their advices, founded on experience, wisdom and love of their country.

It is not to the parade of mourning, nor to the dictates of affectionate feeling only that we should this day attend. We ought to be made wiser and better by an event so affecting, and services so solemn as we are now performing. Our civil rulers have called us to celebrate the days of mourning for our beloved friend, in order to fix deeply in our minds a reverence for his character, and a respect to the principles which he practiced himself, and in his dying legacy recommended to us. You, especially, venerable fathers, who compose the executive and legislative powers of the commonwealth: You who so lately solemnized the obsequies of our own beloved Chief Magistrate, will suitably meditate on the uncertainty of human live, and the vanity of human greatness. You will feel the importance of faithfully discharging your whole duty, both public and private, so that you may be approved of God, and “accepted of the multitude of your brethren.” Go ye and imitate the self-command, the disinterestedness, the cool wisdom and warm patriotism of the man whom a nation this day laments. Go ye and serve God and your generation according to his will!” Go ye, continue in your uprightness, and still preserve the usefulness which gives us security and prosperity! — This is an awful and solemn scene! Here the supreme executive power and the high legislative authority of the Commonwealth, assemble in religious worship, to acknowledge and adore the governor of the universe under one of the most distressing events in his providence, and to condole each other on this melancholy dispensation. All the people of the Commonwealth unit this day in the expressions of their grief, and sympathize with their civil rulers on the great and universal bereavement! May our mourning be useful, and may we be “taught to profit by the things which we suffer.”

On imbibing the principles recommended by our late illustrious chief, equally distant from tyranny and licentiousness, depends the safety of our country. If we wish to be great among the nations abroad, and to be peaceful and happy at home, we must preserve inviolably our union. We must guard against improper foreign connections. We must maintain a spirit of mutual forbearance and good will, and must cultivate especially those principles of religion and morality which are the only solid cement of society, and the only firm foundation of liberty. Where God is neglected; where the religion of Christ is denied; where men are governed not by reason or religion, but by party views and furious passions, there may be the name of liberty, but the thing never can exist. If we are careful to preserve and to foster the universities the schools we now maintain : If we honor and respect the day and the ordinances of God: If we despise and neglect vice, and honor and support virtue : If we embrace the doctrines, and submit to the precepts of the Gospel, we shall be a happy people, and transmit our civil and religious liberties, a fair and large inheritance, to the latest posterity.

But while we sympathize with a nation in their afflictions, let us not forget the private distresses which this solemn event has occasioned. We mourn with the desolate widow, who is deprived of the “guide of her youth,” the friend of her riper years, and the most valuable of her earthly blessings! Calmly and with composure may she submit to this afflictive event; and sincer her attachments to earth are diminished, may she prepare to join the “desire of her eyes” in a better world! May his friends, his relatives, his domestics, while they mourn his loss, imitate his virtues, and may non who bear his illustrious name, tarnish its lustre, or bring disgrace upon it.

And now, friends and fellow-citizens, let us “cease from man whose breath is in his nostrils, for where is he to be accounted of!” If those who are the delights of their country and the veneration of the world : If men of the purest characters : I f those for whom prayers are continually ascending, that they may be spared and blessed: If they are taken away : If they are laid low in the dust, how shall we escape this common lot of humanity! If these cedars of Lebanon, “the height whereof reacheth up to heaven, and the fight thereof unto the ends of the earth:” If they bow and break what shall become of the “hyssop which springeth out of the wall!” — Surely we are hastening to the silent tomb, “the house appointed for all living!” We shall soon follow the friends whom we deplore, the wise and the good, whom we honor, through “the dark valley of the shadow of death!” — Let it be therefor our most earnest solicitude, to partake of the grace of the Gospel, to do our whole duty, and promote the welfare and happiness of our fellowmen, so that when we fall asleep, we may be “found of our judge in peace” and be “received into everlasting habitations!”

And now unto him, who is “prince of the kings of the earth,” “before whom” all nations are as the drop of the bucket, and the dust of the balance,” to the infinite, perfect and eternal mind, “the same yesterday, today, and forever,” be glory and honor, dominion and power, both now and forever.

AMEN.

Sermon – The Voice of Warning to Christians


John Mitchell Mason (1770-1829) was a minister from New York. He received a doctor of divinity degree from Princeton University in 1794 and was a pastor of two churches in New York City during his lifetime. Mason founded the first seminary of the Associate Reformed Church, in New York City (1804), was president of Dickinson College (1821-1824), and was a trustee (1795-1811) and provost of Columbia College (1811-1816).

Rev. Mason, a close friend of Alexander Hamilton who attended Hamilton at his death, preached the following sermon in 1800 in opposition of the idea of Thomas Jefferson being elected President. (Read more about clergy opposition to Thomas Jefferson, along with other issues, in The Jefferson Lies.)


sermon-the-voice-of-warning-to-christians-1800

THE

VOICE OF WARNING

TO

CHRISTIANS,

ON

THE ENSUING ELECTION

OF

A PRESIDENT

OF

THE UNITED STATES.

Blow the trumpet in Zion – Who is on the Lord’s side?

TO CHRISTIANS,
Who price a good conscience, a consistent character, and the honor of their Redeemer, above all personal and political attachments;
THE FOLLOWING PAMPHLET
IS DEDICATED:
With the single request, that, laying aside passion, they will give it such a calm, serious, and considerate perusal, as they owe to an argument relative to the best interests of themselves, their families, their country, and the Church of God.

-N. York, September 30, 1800.

THE
VOICE OF WARNING, &c.

If a manly attempt to avert national ruin, by exposing a favorite error, should excite no resentment, nor draw any obloquy upon its author, there would certainly be a new thing under the sun. Men can seldom bear contradiction. They bear it least when they are most demonstrably wrong; because, having surrendered their judgment to prejudice, or their conscience to design, they must take refuge in obstinacy from the attacks of reason. The bad, dreading nothing so much as the prevalence of pure principle and virtuous habit, will ever be industrious in counteracting it; and the more candid, rational and convincing the means employed in its behalf, the louder will be their clamor, and the fiercer their opposition. On the other hand, good men are often led insensibly astray, and their very honesty becomes the guarantee of their delusion. Unaware, at first, of their inconsistency, they afterwards shrink from the test of their own profession. Startled by remonstrance, but unprepared to recede; checked by the misgivings of their own minds, yet urged on by their previous purpose and connection, the conflict renders them irritable, and they mark as their enemy whoever tells them the truth. From the coincidence of such a bias with the views of the profligate and daring, results incalculable mischief. The sympathy of a common cause unites the persons engaged in it; the shades of exterior character gradually disappear; Virtue sinks from her glory; Vice emerges from her infamy; the best and the basest appear nearly on a level; while the most atrocious principles either lose their horror, or have a veil thrown over them: and the man who endeavors to arrest their course, is singled out as a victim to revenge and madness. Such, from the beginning, has been the course of the world. None of its benefactors have escaped its calumnies and persecutions: not prophets, not apostles, not the Son of God himself. To this treatment, therefore, must everyone be reconciled, who labors to promote the best interests of his country. He must stake his popularity against his integrity; he must encounter a policy which will be contented with nothing short of his ruin; and if it may not spill his blood, will strive to overwhelm him with public execration. That this is the spirit which has pursued a writer, the purity of whose views is equaled only by their importance – I mean the author of “Serious Considerations on the Election of a President,” I need not inform any who inspect the gazettes. To lay before the people of the United States, proofs that a candidate for the office of their first magistrate, is an unbeliever in the scriptures; and that to confer such a distinction upon an open enemy to their religion, their Redeemer, and their hope, would be mischief to themselves and sin against God, is a crime never to be forgiven by a class of men too numerous for our peace or prosperity. The infidels have risen en masse, and it is not through their moderation that he retains any portion of his respectability or his usefulness. But in their wrath there is nothing to deprecate; nor does he deserve the name of a Christian, who, in order to avoid it, would deviate a hair’s breadth from his duty. For them I write not. Impenetrable by serious principle, they are not objects of expostulation, but of compassion; nor shall I stoop to any solicitude about their censure or applause.

But do I represent as infidels all who befriend Mr. Jefferson’s election? God forbid that I should so “lie against the truth.” If I thought so, I should mourn in silence: my pen should slumber forever. That a majority of them profess, and that multitudes of them really love, the religion of Jesus, while it is my terror, is also my hope. Terror, because I believe them to be under a fatal mistake; hope, because they, if any, are within the reach of conviction. I address myself to them. The latter, especially, are my brothers, by dearer ties and higher interests than can be created or destroyed by any political connection. And if it be asked, why mingle religion with questions of policy? Why irritate by opposition? Why risk the excitement of passions which may disserve, but cannot aid, the common Christianity? Why not maintain a prudent reserve, and permit matters of State to take their own course? I answer, because Christians are deeply engaged already: because the principles of the gospel are to regulate their political, as well as their other, conduct: because their Christian character, profession and prosperity are involved in the issue. This is no hour to temporize. I abhor that coward spirit which vaunts when gliding down the tide of opinion, but shrinks from the returning current, and calls the treason prudence. It is the voice of God’s providence not less than of his word, “Cry aloud, spare not; lift up thy voice “like a trumpet, and show my people their transgression, and the house of Jacob their sins.” With Christians, therefore, I must expostulate; and may not refrain. However they may be displeased, or threaten, I will say, with the Athenian chief, “Strike, but hear me.”

Fellow Christians,

A crisis of no common magnitude awaits our country. The approaching election of a President is to decide a quest5ion not merely of preference to an eminent individual, or particular views of policy, but, what is infinitely more, of national regard or disregard to the religion of Jesus Christ. Had the choice been between two infidels or two professed Christians, the point of politics would be untouched by me. Nor, though opposed to Mr. Jefferson, am I to be regarded as a partisan; since the principles which I am about to develop, will be equally unacceptable to many on both sides of the question. I dread the election of Mr. Jefferson, because I believe him to be a confirmed infidel: you desire it, because, while he is politically acceptable, you either doubt this fact, or do not consider it essential. Let us, like brethren, reason this matter.

The general opinion rarely, if ever, mistakes a character which private pursuits and public functions have placed in different attitudes; yet it is frequently formed upon circumstances which elude the grasp of argument even while they make a powerful and just impression. Notwithstanding, therefore, the belief of Mr. Jefferson’s infidelity, which has for years been uniform and strong, wherever his character has been a subject of speculation – although that infidelity has been boasted by some, lamented by many, and undisputed by all, yet as it is now denied by his friends, the charge, unsupported by other proof, could hardly be pursued to conviction. Happily for truth and for us, Mr. Jefferson has written; he has printed. While I shall not decline auxiliary testimony, I appeal to what he never retracted, and will not deny, his Notes on Virginia.1

In their war upon revelation, infidels have leveled their batteries against the miraculous facts of the scripture: well knowing that if its historical truth can be overturned, there is an end of its claim to inspiration. But God has protected his word. Particularly the universal deluge, the most stupendous miracle of the Old Testament, is fortified with impregnable evidence. The globe teems with demonstrations of it. Every mountain and hill and valley lifts up its voice to confirm the narrative of Moses. The very researches and discoveries of infidels themselves, contrary to their intentions, their wishes and their hopes, are here compelled to range behind the banner of the Bible. To attack, therefore, the scriptural account of the deluge, belongs only to the most desperate infidelity. Now, what will you think of Mr. Jefferson’s Christianity, if he has advanced positions which strike directly at the truth of God’s word concerning that wonderful event? Let him speak for himself: “It is said that shells are found in the Andes, in South America, fifteen thousand feet above the level of the ocean. This is considered by many, both of the learned and unlearned, as a proof of a universal deluge. But to the many considerations opposing this opinion, the following may be added: The atmosphere and all its contents, whether of water, air, or other matters, gravitate to the earth; that is to say, they have weight. Experience tells us, that the weight of all these columns together, never exceeds that of a column of mercury of 31 inches high. If the whole contents of the atmosphere then were water, instead of what they are, it would cover the globe but 35 feet deep: but, as these waters as they fell, would run into the seas, the superficial measure of which is to that of the dry parts of the globe, as two to one, the seas would be raised only 52 ½ feet above their present level, and of course would overflow the land to that height only. In Virginia this would be a very small proportion even of the champagne country, the banks of our tide-waters being frequently, if not generally, of a greater height. Deluges beyond this extent then, as for instance, to the North mountain or to Kentucky, seem out of the laws of Nature. But within it they may have taken place to a greater or less degree, in proportion to the combination of natural causes which may be supposed to have produced them. But such deluges as these, will not account for the shells found in the higher lands. A second opinion has been entertained, which is, that in times anterior to the records either of history or tradition, the bed of the ocean, the principal residence of the shelled tribe, has, by some great convulsion of nature, been heaved to the heights at which we now find shells and other remains of marine animals. The favorers of this opinion do well to suppose the great events on which it rests to have taken place beyond all the eras of history; for within these certainly none such can be found; and we may venture to say further, that no fact has taken place either in our own days, or in the thousands of years recorded in history, which proves the existence of any natural agents within or without the bowels of the earth, of force sufficient to heave to the height of 15,000 feet, such masses as the Andes.”2 After mentioning another opinion proposed y Voltaire, Mr. J. proceeds, “There is a wonder somewhere. Is it greatest on this branch of the dilemma; on that which supposes the existence of a power of which we have no evidence in any other case; or on the first which requires us to believe the creation of a body of water and its subsequent annihilation? Rejecting the whim of Voltaire, he concludes, that “three hypotheses are equally unsatisfactory, and we must be contented to acknowledge, that this great phenomenon is, as yet, unsolved.”3

On these extracts, I cannot suppress the following reflections.

1. Mr. Jefferson disbelieves the existence of a universal deluge. “There are many considerations, says he, “opposing this opinion.” The Bible says expressly, “The waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth, and all the high hills that were under the whole heaven were covered.”4Mr. Jefferson enters into a philosophical argument to prove the fact impossible; that is, he argues in the very face of God’s word, and, as far as his reasoning goes, endeavors to convict it of falsehood.

2. Mr. Jefferson’s concession of the probability of deluges within certain limits, does not rank him with those great men who have supposed the deluge to be partial, because his argument concludes directly against the scriptural narrative, even upon that supposition. He will not admit his partial deluges to rise above 52 ½ feet above the level of the ocean. Whereas the scripture, circumscribe its deluge as you will, asserts that the waters were fifteen cubits (27 ½ feet nearly) above the mountains.5

3. Not satisfied with his argument, Mr. Jefferson sneers at the scripture itself, and at the credulity of those who, relying upon its testimony, believe “that the bed of the ocean has by some great convulsion of nature, been heaved to the heights at which we now find shells and other remains of marine animals.” “They do well,” says he, “to suppose the great events on which it rests to have taken place beyond all the eras of history; for within these none such are to be found.” Indeed! And so our faith in God’s word is to dwindle, at the touch of a profane philosopher, into an “opinion,” unsupported by either “history or tradition!” All the fountains of the great deep, says the scripture, were broken up.6 Was this no “great convulsion of nature?” Could not this “heave the bed of the ocean to the height at “which we now find shells?” But the favorers of this opinion suppose the great events on which it rests to have taken place beyond all the eras of history. And they do well, says Mr. Jefferson: the plain meaning which is, that their error would certainly be detected if they did not retreat into the darkness of fable. Malignant sarcasm! And who are “the favorers of “this opinion?” At least all who embrace the holy scriptures. These do declare most unequivocally, that there was such a “great convulsion of nature” as produced a deluge infinitely more formidable than Mr. Jefferson’s philosophy can digest. But he will not so much as allow them to be history: he degrades them even below tradition. We talk of times for our flood, he tells us, “anterior to the records either of history or tradition.” Nor will it mend the matter, to urge that he alludes only to a profane history. The fact could not be more dubious or less deserving a place in the systems of philosophy from the attestation of infallible truth. And is this truth to be spurned as no history; not even tradition? It is thus, Christians, that a man whom you are expected to elevate to the chief magistracy, insults yourselves and your Bible.7

4. Mr. Jefferson’s argument against the flood is, in substance, the very argument by which infidels have attacked the credibility of the Mosaic history. They have always objected the insufficiency of water to effect such a deluge as that describes. Mr. J. knew this. Yet he adopts and repeats it. He does not deign so much as to mention Moses: while through the sides of one of his hypotheses, he strikes at the scriptural history, he winds up with pronouncing all the three to be “equally unsatisfactory.” Thus reducing the holy volume to a level with the dreams of Voltaire! Let me now ask any Christian, would you dare to express yourself in a similar manner upon a subject which has received the decision of the living God? Would you patiently hear one of your neighbors speak so irreverently of his oracles? Could you venture to speculate on the deluge without resorting to them? Would you not shudder at the thought to them? Would you not shudder at the thought of using, in support of a philosophical opinion, the arguments which infidels bring against that WORD which is the source of all your consolation; much more to use them without a lisp of respect for it, or of caution against mistake? Can he believe the Bible who does all this? Can an infidel do more without directly assailing it? What then must you think of Mr. Jefferson?

But it was not enough for this gentleman to discredit the story of the deluge. He has advanced a step farther, and has indicated, too plainly, his disbelief in the common origin of mankind. The scriptures teach that all nations are the offspring of the first and single pair, Adam and Eve, whom God created and placed in paradise. This fact, interwoven with all the relations and all the doctrines of the Bible, is alike essential to its historical and religious truth. Now what says the candidate for the chair of your president? After an ingenious, lengthy, and elaborate argument to prove that the blacks are naturally and morally inferior both to white and red men; and that “their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life,”8 he observes, “I advance it therefore as a suspicion only, that the blacks, whether originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind.”9 He had therefore asserted, that “besides those of color, figure, and hair, there are other physical distinctions, proving a difference of race.10 He does, indeed, discover some compunction in reflecting on the consequences of his philosophy. For to several reasons why his opinion “must be hazarded with great diffidence,” he adds “as a circumstance of great tenderness,” that the “conclusion” to which his observations lead, “would degrade a whole race of men from the rank in the scale of beings which their Creator may perhaps have given them.”11 Much pains have been taken to persuade the public that Mr. Jefferson by “distinct race” and “difference of race,” means nothing more than that the negroes are only a branch of the great family of man, without impeaching the identity of their origin. This construction, though it may satisfy many, is unfounded, absurd, and contradicted by Mr. Jefferson himself. Unfounded: For when Philosophers treat of man as a “subject of natural history,” they use the term “race,” to express the stock from which the particular families spring, and not, as in the popular sense, the families themselves, without regard to their original. A single example, embracing the opinions of two philosophers, of whom the one, M. de Buffon, maintained, and the other, Lord Kames, denied the common origin of mankind, will prove my assertion.

“M. Buffon, from the rule, that animals which can procreate together, and whose progeny can also procreate, are of one species, concludes that all men are of one race or species.”12 Mr. Jefferson, writing on the same subject with these authors, and arguing on the same side with one of them, undoubtedly uses the term “race” in the same sense. And as the other construction is unfounded, it is also absurd. For it represents him as laboring through nearly a dozen pages to prove what no man ever thought of doubting, and what a glance of the eye sufficiently ascertains, viz. that the blacks and whites are different branches of a common family. Mr. Jefferson is not such a trifler; he fills his pages with more important matter, and with deeper sense. And by expressions which cut off evasion, contradicts the meaning which his friends have invented for him. He enumerates a variety of “distinctions which prove a difference of race.” These distinctions he alleges are not accidental, but “physical,” i.e. founded in nature. True, alarmed at the boldness of his own doctrine, he retreats a little. His proofs evaporate into a suspicion; but that suspicion is at a loss to suspect, whether the inferiority of the blacks (Mark it well, reader!) is owing to their being “originally Branches of the same stock originally distinct, is a contradiction. Mr. Jefferson therefore means, by different races, men descended from different stocks. His very “tenderness” is tinctured with an infidel hue. A conclusion corresponding with his speculations, affects him, because it “would degrade a whole race of men from the rank in the scale of beings which their Creator may perhaps have given them.” So then; the secret is out! What rank in the scale of beings have we, obeying the scripture, been accustomed to assign to the injured blacks? The very same with ourselves, viz. that of children of one common father. But if Mr. Jefferson’s notions be just, he says they will be degraded from that rank; i.e. will appear not to be children of the same father with us, but of another and inferior stock. But though he will not speak peremptorily, he strongly insinuates that he does not adopt, as an article of his philosophy, the descent of the blacks as well as the whites from that pair which came immediately from the hands of God. He is not sure. At best it is a doubt with him – “the rank which their Creator may perhaps have given them!” Now how will all this accord with revealed truth? God, says the Apostle Paul, “Hath made of one blood all nations of “men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth.”13 Perhaps it may be so, replies Mr. Jefferson; but there are, notwithstanding, physical distinctions proving a difference of race. I cannot repress my indignation! That a miserable, sinful worm, like myself, should proudly set up his “proofs” against the truth of my God and your God, and scout his veracity with a skeptical perhaps! I entreat Christians to consider the sweeping extent of this infidel doctrine of “different races.” If it be true, the history of the Bible, which knows of but one, is a string of falsehoods from the book of Genesis to that of the Revelation; and the whole system of redemption, predicated on the unity of the human race, is a cruel fiction. I ask Christians again, whether they would dare to speak and write on this subject in the style of Mr. Jefferson? Whether any believer in the word of the Lord Jesus, who is their hope, could entertain such doubts? Whether a writer, acute, cautious, and profound, like Mr. Jefferson, could as he had before done in the case of the deluge, pursue a train of argument, which he knew infidels before him had used to discredit revelation, and on which they still have great reliance – Whether, instead of vindicating the honor of the scripture, he could, in such circumstances, be as mute as death on this point; countenancing infidels by enforcing their sentiments; and yet be a Christian? The thing is impossible! And were any other than Mr. Jefferson to be guilty of the same disrespect to God’s word, you would not hesitate one moment in pronouncing him an infidel.

It is not only with his philosophical disquisitions hat Mr. Jefferson mingles opinions irreconcilable with the scriptures. He even goes out of his way for the sake of a fling at them. “Those,” says he, “who labor in the earth, are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue.”14

How does a Christian ear relish this “profane babbling?” In the first place, Mr. Jefferson doubts if ever God had a chosen people. In the second place, if he had, he insists they are no other than those who labor in the earth. At any rate, he denies his privilege to the seed of Abraham; and equally denies your being his people, unless you follow the scythe and the plow. Now, whether this be not the lie direct to the whole testimony of the Bible from the beginning to the end, judge ye.15

After these affronts to the oracles of God, you have no right to be surprised if Mr. Jefferson should preach the innocence of error, or even of Atheism. What do I say! He does preach it. “The legitimate powers of government,” they are his own words, “extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbors to say there are twenty Gods or no God. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.”16

Ponder well this paragraph. Ten thousand impieties and mischief’s lurk in its womb. Mr. Jefferson maintains not only the inviolability of opinion, but of opinion, propagated. And that no class or character of abomination might be excluded from the sanctuary of such laws as he wishes to see established, he pleads for the impunity of published error in its most dangerous and execrable form. Polytheism or atheism, “twenty gods or no god,” is perfectly indifferent in Mr. Jefferson’s good citizen. A wretch may trumpet atheism from New Hampshire to Georgia; may laugh at all the realities of futurity; may scoff and teach others to scoff at their accountability; it is no matter, says Mr. Jefferson, “it neither picks my pocket, nor breaks my leg.” This is nothing less than representing civil society as founded in atheism. For there can be no religion without God. And if it does me or my neighbor no injury, to subvert the very foundation of religion by denying the being of God, then religion is not one of the constituent principles of society, and consequently society is perfect without it; that is, is perfect in atheism. Christians! What think you of this doctrine? Have you so learned Christ or truth? Is Atheism indeed no injury to society? Is it no injury to untie all the cords which bind you to the God of Heaven, and your deeds to his throne of judgment; which form the strength of personal virtue, give energy to the duties, and infuse sweetness into the charities, of human life? Is it indeed no injury to you, or to those around you, that your neighbor buries his conscience and all his sense of moral obligation in the gulf of atheism? Is it no injury to you, that the oath ceases to be sacred? That the eye of the Omniscient no more pervades the abode of crime? That you have no hold on your dearest friend, farther than the law is able to reach his person? Have you yet to learn that the peace and happiness of society depend upon things which the laws of men can never embrace? And whence, I pray you, are righteous laws to emanate, if rulers, by adopting atheism, be freed from the coercion of future retribution? Would you not rather be scourged with sword and famine and pestilence, than see your country converted into a den of atheism? Yet, says Mr. Jefferson, it is a harmless thing. “It does me no injury; it neither picks my pocket, nor breaks my leg.” This is perfectly of a piece with his favorite wish to see a government administered without any religious principle among either rulers or ruled. Pardon me, Christian: this is the morality of devils, which would break in an instant every link in the chain of human friendship, and transform the globe into one equal scene of desolation and horror, where fiend would prowl with fiend for plunder and blood – yet atheism “neither picks my pocket, nor breaks my leg.” I will not abuse you by asking, whether the author of such an opinion can be a Christian? Or whether he has any regard for the scriptures which confines all wisdom and blessedness and glory, both personal and social, to the fear and the favor of God?

The reader will observe, that in his sentiments on these four points, the deluge; the origin of nations; the chosen people of God; and Atheism, Mr. Jefferson has comprised the radical principles of infidelity in its utmost latitude. Accede to his positions on these, and he will compel you to grant the rest. There is hardly a single truth of revelation which would not fall before one or other of them. If the deluge be abandoned, you can defend neither the miracles, nor inspiration of the scripture. If men are not descendants of one common stock, the doctrine of salvation is convicted of essential error. If God never had any chosen people but the cultivators of the soil, the fabric of the New Testament falls to the ground; for its foundation in the choice of Israel to be his peculiar people, is swept away. And if the Atheism of one man be not injurious to another, society could easily dispense not only with his word but with his worship.

Conformable with the infidelity of his book, is an expression of Mr. Jefferson contained in a paragraph which I transcribe from the pamphlet entitled “Serious Considerations,”&c.

“When the late Rev. Dr. John B. Smith resided in Virginia, the famous Mazzei happened one night to be his guest. Dr. Smith having, as usual, assembled his family for their evening devotions, the circumstance occasioned some discourse on religion, in which the Italian made no secret of his infidel principles. In the course of conversation, he remarked to Dr. Smith, “Why your great philosopher and statesman, Mr. Jefferson, is rather farther gone in infidelity than I am;” and related, in confirmation, the following anecdote: That as he was once riding with Mr. Jefferson, he expressed his “surprise that the people of this country take no better care of their public buildings.” “What buildings?” exclaimed Mr. Jefferson, “Is not that a church?” replied he, pointing to a decayed edifice. “Yes,” answered Mr. Jefferson. “I am astonished,” said the other, “that they permit it to be in so ruinous a condition.” “It is good enough,” rejoined Mr. Jefferson, for him that was born in a manger!!” “Such a contemptuous fling at the blessed Jesus, could issue from the lips of no other than a deadly foe to his name and his cause.”17

Some of Mr. Jefferson’s friends have been desperate enough to challenge this anecdote as a calumny fabricated for electioneering purposes. But whatever they pretend, it is incontestably true, that the story was told, as here repeated, by Dr. Smith. I, as well as the author of “Serious Considerations,” and several others, heard it from the lips of Dr. Smith years ago, and more than once. The calumny, if any, lies either with those who impeach the veracity of a number of respectable witnesses, or with Mazzei himself. And there are not wanting, among the followers of Mr. Jefferson, advocates for this latter opinion. He must have been a wretch indeed, to blacken his brother-philosopher, by trumping up a deliberate lie in order to excuse his own impiety in the presence of a minister of Christ! If such was Mazzei, the philosopher, it is our wisdom to think, and think again, before we heap our largest honors upon the head of his bosom-friend.

Christian reader, the facts and reasoning which I have laid before you, produce in my mind an irresistible conviction, that Mr. Jefferson is a confirmed infidel; and I cannot see how they should have a less effect on yours. But when to these you add his solicitude for wresting the Bible from the hands of your children – his notoriously unchristian character – his disregard to all the ordinances of divine worship – his utter and open contempt of the Lord’s day, insomuch as to receive on it a public entertainment;+ every trace of doubt must vanish. What is a man who writes against the truths of God’s word? Who makes no even a profession of Christianity? Who is without Sabbaths; without the sanctuary; without so much as a decent external respect for the faith and the worship of Christians? What is he, what can he be, but a decided, a hardened infidel?

Several feeble and fruitless attempts have been made to fritter down and dissipate this mass of evidence. In vain are we told that Mr. Jefferson’s conduct is modest, moral, exemplary. I ask no odious questions. A man must be an adept in the higher orders of profligacy, if neither literary occupation, nor the influence of the surrounding gospel, can form or control his habits. Though infidelity and licentiousness are twin sisters, they are not compelled to be always in company; that I am not a debauchee, will therefore be hardly admitted as proof that I am not an infidel. In vain are we reminded, that the “Notes on Virginia” contain familiar mention, and respectful acknowledgment, of the being and attributes of God. Though infidelity leads to Atheism, a man may be an infidel without being an Atheist. Some have even pretended, that anxiety for the honor of God, prompted them to fix the brand of imposture upon the scripture! But where has Mr. Jefferson, when stating his private opinions, betrayed the least regard for the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ? In vain is it proclaimed, that he maintains a Christian minister at his own expense. I shall not enquire whether that maintenance does or does not arise from the product of glebe lands attached to many southern estates. Taking the fact to be simply as related, I will enquire whether prudent and political men never contribute to the support of Christianity from other motives than a belief of its truth? Mr. Jefferson may do all this and yet be an infidel. Voltaire, the vile, the blasphemous Voltaire, was building churches, and assisting at the mass, while he was writing to his philosophical confidants, concerning your divine Savior, Crush the wretch! In vain is the “Act for establishing religious freedom,” which flowed from the pen of Mr. Jefferson, and passed in the Assembly of Virginia, in 1786, paraded as the triumph of his Christian creed. I protest against the credibility of the witness! That act, I know, recognizes “the Holy Author of our religion,” as “Lord both of body and mind,” and possessing “Almighty power;” and by censuring “fallible and uninspired men,” tacitly acknowledges both the inspiration and infallibility of the sacred writers. But Mr. Jefferson is not here declaring his private opinions: for these we must look to his Notes, which were published a year after, and abound with ideas which contradict the authority of the scriptures. He speaks, in that act, as the organ of an Assembly professing Christianity; and it would not only have been a monstrous absurdity, but more than his credit and the Assembly’s too, was worth, to have been disrespectful, in an official deed, to that Redeemer whose name they owned, and who was precious to many of their constituents. Such Christianity is common with the bitterest enemies of Christ. Herbert, Hobbes, Blount, Toland, Tindal, Bolingbroke, Hume, Voltaire, Gibbon, at the very moment when they were laboring to argue or to laugh the gospel out of the world, affected great regard for our “holy religion” and its divine author. There is an edict of Frederic the II, of Prussia, on the subject of religious toleration, couched in terms of the utmost reverence for the Christian religion, and yet this same Frederic was one of the know of conspirators, who, with Voltaire at their head, plotted the extermination of Christianity: and whenever they spoke of its “Holy Author,” echoed to each other, Crush the wretch! This act, therefore proves nothing but that, at the time of its passing (we hope it is so still) there was religion enough in Virginia, to curb the proud spirit of infidelity.

Christians! Lay these things together: compare them; examine them separately, and collectively: ponder; pause; lay your hands upon your hearts; lift up your hearts to heaven, and pronounce on Mr. Jefferson’s Christianity. You cannot stifle your emotions; nor forbear uttering your indignant sentence – INFIDEL!!

This point being settled, one would think that you could have no difficulty about the rest, and would instantly and firmly conclude, “Such a man ought not, and as far as depends on me, shall not, be President of the United States! But I calculate too confidently. I have the humiliation to hear this inference controverted even by those whose “good confession” was a pledge that they are feelingly alive to the honor of their Redeemer. No, I am not deceived: they are Christian lips which plead that “Religion has nothing to do with politics” – that to refuse our suffrages on account of religious principles, would be an interference with the rights of conscience – that there is little hope of procuring a real believer, and we had better choose an infidel than a hypocrite.

That religion has, in fact, nothing to do with the politics of many who profess it, is a melancholy truth. But that it has, of right, no concern with political transactions, is quite a new discovery. If such opinions, however, prevail, there is no longer any mystery in the character of those whose who conduct, in political matters, violates every precept, and slanders every principle, of the religion of Christ. But what is politics? Is it not the science and the exercise of civil rights and civil duties? And what is religion? Is it not an obligation to the service of God, founded on his authority, and extending to all our relations personal and social? Yet religion has nothing to do with politics! Where did you learn this maxim? The Bible is full of directions for your behavior as citizens. It is plain, pointed, awful in its injunctions on rulers and ruled as such: yet religion has nothing to do with politics. You are commanded “in ALL your ways acknowledge him.”18 IN EVERYTHING, by prayer and supplication, with thanksgiving, to let your requests be made known unto God,”19And WHATSOEVER YE DO, IN WORD OR DEED, to do ALL IN THE NAME of the Lord Jesus.20 Yet, religion has nothing to do with politics! Most astonishing! And is there any part of your conduct in which you are, or wish to be, without law to God, and not under the law of Christ? Can you persuade yourselves that political men and measures are to undergo no review in the judgment to come? That all the passion and violence, the fraud and falsehood, and corruption which pervade the systems of party, and burst out like a flood at the public elections, are to be blotted from the catalogue of unchristian deeds, because they are politics? Or that a minister of the gospel may see his people, in their political career, bid defiance to their God in breaking through every moral restraint, and keep a guiltless silence because religion has nothing to do with politics? I forbear to press the argument farther; observing only, that many of our difficulties and sins may be traced to this pernicious notion. Yes, if our religion had had more to do with politics, if, in the pride of our citizenship, we had not forgotten our Christianity: if we had prayed more and wrangled less about the affairs of our country, it would have been infinitely better for us at this day.

But you are afraid that to refuse a man your suffrages because he is an infidel, would interfere with the rights of conscience. This is a most singular scruple, and proves how wild are the opinions of men on the subject of liberty. Conscience is God’s officer in the human breast, and its rights are defined by his law. The right of conscience to trample on his authority is the right of a rebel, which entitles him to nothing but condign punishment. You are afraid of being unkind to the conscience of an infidel. Dismiss your fears. It is the last grievance of which he will complaint. How far do you suppose Mr. Jefferson consulted his conscience when he was vilifying the divine word, and preaching insurrection against God, by preaching the harmlessness of Atheism? But supposing Mr. Jefferson to be conscientiously impious, this would only be a stronger reason for our opposition. For the more conscientious a man is, the more persevering will he be in his views, and the more anxious for their propagation. If he be fixed, then, in dangerous error, faithfulness to God and truth requires us to resist him and his conscience too; and to keep from him the means of doing mischief. If a man thought himself bound in conscience, whenever he should be able, to banish God’s Sabbath, burn his churches, and hang his worshippers, would you entrust him with power out of respect to conscience? I trust not. And why you should judge differently in the case of an infidel who spurns at what is dearer to you than life, I cannot conceive. But in your solicitude for the conscience of Mr. Jefferson, have you considered, in the mean time, what becomes of your own conscience? Has it no rights? No voice? No influence? Are you not to keep it void of offense towards God? Can you do this in elevating his open enemies to the highest dignity of your country? Beware, therefore, lest an ill-directed care for the conscience of another, bring your own under the lashes of remorse. Keep this clear, by the word of God, and there is little hazard of injuring your neighbor’s. But how can you interfere with any man’s conscience by refusing him a political office? You do not invade the sanctuary of his bosom: you impose on him no creed: you simply tell him you do not like him, or that you prefer another to him. Do you injure him by this? Do you not merely exercise the right of a citizen and a Christian? It belongs essentially to the freedom of election, to refuse my vote to any candidate for reasons of conscience, of state, of predilection, or for no reason at all but my own choice. The rights of conscience, on his part, are out of the question. He proposes himself for my approbation. If I approve, I give him my support. If not, I withhold it. His conscience has nothing to do with my motives; but to my own conscience they are serious things. If he be an infidel, I will not compel him to profess Christianity. Let him retain his infidelity, enjoy all its comforts, and meet all its consequences. But I have an unquestionable right to say, “I cannot trust a man of such principles: on what grounds he has adopted them is not my concern; nor will his personal sincerity alter their tendency. While he is an infidel, he shall never have my countenance. Let him stay where he is: and let his conscience be its own reward.” I could not blame another for such conduct to me; for he only makes an independent use of his privilege, which does me no injury: nor am I to be blamed for such conduct to another, for I only make the same use of my privilege, which is no injury to him. Mr. Jefferson’s conscience cannot, therefore, be wronged if you exclude him from the presidency because he is an infidel; and your own, by an act of such Christian magnanimity, may escape hereafter many a bitter pang. For if you elect Mr. Jefferson, though an infidel, from a regard to what you consider the rights of conscience, you must, in order to be consistent, carry your principle through. If infidelity is not a valid objection to a candidate for the presidency, it cannot be so to a candidate for any other office. You must never again say, “We will not vote for such a man because he is an infidel.” The evil brotherhood will turn upon you with your own doctrine of the “rights of conscience.,” You must then either retract, or be content to see every office filled with infidels. How horrible, in such an event, would be the situation of your country! How deep your agony under the torments of self-reproach!

But there is no prospect, you say, of obtaining a real Christian, and we had better choose an infidel than a hypocrite. By no means. Supposing that a man professes Christianity, and evinces in his general deportment a regard for its doctrines, its worship, and its laws; though he be rotten at heart, he is infinitely preferable to a known infidel. His hypocrisy is before God. It may ruin his own soul; but, while it is without detection, can do no hurt to men. We have a hold of him which it is impossible to get of an infidel. His reputation, his habits, his interests, depending upon the belief of his Christianity, are sureties for his behavior to which we vainly look for a counterbalance in an infidel; and they are, next to religion itself, the strongest sureties of man to man. His very hypocrisy is homage to the gospel. The whole weight of his example is on the side of Christianity, while that of an open infidel lies wholly against it. It is well known that the attendance of your Washington, and of President Adams upon public worship, gave the ordinances of the gospel a respectability in the eyes of many which otherwise they would not have had: brought a train of thoughtless people within the reach of the means of salvation: and thus strengthened the opposition of Christians to the progress of infidelity. You can never forget the honorable testimony which Mr. Adams bore, in one of his proclamations, to a number of the most precious truths of Revelation; nor how he was abused and ridiculed for it, by not a few of those very persons who now strive to persuade you that Mr. Jefferson is a Christian. In short, your President, if an open infidel, will be a center of contagion to the whole continent: If a professed Christian, he will honor the institutions of God; and though his hypocrisy, should he prove a hypocrite, may be a fire to consume his own vitals, it cannot become a wide-spreading conflagration.

Can you still hesitate? Perhaps you may. I therefore bespeak your attention to a few plain and cogent reasons, why you cannot, without violating your plighted faith, and trampling on your most sacred duties, place an infidel at the head of your government.

1. The civil magistrate is God’s officer. He is the minister of God, says Paul, to thee for good.21 Consequently his first and highest obligation, is to cherish in his mind, and express in his conduct, his sense of obedience to the Governor of the Universe. He that rules over men must be just, ruling in THE FEAR OF GOD.22 The scriptures have left you this and similar declarations, to direct you in the choice of your magistrates. And you are bound, upon your allegiance to the God of the scriptures, to look out for such men as answer he description; and if, unhappily, they are not to be had, for such as come nearest to it. The good man, he who shall “dwell in God’s holy hill,” is one “in whose eyes “a vile person is contemned; but he who honors “them that fear the Lord.”23 But can you pretend to regard this principle, when you desire to raise an infidel to the most important post in your country? Do you call this honoring them that fear God? Nay, it is honoring them who do not fear God: that is, according o the scriptural contrast, honoring a vile person, whom as Christians, you ought to contemn. And have you the smallest expectation that one who despises the word and worship of God; who has openly taught the harmlessness of rebellion against his government and being, by teaching that Atheism is no injury to society, will nevertheless, rule in his fear? Will it show any reverence or love to your Father in Heaven, to put a distinguishing mark of your confidence upon his sworn foe? Or will it be an affront to his majesty?

2. The civil magistrate is, by divine appointment, the guardian of the Sabbath. In it thou shall not do any work; thou, nor thy son, &c. nor THE STRANGER THAT IS WITHIN THY GATES.24 “Gates,” is a scriptural term for public authority; and that it is so to be understood in this commandment, is evident from its connection with “stranger.” God says that even the stranger shall not be allowed to profane his Sabbath. But the stranger can be controlled only by the civil magistrate who “sitteth in the gate.”25I therefore belong to his office, to enforce, by lawful means, the sanctification of the Sabbath, as the fundamental institute of religion and morals, and the social expression of homage to that God under whom he acts. The least which can be accepted from him, is to recommend it by personal observance. How do you suppose Mr. Jefferson will perform this part of his duty? Or how can you deposit in his hands a rust, which you cannot but think he will betray; and in betraying which, he will not only sacrifice some of your most invaluable interests, but as your organ and in your name, lift up his heel against the God of Heaven? In different states, you have made, not long since, spirited exertions to hinder the profanation of your Lord’s day. For this purpose many of you endeavored to procure religious magistrates for this City, and religious representatives in the councils of the State. You well remember how you were mocked, traduced, execrated, especially by the infidel tribe. But what is now become of your zeal and your consistency? I can read in the list of delegates to the Legislature, the names of men who have been an ornament to the gospel, and acquitted themselves like Christians in that noble struggle, and yet are expected to ballot for electors, whose votes shall be given to an infidel President. Who has bewitched you, Christians? Or, what do you mean by siding with the infidels to lift into the chair of State, a man more eminent for nothing than for his scorn of the day, the ordinances, and the worship of your Redeemer; and who did not blush to make it, in the face of the sun, a season of frolic and revel?26 Is this your kindness to your friend?

3. The church of God has ever accounted it a great mercy to have civil rulers professing his name. Rather than yield it, thousands of your fathers have poured out their blood. This privilege is now in your hands: and it is the chief circumstance which makes the freedom of election worth a Christian’s care. Will you, dare you, abuse it by prostituting it to the aggrandizement of an enemy to your Lord and to his Christ? If you do, will it not be a righteous thing with God to take the privilege from you altogether; and, in his wrath, to subject you, and your children, to such rulers as you have, by your own deed, preferred?

4. You are commanded to pray for your rulers: it is your custom to pray, that they may be men fearing God and hating covetousness. You entreat him to fulfill his promise, that kings shall be to his church nursing-fathers and queens her nursing mothers.27 With what conscience can you lift up your hands in such supplication, when you are exerting yourselves to procure a President, who you know does not fear God; i. e. one exactly the reverse of the man whom you ask him to bestow? And when, by this act, you do all in your power to defeat the promise of which you affect to wish the fulfillment? Do you think that the church of Christ is to be nurtured by the dragon’s milk of infidelity? Or that the contradiction between your prayers and your practice does not mock the holy God?

5. There are circumstances in the state of your country which impart to these reflections, applicable in their spirit to all Christians, a double emphasis in their application to you.

The Federal Constitution makes no acknowledgement of that God who gave us our national existence, and saved us from anarchy and internal war. This neglect has excited in many of its best friends, more alarm than all other difficulties. The only way to wipe off the reproach of irreligion, and to avert the descending vengeance, is to prove, by our national acts, that the Constitution has not, in this instance, done justice to the public sentiment. But if you appoint an infidel for your President, and such an infidel as Mr. Jefferson, you will sanction that neglect, you will declare, by a solemn national act, that there is no more religion in your collective character, than in your written constitution: you will put a national indignity upon the God of your mercies; and provoke him, it may be, to send over your land that deluge of judgments which his forbearance has hitherto suspended.

Add to this the consideration, that infidelity has awfully increased. The time was, and that within your own recollection, when the term infidelity was almost a stranger to our ears, and an open infidel an object of abhorrence. But now the term has become familiar, and infidels hardly disgust. Our youth, our hope and our pride, are poisoned with the accursed leaven. The vain title of “philosopher,” has turned their giddy heads, and, what is worse, corrupted their untutored hearts. It is now a mark of sense, the proof of an enlarged and liberal mind, to scoff at all the truths of inspiration, and to cover with ridicule the hope of a Christian; those truths and that hope which are the richest boon of divine benignity; which calm the perturbed conscience, and heal the wounded spirit; which sweeten every comfort, and soothe every sorrow; which give strong consolation in the arrest of death, and shed the light of immortality on the gloom of the grave. All, all are become the sneer of the buffoon, and the song of the drunkard. These things, Christians, you deplore. You feel indignant, as well as discouraged, at the inroads of infidel principle and profligate manners. You declaim against them. You caution your children against their infection. And yet, with such facts before your eyes, and such lessons in your mouths, you are on the point of undoing whatever you have done; and annihilating, at one blow, the effect of all your profession, instruction, and example. By giving your support to Mr. Jefferson, you are about to strip infidelity of its ignominy; array it in honors; and hold it up with éclat to the view of the rising generation. By this act, you will proclaim to the whole world that it is not so detestable a thing as you pretended; that you do not believe it subversive of moral obligation and social purity: that a man may revile your religion and blaspheme your Savior; and yet command your highest confidence. This amounts to nothing less than a deliberate surrender of the cause of Jesus Christ into the hands of his enemies. By this single act – my flesh trembles, my blood chills at the thought! By this single act you will do more to destroy a regard for the gospel of Jesus, than the whole fraternity of infidels with all their arts, their industry and their intrigues. You will stamp credit upon principles, the native tendency of which is to ruin your children in this world, and damn them in the world to come. O God! “The ox knows his owner, and the ass his master’s crib: but thy people do not know, and Israel does not consider.”28

With these serious reflections, let me connect a fact equally serious: The whole strength of open and active infidelity is on the side of Mr. Jefferson. You may well start! But the observation and experience of the Continent is one long and loud attestation to the truth of my assertion. I say open and active infidelity. You can scarcely find one exception among all who preach infidel tenets among the people. Did it never occur to you, that such men would not be so zealous for Mr. Jefferson if they were not well assured of his being one of themselves – that they would cordially hate him if they supposed him to be a Christian – or that they have the most sanguine hope that his election to the Presidency will promote their cause? I know, that to serve the purpose of the moment =, those very presses which teemed with abuse of your Redeemer, are now affecting to offer incense to his religion; and that Deists themselves are laboring to convince you that Mr. Jefferson is a Christian; and yet have the effrontery to talk of other men’s hypocrisy! Can you be the dupes of such an artifice? Do you not see in it a proof that there is no reliance to be placed on an infidel conscience? Do you need to be reminded that these infidels who now court you, are the very men who, four years ago, insulted your faith and your Lord with every expression of ridicule and contempt? That these very men circulated, with unremitting assiduity, that execrable book of Boulanger, entitled Christianity Unveiled; and that equally execrable abortion of Thomas Paine, The Age of Reason? That, in order to get them (especially the latter) into the hands of the common people, they sold them at a very low rate; gave them away where they could not sell them; and slipped them into the pockets of numbers who refused to accept them? Do you know that some of these infidels were at the trouble of translating from the French, and printing, for the benefit of Americans, a work of downright, undisguised Atheism, with the imposing title of Common Sense? That it was openly advertised, and extracts, or an extract, published to help the sale?29 Do you know that some of the same brotherhood are secretly handing about, I need not say where, a book, written by Charles Pigott, an Englishman, entitled A Political Dictionary? Take the following example of its impiety: (my hair stiffens while I transcribe it) “Religion – a superstition invented by the arch-bishop of hell, and propagated by his faithful diocesans the clergy, to keep the people in ignorance and darkness, that they may not see the work of iniquity that is going on,” &c.30

Such are the men with whom professors of the name of our Lord Jesus Christ are concerting the election of an infidel to the Presidency of the United States of America. Hear the word of the Lord. “What fellowship has righteousness with unrighteousness? And what communion has light with darkness? And what concord hath Christ with Belial? And what part has he that believes with an infidel?”31 Yet Christians are uniting with infidels in exalting an infidel to the chief magistracy! If he succeed, Christians must bear the blame. Numerous as the infidels are, they are not yet able, adored be God, to seize up on our “high places.” Christians must help them, or they set not their feet on the threshold of power. If, therefore, an infidel preside over our country, it will be YOUR fault, Christians; and YOUR act; and YOU shall answer it? And for aiding and abetting such a design, I charge upon your consciences the sin of striking hands in a covenant of friendship with the enemies of your master’s glory. Ah, what will be your compunction, when these same infidels, victorious through your assistance, will “tread you down as the mire in the streets,” and exult in their triumph over bigots and bigotry.

Sit down, now, and interrogate your own hearts, whether you can, with a “pure conscience,” befriend Mr. Jefferson’s election? Whether you can do it in the name of the Lord Jesus? Whether you can lift up your heads and tell him that the choice of this infidel is for his honor, and that you promote it in the faith of his approbation? Whether, in the event of success, you have a right to look for his blessing in the enjoyment of your President? Whether, having preferred the talents of a man before the religion of Jesus, you ought not to fear that God will blast these talents; abandon your President to infatuated counsels; and yourselves to the plague of your own folly? Whether it would not be just to remove the restraints of his good providence, and scourge you with that very infidelity which you did not scruple to countenance? Whether you can, without some guilty misgivings, pray for the spirit of Christ upon a President whom you choose in spite of every demonstration of his hatred to Christ? Those who, to keep their consciences clean, oppose Mr. Jefferson, may pray for him, in this manner, with a full and fervent heart. But to you, God may administer this dread rebuke: “You chose an infidel: keep him as ye chose him: walk in the sparks that ye have kindled.” Whether the threats of God are not pointed against such a magistrate and such a people? “Be wise, O ye kings,” is his commandment; be instructed ye judges of the earth: serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling; KISS THE SON, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way when his anger is kindled but a little.”32 What then is in store for a magistrate who is so far from kissing the son,” that he hates and opposes him? “The wicked shall be turned into hell, and all the nations that forget God.”33 And who forgets him, if not a nation which, though called by his name, nevertheless caresses, honors, rewards his enemies? The Lord hath sworn to strike through Kings in the day of his wrath.34 Woe then, to those governments which are wielded by infidels, when he arises to judgment; and woe to those who have contributed to establish them! To whatever influence they owe their determinations and their measures, it is not to the “Spirit of understanding and of the fear of the Lord.” Do I speak these things as a man; or says not the scripture the same also? “Woe to the rebellious children, says the Lord, that take counsel, but not of me, and that cover with a covering, but not of my Spirit, that they may add sin to sin. That walk to go down into Egypt (and have not asked at my mouth) to strengthen themselves in the strength of Pharaoh, and to trust in the shadow of Egypt. Therefore the strength of Egypt shall be your shame, and the trust in the shadow of Egypt your CONFUSION.”35 This is the light in which God considers your confidence in his enemies. And the issue for which you ought to be prepared.

I have done; and do not flatter myself that I shall escape the censure of many professed, and of some real, Christians. The style of this pamphlet is calculated to conciliate nothing but conscience. I desire to conciliate nothing else. “If I pleased men, I should not be the servant of Christ.” I do not expect, nor wish, to fare better than the apostle of the Gentiles, who became the enemy of not a few professors, because he told them the truth.36 But the Bible speaks of “children that will not hear the law of the Lord – which say to the seers, See not: and to the prophets, Prophesy not unto us right things: speak unto us smooth things: Prophesy deceits.” Here is the truth, “Whether you will hear, or whether you will forbear.” If you are resolved to persevere in elevating an infidel to the chair of your President, I pray God not to “choose your delusions” – but cannot dissemble that “my flesh trembles for fear of his judgments.” It is my consolation that my feeble voice has been lifted up for his name. I have addressed you as one who believes, and I beseech you to act as those who believe, “That we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ.” Whatever be the result, you shall not plead that you were not warned. If, notwithstanding, you call to govern you an enemy to my Lord and your Lord; in the face of earth and heaven, and in the audience of your own consciences, I record my protest, and wash my hands of your guilt.37

ARISE, O LORD, AND LET NOT MAN PREVAIL!


Endnotes

1 The edition which I use is the second American edition, published at Philadelphia, by Matthew Carey, 1794.

2 Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, p. 39-41.

3 Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, p. 42.

4 Gen. vii. 19.

5 ib. v. 20.

6 Gen. vii. 11.

7 Nay, as it is only the scripture which authenticates the popular belief of an universal deluge, Mr. Jefferson’s insinuation can hardly have any meaning, if it be not an oblique stroke at the Bible itself. Nothing can be more silly than the pretext that he shows the insufficiency of natural causes to effect the deluge, with a view of supporting the credit of the miracle. His difficulty is not to account for the deluge: he denies that; but for the shells on the top of the Andes. If he believed in the deluge, natural or miraculous, the difficulty would cease: he would say at once, The flood threw them there. But as he tells us, “this great phenomenon is, as yet, unsolved,” it is clear that he does not believe in the deluge at all; for this “solves” his “phenomenon” most effectually. And for whom does Mr. J. write? For Christians? None of them ever dreamed that the deluge was caused by anthing else than a miracle. For infidels? Why then of this “great phenomenon?” The plain matter of fact is, that he writes like all other infidels, who admit nothing for which they cannot find adequate “natural agents;” and when these fail them, instead of resorting to the divine word, which would often satisfy a modest enquirer, by revealing the “arm of Jehovah,” they shrug up their shoulders, and cry, “Ignorance is preferable to error.”+
+Notes on Virginia, p. 42.

8 Notes on Virginia, p. 205.

9 ib. 209.

10 ib. 201.

11 ib. 203.

12 Kame’s Sketches, vol. i. p. 24.

13 Acts xvii. 26.

14 Notes on Virginia, p. 240.

15 Some have been vain enough to suppose that they destroy this proof of Mr. J’s infidelity, by representing his expression “the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people,” as synonymous with the following: “A.B. is an honest man, if ever there was an honest man,” which so far from doubting the existence of honest men, that it founds, in the certainty of this fact, the assertion of A.B.’s honesty. On this wretched sophism, unworthy of good sense, and more unworthy of candor, I remark,
1. That the expressions are by no means similar. The whole world admits that there are honest men, which makes the proposition, “A.B. is an honest man, if ever there was an honest man,” a strong assertion of A.B.’s honesty. But the hundredth part of the world does not admit that God had a chosen people, and therefore the proposition that “those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people,” is, upon this construction, no assertion at all that the cultivators of the soil are his people, because there are millions who do not believe the fact on which it must be founded: viz. that he had a chosen people.
2. That if the expressions were parallel, Mr. J. would still be left in the lurch, because the first asserts A.B. to be as much an honest man as any man that ever lived; and so Mr. J. asserts “those who labor in the earth” to be as much the “chosen people of God,” as any people that ever lived. This is still the lie direct to the whole Bible, and the inventors of this lucky shift, must set their wits at work to invent another..

16 Notes on Virginia, p. 231.

17 Serious Considerations, p. 16, 17.

18 Prov. iii. 3.

19 Phil. iv. 6.

20 Col. iii. 17.

21 Rom. Xiii. 4.

22 Ps. Xv. 4.

23 2 Sam. Xxiii. 3.

24 Ex. Xx. 10.

25 Dan. ii. 49.

26 The Fredericks feast, given on the Sabbath, to MR. J. 1798.

27 Is. xlix. 23.

28 Is. i. 3.

29 The title is a trick, designed to entrap the unwary, by palming it on them through the popularity of Paine’s tracts under the same name. The title in the original, is Le on Sens, Good Sense. It was printed, I believe, in Philadelphia; but the Printer was ashamed or afraid to own it.

30 Pigott’s Political Dictionary, p. 132. This work was originally printed in England; but having been suppressed there, the whole or, nearly the whole, impression was sent over to America, and distributed among the people. But in what manner, and by what means, there are some who can tell better than the writer of this pamphlet. It was thought, however, to be so useful, as to merit the American press. For the copy which I possess, is one of an edition printed at New York, for Thomas Greenleaf, late editor of the Argus: 1796.

31 2. Cor. V. 14, 15.

32 Ps. ii. 10-12 .

33 Ps. ix. 17.

34 Ps. cx. 5.

35 Is. xxx. 1-3.

36 Gal. iv 16.

37 Is. xxx. 9, 10.

Sermon – Eulogy – 1799


Peter Thacher (1752-1802) graduated from Harvard (1769), was ordained pastor in Malden, MA (1770), and also served as pastor to the Brattle Street church (1785-1802). He was a supporter of the Americans during the Revolution, preaching a sermon against standing armies and publishing a “Narrative of the Battle of Bunker Hill.” Thacher was also a delegate to the Massachusetts state constitution convention (1780) and served as chaplain to one or the other of the branches of the state legislature for 15 years. The following sermon was preached by him after the death of former Governor Increase Sumner.


sermon-eulogy-1799

A

S E R M O N

PREACHED JUNE 12, 1799,

BEFORE

His Honor MOSES GILL, Esquire,

LEIUTENANT GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER

IN CHIEF;

The Honorable the COUNCIL, SENATE and

HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

AT THE INTERMENT OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

INCREASE SUMNER, ESQ.

WHO DIED JUNE 7, 1799, ET. 53.

BY PETER THACHER, D. D.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
In Senate, June 13, 1799.
ORDERED, That the Hon. John Treadwell, Esq. with such as the Honorable House may join, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Dr. Thacher, and thank him for the Sermon preached by him, at the request of the two Houses, at the Funeral of His (late) Excellency INCREASE SUMNER, and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.
Sent down for Concurrence,
JOHN C. JONES, President pro tem.

In the House of Representatives, June 13, 1799.
Read and Concurred, and Mr. Fessenden, and Mr. Smith of Boston, are joined.
EDW. H. ROBBINS, Speaker.

 

S E R M O N.

I. SAMUEL, XXV. I.

AND SAMUEL DIED, AND ALL THE ISRAELITES WERE GATHERED TOGETHER, AND LAMENTED HIM, AND BURIED HIM AT HIS HOUSE IN RAMAH.

The frailty of human life; the vanity of human greatness; and the uncertain nature of all human events, are now presented to us in a light the most striking. The fable urn before us contains all that was mortal of one of the most amiable and excellent of men; a man who was happy in his family, warmly beloved by his friends, and elevated by the free suffrages of his fellow citizens to the highest station which it was in their power to bestow! In the midst of his days; while the honors of the world crowded thickly upon him; and while we hoped that he might be useful and happy for many years to come; Death, with inexorable hand, has seized him; his sun has gone down at noon; and we are now assembled to pay our last respects to his remains, to consign them, with decent solemnity, to the tomb where they shall moulder into dust, and arise no more “till the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be raised!”

To assist us in improving this melancholy providence, is the design of the following discourse. And how could we more naturally introduce it than by the account of the death and funeral of Samuel, who was long the Chief magistrate of Israel, who travelled for many years through the nation to dispense judgment and justice, who maintained a fair and honorable reputation to the end of life; and who, when he died, was attended to the grave by the heads of the tribes of Israel with deep and sincere regret?

Such a testimony in favor of any man, and such universal sorrow when he is taken away from life, are stronger evidences of his real virtue than any which the poetic page, or the sculptured marble can produce. We do not lament the useless or the wicked. We do not mourn for those whom we did not esteem and love. A whole community is never involved in woe and sadness, unless it has lost a friend, a benefactor, and a useful servant. And thus, the tears of the public embalm the memory of a wise and virtuous Ruler. They will transmit his name with honor to posterity in the annals of his country.

Samuel does not appear to have possessed the fire of imagination and brilliancy of genius which too often astonish and delude the world. He was not a conqueror who extended by arms the dominions of his Country, or gave it a false glory by splendid victories. He had a strong and capacious mind, which could easily discern the just and the fit, and could steer calmly the vessel of State when a more impetuous pilot would have dashed her on the rocks. An understanding clear and informed, a will regulated by reason, and never warped or corrupted by passion; with affections warm but not violent, sincere but not ardent; a knowledge of the tempers and feelings of mankind; and an acquaintance with the events of past times and the history of the world, rendered Samuel more competent for the place which he filled, than would those shining talents which too often lead their possessors to distress their country and desolate the world, that they may procure to themselves the fame of victory and the glory of conquest.

Early and sincere piety formed a striking trait in the character of Samuel. Dedicated to God by a pious parent, he was stationed in the tabernacle from his youth. Through a long life he preserved the “fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom,” and the respect to duty which is the strongest incentive to public virtue, and the most powerful restraint from a breach of trust. We find him strictly attentive to the ordinances of religion and the institutions of divine worship. But we find him more careful of the weightier matters of the law, of the great duties of morality and obedience. For, he expressly declares to Saul, when he had neglected submission to the plain will of God, under pretence of reserving an offering to the Lord, “to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams.”

In the present age of wonders, when the results of the wisdom and experience of many ages are viewed as the dreams of aged and feeble insanity; when nature is placed in the throne of nature’s God; and the religion of Christ, mild, gentle and benevolent, like its Divine Author, is represented as a cruel and ferocious superstition: In this age of theory and innovation, Religion has been considered by some men and some nations as an injury to society, and incompatible with the character of a good Ruler. But, when we consider the deep influence which Christianity felt in its power, has upon the very tempers and dispositions of men; how it leads them to fear doing wrong ever so privately, and desire to do right, though no praise should attend them; how it places us always under the ye of the Deity, and brings death and judgment near to our view. When we thus view Religion in its nature and effects, we shall perceive it to be one of the most powerful and energetic principles which can operate upon the human mind. This principle reaches where no human law nor earthly consideration can extend. It operates as powerfully when no eye beholds it as when surrounded by thousands. It penetrates the heart. It governs the temper. It guides the conduct. It fortifies us against affliction, and renders prosperity more valuable and sweet. The Ruler who embraces the spirit, and copies the example of Christ; who relies on the promises, and is animated by the hopes of the Gospel, will “serve his generation according to the will of God,” and will be “received into everlasting habitations.”

When a man is under the influence of Religion, it will make him strictly upright, and will lead him to pay a close attention to the great duties of justice and integrity. This effect had religion upon Samuel. For many years he was a Judge among the People, and distributed justice to the aggrieved and oppressed. “And Samuel,” says the sacred historian, “judged Israel all the days of his life, and he went from year to year, in circuit, to Bethel and Gilgal, and Mizpah, and judged Israel in all those places, and his reurn was to Rama, for there was his house, and there he judged Israel, and there he built an altar unto the Lord.” His patient attention to the parties who litigated, his enlightened endeavors to find out the truth, and his candid, impartial decisions according to the evidence produced, procured him the esteem and veneration of all, even of those whom justice obliged him to condemn. We find Samuel always honored and esteemed in the nation of Israel. He was received with he utmost respect wherever he went. His decisions were implicitly followed. “When the ear heard him, then it blessed him, and when the ye saw him, then it gave witness to him.”

When he acted as Chief Magistrate of Israel, he “approved himself to every man’s conscience in the fight of God.” Although his sons conducted improperly in their subordinate capacity, yet it does not appear that he counte4nanced or supported them, nor do we ever find a single charge of incapacity, of partiality or injustice brought against him. His administration was easy to himself and useful to the People, and would have continued to the end of his life, had not that love of change, which strongly marks the human character, but often defeats its own purposes, led the People to desire a King. Then how must his heart have triumphed, when, with the firm and manly voice of dignified integrity, he could appeal to the assembled tribes of Israel, in this energetic language! “Behold, here I am; witness against me before the Lord and before his Anointed. Whose ox have I taken? Or whose whose ass have I taken? Or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed? Or of whose hand have I received any bribe to blind mine eyes therewith? And I will restore it to you.” His satisfaction must have been perfect, when the People with one heart and one voice replied, saying, “Thou hast not defrauded us nor oppressed us, neither hast thou taken ought of any man’s hand.” Happy Magistrate! Who was not only “approved of God, but accepted of the multitude of his brethren!”

Samuel was a man of mild and gentle manners. When the most direct attacks were made upon his family, and when the People applied to him to resign his power, he possesses, perfectly, calmness of mind. We do not hear a reproachful word from him, nor a single reflection on the ingratitude of those whom he had so long and so faithfully served. Mildly he remonstrates with the People upon the impiety and folly of their conduct. He does not suffer himself to be affected with personal flight to him which their application implied. He does not assail them with the asperity which stings, or the bitterness which provokes. This mildness of manners, this patience of contradiction, is of great use to those who rule over men, because it gives dignity to the character. It disarms resentment, and conciliates esteem.

But with all this mildness of manners the Patriarch of Israel still possessed the firmness and decision which his religion dictated, and his station required. When the Hebrews required to have a King, like the nations about them, Samuel did not hesitate to reprove them severely for their ingratitude to God, who was then their Ruler, and to shew them that they were enslaving themselves and their posterity, in order to attain an empty pageant. Superior to the love of popularity, which induces a man to conceal his sentiments or flatter a multitude, he firmly and decidedly proves to them that they are injuring themselves and destroying their own security. So honest and independent was he, as to hazard the displeasure of the People and his own influence over them, rather than encourage them to that which was hurtful to their true interest. It was in obedience to God alone, that the Prophet fixed Saul on the throne; and God gave them a King in his anger, and took him away in his wrath.”

It was the earnest solicitude of the Prophet of Israel to establish such a constitution of government as should guard them from the dangers which they had precipitately brought on themselves. “Then Samuel told the people the manner of the kingdom, and wrote it in a book, and laid it up before the Lord.” He knew that such a precaution was necessary to prevent the Israelites from becoming subject to the capricious humors or tyrannical passions of their King. Where the powers of Government and the liberties of the People are accurately defined, and proper checks are established to prevent the encroachments of one upon the other, there true freedom is enjoyed, and there alone man exercises his rights. From this principle, the wise, the patriotic and the good have always exerted themselves to form and to support definite and free Constitutions of government.

The love of God, and his country, animated this good man, to exert himself in the cause of Religion and liberty. These noble principles warmed his bosom, governed his mind, and regulated his whole conduct. A respect to the approbation of God, “who hath pleasure only in uprightness,” a sincere wise to promote the spiritual and temporal happiness of the People, whom he loved, induced him to exert his utmost energies in serving the religious and civil interests of his fellow-citizens. The prosperity of his Country gave him the most sensible pleasure; and when the clouds of adversity enveloped it, when it suffered from its own folly and rashness, his joy was turned into sorrow.

The unsullied reputation and the faithful services of Samuel, during his life, made his death a subject of deep regret to the people of Israel. They loved him while his existence here was continued, and when the common lot of all men befell him, they deeply mourned the melancholy event. The tribes of Israel assembled; they bedewed his hearse with the tears of genuine affection and gratitude, and buried him honorably in the tomb of his ancestors. This is the duty which we are now called to perform.

The character, briefly drawn, of Samuel in the past discourse, so strongly resembles that of our deceased Friend and Governor, as that little need be said in addition to it. Your own minds must have made the application.

Endued with strong and vigorous faculties of mind; favoured with the advantages of a public and liberal education; impressed with a sense of that Religion which forms men to virtue, kindness and charity, he was early called by his fellow-citizens to fill places of public trust and honor. As a Magistrate, a Legislator, and a Judge, he discovered the wisdom, the firmness, and impartiality which are so justly celebrated in the character of the text. His honor and integrity were never impeached, and had he made the same appeal to the People as Samuel did, he would have received the same answer.

His wife and faithful conduct in office of less dignity; their confidence in his patriotism, integrity and abilities, led the People of this Commonwealth to call him to the office of their Chief Magistrate. This confidence was fully gratified. The warm and decided Friend of our Federal and State Constitutions; the warm and decided enemy of all foreign interference in the affairs of our government; the watchful Guardian of the Civil, the Judicial and the Military interests of the Commonwealth, he was daily more and more esteemed and respected. His appointments were judicious, and he meant to confine them to men of virtue and abilities. He supported the honor of the State with dignity. His own deportment, while it was easy and agreeable, while it discovered the mildness of manners, the unassuming kindness which formed so striking a part of his character, was never such as to diminish our respect and esteem for him.

Kind, charitable and good; wishing well to everyone, and desirous of promoting their interests, Governor Sumner was universally beloved and honored. He was among the few men who, though he had many friends, warm and affectionate friends, yet, so far as my knowledge has extended, never had a personal enemy. Even those who on political subjects differed from him, and the interests of whose party led them to oppose his election, expressed personal respect for him in life, and now profess deeply to lament his death.

This good man was a warm and decided friend to the Religion of Christ. He early professed this religion, and his life appeared to be formed by its divine and sacred precepts. Thus influenced by its temper, and governed by its commands in life, he was animated by its hopes, and supported by its consolations, when he came to die.

Shall I call upon you, my brethren, on this occasion to admire and imitate the tender husband, the wife and affectionate father, the dutiful son, and the faithful friend! The grief which rends the bosoms, and the tears which fill the eyes of those to whom he was thus related, prove the justice of this part of his character, and display its amiableness in the most striking manner.

And now, seeing “a Prince and a great Man has fallen in our Israel this day,” let us humble ourselves under the divine correction! Let us admire and adore those dispensations of Providence which we cannot comprehend! And let us learn the lessons of wisdom, which an event so solemn and affecting is calculated to teach us.

His Honor, the Commander in Chief, while he laments the Friend, whom, with so much harmony, he accompanied in the public walks of life, will hear the voice of Providence speaking loudly to him, and teaching him that the most elevated station, the most affluent circumstances, and the warmest esteem and affection of our friends and fellow-citizens, cannot secure us from the arrests of the King of Terrors. The duties, to which he is now called, are difficult and important. May God give him wisdom and grace to discharge them usefully and well! “As his day is, so let his strength be also!” And when the common lot of the great as well as the small, the rich as well as the poor, shall befall him, may he, like his excellent Predecessor, leave behind him the “good name which is better than precious ointment.”

Let me call upon our Civil Fathers of the Council, the Senate and the House of Representatives, to contemplate the solemn scene before us, and see the vanity of human greatness, he insufficiency of the highest honors to “retain the spirit in the day of death!” There you behold the end of all flesh! – There you see the goal at which every man, who runs the race of life, must, sooner or later, arrive! – Thence you may learn that the hour hastens when all those distinctions, after which many men eagerly pant, will soon be leveled, and become lighter in our view than the dust of the balance! – Although “ye be called Gods,” yet here you find that “ye shall die like men and fall like one of the princes!” Remember, when discharging your important public trust, that the eye of God is upon you; that “he has pleasure only in uprightness;” and that when your bodies shall lie under the cold hand of Death, like the beloved dust before you, it will be of more importance in your view to be conscious of one act of true Religion or of public virtue, than to have possessed the highest honors which man can bestow. Learn, from this affecting Providence, to be more diligent, active and faithful in all the relations of life; so that, when you shall be gathered to the dust of your fathers, those around you may “mark the perfect man and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace!”

With the afflicted widow, the fatherless children, the bereaved sisters, and the numerous relatives and friends of this excellent man, we mingle our tears! We hold out to them, while we wish to feel ourselves, the consolations and supports of Religion. We do not “mourn as those who are without hope.” Our Friend is gone from us, but we rust that his unembodied spirit now inhabits the courts of glory, and has become “a pillar in the temple of our God!”

And now behold, my brethren and fellow-citizens, behold how the “fashion of this world passeth away!” See how insufficient are the best earthly enjoyments to satisfy the cravings of the immortal foul, or to protract for a moment our existence in this world! Learn that the faith of Christ and the discharge of our duty, is the “one thing needful;” that while life, and health, and reason are granted us, they should be improved for the purpose of preparing for another world by performing the duty which we owe to God and man in this! “Now is the accepted time”! Let us improve it to secure “an interest in the better part which can never be taken away from us,” and to prepare us for the “rest and the triumph which remain to the people of God!”

The Religion of Christ, our guide in life, and our support in death, which regulates us in prosperity and guilds our darkest moments with light and comfort – This Religion teaches us to look beyond the grave to an heaven of infinite glory! It teaches us to deposit the precious remains of our Christian friends in the dust, with “a sure and certain hope of their resurrection unto eternal life.” Yes, my brethren, Death shall not retain his dominion over them! They shall burst asunder his iron bands! They shall awaken to a new and eternal life! They shall ascend to “their Father and our Father, to their God and our God;” and “with the ransomed of the Lord shall return and come to Zion with songs and everlasting joy upon their heads!”

Amen.

Sermon – Protestant Episcopal Church Convention – 1799


This sermon was preached by Reverend William Harris in 1799 at the Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church.


sermon-protestant-episcopal-church-convention-1799

A

S E R M O N

DELIVERED AT

TRINITY CHURCH

IN

B O S T O N,

BEFORE THE

ANNUAL CONVENTION

OF THE

PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH

IN

M A S S A C H U S E T T S,

On Tuesday the 28th of May, 1799.

By WILLIAM HARRIS,
RECTOR OF ST. MICHAEL’S CHURCH, MARBLEHEAD.

 

A Prayer compiled from the Liturgy of the Church,
Used before the Sermon.

ALMIGHTY GOD, the Giver of all good Gifts, who by thy divine providence hast appointed divers Orders in thy Church; Give thy grace, we humbly beseech thee, to all who are called to any Office and administration in the same; and so replenish them with the truth of thy doctrine, and endue them with innocency of life, that they may faithfully serve before thee, to the glory of thy great name, and the benefit of thy Holy Church—And humbly we beseech thee, most Gracious God, to bless those who are in authority over us. Direct and prosper all their consultations to the advancement of thy Glory, the good of thy Church, the safety, honor, and welfare of thy People; that all things may be so ordered and settled by their endeavours, upon the best and surest foundations, that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all Generations—These and all other necessaries for them, for us, and thy whole Church, we humbly beg in the name and mediation of Jesus Christ our most Blessed LORD and SAVIOUR.

A M E N
 

A S E R M O N.

St. Matthew’s Gospel xxviii, 20th.
And lo, I am with you always even unto the end of the World.

THESE words were spoken by our Blessed Saviour, to comfort and encourage his Disciples just before He was taken from them into Heaven. He had previously assured them, that all power was committed to him, both in Heaven, and Earth, and he engaged to be with them even unto the end of the world. Amidst the many and great discouragements which the faithful Minister of Christ is sure to meet with, these words of his divine Master, cannot but afford him consolation and encouragement. It is not, I conceive, to be doubted, that the promise here made was to be extended, not only to the Apostles, but to their Successors and to every succeeding faithful Minister of Christ, “Lo I am with you always,” &c. That is, I am and will be with you and your Successors, I will strengthen you by my power and authority, I will encourage you by the blessing and assistance of my Holy Spirit, I will be with you to uphold my Ordinances, to protect, encourage and reward you, and all your Successors in the faithful discharge of your trust. This promise, my Brethren, has been most remarkably fulfilled. God has never at any period been wanting to this Church. He has often rescued it from impending ruin. He has raised up, successively, able defenders of it, and has carried them through the greatest troubles, distresses and persecutions. Even in the present degenerate age, he still upholds his faithful Ministers, and by his mighty power will continue so to do till the end of the world. He has engaged to defend them, not only against all the subtleties, the craft and cunning of evil and malicious Men, but even against the enmity and malice of Satan himself, so that the Gates of Hell shall never prevail against his Church.

This gracious promise of protection and support is, my Brethren, at the present day, a great encouragement to us in the faithful discharge of our duty. It is our lot to live in a degenerate age; an open and professed disregard to religion is become, through a variety of unhappy causes, the distinguishing character of the present times. And the evil, far from receiving any check or opposition, is fast increasing. When did Infidelity and the contempt of everything serious and sacred, when did strife and division, envy and malice, when did the profanation of God’s holy name and Sabbaths, and the utter contempt of all laws civil and sacred, so shamefully abound? Where is that sense of the divine presence, that regard to the divine Authority, that hope of the favour and approbation of Heaven, which once directed the views, and influenced the actions, of our pious Forefathers?

When did we ever stand in more need of the aid and support of religion; and when was there ever such wicked arts employed, secretly to undermine its foundation, to destroy its influence and weaken its hold on the publick mind?

How is our holy religion treated with every possible mark of ignominy and insult by the Scorner? How have they endeavoured to hold up its divine Author, his laws, his ordinances, his institutions, his Ministers and his Altars, to universal abhorrence and contempt?

How often do we hear them affirming that Christianity is only a cunningly devised fable, when it is in truth a Revelation from Heaven—a Revelation supported by such a body of evidence as is sufficient to convince every unprejudiced mind; by a long train of prophecies, most undeniably completed, “by the most astonishing and well attested “miracles, by the strongest internal marks of truth, by the purity of its precepts, the sublimity of its doctrines, the perfect and unspotted character of its divine Author, by an innumerable company of Confessors, Saints and Martyrs, who have sealed their testimony to it with their blood,” and lastly by its wonderful prevalence and success, against all the combined efforts, of the wit, malice and power, of men and Devils. If to these arguments of its truth, we add the visible good effects it has had in promoting the welfare, comfort and happiness of mankind, where shall we find a religion so worthy of our belief, so deserving of our veneration, gratitude and love.—A Religion so holy and so pure, we every day hear the Infidel proclaiming to be no other, than the contrivance of Statesmen and Priests to rule and deceive the people.

Would to God, the people could see the hearts of these their pretended friends—They would then no longer glory in that, which ought to be their shame, nor be ashamed of that, which ought to be their glory!

But Mankind, lest they should be thought over zealous, have not become indifferent to all religion. Hence the cause of the rapid progress of infidelity. Hence it is that a plan has been laid to subvert our holy religion. A Plan dark and subtle as the Agents who have been, and still are, employed in its execution. It has for its object, the renovation of Society—an entire alteration in the religious, moral and civil principles of Mankind.

As Religion is the basis of all order and virtue, it was necessary to accomplish their scheme, to make that, the first object of attack. They well knew that it would be in vain to attempt so thorough a change, while religion and the fear of God, had any hold upon the minds of men—but if they could only succeed in removing this principal obstacle; they conceived that their plan might be executed, not only without difficulty, but with the greatest ease and dispatch. Accordingly, they first begun by undermining the foundations of the Gospel. If some of them extolled one part of Christianity, it was in order to subvert the rest. If they approved of the moral precepts, they denied the miracles, and all the characteristic doctrines of the Gospel. It was their first object to reduce the Gospel simply to a moral system, and if we believe the Philosophers, or rather the Philosophists of the present age, we are under no more obligation to receive and practice the precepts of Christianity, than we are to receive and practice the rules contained in any other moral tract. Volney’s treatise of the Law of Nature, is with them of equal authority with the precepts of the Gospel. These were their first attempts, and it is greatly to be lamented, that they were so fortunate in their beginning—their success has encouraged them to proceed to greater lengths; and for many years they have been indefatigable in spreading their licentious and irreligious tenets. Societies have been established in almost every Christian Country, for the express purpose of disseminating their poisonous principles, and now it is evident, that the subversion of Christianity, is only a part, and the beginning of their diabolical plan. Their horrid designs, could not be accomplished, while any fear of God or dread of futurity existed in the minds of men. In order therefore, to extirpate every religious sentiment, and to introduce the true principles of modern infidelity, one of their Champions has entirely thrown off the mask, and without disguise speaks the sentiments, and discovers the principles of the whole sect. “We want (says he) no other sermon but the rights of man—no other doctrine but the constitutional precepts—no other Church than where the Section of the Club hold their meeting. Man when free wants no other Divinity than Himself. This God will not cost us a single farthing,–not a single tear—nor a drop of blood. Reason dethrones both the Kings of earth and the Kings of Heaven—no Monarchy above, if you wish to preserve a Republick below. Volumes have been written to determine whether a Republick of Atheists could exist. I maintain that every other Republick is a Chimera. If you admit the existence of a heavenly Sovereign, at that instant you introduce the wooden Horse within your walls, and your Republick is no more.”1

These my Brethren, are the principles which the Philosophists of the present age, are so industrious in propagating. If they are successful in their endeavours, it needs little foresight to predict the consequences. It is an indisputable fact, that nine tenths of Mankind have been governed more or less by religious principle; take off this restraint—persuade the multitude that there is no future state—no God, to whom they are accountable, and you open a door to every kind of wickedness. The most horrid crimes would then be committed without shame or remorse. In vain would the rich have recourse to Bolts and Bars to secure their property, neither would they find any better security in the Laws of the Land; the unjust Steward in the parable, characterizes the great body of Mankind, if they fear not God, neither will they regard Man. “Human Laws, says an elegant writer, will be of little avail without a sense of divine Legislation, and the sanctions of Men have little force, unless they are supported by the Authority of God. Thus without religious principle, there would be no security for the public peace—the mutual confidence between man and man would be destroyed. The bond which keeps Society together would be broken—Oaths would become mere words of course, and an appeal to the great God of Heaven no more regarded, than if he were an Image of Stone. Human life would be thrown into the utmost confusion—the safety of Mankind would be endangered, and the moral World totter to its ruin, if such a Pillar as Religion were to fall. We ought, says Bourdaloue, to consider the principle of Religion in Individuals and Societies, as we do the first moving power of the Universe—this first moving power hath an influence so great, that is not only maintains all the Heavenly Bodies in their order and motion, but extends itself also to the bosom of the Earth, and is the cause of all the beauty, harmony and usefulness, of this lower would; were this first moving power, to suspend its operations, all nature must be destroyed; all must be trouble, confusion and ruin; so if you take away the principle of Religion from Individuals, especially from the leading Members of Society, you destroy all principle of obligation, you are no longer to look for charity, regularity or order among Individuals, or in human Societies; so true it is, that the tie which binds us as Brethren to each other, is our common obligation to God.

It is against this religious principle, the foundation of all order and happiness in Society, that the Infidels of the present age are contending. In France they have obtained a temporary victory, but not satisfied with that, they strive with unwearied industry, to obtain a similar triumph over morals and religion in every Country upon Earth. Nor will they be diverted from their purpose, unless their own pernicious principles should prove their destruction, until they have effected an entire change in the face of Society—all religion, morals and Government, shall fall before them, and Mankind will be brought back once more, to a state of ignorance, darkness and barbarity.

How justly has St. Paul, in his description of the Romans, delineated the Character of these modern Heathen. They were, says he, filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness full of envy, MURDER, debate, DECEIT, malignity, whisperers, backbiters, HATERS of GOD, DESPITEFUL, PROUD, BOASTERS, INVENTORS OF EVIL THINGS, disobedient to Parents, without understanding, COVENANT BREAKERS, WITHOUT NATURAL AFFECTION, IMPLACABLE, UNMERCIFUL. Such a race of MONSTERS, we could scarcely have believed that the Earth ever bore, were not the fact asserted by an Apostle; and did not the present day afford us an example of their equals, if not of their SUPERIORS, in every species of wickedness and vice.

In short the French have not only an Army of Veterans, but what is worse, and more dangerous to the World, a Satanic Host of Principles, and where the former cannot reach, they make their boast, that the latter will penetrate to accomplish their horrid work of Revolution, anarchy and ruin. To effect this, their Philosophers have been most wickedly industrious in printing and disseminating their licentious Pamphlets. In these publications they address the multitude, and in order the more effectually to dupe them, they bring down their reasoning to a level with their comprehensions. “The whole poison of Infidelity is compressed into the narrow compass of an essence, or an extract, to render irreligion easy to the meanest capacity. It was by such small tracts disseminated among the lower Orders in every part of France, that the People there were prepared for that most astonishing event, the public renunciation of the Christian Faith.” 2 From these artful snares of their Philosophers, we are more in their power, than they can accomplish by their Arms—here lies our greatest danger. It is their Army of Principles which we have to oppose—and he must be blind indeed, who does not see that the present contest, is a War of Principles—its baneful effects are not confined to the European Powers now at variance—but in every Country, it is a war of vice against virtue, of Infidelity against Religion—of the Savage and brutal part of Mankind, against the refined and civilized.

Against such Men, and such principles, it is the duty of every pious Pastor to guard and defend his Flock.—And, my Reverend Brethren, at this eventful period, how can we be silent, consistently, with the solemn engagements we have made? At the peril of our Souls we have undertaken the Office of the Ministry. As the Messengers, the Watchmen and Stewards of the Lord, it is our duty to teach and admonish, to use all faithful diligence to oppose every error, either in faith or practice, nor are we to cease our labour, our care or diligence, until we have done all that lieth in us, according to our bounden duty, to bring all that are committed to our charge, to a due faith and knowledge of God, to a ripeness and perfection in Christ, so that no place be left among us, either for error in Religion, or viciousness of life. 3

It is therefore our duty, and becomes an important part of our sacred trust, publickly to bear testimony against those impious and destructive principles; which have proved so ruinous in other Countries, and which, unless they are speedily and successfully opposed, will prove no less ruinous and destructive in our own.—And in order that we may oppose them with success, it should be our first and principal care, to revive a spirit of Religion and Virtue, both among Rulers and People.

It is truly an alarming symptom, when there prevails in any Country, a cold indifference towards Religion—A greater calamity cannot befall a Nation—The Pestilence, the Famine, and the Sword, are often commissioned by Heaven to waste and destroy a negligent and careless People.—After every other method has been tried to awaken them from their slumbers, here remains but one expedient: The divine Judgments will then be poured out, effectually to rouse them to a sense of their duty and danger. That this is true of us, that, as a Nation, we deeply partake of this Character, is too evident to require any proof, or admit of any doubt.—Indifference in matters of Religion, is become an epidemic, which few, if any, have escaped.

I know that the degeneracy of the times has been a common complaint in all ages; but nevertheless, some periods have been more sunk in dissoluteness and irreligion, than others,–never surely was there juster foundation for complaint than at the present day. The great prevalence of infidelity, the profligacy of multitudes—the utter neglect of their eternal interests—the shameful profanation of God’s holy Name and Sabbaths—the wonderful increase of false philosophy, together with an unbounded love of pleasure and dissipation—these, to say nothing of other things,–are truly characteristic of the present age, and exhibit a most distressing and discouraging prospect, to the sincere friends of Religion and Virtue.

At this alarming period, my Reverend Brethren, all our zeal, our utmost diligence, our most fervent prayers, together with the most exemplary patience, prudence, fortitude and compassion are required.—It concerns us to be more active and faithful, than ever we have been, in discharging the duties of our functions; and above all, to be careful, at all times and in all circumstances, to cause our light so to shine before men, that by our example, credit and honor may redound to the Holy Religion we profess, and to the sacred doctrines that we teach.

To revive a true spirit of piety and virtue among the People, much will undoubtedly depend on our exertions; for no class of Men, are capable of doing greater service, or greater prejudice, to the interests of Religion; but our endeavours however earnest, though we should redouble our care and diligence, will not be sufficient.—If we are left alone in the arduous task of reformation, to what purpose are our most zealous exertions? Would those who are in the higher stations of life, vouchsafe to add their countenance and example, it would be of the greatest efficacy, not only to revive our spirits, but also to enkindle a true spirit of piety and virtue, and to diffuse it through every class of men. Their example would soon bring the study and practice of Religion into repute. Acts of impiety and profaneness would then become matter of shame and reproach, in the eyes of men, as they always are in the sight of God.

And believe me, my hearers, at this alarming crisis, good men ought not to forsake their Ministers; it is a time when the united efforts of virtuous and religious Men of every description should be exerted, in order to oppose those pernicious principles which threaten, like a deluge, to overwhelm our Country, and to subvert the fair fabric of our Government, Laws, and Religion.—It is not now a question, whether this or that Church shall prevail; whether this or that mode of worship is best; but the question is, whether there shall be any Church—whether there shall be any such thing as Christianity? We have not now to contend with Christian Brethren who hold to the essentials of Religion, and differ from us only in points that are immaterial. But our contest is with the bold unbelieving Infidel, “who is against the Gospel, because the Gospel is against him.” We have those for our adversaries who will not be satisfied with correcting errors, and reforming abuses:–Nothing less than the total subversion, and utter extermination of Christianity can content them.

Let it not be said that these are idle conjectures, and vain apprehensions—that there is no danger—that we “fear where no fear is.” Other Nations have flattered themselves that they were equally secure, and never could be persuaded to suspect, that either their Religion or their liberties were in danger, till sudden desolation and destruction came upon them. Let their fate be a warning to us. We had better be despised for too anxious apprehensions, than ruined, as they have been, by too confident a security.

It therefore becomes Christians of every rank and description to stand forth in defence of their holy faith, and to use their most zealous endeavours to enkindle, if possible, the almost “expiring lamp of Piety.”

To this end, let all who are in authority have the fear of God before their eyes, and the good of their Country at heart.—Let them remember that their success will depend not only on their political, but on their moral, and religious conduct, for except the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain.—Let them no presume to leave the Supreme Governour of the World out of their Councils, neither form Plans independent of him and his Providence, lest he should blast all their councils, and defeat their most vigorous exertions.

Let the Ministers of Religion, by an exalted piety, and exemplary virtue, add dignity and efficacy to their religious instructions; carefully preserving themselves, not only from the guilt, but even from the suspicion, of impiety and wickedness.

Finally, Let all who are any ways distinguished either by their education, wealth, or wisdom, add the weight of their example, and manifest their regard for Religion, and their love of their Country, by a serious and constant attendance on Public Worship, and by becoming models of everything that is great and good.

If we are thus sincere in our exertions, the restitution of religious principle, and virtuous practice, will not be so difficult a task as is imagined. We may then confidently expect the aid of our divine Master, who has promised to be “with us even to the end of the world.”—While we value the Christian Religion according to its real worth—while we are prudently zealous for its honor, and strive to recommend it to the world by an exemplary piety and virtue, we have no reason to fear the loss of this best of blessings, but if we are careless and indifferent—if we can patiently hear its holy Author—its divine precepts and heavenly doctrines ridiculed, despised and trampled upon, then surely we are unworthy of so great a benefit, and shall have reason to fear that the kingdom of God will be taken from us, and given to those who will duly value and improve the inestimable gift.

But thanks be to God, we are not so degenerate a People, but that there may be found, even in this age of Infidelity and Indifference, some eminent examples of real piety and virtue.—We have still those among us “who are not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ, and whose praise is not of Men only, but of God.” Who knows how far the influence of their example may extend. That it may become universal, is most devoutly to be wished. Then our holy Religion and invaluable privileges would be safe and secure. While we are with him, the Lord hath promised to be with us, and if He be for us, who can be against us. What though “the Heathen rage, and the People imagine a vain thing, He that sitteth in the Heavens shall laugh them to scorn.” If we have either secret or open enemies, their hearts are in his hand, their designs are always under his eye, and he can change them as he pleases. He can humble their pride—assuage their malice and confound their devices—He can prevent the mischief they contrive, or cause what they design for our destruction, to prove the means of our happiness and salvation—“He who stilleth the raging of the sea and the noise of his waves, an also at his pleasure restrain the madness of the People.”—The righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and to favour a righteous and religious nation, he will, should there be occasion, bring light out of darkness, good out of evil, and order out of confusion.

Wherefore, dearly beloved, let us hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering, since we are assured that he is faithful who hath promised to be with us always, even unto the end of the World.

May this gracious promise of Christ’s spiritual and perpetual presence with his Ministers excite us, my Brethren, to greater diligence, zeal and fervor in the cause of piety and virtue,–may we account no labour too great, no services too painful, and no sufferings too severe, so that we may finish our course with joy, and fulfill the rust committed to our charge. And since we all profess to believe in Christ; and are well assured that our faith is not founded on the cunningly devised fables of Men—since as Christians, we cannot but be interested in the honor of his Gospel, and are bound by the most sacred and solemn engagements to advance its reputation and success—since as protestant Episcopalians, we still hold fast to the form of sound words, and continue steadfastly in the Apostles doctrine and fellowship; Let us, therefore labour, more and more, that the “word of Christ like a fountain of living water may dwell richly in us in all wisdom, and flow liberally from us, in all holy conversation and Godliness.”

Now to the Father, to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, the One Eternal and ever blessed GOD, be ascribed by us and by all Men, all possible adoration and praise, might, majesty and dominion, world without end.

A M E N.
 


Endnotes

1 See the speech of Anacharsis Cloots, published by Order of the National Convention in France.

2 Vide Bishop Porteus’s last Charge to his Clergy.

3 See the form and manner of ordaining Priests.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1799, Connecticut


Cyprian Strong (1743-1811) graduated from Yale in 1763. He served as a town clerk in Farmington, Connecticut (1766) before becoming pastor of a church at Chatham, CT (1767-1811). Strong preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 9, 1799.


sermon-election-1799-connecticut

THE KINGDOM IS THE LORD’S.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT

HARTFORD,

ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 9, 1799.

By CYPRIAN STRONG, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN CHATHAM.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A.D. 1799.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Thomas Seymour, and Mr. Hezekiah Goodrich present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Cyprian Strong, for his Sermon delivered before them, at the General Election, on the 9th of Inst. May, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by

Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

An Election Sermon.
 

I CHRONICLES xxix. 11.

–Thine is the Kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as Head above all.

 

In the passage which has now been read, we have the devout acknowledgment of king David, who was the first magistrate, in the most respectable kingdom, which, at that time, existed. He was as remarkable for piety and religion, as for eminence and distinction, in the Jewish nation.

It was not an inconsiderable evidence, of the fervor of his piety, that he maintained the most exalted and reverential conceptions of God, in the height of earthly magnificence, amid the splendor and pomp of a Court, which so commonly dazzle the eyes of mankind, and plunge them into scenes of voluptuousness.

Nebuchadnezzar, who was at the head of the Chaldean Empire, was so intoxicated, with the splendors of royalty, that “his heart was lifted up and his mind hardened in pride,” so that he did not know and consider, “That the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men.” And, fact and experience afford the most convincing evidence, that worldly distinctions and honors, through the native corruption of the human heart, have a most powerful tendency to render men unmindful of Him, by whom “kings reign and princes decree justice.” But, this was very far from being exemplified in David. Although, from a shepherd, he was raised to a throne, and exalted as the head of a respectable and truly great nation, which always reverenced his authority; yet, he did not, through pride of heart, so rate his dignity and worldly consequence, as to think it beneath him, devoutly to acknowledge God, as the Supreme Ruler of the universe. He was sensible, that his elevated station and worldly magnificence, were the fruit and effect, of God’s sovereign disposal. In the text, he most devoutly ascribes everything to Him. “Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.” And, in the succeeding words, “Both riches and honors come of thee—in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all.”

It may be further observed, that king David was not only ready, most solemnly to acknowledge, the existence of God; but he viewed and reverenced him “as head above all.” Not as the prophet Elijah sarcastically described Baal, as an idle talker, or as pursuing a journey, or as sleeping; or, in a word, as being an idle and unconcerned spectator of the world; but as being particularly concerned in the government and control of the universe.—“Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.”

The text will naturally direct our attention, to the two following things.

I. The nature of that kingdom, which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s.

II. In what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

It is hoped, that in the prosecution of what has now been proposed, such observations and remarks will be made, as will render the discourse both seasonable, and pertinent to this public anniversary.

I. It is proposed, to attend to the nature of that kingdom, which, in the text, is said to be the Lord’s.

The inhabitants of this world, are divided into many kingdoms and governments, which, in the sacred scriptures, are called “the kingdom of men.” But that kingdom which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s, has not a respect to any one of those kingdoms, in exclusion of the rest.

The time has been, indeed, when God took upon himself the government of the Hebrews; and, in his dispensations, a very special respect was paid them. His administrations were particularly directed, to the establishment of that favorite people; yet God was, at the same time, as truly at the head of other nations, and did dispose of and superintend all their affairs, in the same manner that he did the affairs and concerns of the Jews. God had purposes to answer, relative to the Jewish nation, which he had not respecting other nations; for they were a chosen people. Although the allotments of God, to other nations, were subordinated to the advancement of the Hebrews, yet, events were allotted out to the former, in as immediate and efficient a manner as they were to the latter. The purposes of God, respecting different nations, have been different; yet God has not at the present time, nor ever had in time past, a more immediate disposal of the affairs of one nation than of another. The kingdom, which in the text is called the Lord’s, is not limited by or confined to any earthly kingdom.

But, the kingdom which is the Lord’s does, in a sense, embrace the universe; consisting of all ranks and grades of creatures, throughout all worlds. The government of God extends to all things, both animate and inanimate. All the worlds and creatures which God hath made, constitute one system. The various orders of existences, from the archangel to the most inconsiderable insect, constitute the links of a perfect chain, and are like wheels which are necessary to complete a perfect machine. They are all necessary to form a perfect system. And, as the Lord is “exalted as head above all,” so all things which exist, are comprehended in his kingdom. God manages every part of the universe, in such a manner, as shall best answer the purposes which he had in view, when he brought them into being.

The sacred scriptures teach us, thus to consider the extent of the kingdom which is the Lord’s. In them, God is said to rule among the nations—to build them up or pluck them down at what instant he pleases. Famine, pestilence and the sword are said to be under his control. It is God who balances the clouds, and gives the former and the latter rain in their season. And it is further asserted, that the superintending care and disposing hand of God are concerned, even in the falling of the sparrow to the ground. The kingdom which is the Lord’s, therefore, comprehends the universe. Hence, in the text, God is said to be “exalted as Head above all,”—above everything which exists.

Again; to our having proper apprehensions of the kingdom which is the Lord’s, it is necessary to bring into view not only its extent, but the object or end of it.

God does not exercise a control over the universe, and concern himself with the affairs of all ranks of creatures, as a mere amusement; he has an important object in view, in all his administrations; and, that is to raise up and establish a kingdom of holiness and righteousness.

The government of God does consist, summarily, in so conducting and arranging events, as shall, eventually, advance the spiritual and moral good of the universe, or establish a holy and spiritual kingdom. All the plans, institutions and operations of God are directed to that end. The end of the natural is the moral world. As all the ranks and orders of existencies are to be considered, as so many links of a perfect chain, so all the events which take place, and all God’s appointments and institutions are to be viewed, as so many means to advance the moral and spiritual good, or the holiness and happiness of intelligent beings; and so to establish and perfect a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, all being united, do form a perfect system of means and events, for the security of so important an object.—As the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of righteousness require, God builds up or pulls down earthly kingdoms. The great Monarchies of the world, which have been raised up and again tumbled into ruin, have been subordinated to this interesting design. The constitution and laws of the natural world, when they cease to contribute to the establishment of such a kingdom, will be abolished; yea, the whole natural world, when it shall have accomplished everything of that nature which it can answer, will be consigned over to destruction. Events will roll on until a holy and spiritual kingdom shall be established and become triumphant. Then, the rotation of events, like the present, shall cease. Earthly kingdoms and empires shall sink into ruin—the sun shall shine no more, the various parts of the natural world shall be unhinged—a universal conflagration will take place, and former things shall be remembered no more.

That this representation, of the object of God’s government, is real and not imaginary, appears from many considerations, which can be but very briefly mentioned, at this time.

It appears, very particularly, from the design of the incarnation and sacrifice of Jesus Christ; or the introduction of the mediatorial plan.

This great event is considered, in the sacred writings, as above all others calculated, to answer the purposes, which God had in view, in the whole work of creation and the government of the world. And, the end which God had in view in that astonishing event was, indubitably, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness. Hence it is said, that he “gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” 1 And the church is said to be redeemed by his blood, “to the intent, that now unto the principalities and powers, in heavenly places might be known, by the Church, the manifold wisdom of God; according to the eternal purpose which he purposed in Christ Jesus our Lord.” 2 And, Jesus Christ is now exalted at the head of all principalities and powers, and will reign until all enemies are brought at his footstool. And the issue of this great affair is summed up in this, that God shall “reconcile all things to himself, by him, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” From these passages of scripture, as well as from the declarations and prophecies concerning the increase, progress and issue of the kingdom of Christ, which is founded in his blood, it is extremely evident, that the end God had in view, in the incarnation, death and sufferings of Jesus Christ, and in the whole work of redemption, was the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, from thence we may certainly infer, that this is the great object, which God has in view in his whole government.

The same conclusion becomes further evident, from the end, which God has in view, in the religious institutions he hath made. The end proposed in institutions of a religious nature, is, unquestionably, to render mankind holy and spiritual.

Again; that the end of God has in view, and that the object of his government is, the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness is evident, from the great and fundamental laws of his kingdom; or, from what he chiefly requires, of his intelligent creatures. God’s requirements are all summed up in holiness and righteousness—in universal love and good will. This clearly indicates what that is, at which God is aiming in his government; and, particularly, that it is the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness.

That the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, is the great object of the government of God, appears, not only, from the end proposed in the work of redemption, in all religious institutions, and from the requirement of the laws he has established; but, it is also evident, from the design of civil government.

Civil government was not instituted, merely to amuse men; nor, to lift up some over the heads of others, without proposing an important object. And, although it is an institution, which is peculiar to this world, and may seem more immediately designed to protect men from injury and violence; yet, is it not certain, that like the other institutions of God, it is ultimately designed for and to be administered, with a view to the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom?

I am not insensible, that some are fond of making, a total separation between civil government and the protection or establishment of religion, or advancement of a spiritual kingdom; and do even consider the former as having nothing to do with the latter. But, I beg leave to inquire, whether the prosperity and advancement of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness among men, be not the great object of civil government? And, whether every civil constitution, which is not ultimately calculated to nourish and cherish true religion, and so to advance a spiritual and holy kingdom, be not, in the view of God, whatever it be in the view of man, not merely censurable, but absolutely abominable? Take a retrospect of the ancient dispensations of God, and you will see, how God views civil governments and administrations in this respect. Is it not evident, from the past dispensations of God, that he approved or censured civil governments, according to the respect or disrespect paid by them, to his church and the advancement of a kingdom of holiness? This was certainly the case, respecting the administrations of the kings of Israel. This was also the case, respecting the Chaldean monarchy. It is the very reason offered, why God brought ruin on that mighty empire. It was because it rejoiced in the ruin, and was instrumental in destroying the heritage of God. The vengeance of God was, also, denounced upon the Ammonites, upon Moab and Seir, upon Tyre and Egypt for their opposition to and derision of church of God. We are, also, assured, that it will always be thus, that God will pull down kingdoms and utterly destroy them, when they stand in the way to the prosperity and advancement of his church, or a kingdom of righteousness.

It may here be said, that there are none, who suppose, that civil government and administrations are to oppose, the advancement of a spiritual kingdom, or the progress of religion; all which is contended for is, that civil government should be neutral. But, in answer, it may be asked, whether it be possible that civil government should take such a position? Our Saviour asserts, “He that is not with me is against me: and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad.” 3 There is according to these words of Christ, no such thing s neutrality. And this is as true, respecting civil government, as respecting an individual. A mere neglect to countenance and support religion, or a kingdom of righteousness, in a civil administration, will operate against it. It was always supposed of old, that the conduct of rulers, or their administrations, had a very great influence on the religious state and character of the Jews. It is impossible, therefore, that civil government should take a neutral position, respecting religion or a kingdom of holiness. It must aid and countenance it, or it will discourage and bring it into contempt.

Without attempting, particularly, to point out what aid or support civil government may and ought to give, to religion or the Church of Christ, I would only further observe, that the sacred scriptures do teach, in a very direct manner, that civil government is designed by God, ultimately, as a mean and expedient to advance religion, or a kingdom of righteousness among men. It is not directly and positively asserted, by the prophet Isaiah, that in a future period, when civil government shall be rightly applied and faithfully administered, “Kings shall be nursing fathers and their Queens nursing mothers,” to the Church of God? And, does not the apostle Paul most expressly teach us, what the end of civil government and magistracy is?4Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good. He beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God—a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.” Does not this account of the design of civil government and magistracy, clearly teach, that they were designed to encourage and support a kingdom of righteousness among men? And, the same apostle direct, “that prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made—for kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.”5 It must be clear, from what is said concerning the design of civil government, in the sacred scriptures, that it was instituted as a mean, to advance and support a kingdom of holiness and righteousness: And, therefore, it is one thing which serves to point us, to the great object which God has in view in his government; or the nature and design of his kingdom.

Again; the use and improvement, which God requires us to make of the various allotments of his providence, farther point out the end of his government, or the nature of his kingdom; and that it is a kingdom of righteousness.

The improvement God requires us to make of providence is this, that we grow in righteousness and holiness. The goodness of God is to lead us to repentance. Under adversities, we are to “learn righteousness.” Or, to adopt the language of an apostle, when speaking of trials and adversities, he says they are sent “that we may be partakers of his holiness.” Now if our holiness, be the end of divine allotments, it becomes evident, that the advancement of a kingdom of holiness, is the end of God’s administrations.

The same truth will appear with additional clearness, if we turn our attention, to the particular designs of God, and his providential dispensations, as they are stated in the sacred scriptures.

If we take a view of events under the former dispensation, we must see, that the establishment of a holy and spiritual kingdom was, uniformly, the object which God had in view in all his allotments. It is evident, that his Church was kept constantly in view, as the chief object of attention. God set up the Church as his great object. This appears, incontrovertibly true, not only relative to those administrations, which respected the Jews in particular; but the affairs of all other nations, were subordinated to the prosperity and advancement of the Church. Whole nations were exterminated and utterly destroyed, as the prosperity of the Church demanded. God conducted and disposed, not only, of the affairs of the Jews, but of all the nations around them, with a direct and immediate reference, to the enlargement and prosperity of his Church. Of this, no one can doubt, who has attended to the history of God’s proceedings, as they are stated in his word. Which point us directly to a kingdom of righteousness, as the object of God’s government.

Furthermore, the declarations and prophecies contained in the sacred scriptures, relative to the future dispensations of God, point us to the same object.—They are all aimed at the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness, as the great object which God has in view.

God has actually decreed that all other kingdoms shall come to an utter end—That his spiritual kingdom “shall break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.” And that, as the great Monarchies which have already existed, have, one after another, been utterly destroyed, to make way for the enlargement of his Church, and the advancement of his spiritual kingdom, so it shall be hereafter. Although God may suffer the powers of this world, to trample on his Church, for a season; yet He assures us, that “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it”—That he will suffer the wrath and madness of men to proceed no further, than shall be necessary, to prepare the way for its establishment. “The wrath of man shall praise thee, the remainder of wrath wilt thou restrain.” And, we are further assured, that such will be the allotments of providence, and that the affairs of all nations shall be so over-ruled, as that, eventually, “The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord”—That the corrupt passions of men, which are naturally so violent and overbearing, shall be softened down, so that nothing shall hurt or destroy, in all God’s holy mountain—That all shall know him “from the least to the greatest.”

Hence it appears, that the great object, which God has kept in view, in former dispensations, and which he will keep constantly in view in his future, is the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

But one consideration more will be suggested, to show that the end of the kingdom, which is the Lord’s, is the establishment of a kingdom, of holiness and righteousness, and that is the result and final issue of his administrations.

In what the administrations of God, or the various dispensations of providence will end, we have full information in the sacred scriptures: and information can be derived from no other source. We are clearly informed, by the word of God, that one event after another shall roll on, ‘till all God’s designs are completed—that in the end of the world, the whole number of the righteous shall be gathered together, into one society—that the wicked shall be separated from them, with everyone that “loveth and maketh a lie.” So that the righteous will form, a perfectly holy and pure society.—We are further informed, from the oracles of God, that when all the righteous shall be gathered in, from out of every nation under heaven, the ends and the purposes of God, in all preceding dispensations, will be attained—that there will be no further employment for the kingdoms and nations of this world—that the wicked, although they have been improved as instruments to accomplish the purposes of God, will be improved no longer; but will be turned down into destruction, from which they will never be recovered—and, the material world, the earth with all its apparatus, which has served as a theatre on which the affairs of God’s kingdom, while in an infantile state, have been transacted, (when the righteous are all gathered in,) will be of no further use; and, therefore, will be subjected to absolute destruction.—“The heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll,” and “shall pass away with a great noise: and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.”—National distinctions shall be known no more—the scepters of kings and the swords of magistrates shall be laid aside—the sun shall withdraw its shining, and the moon will be turned into darkness—“the earth and the works that are therein shall be burnt up;” and there will be no more remembrance of former things. The grand drama will then be closed.—From a consideration of the final result of things we learn, with the utmost certainty, that the object which God ever had in view was, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness.

Thus the design of Christ’s incarnation of religious and civil institutions—the requirements made in the law of God, of moral and intelligent beings—the improvement to be made of providential dispensations;–together with the final result or conclusion of things, when a holy and pure society shall be formed and rendered triumphant; all these various considerations unite, in pointing out to us, that the great object of God’s government is, the formation and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

Although so much has already been said, concerning the kingdom which is the Lord’s, one observation more must be added, which is, that the important ends and purposes of that kingdom, are to be secured, through the medium of the mediatorial plan, and under the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king.

An illustration of this truth I shall only observe, that the sacred scriptures very expressly teach us, that in consequence of Christ’s faithfulness, in executing the work of redemption, God did invest him with kingly authority, and empowered him to call in and train up for glory, all those that were given him. And the affairs of angels as well as of men were committed into his hands. Accordingly we read, that when Christ was raised from the dead, God “set him at his own right hand, in the heavenly places, far above all principality, and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come: and hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church.” 6 And, in another place, concerning Christ it is said, “Who is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God, angels, authorities and powers being made subject to him.”7 We are further assured, that in the course of his government, he will “reconcile all things to himself, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” Which imports, that Christ will unite, in one society, the sinless angels and elect men. The apostle Paul expressly asserts, that his kingdom will not be delivered up, ‘till “he shall have put down all rule, and all authority and power: for he must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet.—And, when all things shall be subdued unto him, then shall the son be also subject unto him, that put all things under him, that God may be all in all.”

Without any comment on these passages, thus much must be evidently taught in them, that the great purposes of God in his universal government, in erecting and establishing a kingdom of righteousness, will be accomplished, under the reign and by the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king; or through the medium of the Christian system.

From the foregoing observations it appears, that the kingdom which is the Lord’s, is one which is universal—extending to all things throughout all worlds. The end of it is, to raise up and establish a kingdom of perfect holiness and happiness—the great object is to be secured, under the reign and through the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. I now proceed,

II. To consider, in what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

As great brevity will be observed, in attending to this inquiry, as its importance will admit.

1. It may be proper to observe, that such ascriptions and acknowledgments, as those contained in our text, very frequently occur in the sacred scriptures.

The pious psalmist says, “The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice, and the multitude of isles be glad.” Our Saviour, in that form of prayer which he gave his disciples, taught them always to pray, “Thy kingdom come:” and to conclude in this manner; “For thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory.” And he enjoined it on his disciples, to live in a firm belief of the agency of God, as being concerned in the most minute events—that a sparrow does not fall to the ground, without their heavenly Father.

2. The propriety of its being said in the text, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, appears from his being the maker, and so the original owner and proprietor of all things.

The universe, comprehending all worlds and creatures, owes its existence to God. The highest archangel is as dependent on God, for being, as the meanest insect. This being the case, the kingdom is the Lord’s. All the kingdoms of the earth are the Lord’s, as he raised them up. Kings and magistrates, and all who are in authority are the Lord’s, as he has invested them with all that power and authority which they possess.

3. It is with propriety, that the kingdom is said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, as He is, most certainly the rightful ruler and governor of the universe.

The Lord, who made and upholds all things, has, certainly, an original right to dispose of them, according to his good pleasure. He must have a right to do what he will with his own. He must have an original and exclusive right, to turn every wheel in government, and to ascertain every event, so as to accomplish his own purposes.

4. I shall only observe further, That the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, not only as he is the maker and proprietor of all, and so has an original and independent right to reign; but as he does, in fact, exercise a government over the whole universe, comprehending all creatures and all events.

Indeed, if God did not constantly exercise his Almighty power and superintending care over the universe, it would immediately cease to exist. That same power which created can, alone, uphold the things which are made. The absolute and constant dependence of all things on God, renders it certain, that he must be “exalted as head above all”—that he must rule over the whole universe.

Some have, indeed, represented it as too trifling a business, for the Supreme Being, to concern himself with the affairs of creatures; and, had rather consider God, only as an unconcerned and uninterested spectator of the affairs of the world.

But such may be asked, Why God did not consider the creation of the universe as too trifling a business for him to undertake! If it be now beneath his notice and care, it was beneath him to exercise his wisdom in contriving, and his power in giving it existence.

We can hardly conceive it to be possible, that God should bring such a universe into being—that he should construct such a complicated machine as the natural world; and introduce into existence, intelligent and moral beings, with capacities for immortal happiness, without proposing some important end in it. If God had an important end originally in view, we may be assured, that he will concern himself, so far, in the affairs of the universe, as to order and arrange events, in such a manner, as to secure it. Either God had or he had not an important end, in creating the universe. If he had not some important object in view, Why did he make the worlds which now exist? Was it for mere diversion and amusement! But, if he had a sufficient end for creating there certainly must be a sufficient reason, for his exercising a constant government over the created universe.

That there is so much apparent evil—so much seeming confusion—so many jarring and mysterious events extant in the world, has sometimes been considered, as a forcible objection to the supposition, that God is at the head of all things, and exercises a universal government.—But it ought to be considered, that short-sighted men, who are full of sinful biases and prepossessions, are very miserable judges, as to the events which are necessary to take place; so as to secure the welfare of a kingdom, which is as extensive as the universe, and as durable as eternity itself. The little concerns and exigencies of an earthly kingdom, or a petty state, yea of a family or an individual, often confound the wisdom of men. The most dark and mysterious events are often found to be pregnant with the highest good. The little occurrence of Joseph’s brethren selling him into Egypt, was a dark and gloomy event, and foreboded great evil, in the view of Jacob; yet, eventually, it proved to be of the utmost importance.

But, whatever the ignorance, pride or vanity of man may suggest, the sacred scriptures do assure us, that God does reign, and is particularly concerned in the production of all events—that cold and heat—summer and winter, rain and drought, seed-time and harvest—health and sickness—war and peace—good and evil; yea, all the affairs of the natural and moral world, are under the government and control of God—that he raises up empires and pulls them down—creates king and magistrates and deposes them, according to his sovereign pleasure.

We are taught very particularly, in the sacred scriptures, as appears from what has been said, that God disposes of nations and arranges all events, with a view to one object; and that is, The establishment of a kingdom of righteousness; and that he will continue to do so, till that kingdom shall be established and rendered triumphant. Then his purposes will be answered—the drama will be finished, and God will be all in all.

It now only remains, to point out the use and improvement that may be made of the subject, which we have considered, in a few particular inferences and remarks.

1. As the kingdom is the Lord’s, and He is exalted as head above all, obligations to obedience and subjection to God, must be universal.

It must be the incumbent duty, not only of those, who are ranked in the lowest class of men, and are busied in the most humble employments, to yield a universal obedience to the will of God; but obligations of the same nature, are incumbent on those, who are exalted to places of the highest dignity and honor among men. They are equally under the government of God, and their obligations to reverence and obey him, are, in kind, the same. Yea, the obligations on those, who are in the higher walks of life are, in some respects, peculiarly enhanced. Their example will have a peculiar influence, on the conduct and morals of those, who are in more humble stations. Hence that demand of the prophet, “O heads ,i>of Jacob, and ye princes of the house of Israel; Is it not for you to know Judgment.” Hence, also, that direction of the psalmist, “Be wise now, therefore, O ye kings, be instructed, O ye judges of the earth; serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the son lest he be angry and ye perish from the way.”

2. Is this kingdom the Lord’s, and is He “exalted as Head above all, We see, that we have a stable and unfailing source of comfort, in the most dark and gloomy times, and amidst the changes and revolutions which take place, in the rotation of events, respecting the present world.

If clouds and darkness surround our nation—if foreign powers threaten us from without—if convulsions and civil dissentions do exist within—if vice, immorality and the most outrageous wickedness do prevail, far and wide in the earth; yet the consideration, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, affords the most ample support, and lays a foundation for the most substantial peace. God is both able and fully determined, to establish his kingdom.

We live in a day of mighty revolutions. Great events are rolling on in quick succession, and presage some great and interesting changes in the state of this world. The prophet Jeremiah demands, in the language of surprise, “Hath a nation changed their Gods, which are yet no Gods!” as if it were an unheard of affair, that a nation had laid aside its false Gods. But we live in a day, when a powerful nation, which had ranked itself among those, who acknowledge the true and living God, has absolutely rejected and disowned Him, and even proceeded to abolish the ordinances of heaven! “The mystery of iniquity,” as the apostle expresses it, “doth already work.” A deep concerted plan to spread infidelity far and wide—to subvert religion and undermine government—to give to the lusts and passions of men full scope, has been propagated among the nations of Europe, with surprising success. Its bitter consequences and baneful influence have already produced, “distress of nations, with perplexity,” and even in America, the leaven has begun to ferment, and is, most probably, the source of the opposition which has been, to the administration of our national government—but we have a substantial and unfailing source of consolation, under all those gloomy appearances—the kingdom is the Lord’s.

Indeed, were we to have our views directed by the prophetic declarations, contained in the sacred scriptures, we should be led to expect, instead of being surprised to see such events. Amidst the confusion, and infidelity of the present day, we see, that the man of sin is in a measure destroyed; and that the papal hierarchy is crumbling into pieces. Nor are we to expect that the scenes of distress, which are now experienced in Europe, will terminate, till something still more important is produced. The clouds appear to be gathering and preparations are making, for scenes far more extensively distressing, than those which have been, as yet, realized.—But God reigns—the kingdom is his. He will take are of it. Neither earth nor hell can prevail against Him—the wrath of man shall praise him, the remainder of wrath will he restrain.

3. From the observations which have been made, we are led to see the important nature of the institution of civil government.

The kingdom is the Lord’s; and all the institutions which God has made, as well as all the events which take place, have a reference to the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness—are designed, by God, as means of accomplishing and perfecting so important a purpose. I do not say, that this is the object which mankind have had in view, in forming civil constitutions and qualifying governments. Nothing, perhaps, has been further out of view. They have, probably, for the most part been dictated by worldly views and motives. But God has instituted it, as one mean and expedient, to advance the progress of a spiritual kingdom. This gives the institution of civil government, an aspect of great consequence. It teaches us, that it was not contrived, merely to exalt some men over the heads of others; or to secure to the members of society an equal enjoyment of privileges of a worldly nature; or, merely, to protect life and property; but it has a further reach and more important design. It is nothing less, than one of the expedients which the Supreme Governor of the world has adopted, to forward the great and important purposes of establishing a spiritual kingdom. Viewed in any other point of light, it dwindles into nothing, in point of consequence and importance.

I am not insensible, that writers on civil government, have generally considered it, as a mean to secure the peace and welfare of society in this world; and as having no concern with or reference to a spiritual kingdom. But can it be so, that in the institution of civil government, which has such prodigious influence on the state of this world, the Supreme Being has forgotten the great object he has in view in his government! Must civil government be considered, as a solitary exception, as to its design, from all the works and other institutions of God! Can we suppose, that God would build up and pull down kingdoms, on account of their influence and tendency, to build up or obstruct the progress of religion, and the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, if civil government were not designed as a mean to advance and promote them?

Were it not for the treaty of peace which God is now carrying on, through Jesus Christ, civil government and earthly kingdoms would be utterly abolished: and the whole material world would be destroyed. The advancement and progress of that treaty, is the end of all God’s administrations. Hence we find, that when civil government is rightly applied and administered, kings will be nursing fathers and their queens will be nursing mothers to the Church of God. In this view of the design of civil government, it appears to be an institution of great consequence.

4. We are naturally to conclude, from what has been said, that such men as have fixed moral and religious principles, are the only characters which can, with any propriety, be elected into offices of trust, to direct the affairs and concerns of civil government.

This inference is fairly deducible, from the design of civil government. If civil government be designed, as an hand-maid to religion—as a mean to advance and forward a kingdom of righteousness, it must be important, that those, who are elected into civil office, and especially into the principal offices of government, should be friends to the cause; and so, men of fixed and established moral and religious principles. Yea, may we not proceed so far as to say, that they should be firm believers in Christianity? For the kingdom which God is raising up among men, is founded on the Christian system; and is to be advanced, under the reign of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. That such characters alone are to be fought and elected into places of trust, in a civil government, is not only dictated by the design of the institution; but is enjoined by God. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness,” &c. men of no other description are friendly, to the real end of civil government.

The liberalizing spirit of the present day (which looks with indifferency and patience, on everything, excepting strict religion and fervent piety,) I am aware, inculcates a different doctrine. Such as are under its influence will tell us, that moral and religious principles are of no importance; yea, it is a discovery made by the modern Illuminati, that both religion and government are enemies to the happiness of mankind. Hence it is, that extensive combinations have been formed, and unwearied efforts made, to overturn religious and moral systems, as well as to unhinge and subvert civil constitutions and governments. But, it happens fortunately, that what may be expected, from a government administered by men, who are void of moral principles, and are plunged deep into infidelity, has been so openly exemplified. When moral feelings and religious restraints are eradicated, and God is not acknowledged and reverenced, the barriers against the most atrocious wickedness are removed, and the lusts of the human heart will be unrestrained. With men of such a character at the head of government, we could hardly expect anything else, than that the rights of men should be trampled on—the laws of humanity be sported with, and an ambition prevail, which knows no bounds.—All this we see exemplified in Europe, at the present time. No more striking picture can be given, of the baleful influence and effects of infidelity, when dictating the measures of government, than are exhibited in the rise and progress of the revolution in France. When we review the various measures which have been adopted—what rivers of blood have been spilt—with what coolness and deliberation the lives of the old, the young and the innocent babe have been despoiled—the property of subjects seized—the boundless ambition and insatiable thirst for domination which has prevailed—the piracies which have been committed on the seas—and the insidious and wicked policy which has been practiced, respecting other nations; or to sum up the whole in a word, when we behold a nation, once famous for its civility and polished manners, changed into a nation of barbarians; I say, when we see these things actually existing, and can be accounted for in no way, unless from the influence of infidelity, Can we need anything further, to teach us the importance of placing men of fixed moral and religious sentiments, at the head of government? The Supreme Governor of the world, has designedly given the nations of the earth, a striking picture and example of the baneful influence and ruining tendency of infidelity. And, no nation which, after this solemn warning and admonition, shall act the same part, by committing the management of the concerns of society, into the hands of infidels, or of men whose feelings are loose and unhinged, respecting religion and morality, can expect less, than to share, in a higher or lower degree, in the same plagues.

There can hardly be a greater inconsistency, than for a Christian people, to appoint such men, as the guardians of their rights, and as nurses to the Church of God, who have not fixed moral and religious principles; and, who are nearly afloat respecting Christianity in every view of it.

5. The subject, which we have been considering and illustrating, is of use, and may be particularly improved, by civil rulers and legislators.

Although they are placed at the head of government, and have authority to enact laws, to regulate the community over which they are placed; yet, they are to consider, that there is a higher power, which presides over and controls the affairs of men. The kingdom is the Lord’s and He is exalted as Head above all. Civil rulers and legislators are but servants or ministers of God. Their work is assigned them by Him. They are servants, raised up by God, to forward the great object of his government, in forming and establishing a kingdom of righteousness. At the same time therefore, they are framing laws, for the security of the lives and properties of their constituents, and for the equal administration of justice, they are not only to be cautious, that they do no harm to religion and the Church of God, but to be careful to do everything, in their power, to countenance and support them.

It is not pretended, that civil rulers and legislators have a right, absolutely and authoritatively to impose creeds and confessions of faith; yet, most certainly, it must be incumbent on them, in all the measures they adopt, to manifest a governing regard for God and the interests of his kingdom. It must be their indispensible duty, to adopt such measures, as will, most directly, encourage and promote, the progress of that treaty of peace and reconciliation, which God is carrying on with men.

It is in the power of civil rulers, in many respects, to prepare the way, for an advantageous tender of salvation to mankind. They may set up their banners against vice—encourage men of religion and virtue, and support the institutions of Christianity.—Many of the subordinate officers of government are appointed, by the legislature. If men of virtue, who are professed friends to the Christian system, as well as of good government, were distinguished as objects of particular favor; and if, on the contrary, the profane—the despisers of religion and fervent piety, and those who neglect religious institutions were rejected, it would, certainly, be a worthy testimony of regard to the kingdom of God; and an encouragement to men to do well.

Dissoluteness of manners, if not a contempt of Christianity has been, within a few years, greatly increasing. It would be very unhappy, indeed, if those, who are distinguished as rulers and legislators, should be wanting, in their exertions, to stem their progress; but above all so, if they, by their example, should countenance them.—The influence of rulers is great and extensive; although they are often the objects, at which the shafts of envy and malice are leveled. Their station respecting religion and virtue cannot be neutral. Their transactions and examples will, necessarily, have an extensive influence.

The people, in this state, have reason to be very thankful that the Supreme Ruler of the world has given them such a succession of rulers, as have, not only been firm friends to their civil rights, but have been disposed to encourage the cause of religion and virtue.—And it is no small occasion of joy to the friends of Zion, that the late legislature of this state, while the zealous advocates for religion, in England and Scotland, have provided missionaries, to found the glad tidings of salvation in Africa, in the East-Indies and in the islands of the Pacific ocean, have adopted measures, to make provision, for the preaching of the gospel among the new settlements, in this country; and, if possible, to Christianize the heathen nations.

As the kingdom is the Lord’s, we may assure ourselves, that he will take care of it; whether earthly powers nourish and cherish, or neglect and abandon it. It will certainly flourish and finally triumph. Yet, let it be remembered, that those who are raised to places of trust and influence, as well as those in private life, must, finally, give up a most solemn account to Him, who is exalted as head above all.

6. The subject which we have had under consideration, may be improved, to animate and encourage the ministers of the gospel.

The ministers of Christ are officers in the kingdom of the Lord; and their direct business is, to be “workers together with him.” They are sent out, purposely, to explain the nature of God’s kingdom—to plead its cause among men, and to persuade them to enlist as subjects in it. The kingdoms of this world are to be managed by other hands. Ministers are, by office, to exert themselves, in endeavouring to build up and establish a spiritual kingdom. And, since God is at the head of it, what encouragements have ministers to be zealous and active? Did success depend, merely on their strength and efforts; and had they not reason to expect the interposition of no higher power, they might well be discouraged. But the kingdom is the Lord’s. He will succeed and prosper its advancement. He is, at this time, most evidently disposing of the affairs of earthly kingdoms, so as to prepare the way for the establishment of his own kingdom. He has given the most absolute assurance in his word, that all the evils which are extant—the distress and revolution of nations, shall conspire to advance a kingdom of righteousness; however gloomy it may appear to short-sighted men—that one event shall roll on after another, till all God’s designs are accomplished. However weak and depressed this kingdom may now appear, the time is coming, and probably is not far distant, when “it shall break in pieces and consume all” other “kingdoms and it shall stand forever.”

There is, therefore, from the nature and importance of the kingdom; and, especially from the determinations and power of Him, whose is the kingdom, the most abundant encouragement, for the ministers of Christ to be active and zealous. Besides, their only encouragement of sharing in the triumphs and glory, which await the kingdom of God, does arise from their being “faithful unto death.” 8

CONCLUSION.
My Brethren and Fellow-Citizens.

LET us rejoice in the goodness of Him, who is exalted as Head above all, that we, according to the invariable practice of our ancestors, are permitted to celebrate the religious solemnities of this anniversary, with so few things to interrupt our religious joy. Although disease and death have, the year past, spread desolation in some of our capitals, yet the heads of our tribes have been preserved, and we are permitted to meet them, this day, in the house of God. 9—Although we have been threatened with war, by a nation, which is neither bound by the ties of honor or justice, yet, He, who ruleth among the nations, has, as yet, preserved us so deplorable a calamity.

Our nation, which has been considered as divided, has been led to unite in adopting spirited measures for our national defence.

We enjoy privileges and blessings, which are not realized by any other nation on earth. Let us unite, in a firm and manly support of our national government and constitution. Be careful to guard against the intrigues of designing men. Let infidelity and modern liberality find no countenance, nor have any hand in the administration of government. Avoid them, as you would avoid that plague, which has already interrupted the peace—unhinged the government—destroyed the order—and bathed the plains of almost all Europe with human blood.

Be careful, to enroll your names among the subjects and citizens of the kingdom of God. Be assured, that this kingdom will prosper, for it is the Lord’s; and He is the head of it. The time for securing a part in its triumphs is short and uncertain. But a short delay may be fatal.

May the Supreme King and Lord of the universe, engage all our hearts and feelings in his cause and kingdom; and dispose us to spend and be spent in his service. That, at the time, when earthly kingdoms and empires shall be destroyed, and the whole material world shall be dissolved, we may be safe in the kingdom of God, and unite in his praise forever and ever. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. Titus ii. 14.

2. Ephes. Iii. 10, 11.

3. Matth. xii. 30.

4. Romans xiii. 3-5.

5. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

6. Ephes. i. 20-22.

7. I Peter iii. 22.

8. Since the last anniversary election, there has been but two instances of mortality, among the pastors of the Churches in Connecticut; viz. The Re. Nathan Fenn of Worthington. The former was advanced in age; the latter was in the prime of life and usefulness.

9. Although God has been pleased to preserve the lives of those, who were acting in the first offices in this state, through the last year; yet he has removed by death, His Excellency Matthew Griswold, Esquire, formerly a Governor of the State; whose faithful services and persevering integrity, through life, entitle him to the most grateful remembrance of all its citizens.

Sermon – Fasting – 1799


Manasseh Cutler (1742-1823) graduated from Yale (1765), and worked as a schoolteacher, store clerk, and an attorney. He was minister to the Congregational Church in Ispwich, Massachusetts (1771-1823). Cutler served as military chaplain for multiple American units during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by Cutler on the day of national Fasting proclaimed by John Adams in 1799.


sermon-fasting-1799

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED AT

H A M I L T O N,

ON THE DAY

OF THE

NATIONAL FAST,

APRIL 25, 1799;

APPOINTED BY THE

President of the United States of America.

By MANASSEH CUTLER, LL. D.
Minister of the Church in Hamilton.

A

FAST SERMON.

JEREMIAH ix. 9.

Shall I not visit them for these things? Saith the LORD:

Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?

SOLEMN were the warnings given to the Jews before they were visited with distressing judgments. But solemn as they were, they had, generally, very little effect. Some instances of reformation, however, encourage the hope, that seasonable warnings may not be in vain. In a preceding chapter the Prophet had twice addressed the Jews in the words I have now read. The repetition of the same question the third time, shews an earnest solicitude to awaken their attention. It is an appeal to their own consciences—to that faculty of the mind which is least debased. If they had any plea to make in their own behalf, if they had any reasons to offer for longer forbearance and the continuance of mercies, opportunity was given them. But so degraded was their moral character, so notorious were their ingratitude and obstinacy, they could not be insensible of it themselves. Being judges in their own cause, they must acknowledge the threatening, however severe, to be perfectly just.

Although the question is proposed to the Jews, the form of it does not permit us to confine the application to that nation. It is not said on this nation, but on such a nation as this. The alarming question must equally apply to any other nation, whose moral character resembles that of the Jews. In the preceding part of the prophecy their character is given. They are represented as a stupid, senseless, needless people. Many highly aggravated national sins are specified. Kind instructions and faithful warnings were disregarded. Neither prosperity nor adversity produced any desirable change in their obstinate temper.

At this time they seem to have been in a particular situation. The Prophet complains of a factious spirit. Treachery, discord and falsehood were prevailing vices. Principles were disseminated, and practices indulged, subversive of every religious, moral or social obligation. In their solemn meetings for religious exercises, or the administration of justice, the Prophet calls them an assembly of treacherous men. Ingenuity was employed, and the art of deception was cultivated, to overcome the natural reluctance of conscience. They bend their tongues like their bows—they teach their tongues to tell lies. Take heed, says he, every one of his neighbor, and trust ye not in any brother—they will deceive every one his neighbor—through deceit they refuse to know me, saith the Lord.

Such is the character given of Israel at the time when the Prophet addressed them in the words of the text. In the history of this nation lessons of instruction and warning are given to every nation under the sun. In the oracles of God we are furnished with a rich fund of light and truth, happily accommodated to all the variety of circumstances in which any people can be placed. There we find an admirable uniformity in the great plan of Providence, carried on by means infinitely various, and sometimes the most improbable and contradictory. To deny God’s particular providence, and the occasional exertions of his power, in an extraordinary manner, to answer extraordinary purposes, in his moral dealings with man, would be to exclude him from the immediate government of the world which he has made. Exceedingly contracted must our views be, not to perceive his superior direction—not to discern his hand in all those means which have derived their existence and their agency from him.

The occasion of our present assembling is interesting. Our Illustrious President, alarmed at the critical situation of our country, and ever watchful over its best interests, has requested the American nation to devote this day to humiliation, fasting and prayer. The sacred passage we have now before us, in its connection with the state of Israel and Judah, suggests to us subjects suited to this day’s solemnities. The question proposed in the text naturally leads to another—Is this a nation whose moral character resembles that of the Jews? It is a question that deserves serious reflection. It will direct our contemplations—to the moral state of our country—to attend to the warnings given us—and the duty of a people under our present circumstances.

In the first place we shall take a concise view of the present moral state of our country.

Like the Israelites, we are a people that have been highly favoured of the Lord. It may well be asked, What could God have done more for his vineyard? Indulgent Heaven has bestowed upon us a rich assemblage of religious, political, social and domestic blessings. The institutions of the Gospel—the means of religious instructions—the rights of conscience—the equality of all denominations of Christians—are privileges nowhere more amply enjoyed. By a wise, powerful and merciful Providence, we have been guided through perils—we have been delivered by the most unexpected means, and raised from small beginnings to national respectability and importance. Our social and domestic enjoyments, as well as national safety, are secured by a government which originated in the power of the people, and is, as near as possible, the work of each individual hand:—a government well guarded with checks, and, while the whole train of patriotic virtues are prevalent, sufficiently energetic to guaranty to every citizen the unmolested security of life and all he possesses. What returns might not be expected from such a nation as this? It is the abuse of the rich, distinguishing blessings of Heaven, which gives the proper colouring and aggravation of our national offences.

Those practices, customs and habits which are generally prevalent, are national; and such of them as are opposed to, or are inconsistent with, the will of the Deity, however made known to us, are, in the strictest propriety, the sins of a nation. Like Israel, with all our forms of piety and religion, we have been thoughtless, ungrateful and disobedient. The honour of God, and the interests of religion—objects of infinite importance to the well-being of man—have either been wholly neglected, or too generally treated with the coldest indifference. Can it be said, the true spirit of that religion to profess has been a prominent feature in our national character? Has the gospel, by its benign influence, led us to that purity of heart—to those amiable and elevated virtues—to that dignity of conduct, which raises our fallen nature to a resemblance of its Divine Author? Have we not, like the Jews, been slaves to our own corrupt affections, neglectful of our own best interests, and destroyers of our own happiness?

We have it to lament, that immoralities, of various kinds, have abounded in our land. Particular vices are always more prevalent in some parts of a country, than they are in others. Some are more fashionable at one time than at another. Vices are to be found among us of foreign importation, which, we hope, are not yet naturalized to the American soil. But in every part of our country immoralities are practiced, which, when contrasted with our distinguished advantages and blessings, sadly darken the shades of our national character, and justly provoke the divine displeasure.

The Christian Sabbath is an inestimable privilege to the church of Christ, and highly beneficial to civil society. It is the pledge of God’s distinguishing goodness to man. It was appointed for purposes the most useful and important—for keeping alive piety and devotion—for religious and virtuous instructions—and for grateful acknowledgments of the divine beneficence. But is not the design of this day shamefully perverted? Is not public worship notoriously neglected? Is not the Sabbath, to many, the most useless and burthensome day of the week? God has expressly commanded us to remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy; and has solemnly threatened, If ye will not hearken unto me, to hallow the Sabbath-day, then will I kindle a fire in your gates, and it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem, and it shall not be quenched.

Reverence of the Supreme Being is at the foundation of all religion. The name of God is great, admirable and holy. It ought to be used with the deepest veneration, and magnified above all things. But is it not boldly blasphemed, and impiously dishonoured?—dishonoured by customary and wanton profanity? Habits of profanity are highly injurious to society. By divesting the mind of all reverential fear of God, they lessen the solemnity and obligation of an oath. In a country where oaths are multiplied, interwoven with commercial as well as civil concerns, such habits become the more dangerous. Will the common swearer regard an oath, when administered under the most solemn forms? Is it not to be feared that perjury is among our national sins? We may, at least, adopt the language of the Prophet, and say, Because of swearing our land mourneth.

It is our happiness that the laws of our country, more, perhaps, than any other, are founded on the purest principles of religion and morality. Some of them are made for the express purpose of supporting a decent observance of the Sabbath, an attendance on public worship, and the suppression of profanity and other immoralities. Are our magistrates and civil officers sufficiently mindful of their solemn oaths, in causing a due observance of those laws?

Another evil, that may well excite serious apprehensions, is, the artful dissemination of atheistical, deistical and other loose and pernicious principles. If it can be doubted whether atheism, in its strictest sense, can become general in civilized society, it cannot be denied, that a belief in a Supreme Being may become so weakened as to lose its practical influence—that skeptical principles and sentiments subvert all religious and moral obligation, and lead to the most hardened impiety. Infidelity may be diffused under the pretext of liberality of sentiment: it may be gilded over with the specious, but perverted name of philosophy. But it requires a very small share of philosophy to know, that man is more under the influence of his feelings and passions, than his reason. Let him fully believe he is not accountable to his Maker—not destined to immortality—and what sense of moral obligation, what tie to virtue, what check upon his corrupt propensities, will there remain? What crime, when he can elude the laws of his country, will he not perpetrate? It is not possible, in the nature of things, that human laws, or principles of honour, can be adequate substitutes for religion. They are continually varying, and they will be in conformity to reigning opinions and sentiments. They may even sanction that most dangerous of all maxims, that “the end sanctifies the means.” Infidelity is a formidable enemy to the true principles of liberty. It erases from their foundation the main pillars that can support a free government. Freedom deigns not to dwell with general immorality: it cannot be enjoyed without virtue, nor an virtue be maintained without religion. Infidelity raises the floodgates of corruption—deluges society with crimes—and awfully accumulates the mass of human misery. Its prevalence is sufficient to account for the neglect of religious institutions—the violation of every sacred, civil and social duty—the practice of fraud, injustice, intemperance, debauchery, profanity, and every evil work.

In the train of vices which have stained our moral character, detraction, falsehood and discord have been too notorious to be silently passed over. The united voice of reason and divine revelation condemns them; and we find them particularly noticed by the Prophet among the national sins for which God threatened to visit the Jews. This evil spirit is not merely the disturber of domestic peace, but hostile to all the ends for which men unite in society. When discord is engendered, it makes its progress to faction, insurrection and treason, by casting reproach on rulers, and deceiving and misguiding the people. Foreign intrigue, it is well known, is the parent and the nurse of the demon of discord which troubles our nation. It has been operating by every secret art and insidious effort to weaken the powers of government. It has filled our ears with calumnies against our rulers, misrepresented public measures, excited discontent, and conjured up phantoms of despotism in the minds of the people. A people enjoying a constitution of their own forming—rulers of their own choice—and laws, as near as possible, of their own creation—who have sensibly felt the advantages of order and good government, it might reasonably be expected, would vigorously oppose attempts to disturb their political felicity. But many, it is to be feared, have, indirectly, lent their aid in lessening public confidence, in exciting opposition to government, and in bringing public measures into disrepute, without being sensible of the consequences. The maxim, which seems to have been generally adopted, that “a free people should always be jealous of their rulers,” has been carried to a dangerous extreme.

No community can enjoy the blessings of freedom unless government be respected, and the laws obeyed. In this land of liberty, public characters and public measures may, at all times, be examined with the utmost freedom. But it is only a candid, fair and upright examination that is consistent with order, moral obligation, and the true spirit of liberty. We have happily seen men placed in the highest and most responsible offices of government, who have given unequivocal proofs of their wisdom, penetration and unshaken patriotism;—men who have been instruments in procuring our numerous public blessings, and have justly merited our confidence. But with what offensive intemperance and indecency have their characters and their measures been canvassed! What numberless libels have issued from the presses against those who would guard—who would vindicate—and who would defend our country, against the intrigues, injustice and power of a despotic nation! What measures have government adopted, for our safety or defense, which have not been condemned? Who can be insensible that our freedom is in the most imminent danger, when the minority will not yield to the voice of the majority, and when party assumes the prerogative of dictating and controlling public measures. Happy would it be if the people duly appreciated the blessings of order and good government, and were disposed to pursue the means of preserving them. Let it be impressed upon our minds, that every disorganizing, demoralizing principle, and every vicious habit and practice, is hostile to freedom.

We shall only add, that deficiency in public virtue is a reproach to our nation, and endangers our safety. Nothing within the compass of human ability is so strong a safeguard to rational independence as that love to our country which is commonly styled public spirit or public virtue. Love to our country attaches us to its best interests, and elevates the mind above private advantages or selfish views. In ancient Rome this principle was the life and soul of the state. It was always awake to public danger, and active in public defense. That man is not a patriot, who prefers his own private ease and interest to the public good when his country calls for the sacrifice. Never were a people, perhaps, more devoted to the pursuits of interest, and the accumulation of wealth, than this nation. There is a laudable spirit of industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, social and religious duty. But this spirit may be extended beyond the limits which bound the public safety. The public good, now, if ever, calls for the general attention, and vigilant exertion, of all its friends. Our present danger is much concealed from the public view, and on this account our state is the more hazardous. Where is the security of our possessions, when our country is infatuated by foreign intrigues, and distracted with the spirit of discord and insurrection? What value can we fix upon our wealth, when we are subjugated to the vilest, and tributary to the most tyrannic, government on earth? Our liberties are a sacred deposit, which a kind Providence has consigned to our care; and can we be so degenerate, so base, as to desert or give it up? If we are deaf to the calls of public safety, liberty and virtue, we are traitors to our country, we are criminal in the sight of Heaven, and deserve its chastisements.

In this concise view, we have only a faint sketch of our moral state. It ought to be recollected that the sin of a nation is the aggregate of the sins of all who reside in it. No individual can exculpate himself from the charge of having contributed a part in swelling the measure of our national iniquities; and all must expect to be sharers in public calamity. Whatever we may vainly think of our own state, however we may be lulled by a fatal security, it must be acknowledged, that great and manifold are our errors, and heavy and numerous are our transgressions. Were we able to bring into view the whole mass of wickedness that has been accumulated in our land, exceeding all the rules and powers of arithmetical computation, can we wonder if God should avenge himself of such a nation as this? But his ways are not as our ways, nor are his thoughts like ours. His threatenings are intended to awaken our attention. His merciful admonitions are accompanied with sufficient opportunity for repentance and amendment.

We therefore proceed, as was proposed, in the second place, to attend to the warnings which are given us.

We learn from the sacred scriptures, and from general history, the usual methods of Providence, in the government of the world. There seems to have been no period of time, when general and distressing calamities came upon a people without previous warning. The deluge came not upon the earth, until Noah, a preacher of righteousness, had, for a course of years, warned that corrupt generation of approaching ruin. Sodom and Gomorrah were not reduced to ashes, before they had been faithfully admonished by Lot, whose soul was vexed by their corrupt deeds. Pharaoh and the Egyptians were visited with a series of milder judgments, as so many kind admonitions, before their final overthrow. Jonah was sent, as the messenger of Heaven, to denounce against Nineveh its total destruction. Happily for this city, its inhabitants, from the king on the throne to the beggar in the streets, were awakened to a sense of their danger and their duty. Although an heathen people, they humbled themselves before the most high God, and were graciously spared. The history of Israel furnishes us with numerous instances of faithful admonitions given to them, and of the most persuasive entreaties to escape from impending judgments by turning unto the Lord. Our Saviour himself was the benevolent monitor to Jerusalem, before its final destruction. While he foretold that awful catastrophe, which would be more distressing than had been known from the creation, he entreated them, in the most tender and pathetic strains, to have mercy upon themselves. The sacred scriptures are a standing memento to us, under all the aspects of Divine Providence. The apostle, after mentioning what had been the conduct of the Jews, and the divine dispensations towards them, in a number of instances, adds, Now all these things happened unto them for ensamples: and they are written for our instruction, upon whom the ends of the world are come.

Other nations, besides the Jews, exhibit to us the most solemn admonitions. We have interesting lessons for our instruction in the revolutions which have desolated so many independent states in Europe. We have seen their errors and their fate, and we should avoid the rock on which they have been broken and ruined. In many interesting particulars, we read our own history in theirs.

Holland was the first that fell a prey to the intriguing arts of French revolutionists. The people, allured by the salacious hope of mending their government—seduced by solemn treaties—and flattered with the promise of assistance and protection—admitted the armies of their pretended ally into their cities. Their government was new modeled by the French Directory, and subjected to its absolute control. Heavy contributions were exacted, which have since been frequently repeated, and the immediate collection ensured by an armed force. The treasures, the magazines, the naval and military forces, of Holland, fell within the grasp, and became subject to the requisitions, of the French government of their own, the rich, frugal, industrious people of Holland now groan under the most tyrannic oppression. They are obliged to support, in their own bosom, an army of Frenchmen, to keep themselves is awe.

Geneva, a little happy republic, which had long viewed France as her friend, has suffered a more deplorable fate. The people were pleased with their government, were flourishing in manufactures and commerce, and were distinguished for their religion and good morals. The government of Geneva made every exertion to maintain a scrupulous neutrality, through a strong party, by “diplomatic skill,” was gained over to the French interest. Emissaries were sent to excite a spirit of faction, and to corrupt the morals of the people. These harbingers of ruin too well succeeded. Divisions, tumults and massacres were the fruit of their exertions. At length, when the favourable moment arrived, an army approached, and, by insidious arts, found means to enter the city. The eyes of the people were now opened, but I was too late. The united, fought, bled, and were conquered. Geneva surrendered at discretion—was pillaged by a merciless soldiery, and degraded to a humble department of France.

Another victim to the secret arts and duplicity of France, is the ancient republic of Venice. Under a government of wise laws, the republic abounded in commerce and wealth. The French resorted to their usual intrigues, which had never failed of success; but they were greatly counteracted by a wise and discreet Senate. Impatient to seize upon the wealth of Venice, they wished to find some pretext for open hostilities. This they found in a stratagem, which, one would think, none but a Frenchman could have devised. 1 Venice was attacked, conquered, partitioned, bartered and sold. It is with the fate of this devoted republic that France has threatened the American States.

The time will not permit us to notice all the governments which have felt the scourge of the French revolutionary pestilence. It would fill volumes to detail the general wreck of order, the scenes of slaughter, plunder, conflagration, distress, and ruin, which the French, by their intrigues, arms and usurpation, have spread over the fairest parts of Europe. In Suabia, from well attested accounts, the progress of their armies was marked by crimes at which humanity shudders—crimes, which savages were never known to commit. The common people were ready to receive them with open arms, and to embrace them as their friends and deliverers; but they found them the most detestable monsters. 2

We must not pass over the fate of unhappy Switzerland. This country in many respects resembled our own. It gives us warning, so solemn, so well adapted, that Americans must be inexcusable not to improve it to their own advantage. The Republic of Switzerland consisted of twenty smaller republics in federal union. Common interest and long experience had strengthened the ties of a formal league, and closely cemented them together. It was a nation of warriors and statesmen—of frugal, hardy, industrious citizens;—a nation jealous of its rights, and watchful over its liberties. While the torch of revolutionary fanaticism was flaming around them, the government, aware of its dangers, made every exertion, and every sacrifice, to preserve an unblamable neutrality. The emissaries of France had not been able to do so much in deluding the people, as they had done in many other places; but with the government they had better success. Their councils were divided and indecisive. Every measure for the public safety was opposed and embarrassed. Little was done in making arrangements for defense, until a French army was upon their borders. The people, more alarmed, and better united, than their rulers, flew to arms, and determined to defend a government that had not the spirit to defend itself. A few veteran officers placed themselves at their head; but orders and counter orders defeated their best plans of operation. Obstinate battles were repeatedly fought, with great slaughter and various success. Such was the general enthusiasm, that the women repaired to the field of battle, and fought and bled by the sides of their husbands and sons. 3 At this moment, the French, with an address peculiar to themselves, renewed a mock negotiation, made and violated solemn agreements, and found means to make the people believe their own civil and military officers had betrayed and sold them. This last artifice, more than any other, proved fatal to Switzerland. The cry of treachery, in their camps and among the people, excited a general ferment of distrust and dissension. Some of the bravest of the Swiss officers fell victims to the rage of their own men. Unable to repel an enemy, more formidable in artifices than in arms, the greater part of that once happy country was ravaged. Murder, rapine, pillage and desolation marked the footsteps of its conquerors. The ancient government of Switzerland was dissolved, and a new constitution, fabricated by the French Directory, imposed on the people. In eight days was overturned the work of five centuries. What scenes of misery have the French revolution, perfidy and arms exhibited! What stately edifices of political society have been laid in ruins! Vice has been armed against virtue. The warmest professions of friendship have been accompanied with the practice of the most savage cruelty. France has demonstrated to the world, that its sole object is plunder and tribute, and that it regards not the means by which it can be attained.

Such are the beacons erected in Europe, to caution and warn Americans. Can we stop our ears against the cries of these desolated republics? Can we be deaf to a voice, like peals of thunder, charging us to beware of the perfidy of France?

We shall, then, in the last place, turn our attention to our own duty, at a crisis so important as the present.

It is our duty, attentively to consider the dangers that threaten us. I wish not to excite groundless apprehensions; but to me it appears, that the situation of our country was never more hazardous, and that the great body of the people are too insensible of it. Dangers, concealed from the public view, will not impress the public mind. They resemble a disease upon the vital parts, which excites no alarm, till it is too late for a cure. Were armies marching to invade our country, or ships of war approaching our shores, the people would be alarmed—-the true American spirit would be roused—and the united efforts of our citizens, under the favour of Heaven, might bid defiance to the powers of Europe. But the enemy, with whom we have to contend, is carrying on a different mode of warfare. She is pursuing her hostile designs, not by a manly, open declaration of war, but by salacious pretensions of friendship—not by attacking us with fleets and armies, but by her “diplomatic skill,” by every species of deception, and by making our own citizens the instruments of their country’s ruin.

To meet the dangers that threaten us, it is our duty to be firm, united, and faithful to our country. France has told us the humiliating truth, that we are “a divided people;” and she is determined to profit by the spirit of discord she has found means to diffuse among us. Every artifice is employed, every engine is at work, probably with more system than ever, to strengthen the party her influence has created. The increase of public expenses, the burthen of taxes, the establishment of a navy, and raising an army, are topics well adapted to excite uneasiness among the people. It is true, our national expenses are great, and must probably be still increased. But, what!—is not our independence and property worth defending? Can we hesitate a moment at the burthen of expenses, when they may be the price of the ransom of our liberties? Why have we been at the expense of so much treasure and blood to obtain our freedom, if we intend not to maintain it? Can Americans be so debased, as to be dupes to any foreign government? Can they suffer themselves to be crushed, and ruined, without making every exertion in their own defense? Can they admit the thought, even for a moment, of submission to an ignominious tribute, which can be limited by nothing but the rapacity of their masters, and their own utmost ability to pay? Let those who complain of the increase of taxes and expenses, consider from what cause they have arisen. Had Americans unitedly and firmly attached themselves to their own government—had France been unable to gain over a party, would she, as she has done, have preyed upon our commerce, and risked the loss of supplies from our country? It is not to our own government, but to the party opposed to it, that we are to charge our burdens, depredations and dangers.

Another artifice is, the cry that our own government is for war, while France wishes for peace. Although the falsity of this cry has been proved by a glare of evidence, it is still continued. The measures of our own government, and the conduct of the French, have given the fullest proof, that an honourable or a safe peace has not been attainable. Peace we most ardently desire; but not upon terms more dangerous to our liberties, more destructive to ourselves, than war. Besides, were the most flattering terms to be offered, what dependence could we place on a government of atheists, constantly acting in conformity to their principles? What solemn contract have the Directory respected, any further than they found it convenient for themselves? What man in his senses would depend upon a contract with a burglar or highway robber not to injure him? When a government sports with natural justice, national laws and usages, which a savage would hold sacred, it forfeits every claim to confidence. It is ardently to be hoped that America will never form an alliance with the present government of France.

It is now evident, if the measures which the French party would have dictated to our government had been adopted, that, long before this time, the yoke which France has been preparing would have been fastened upon our necks. To the wisdom, firmness and patriotism of our government, under Providence, we owe the freedom we this day enjoy. Every man that feels as every American ought to feel, will confess that measures for national defense were indispensable. The protection already given to our commerce we have seen to be highly beneficial. What immense property has been heretofore lost for the want of it; and what would the state of our trade now have been, if no protection had been afforded! The laborious farmer, the industrious mechanic, as well as the adventurous merchant, are sharers in the benefits of a prosperous commerce.

Leaving the administration of government to the wisdom of those in whose hands the people have placed it, every true friend to his country will cheerfully contribute his part to defend and support it. To withhold that portion of our property which the public safety requires, is cheating ourselves. The first establishment of a direct national tax must be attended with great expense, difficulty and inequality. Can it be imagined that Congress, who had the best means of information, and must pay their proportion, did not adopt the best mode their wisdom could devise? The spirit of faction and insurrection has already cost us millions;—and is it still to be cherished? It is a happiness to know, that I am addressing an assembly so entirely united in their general ideas of public men, and public measures, and steadily opposed to a spirit of faction. But you have need to be upon your guard, left this evil spirit should make you a visit. Let one common cause, one common interest, and one common danger, keep us united. Following the guidance of Heaven, and attentive to all the means in our power, let it appear that we have not lost that noble, determined spirit, which gained our independence.

Further, it is especially our duty to attend to our moral character. When we seriously reflect on the moral and political state of our country, we must be sensible that our offences are great and manifold, and that God, in his righteous displeasure, is visiting us for our national sins. Penitent confession, humble prayer, and sincere and effectual purposes of amendment, are indispensable duties on this day. And it is only in the right discharge of these duties that we have ground to hope, that God, in the rain of his providence, will remove the evils we feel, and avert those we fear. Happy would it be, if a general spirit of repentance and reformation were to spread throughout our land. We have individually added to the mass of national iniquity: it therefore concerns us, individually, to be humble, and to reform what is amiss in ourselves. As in the day of battle, every man should behave as if on his single arm depended the victory, so let every one feel as if on his piety and virtue depended the salvation of his country.

It should be our concern to arrest the progress of infidelity and irreligion, by living like Christians ourselves. The most effectual method, perhaps, to prevent the spreading of loose, pernicious, demoralizing sentiments, is to put them out of countenance by our own conformity to the spirit of sincere, practical religion. If we truly embrace he doctrines, and conform to the precepts, of the gospel of Christ, the benign influence of this Heaven-born religion over all the affairs of human society, and all the concerns of man, will be apparent. Example may do more to confute gainsayers, than a thousand opposing arguments. Let the fool say in his heart, There is no God. Let the infidel glory in mere hypothesis, and depend upon artificial conjecture: it is all he can produce in support of his principles. The believer finds himself upon a foundation that cannot be moved. God is the rock of ages. The dictates of common sense teach him, that God is to be seen in everything around him, heard in the voice of every creature, felt in every motion, and read in every page of the book of nature. The good man finds infinitely more satisfaction, in believing in the perfections of the Deity, the wisdom and equity of Providence, and the great plan of redeeming mercy, than all the systems of philosophic infidelity are capable of yielding. The infidel lays the axe to the root of the tree, and cuts down with one stroke the hope and confidence of man. But the believer has a fortress in every danger; a refuge in every storm; an abiding friend in all the vicissitudes of human life; and a safe conductor to eternal rest.

It cannot be too deeply impressed upon our minds, that without public and private virtue, a free government cannot be supported. The Creator and Governor of the Universe is, and was, and ever will be, the supporter of order and virtue. The Christian religion is, in the highest degree, friendly to rational liberty. It teaches a proper conduct in all the relations we sustain in society. The origin of all society is in our families. They are the nurseries from which every citizen in the state is transplanted. In them the foundation of order and good government should be laid. By daily attention to the scriptures and family devotion, by training up our families in a religious observance of the Christian Sabbath, and in attending on public worship, we take the most direct methods to qualify them for good citizens, and to give an early check to all those vices which are ruinous to society.

When religion and virtue are urged as the main pillars of national freedom and prosperity, will it be said that France is an exception?—that with all her atheism, corruption and crimes, she is prosperous?—that her government is supported?—that victory attends her arms?—and that her wealth is accumulating by piracy and plunder? If so, it may be answered, that freedom is not to be found in the present government of France. A military government requires neither religion, nor virtue. By renouncing all religion she is making an experiment, which is not yet come to a result. It is such an experiment as the world has never before seen, and may, in the event, throw more light upon the real state of man, in his social relations, than all the disquisitions that have ever been written. Vice has often been permitted to prosper for a time; but the end has been ruin. The ways of Providence are intricate. The vilest of men have been, and may be, employed as instruments in the accomplishment of the wisest and most benevolent purposes. The Almighty said to Sennacherib, O Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand, is mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation; and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets. It is added, Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so. But it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few. 4

We shall only add, that, at a time like this, it concerns us to be deeply sensible of our dependence upon Heaven. It is our duty to look through all means and instruments—all the relations of causes and effects, to Him who is the Supreme Ruler and Judge among the nations; and to place our dependence on that Being, who is able to save, or destroy. In vain shall we confide in political expedients without his concurrence and blessing. If infidelity, irreligion, discord and faction should increase and abound, must we not expect that God will visit, and will avenge himself on such a nation as this? But if the professed designs of this day’s solemnityies should meet his benediction and acceptance; if a sense of our national offences, and the warnings given us by his word and providences, should lead us to a proper temper and conduct; if the numerous blessings we enjoy should excite in our minds sincere gratitude; if, by piety and prayer—by a continual concern to practice that righteousness, and those patriotic virtues, which exalt a nation; and if by a studious care to put away that sin which is a reproach to a people, we place our dependence upon Heaven, then may we hope to enjoy all those natural, civil and religious privileges and advantages, for which our country has been distinguished. Then, indeed, may we be assured that God will visit us, not in judgment, but with the desirable blessings of national protection, peace and prosperity. May God, of his infinite mercy, through the Mediator, make this the happy state of our country; and to him be glory forever.

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. “The destruction of Venice was determined on. This republic had a wise government, good laws, and great wealth. But Venice had observed so scrupulous a neutrality, with respect to this dangerous neighbor; its senate had conducted itself so uprightly and irreproachably, that the Directory had not the least grounds for a declaration of war. It was therefore obliged to have recourse to trick, and to form this stratagem:
“A dozen officers, clothed as citizens, were ordered to repair to Venice, and to assassinate some of the French soldiers whom the Venetian government had kindly admitted into the city hospitals. The officers obeyed their orders precisely. About disk they poignarded four or five of their countrymen, and immediately returned to camp, with the alarming intelligence that the Venetians were massacring the French republicans, and on the following day Venice was no more. In the course of a few hours it was converted into a theatre of carnage and proscriptions, and delivered up to be pillaged by the soldiery. This was the real cause of, or rather pretext for, the destruction of a republic, flourishing in laws, in commerce and wealth.”
Extract of a letter written by a gentleman in Paris.

2. “The village of Bremen, on the 6th of October, was beset by a band of robbers, under the denomination of republican soldiers, who, mad with wine, rushed into the houses with the most hideous war-whoops, and had immediate recourse to their well known system of plunder. All the coffers and closets were broken open and rifled—all the household furniture was destroyed—the peasants were required, with loaded pistols at their breasts, to deliver up their money—the beds and bedding were unripped and examined—and, under pretence of searching for concealed treasure, not only the floors of the rooms were torn up, but even infants were vehemently dragged from their cradles, and many families were deprived of nearly all their property. But still more terrible to these peaceable and innocent country people was the infernal manner in which the female sex was treated by these villains. In the whole village there was neither maiden, wife, nor widow, who was not forcibly and repeatedly dishonoured; and such was the depravity of these miscreants, that eight, ten, and frequently more than that number, successively insulted the same unfortunate victim, with the accomplishment of their brutal purposes. Neither early youth, nor hoary-headed age, nor deformity, nor yet the most offensive disorders, could abate the fury of their passions; and not only husbands, but fathers and children, were made to be witnesses of these abominable outrages”
Cannibal’s Progress, by Anthony Ausrer, Esquire.
The above is only a specimen of the general conduct of the French army in passing through the whole circle of Suabia. It was nearly the same in every place. This and a copious number of similar facts were taken by the magistrates, and are published under the sanction of their authority. All their outrages were in violation of a solemn contract. The circle of Suabia entered into an agreement with the French General, Moreau, to pay the enormous tribute of about 8 millions of dollars, which they punctually performed, on condition “that the persons and property of the inhabitants should be strictly respected.”

3. The environs of Berne, eight hundred women took up arms, and joined the last battle. At Frauenbrun, two hundred and sixty women and girls received the enemy with scythes, pitchforks and axies; an hundred and eighty were killed; among them was one named Glar, who had at her side two daughters and three grand-daughters, the youngest scarcely 10 years old: these six heroines were slain.”
J. Mallet Du Pan’s Hist. of the destruction of the Helvetic Union and Liberty. This Book ought to be read by every American.

4. Isaiah x. 5, 6, 7.