The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1799, Connecticut


Cyprian Strong (1743-1811) graduated from Yale in 1763. He served as a town clerk in Farmington, Connecticut (1766) before becoming pastor of a church at Chatham, CT (1767-1811). Strong preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 9, 1799.


sermon-election-1799-connecticut

THE KINGDOM IS THE LORD’S.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT

HARTFORD,

ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 9, 1799.

By CYPRIAN STRONG, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN CHATHAM.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A.D. 1799.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Thomas Seymour, and Mr. Hezekiah Goodrich present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Cyprian Strong, for his Sermon delivered before them, at the General Election, on the 9th of Inst. May, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by

Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

An Election Sermon.
 

I CHRONICLES xxix. 11.

–Thine is the Kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as Head above all.

 

In the passage which has now been read, we have the devout acknowledgment of king David, who was the first magistrate, in the most respectable kingdom, which, at that time, existed. He was as remarkable for piety and religion, as for eminence and distinction, in the Jewish nation.

It was not an inconsiderable evidence, of the fervor of his piety, that he maintained the most exalted and reverential conceptions of God, in the height of earthly magnificence, amid the splendor and pomp of a Court, which so commonly dazzle the eyes of mankind, and plunge them into scenes of voluptuousness.

Nebuchadnezzar, who was at the head of the Chaldean Empire, was so intoxicated, with the splendors of royalty, that “his heart was lifted up and his mind hardened in pride,” so that he did not know and consider, “That the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men.” And, fact and experience afford the most convincing evidence, that worldly distinctions and honors, through the native corruption of the human heart, have a most powerful tendency to render men unmindful of Him, by whom “kings reign and princes decree justice.” But, this was very far from being exemplified in David. Although, from a shepherd, he was raised to a throne, and exalted as the head of a respectable and truly great nation, which always reverenced his authority; yet, he did not, through pride of heart, so rate his dignity and worldly consequence, as to think it beneath him, devoutly to acknowledge God, as the Supreme Ruler of the universe. He was sensible, that his elevated station and worldly magnificence, were the fruit and effect, of God’s sovereign disposal. In the text, he most devoutly ascribes everything to Him. “Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.” And, in the succeeding words, “Both riches and honors come of thee—in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all.”

It may be further observed, that king David was not only ready, most solemnly to acknowledge, the existence of God; but he viewed and reverenced him “as head above all.” Not as the prophet Elijah sarcastically described Baal, as an idle talker, or as pursuing a journey, or as sleeping; or, in a word, as being an idle and unconcerned spectator of the world; but as being particularly concerned in the government and control of the universe.—“Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.”

The text will naturally direct our attention, to the two following things.

I. The nature of that kingdom, which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s.

II. In what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

It is hoped, that in the prosecution of what has now been proposed, such observations and remarks will be made, as will render the discourse both seasonable, and pertinent to this public anniversary.

I. It is proposed, to attend to the nature of that kingdom, which, in the text, is said to be the Lord’s.

The inhabitants of this world, are divided into many kingdoms and governments, which, in the sacred scriptures, are called “the kingdom of men.” But that kingdom which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s, has not a respect to any one of those kingdoms, in exclusion of the rest.

The time has been, indeed, when God took upon himself the government of the Hebrews; and, in his dispensations, a very special respect was paid them. His administrations were particularly directed, to the establishment of that favorite people; yet God was, at the same time, as truly at the head of other nations, and did dispose of and superintend all their affairs, in the same manner that he did the affairs and concerns of the Jews. God had purposes to answer, relative to the Jewish nation, which he had not respecting other nations; for they were a chosen people. Although the allotments of God, to other nations, were subordinated to the advancement of the Hebrews, yet, events were allotted out to the former, in as immediate and efficient a manner as they were to the latter. The purposes of God, respecting different nations, have been different; yet God has not at the present time, nor ever had in time past, a more immediate disposal of the affairs of one nation than of another. The kingdom, which in the text is called the Lord’s, is not limited by or confined to any earthly kingdom.

But, the kingdom which is the Lord’s does, in a sense, embrace the universe; consisting of all ranks and grades of creatures, throughout all worlds. The government of God extends to all things, both animate and inanimate. All the worlds and creatures which God hath made, constitute one system. The various orders of existences, from the archangel to the most inconsiderable insect, constitute the links of a perfect chain, and are like wheels which are necessary to complete a perfect machine. They are all necessary to form a perfect system. And, as the Lord is “exalted as head above all,” so all things which exist, are comprehended in his kingdom. God manages every part of the universe, in such a manner, as shall best answer the purposes which he had in view, when he brought them into being.

The sacred scriptures teach us, thus to consider the extent of the kingdom which is the Lord’s. In them, God is said to rule among the nations—to build them up or pluck them down at what instant he pleases. Famine, pestilence and the sword are said to be under his control. It is God who balances the clouds, and gives the former and the latter rain in their season. And it is further asserted, that the superintending care and disposing hand of God are concerned, even in the falling of the sparrow to the ground. The kingdom which is the Lord’s, therefore, comprehends the universe. Hence, in the text, God is said to be “exalted as Head above all,”—above everything which exists.

Again; to our having proper apprehensions of the kingdom which is the Lord’s, it is necessary to bring into view not only its extent, but the object or end of it.

God does not exercise a control over the universe, and concern himself with the affairs of all ranks of creatures, as a mere amusement; he has an important object in view, in all his administrations; and, that is to raise up and establish a kingdom of holiness and righteousness.

The government of God does consist, summarily, in so conducting and arranging events, as shall, eventually, advance the spiritual and moral good of the universe, or establish a holy and spiritual kingdom. All the plans, institutions and operations of God are directed to that end. The end of the natural is the moral world. As all the ranks and orders of existencies are to be considered, as so many links of a perfect chain, so all the events which take place, and all God’s appointments and institutions are to be viewed, as so many means to advance the moral and spiritual good, or the holiness and happiness of intelligent beings; and so to establish and perfect a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, all being united, do form a perfect system of means and events, for the security of so important an object.—As the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of righteousness require, God builds up or pulls down earthly kingdoms. The great Monarchies of the world, which have been raised up and again tumbled into ruin, have been subordinated to this interesting design. The constitution and laws of the natural world, when they cease to contribute to the establishment of such a kingdom, will be abolished; yea, the whole natural world, when it shall have accomplished everything of that nature which it can answer, will be consigned over to destruction. Events will roll on until a holy and spiritual kingdom shall be established and become triumphant. Then, the rotation of events, like the present, shall cease. Earthly kingdoms and empires shall sink into ruin—the sun shall shine no more, the various parts of the natural world shall be unhinged—a universal conflagration will take place, and former things shall be remembered no more.

That this representation, of the object of God’s government, is real and not imaginary, appears from many considerations, which can be but very briefly mentioned, at this time.

It appears, very particularly, from the design of the incarnation and sacrifice of Jesus Christ; or the introduction of the mediatorial plan.

This great event is considered, in the sacred writings, as above all others calculated, to answer the purposes, which God had in view, in the whole work of creation and the government of the world. And, the end which God had in view in that astonishing event was, indubitably, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness. Hence it is said, that he “gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” 1 And the church is said to be redeemed by his blood, “to the intent, that now unto the principalities and powers, in heavenly places might be known, by the Church, the manifold wisdom of God; according to the eternal purpose which he purposed in Christ Jesus our Lord.” 2 And, Jesus Christ is now exalted at the head of all principalities and powers, and will reign until all enemies are brought at his footstool. And the issue of this great affair is summed up in this, that God shall “reconcile all things to himself, by him, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” From these passages of scripture, as well as from the declarations and prophecies concerning the increase, progress and issue of the kingdom of Christ, which is founded in his blood, it is extremely evident, that the end God had in view, in the incarnation, death and sufferings of Jesus Christ, and in the whole work of redemption, was the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, from thence we may certainly infer, that this is the great object, which God has in view in his whole government.

The same conclusion becomes further evident, from the end, which God has in view, in the religious institutions he hath made. The end proposed in institutions of a religious nature, is, unquestionably, to render mankind holy and spiritual.

Again; that the end of God has in view, and that the object of his government is, the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness is evident, from the great and fundamental laws of his kingdom; or, from what he chiefly requires, of his intelligent creatures. God’s requirements are all summed up in holiness and righteousness—in universal love and good will. This clearly indicates what that is, at which God is aiming in his government; and, particularly, that it is the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness.

That the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, is the great object of the government of God, appears, not only, from the end proposed in the work of redemption, in all religious institutions, and from the requirement of the laws he has established; but, it is also evident, from the design of civil government.

Civil government was not instituted, merely to amuse men; nor, to lift up some over the heads of others, without proposing an important object. And, although it is an institution, which is peculiar to this world, and may seem more immediately designed to protect men from injury and violence; yet, is it not certain, that like the other institutions of God, it is ultimately designed for and to be administered, with a view to the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom?

I am not insensible, that some are fond of making, a total separation between civil government and the protection or establishment of religion, or advancement of a spiritual kingdom; and do even consider the former as having nothing to do with the latter. But, I beg leave to inquire, whether the prosperity and advancement of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness among men, be not the great object of civil government? And, whether every civil constitution, which is not ultimately calculated to nourish and cherish true religion, and so to advance a spiritual and holy kingdom, be not, in the view of God, whatever it be in the view of man, not merely censurable, but absolutely abominable? Take a retrospect of the ancient dispensations of God, and you will see, how God views civil governments and administrations in this respect. Is it not evident, from the past dispensations of God, that he approved or censured civil governments, according to the respect or disrespect paid by them, to his church and the advancement of a kingdom of holiness? This was certainly the case, respecting the administrations of the kings of Israel. This was also the case, respecting the Chaldean monarchy. It is the very reason offered, why God brought ruin on that mighty empire. It was because it rejoiced in the ruin, and was instrumental in destroying the heritage of God. The vengeance of God was, also, denounced upon the Ammonites, upon Moab and Seir, upon Tyre and Egypt for their opposition to and derision of church of God. We are, also, assured, that it will always be thus, that God will pull down kingdoms and utterly destroy them, when they stand in the way to the prosperity and advancement of his church, or a kingdom of righteousness.

It may here be said, that there are none, who suppose, that civil government and administrations are to oppose, the advancement of a spiritual kingdom, or the progress of religion; all which is contended for is, that civil government should be neutral. But, in answer, it may be asked, whether it be possible that civil government should take such a position? Our Saviour asserts, “He that is not with me is against me: and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad.” 3 There is according to these words of Christ, no such thing s neutrality. And this is as true, respecting civil government, as respecting an individual. A mere neglect to countenance and support religion, or a kingdom of righteousness, in a civil administration, will operate against it. It was always supposed of old, that the conduct of rulers, or their administrations, had a very great influence on the religious state and character of the Jews. It is impossible, therefore, that civil government should take a neutral position, respecting religion or a kingdom of holiness. It must aid and countenance it, or it will discourage and bring it into contempt.

Without attempting, particularly, to point out what aid or support civil government may and ought to give, to religion or the Church of Christ, I would only further observe, that the sacred scriptures do teach, in a very direct manner, that civil government is designed by God, ultimately, as a mean and expedient to advance religion, or a kingdom of righteousness among men. It is not directly and positively asserted, by the prophet Isaiah, that in a future period, when civil government shall be rightly applied and faithfully administered, “Kings shall be nursing fathers and their Queens nursing mothers,” to the Church of God? And, does not the apostle Paul most expressly teach us, what the end of civil government and magistracy is?4Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good. He beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God—a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.” Does not this account of the design of civil government and magistracy, clearly teach, that they were designed to encourage and support a kingdom of righteousness among men? And, the same apostle direct, “that prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made—for kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.”5 It must be clear, from what is said concerning the design of civil government, in the sacred scriptures, that it was instituted as a mean, to advance and support a kingdom of holiness and righteousness: And, therefore, it is one thing which serves to point us, to the great object which God has in view in his government; or the nature and design of his kingdom.

Again; the use and improvement, which God requires us to make of the various allotments of his providence, farther point out the end of his government, or the nature of his kingdom; and that it is a kingdom of righteousness.

The improvement God requires us to make of providence is this, that we grow in righteousness and holiness. The goodness of God is to lead us to repentance. Under adversities, we are to “learn righteousness.” Or, to adopt the language of an apostle, when speaking of trials and adversities, he says they are sent “that we may be partakers of his holiness.” Now if our holiness, be the end of divine allotments, it becomes evident, that the advancement of a kingdom of holiness, is the end of God’s administrations.

The same truth will appear with additional clearness, if we turn our attention, to the particular designs of God, and his providential dispensations, as they are stated in the sacred scriptures.

If we take a view of events under the former dispensation, we must see, that the establishment of a holy and spiritual kingdom was, uniformly, the object which God had in view in all his allotments. It is evident, that his Church was kept constantly in view, as the chief object of attention. God set up the Church as his great object. This appears, incontrovertibly true, not only relative to those administrations, which respected the Jews in particular; but the affairs of all other nations, were subordinated to the prosperity and advancement of the Church. Whole nations were exterminated and utterly destroyed, as the prosperity of the Church demanded. God conducted and disposed, not only, of the affairs of the Jews, but of all the nations around them, with a direct and immediate reference, to the enlargement and prosperity of his Church. Of this, no one can doubt, who has attended to the history of God’s proceedings, as they are stated in his word. Which point us directly to a kingdom of righteousness, as the object of God’s government.

Furthermore, the declarations and prophecies contained in the sacred scriptures, relative to the future dispensations of God, point us to the same object.—They are all aimed at the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness, as the great object which God has in view.

God has actually decreed that all other kingdoms shall come to an utter end—That his spiritual kingdom “shall break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.” And that, as the great Monarchies which have already existed, have, one after another, been utterly destroyed, to make way for the enlargement of his Church, and the advancement of his spiritual kingdom, so it shall be hereafter. Although God may suffer the powers of this world, to trample on his Church, for a season; yet He assures us, that “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it”—That he will suffer the wrath and madness of men to proceed no further, than shall be necessary, to prepare the way for its establishment. “The wrath of man shall praise thee, the remainder of wrath wilt thou restrain.” And, we are further assured, that such will be the allotments of providence, and that the affairs of all nations shall be so over-ruled, as that, eventually, “The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord”—That the corrupt passions of men, which are naturally so violent and overbearing, shall be softened down, so that nothing shall hurt or destroy, in all God’s holy mountain—That all shall know him “from the least to the greatest.”

Hence it appears, that the great object, which God has kept in view, in former dispensations, and which he will keep constantly in view in his future, is the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

But one consideration more will be suggested, to show that the end of the kingdom, which is the Lord’s, is the establishment of a kingdom, of holiness and righteousness, and that is the result and final issue of his administrations.

In what the administrations of God, or the various dispensations of providence will end, we have full information in the sacred scriptures: and information can be derived from no other source. We are clearly informed, by the word of God, that one event after another shall roll on, ‘till all God’s designs are completed—that in the end of the world, the whole number of the righteous shall be gathered together, into one society—that the wicked shall be separated from them, with everyone that “loveth and maketh a lie.” So that the righteous will form, a perfectly holy and pure society.—We are further informed, from the oracles of God, that when all the righteous shall be gathered in, from out of every nation under heaven, the ends and the purposes of God, in all preceding dispensations, will be attained—that there will be no further employment for the kingdoms and nations of this world—that the wicked, although they have been improved as instruments to accomplish the purposes of God, will be improved no longer; but will be turned down into destruction, from which they will never be recovered—and, the material world, the earth with all its apparatus, which has served as a theatre on which the affairs of God’s kingdom, while in an infantile state, have been transacted, (when the righteous are all gathered in,) will be of no further use; and, therefore, will be subjected to absolute destruction.—“The heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll,” and “shall pass away with a great noise: and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.”—National distinctions shall be known no more—the scepters of kings and the swords of magistrates shall be laid aside—the sun shall withdraw its shining, and the moon will be turned into darkness—“the earth and the works that are therein shall be burnt up;” and there will be no more remembrance of former things. The grand drama will then be closed.—From a consideration of the final result of things we learn, with the utmost certainty, that the object which God ever had in view was, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness.

Thus the design of Christ’s incarnation of religious and civil institutions—the requirements made in the law of God, of moral and intelligent beings—the improvement to be made of providential dispensations;–together with the final result or conclusion of things, when a holy and pure society shall be formed and rendered triumphant; all these various considerations unite, in pointing out to us, that the great object of God’s government is, the formation and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

Although so much has already been said, concerning the kingdom which is the Lord’s, one observation more must be added, which is, that the important ends and purposes of that kingdom, are to be secured, through the medium of the mediatorial plan, and under the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king.

An illustration of this truth I shall only observe, that the sacred scriptures very expressly teach us, that in consequence of Christ’s faithfulness, in executing the work of redemption, God did invest him with kingly authority, and empowered him to call in and train up for glory, all those that were given him. And the affairs of angels as well as of men were committed into his hands. Accordingly we read, that when Christ was raised from the dead, God “set him at his own right hand, in the heavenly places, far above all principality, and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come: and hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church.” 6 And, in another place, concerning Christ it is said, “Who is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God, angels, authorities and powers being made subject to him.”7 We are further assured, that in the course of his government, he will “reconcile all things to himself, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” Which imports, that Christ will unite, in one society, the sinless angels and elect men. The apostle Paul expressly asserts, that his kingdom will not be delivered up, ‘till “he shall have put down all rule, and all authority and power: for he must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet.—And, when all things shall be subdued unto him, then shall the son be also subject unto him, that put all things under him, that God may be all in all.”

Without any comment on these passages, thus much must be evidently taught in them, that the great purposes of God in his universal government, in erecting and establishing a kingdom of righteousness, will be accomplished, under the reign and by the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king; or through the medium of the Christian system.

From the foregoing observations it appears, that the kingdom which is the Lord’s, is one which is universal—extending to all things throughout all worlds. The end of it is, to raise up and establish a kingdom of perfect holiness and happiness—the great object is to be secured, under the reign and through the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. I now proceed,

II. To consider, in what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

As great brevity will be observed, in attending to this inquiry, as its importance will admit.

1. It may be proper to observe, that such ascriptions and acknowledgments, as those contained in our text, very frequently occur in the sacred scriptures.

The pious psalmist says, “The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice, and the multitude of isles be glad.” Our Saviour, in that form of prayer which he gave his disciples, taught them always to pray, “Thy kingdom come:” and to conclude in this manner; “For thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory.” And he enjoined it on his disciples, to live in a firm belief of the agency of God, as being concerned in the most minute events—that a sparrow does not fall to the ground, without their heavenly Father.

2. The propriety of its being said in the text, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, appears from his being the maker, and so the original owner and proprietor of all things.

The universe, comprehending all worlds and creatures, owes its existence to God. The highest archangel is as dependent on God, for being, as the meanest insect. This being the case, the kingdom is the Lord’s. All the kingdoms of the earth are the Lord’s, as he raised them up. Kings and magistrates, and all who are in authority are the Lord’s, as he has invested them with all that power and authority which they possess.

3. It is with propriety, that the kingdom is said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, as He is, most certainly the rightful ruler and governor of the universe.

The Lord, who made and upholds all things, has, certainly, an original right to dispose of them, according to his good pleasure. He must have a right to do what he will with his own. He must have an original and exclusive right, to turn every wheel in government, and to ascertain every event, so as to accomplish his own purposes.

4. I shall only observe further, That the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, not only as he is the maker and proprietor of all, and so has an original and independent right to reign; but as he does, in fact, exercise a government over the whole universe, comprehending all creatures and all events.

Indeed, if God did not constantly exercise his Almighty power and superintending care over the universe, it would immediately cease to exist. That same power which created can, alone, uphold the things which are made. The absolute and constant dependence of all things on God, renders it certain, that he must be “exalted as head above all”—that he must rule over the whole universe.

Some have, indeed, represented it as too trifling a business, for the Supreme Being, to concern himself with the affairs of creatures; and, had rather consider God, only as an unconcerned and uninterested spectator of the affairs of the world.

But such may be asked, Why God did not consider the creation of the universe as too trifling a business for him to undertake! If it be now beneath his notice and care, it was beneath him to exercise his wisdom in contriving, and his power in giving it existence.

We can hardly conceive it to be possible, that God should bring such a universe into being—that he should construct such a complicated machine as the natural world; and introduce into existence, intelligent and moral beings, with capacities for immortal happiness, without proposing some important end in it. If God had an important end originally in view, we may be assured, that he will concern himself, so far, in the affairs of the universe, as to order and arrange events, in such a manner, as to secure it. Either God had or he had not an important end, in creating the universe. If he had not some important object in view, Why did he make the worlds which now exist? Was it for mere diversion and amusement! But, if he had a sufficient end for creating there certainly must be a sufficient reason, for his exercising a constant government over the created universe.

That there is so much apparent evil—so much seeming confusion—so many jarring and mysterious events extant in the world, has sometimes been considered, as a forcible objection to the supposition, that God is at the head of all things, and exercises a universal government.—But it ought to be considered, that short-sighted men, who are full of sinful biases and prepossessions, are very miserable judges, as to the events which are necessary to take place; so as to secure the welfare of a kingdom, which is as extensive as the universe, and as durable as eternity itself. The little concerns and exigencies of an earthly kingdom, or a petty state, yea of a family or an individual, often confound the wisdom of men. The most dark and mysterious events are often found to be pregnant with the highest good. The little occurrence of Joseph’s brethren selling him into Egypt, was a dark and gloomy event, and foreboded great evil, in the view of Jacob; yet, eventually, it proved to be of the utmost importance.

But, whatever the ignorance, pride or vanity of man may suggest, the sacred scriptures do assure us, that God does reign, and is particularly concerned in the production of all events—that cold and heat—summer and winter, rain and drought, seed-time and harvest—health and sickness—war and peace—good and evil; yea, all the affairs of the natural and moral world, are under the government and control of God—that he raises up empires and pulls them down—creates king and magistrates and deposes them, according to his sovereign pleasure.

We are taught very particularly, in the sacred scriptures, as appears from what has been said, that God disposes of nations and arranges all events, with a view to one object; and that is, The establishment of a kingdom of righteousness; and that he will continue to do so, till that kingdom shall be established and rendered triumphant. Then his purposes will be answered—the drama will be finished, and God will be all in all.

It now only remains, to point out the use and improvement that may be made of the subject, which we have considered, in a few particular inferences and remarks.

1. As the kingdom is the Lord’s, and He is exalted as head above all, obligations to obedience and subjection to God, must be universal.

It must be the incumbent duty, not only of those, who are ranked in the lowest class of men, and are busied in the most humble employments, to yield a universal obedience to the will of God; but obligations of the same nature, are incumbent on those, who are exalted to places of the highest dignity and honor among men. They are equally under the government of God, and their obligations to reverence and obey him, are, in kind, the same. Yea, the obligations on those, who are in the higher walks of life are, in some respects, peculiarly enhanced. Their example will have a peculiar influence, on the conduct and morals of those, who are in more humble stations. Hence that demand of the prophet, “O heads ,i>of Jacob, and ye princes of the house of Israel; Is it not for you to know Judgment.” Hence, also, that direction of the psalmist, “Be wise now, therefore, O ye kings, be instructed, O ye judges of the earth; serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the son lest he be angry and ye perish from the way.”

2. Is this kingdom the Lord’s, and is He “exalted as Head above all, We see, that we have a stable and unfailing source of comfort, in the most dark and gloomy times, and amidst the changes and revolutions which take place, in the rotation of events, respecting the present world.

If clouds and darkness surround our nation—if foreign powers threaten us from without—if convulsions and civil dissentions do exist within—if vice, immorality and the most outrageous wickedness do prevail, far and wide in the earth; yet the consideration, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, affords the most ample support, and lays a foundation for the most substantial peace. God is both able and fully determined, to establish his kingdom.

We live in a day of mighty revolutions. Great events are rolling on in quick succession, and presage some great and interesting changes in the state of this world. The prophet Jeremiah demands, in the language of surprise, “Hath a nation changed their Gods, which are yet no Gods!” as if it were an unheard of affair, that a nation had laid aside its false Gods. But we live in a day, when a powerful nation, which had ranked itself among those, who acknowledge the true and living God, has absolutely rejected and disowned Him, and even proceeded to abolish the ordinances of heaven! “The mystery of iniquity,” as the apostle expresses it, “doth already work.” A deep concerted plan to spread infidelity far and wide—to subvert religion and undermine government—to give to the lusts and passions of men full scope, has been propagated among the nations of Europe, with surprising success. Its bitter consequences and baneful influence have already produced, “distress of nations, with perplexity,” and even in America, the leaven has begun to ferment, and is, most probably, the source of the opposition which has been, to the administration of our national government—but we have a substantial and unfailing source of consolation, under all those gloomy appearances—the kingdom is the Lord’s.

Indeed, were we to have our views directed by the prophetic declarations, contained in the sacred scriptures, we should be led to expect, instead of being surprised to see such events. Amidst the confusion, and infidelity of the present day, we see, that the man of sin is in a measure destroyed; and that the papal hierarchy is crumbling into pieces. Nor are we to expect that the scenes of distress, which are now experienced in Europe, will terminate, till something still more important is produced. The clouds appear to be gathering and preparations are making, for scenes far more extensively distressing, than those which have been, as yet, realized.—But God reigns—the kingdom is his. He will take are of it. Neither earth nor hell can prevail against Him—the wrath of man shall praise him, the remainder of wrath will he restrain.

3. From the observations which have been made, we are led to see the important nature of the institution of civil government.

The kingdom is the Lord’s; and all the institutions which God has made, as well as all the events which take place, have a reference to the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness—are designed, by God, as means of accomplishing and perfecting so important a purpose. I do not say, that this is the object which mankind have had in view, in forming civil constitutions and qualifying governments. Nothing, perhaps, has been further out of view. They have, probably, for the most part been dictated by worldly views and motives. But God has instituted it, as one mean and expedient, to advance the progress of a spiritual kingdom. This gives the institution of civil government, an aspect of great consequence. It teaches us, that it was not contrived, merely to exalt some men over the heads of others; or to secure to the members of society an equal enjoyment of privileges of a worldly nature; or, merely, to protect life and property; but it has a further reach and more important design. It is nothing less, than one of the expedients which the Supreme Governor of the world has adopted, to forward the great and important purposes of establishing a spiritual kingdom. Viewed in any other point of light, it dwindles into nothing, in point of consequence and importance.

I am not insensible, that writers on civil government, have generally considered it, as a mean to secure the peace and welfare of society in this world; and as having no concern with or reference to a spiritual kingdom. But can it be so, that in the institution of civil government, which has such prodigious influence on the state of this world, the Supreme Being has forgotten the great object he has in view in his government! Must civil government be considered, as a solitary exception, as to its design, from all the works and other institutions of God! Can we suppose, that God would build up and pull down kingdoms, on account of their influence and tendency, to build up or obstruct the progress of religion, and the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, if civil government were not designed as a mean to advance and promote them?

Were it not for the treaty of peace which God is now carrying on, through Jesus Christ, civil government and earthly kingdoms would be utterly abolished: and the whole material world would be destroyed. The advancement and progress of that treaty, is the end of all God’s administrations. Hence we find, that when civil government is rightly applied and administered, kings will be nursing fathers and their queens will be nursing mothers to the Church of God. In this view of the design of civil government, it appears to be an institution of great consequence.

4. We are naturally to conclude, from what has been said, that such men as have fixed moral and religious principles, are the only characters which can, with any propriety, be elected into offices of trust, to direct the affairs and concerns of civil government.

This inference is fairly deducible, from the design of civil government. If civil government be designed, as an hand-maid to religion—as a mean to advance and forward a kingdom of righteousness, it must be important, that those, who are elected into civil office, and especially into the principal offices of government, should be friends to the cause; and so, men of fixed and established moral and religious principles. Yea, may we not proceed so far as to say, that they should be firm believers in Christianity? For the kingdom which God is raising up among men, is founded on the Christian system; and is to be advanced, under the reign of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. That such characters alone are to be fought and elected into places of trust, in a civil government, is not only dictated by the design of the institution; but is enjoined by God. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness,” &c. men of no other description are friendly, to the real end of civil government.

The liberalizing spirit of the present day (which looks with indifferency and patience, on everything, excepting strict religion and fervent piety,) I am aware, inculcates a different doctrine. Such as are under its influence will tell us, that moral and religious principles are of no importance; yea, it is a discovery made by the modern Illuminati, that both religion and government are enemies to the happiness of mankind. Hence it is, that extensive combinations have been formed, and unwearied efforts made, to overturn religious and moral systems, as well as to unhinge and subvert civil constitutions and governments. But, it happens fortunately, that what may be expected, from a government administered by men, who are void of moral principles, and are plunged deep into infidelity, has been so openly exemplified. When moral feelings and religious restraints are eradicated, and God is not acknowledged and reverenced, the barriers against the most atrocious wickedness are removed, and the lusts of the human heart will be unrestrained. With men of such a character at the head of government, we could hardly expect anything else, than that the rights of men should be trampled on—the laws of humanity be sported with, and an ambition prevail, which knows no bounds.—All this we see exemplified in Europe, at the present time. No more striking picture can be given, of the baleful influence and effects of infidelity, when dictating the measures of government, than are exhibited in the rise and progress of the revolution in France. When we review the various measures which have been adopted—what rivers of blood have been spilt—with what coolness and deliberation the lives of the old, the young and the innocent babe have been despoiled—the property of subjects seized—the boundless ambition and insatiable thirst for domination which has prevailed—the piracies which have been committed on the seas—and the insidious and wicked policy which has been practiced, respecting other nations; or to sum up the whole in a word, when we behold a nation, once famous for its civility and polished manners, changed into a nation of barbarians; I say, when we see these things actually existing, and can be accounted for in no way, unless from the influence of infidelity, Can we need anything further, to teach us the importance of placing men of fixed moral and religious sentiments, at the head of government? The Supreme Governor of the world, has designedly given the nations of the earth, a striking picture and example of the baneful influence and ruining tendency of infidelity. And, no nation which, after this solemn warning and admonition, shall act the same part, by committing the management of the concerns of society, into the hands of infidels, or of men whose feelings are loose and unhinged, respecting religion and morality, can expect less, than to share, in a higher or lower degree, in the same plagues.

There can hardly be a greater inconsistency, than for a Christian people, to appoint such men, as the guardians of their rights, and as nurses to the Church of God, who have not fixed moral and religious principles; and, who are nearly afloat respecting Christianity in every view of it.

5. The subject, which we have been considering and illustrating, is of use, and may be particularly improved, by civil rulers and legislators.

Although they are placed at the head of government, and have authority to enact laws, to regulate the community over which they are placed; yet, they are to consider, that there is a higher power, which presides over and controls the affairs of men. The kingdom is the Lord’s and He is exalted as Head above all. Civil rulers and legislators are but servants or ministers of God. Their work is assigned them by Him. They are servants, raised up by God, to forward the great object of his government, in forming and establishing a kingdom of righteousness. At the same time therefore, they are framing laws, for the security of the lives and properties of their constituents, and for the equal administration of justice, they are not only to be cautious, that they do no harm to religion and the Church of God, but to be careful to do everything, in their power, to countenance and support them.

It is not pretended, that civil rulers and legislators have a right, absolutely and authoritatively to impose creeds and confessions of faith; yet, most certainly, it must be incumbent on them, in all the measures they adopt, to manifest a governing regard for God and the interests of his kingdom. It must be their indispensible duty, to adopt such measures, as will, most directly, encourage and promote, the progress of that treaty of peace and reconciliation, which God is carrying on with men.

It is in the power of civil rulers, in many respects, to prepare the way, for an advantageous tender of salvation to mankind. They may set up their banners against vice—encourage men of religion and virtue, and support the institutions of Christianity.—Many of the subordinate officers of government are appointed, by the legislature. If men of virtue, who are professed friends to the Christian system, as well as of good government, were distinguished as objects of particular favor; and if, on the contrary, the profane—the despisers of religion and fervent piety, and those who neglect religious institutions were rejected, it would, certainly, be a worthy testimony of regard to the kingdom of God; and an encouragement to men to do well.

Dissoluteness of manners, if not a contempt of Christianity has been, within a few years, greatly increasing. It would be very unhappy, indeed, if those, who are distinguished as rulers and legislators, should be wanting, in their exertions, to stem their progress; but above all so, if they, by their example, should countenance them.—The influence of rulers is great and extensive; although they are often the objects, at which the shafts of envy and malice are leveled. Their station respecting religion and virtue cannot be neutral. Their transactions and examples will, necessarily, have an extensive influence.

The people, in this state, have reason to be very thankful that the Supreme Ruler of the world has given them such a succession of rulers, as have, not only been firm friends to their civil rights, but have been disposed to encourage the cause of religion and virtue.—And it is no small occasion of joy to the friends of Zion, that the late legislature of this state, while the zealous advocates for religion, in England and Scotland, have provided missionaries, to found the glad tidings of salvation in Africa, in the East-Indies and in the islands of the Pacific ocean, have adopted measures, to make provision, for the preaching of the gospel among the new settlements, in this country; and, if possible, to Christianize the heathen nations.

As the kingdom is the Lord’s, we may assure ourselves, that he will take care of it; whether earthly powers nourish and cherish, or neglect and abandon it. It will certainly flourish and finally triumph. Yet, let it be remembered, that those who are raised to places of trust and influence, as well as those in private life, must, finally, give up a most solemn account to Him, who is exalted as head above all.

6. The subject which we have had under consideration, may be improved, to animate and encourage the ministers of the gospel.

The ministers of Christ are officers in the kingdom of the Lord; and their direct business is, to be “workers together with him.” They are sent out, purposely, to explain the nature of God’s kingdom—to plead its cause among men, and to persuade them to enlist as subjects in it. The kingdoms of this world are to be managed by other hands. Ministers are, by office, to exert themselves, in endeavouring to build up and establish a spiritual kingdom. And, since God is at the head of it, what encouragements have ministers to be zealous and active? Did success depend, merely on their strength and efforts; and had they not reason to expect the interposition of no higher power, they might well be discouraged. But the kingdom is the Lord’s. He will succeed and prosper its advancement. He is, at this time, most evidently disposing of the affairs of earthly kingdoms, so as to prepare the way for the establishment of his own kingdom. He has given the most absolute assurance in his word, that all the evils which are extant—the distress and revolution of nations, shall conspire to advance a kingdom of righteousness; however gloomy it may appear to short-sighted men—that one event shall roll on after another, till all God’s designs are accomplished. However weak and depressed this kingdom may now appear, the time is coming, and probably is not far distant, when “it shall break in pieces and consume all” other “kingdoms and it shall stand forever.”

There is, therefore, from the nature and importance of the kingdom; and, especially from the determinations and power of Him, whose is the kingdom, the most abundant encouragement, for the ministers of Christ to be active and zealous. Besides, their only encouragement of sharing in the triumphs and glory, which await the kingdom of God, does arise from their being “faithful unto death.” 8

CONCLUSION.
My Brethren and Fellow-Citizens.

LET us rejoice in the goodness of Him, who is exalted as Head above all, that we, according to the invariable practice of our ancestors, are permitted to celebrate the religious solemnities of this anniversary, with so few things to interrupt our religious joy. Although disease and death have, the year past, spread desolation in some of our capitals, yet the heads of our tribes have been preserved, and we are permitted to meet them, this day, in the house of God. 9—Although we have been threatened with war, by a nation, which is neither bound by the ties of honor or justice, yet, He, who ruleth among the nations, has, as yet, preserved us so deplorable a calamity.

Our nation, which has been considered as divided, has been led to unite in adopting spirited measures for our national defence.

We enjoy privileges and blessings, which are not realized by any other nation on earth. Let us unite, in a firm and manly support of our national government and constitution. Be careful to guard against the intrigues of designing men. Let infidelity and modern liberality find no countenance, nor have any hand in the administration of government. Avoid them, as you would avoid that plague, which has already interrupted the peace—unhinged the government—destroyed the order—and bathed the plains of almost all Europe with human blood.

Be careful, to enroll your names among the subjects and citizens of the kingdom of God. Be assured, that this kingdom will prosper, for it is the Lord’s; and He is the head of it. The time for securing a part in its triumphs is short and uncertain. But a short delay may be fatal.

May the Supreme King and Lord of the universe, engage all our hearts and feelings in his cause and kingdom; and dispose us to spend and be spent in his service. That, at the time, when earthly kingdoms and empires shall be destroyed, and the whole material world shall be dissolved, we may be safe in the kingdom of God, and unite in his praise forever and ever. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. Titus ii. 14.

2. Ephes. Iii. 10, 11.

3. Matth. xii. 30.

4. Romans xiii. 3-5.

5. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

6. Ephes. i. 20-22.

7. I Peter iii. 22.

8. Since the last anniversary election, there has been but two instances of mortality, among the pastors of the Churches in Connecticut; viz. The Re. Nathan Fenn of Worthington. The former was advanced in age; the latter was in the prime of life and usefulness.

9. Although God has been pleased to preserve the lives of those, who were acting in the first offices in this state, through the last year; yet he has removed by death, His Excellency Matthew Griswold, Esquire, formerly a Governor of the State; whose faithful services and persevering integrity, through life, entitle him to the most grateful remembrance of all its citizens.

Sermon – Fasting – 1799


Manasseh Cutler (1742-1823) graduated from Yale (1765), and worked as a schoolteacher, store clerk, and an attorney. He was minister to the Congregational Church in Ispwich, Massachusetts (1771-1823). Cutler served as military chaplain for multiple American units during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by Cutler on the day of national Fasting proclaimed by John Adams in 1799.


sermon-fasting-1799

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED AT

H A M I L T O N,

ON THE DAY

OF THE

NATIONAL FAST,

APRIL 25, 1799;

APPOINTED BY THE

President of the United States of America.

By MANASSEH CUTLER, LL. D.
Minister of the Church in Hamilton.

A

FAST SERMON.

JEREMIAH ix. 9.

Shall I not visit them for these things? Saith the LORD:

Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?

SOLEMN were the warnings given to the Jews before they were visited with distressing judgments. But solemn as they were, they had, generally, very little effect. Some instances of reformation, however, encourage the hope, that seasonable warnings may not be in vain. In a preceding chapter the Prophet had twice addressed the Jews in the words I have now read. The repetition of the same question the third time, shews an earnest solicitude to awaken their attention. It is an appeal to their own consciences—to that faculty of the mind which is least debased. If they had any plea to make in their own behalf, if they had any reasons to offer for longer forbearance and the continuance of mercies, opportunity was given them. But so degraded was their moral character, so notorious were their ingratitude and obstinacy, they could not be insensible of it themselves. Being judges in their own cause, they must acknowledge the threatening, however severe, to be perfectly just.

Although the question is proposed to the Jews, the form of it does not permit us to confine the application to that nation. It is not said on this nation, but on such a nation as this. The alarming question must equally apply to any other nation, whose moral character resembles that of the Jews. In the preceding part of the prophecy their character is given. They are represented as a stupid, senseless, needless people. Many highly aggravated national sins are specified. Kind instructions and faithful warnings were disregarded. Neither prosperity nor adversity produced any desirable change in their obstinate temper.

At this time they seem to have been in a particular situation. The Prophet complains of a factious spirit. Treachery, discord and falsehood were prevailing vices. Principles were disseminated, and practices indulged, subversive of every religious, moral or social obligation. In their solemn meetings for religious exercises, or the administration of justice, the Prophet calls them an assembly of treacherous men. Ingenuity was employed, and the art of deception was cultivated, to overcome the natural reluctance of conscience. They bend their tongues like their bows—they teach their tongues to tell lies. Take heed, says he, every one of his neighbor, and trust ye not in any brother—they will deceive every one his neighbor—through deceit they refuse to know me, saith the Lord.

Such is the character given of Israel at the time when the Prophet addressed them in the words of the text. In the history of this nation lessons of instruction and warning are given to every nation under the sun. In the oracles of God we are furnished with a rich fund of light and truth, happily accommodated to all the variety of circumstances in which any people can be placed. There we find an admirable uniformity in the great plan of Providence, carried on by means infinitely various, and sometimes the most improbable and contradictory. To deny God’s particular providence, and the occasional exertions of his power, in an extraordinary manner, to answer extraordinary purposes, in his moral dealings with man, would be to exclude him from the immediate government of the world which he has made. Exceedingly contracted must our views be, not to perceive his superior direction—not to discern his hand in all those means which have derived their existence and their agency from him.

The occasion of our present assembling is interesting. Our Illustrious President, alarmed at the critical situation of our country, and ever watchful over its best interests, has requested the American nation to devote this day to humiliation, fasting and prayer. The sacred passage we have now before us, in its connection with the state of Israel and Judah, suggests to us subjects suited to this day’s solemnities. The question proposed in the text naturally leads to another—Is this a nation whose moral character resembles that of the Jews? It is a question that deserves serious reflection. It will direct our contemplations—to the moral state of our country—to attend to the warnings given us—and the duty of a people under our present circumstances.

In the first place we shall take a concise view of the present moral state of our country.

Like the Israelites, we are a people that have been highly favoured of the Lord. It may well be asked, What could God have done more for his vineyard? Indulgent Heaven has bestowed upon us a rich assemblage of religious, political, social and domestic blessings. The institutions of the Gospel—the means of religious instructions—the rights of conscience—the equality of all denominations of Christians—are privileges nowhere more amply enjoyed. By a wise, powerful and merciful Providence, we have been guided through perils—we have been delivered by the most unexpected means, and raised from small beginnings to national respectability and importance. Our social and domestic enjoyments, as well as national safety, are secured by a government which originated in the power of the people, and is, as near as possible, the work of each individual hand:—a government well guarded with checks, and, while the whole train of patriotic virtues are prevalent, sufficiently energetic to guaranty to every citizen the unmolested security of life and all he possesses. What returns might not be expected from such a nation as this? It is the abuse of the rich, distinguishing blessings of Heaven, which gives the proper colouring and aggravation of our national offences.

Those practices, customs and habits which are generally prevalent, are national; and such of them as are opposed to, or are inconsistent with, the will of the Deity, however made known to us, are, in the strictest propriety, the sins of a nation. Like Israel, with all our forms of piety and religion, we have been thoughtless, ungrateful and disobedient. The honour of God, and the interests of religion—objects of infinite importance to the well-being of man—have either been wholly neglected, or too generally treated with the coldest indifference. Can it be said, the true spirit of that religion to profess has been a prominent feature in our national character? Has the gospel, by its benign influence, led us to that purity of heart—to those amiable and elevated virtues—to that dignity of conduct, which raises our fallen nature to a resemblance of its Divine Author? Have we not, like the Jews, been slaves to our own corrupt affections, neglectful of our own best interests, and destroyers of our own happiness?

We have it to lament, that immoralities, of various kinds, have abounded in our land. Particular vices are always more prevalent in some parts of a country, than they are in others. Some are more fashionable at one time than at another. Vices are to be found among us of foreign importation, which, we hope, are not yet naturalized to the American soil. But in every part of our country immoralities are practiced, which, when contrasted with our distinguished advantages and blessings, sadly darken the shades of our national character, and justly provoke the divine displeasure.

The Christian Sabbath is an inestimable privilege to the church of Christ, and highly beneficial to civil society. It is the pledge of God’s distinguishing goodness to man. It was appointed for purposes the most useful and important—for keeping alive piety and devotion—for religious and virtuous instructions—and for grateful acknowledgments of the divine beneficence. But is not the design of this day shamefully perverted? Is not public worship notoriously neglected? Is not the Sabbath, to many, the most useless and burthensome day of the week? God has expressly commanded us to remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy; and has solemnly threatened, If ye will not hearken unto me, to hallow the Sabbath-day, then will I kindle a fire in your gates, and it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem, and it shall not be quenched.

Reverence of the Supreme Being is at the foundation of all religion. The name of God is great, admirable and holy. It ought to be used with the deepest veneration, and magnified above all things. But is it not boldly blasphemed, and impiously dishonoured?—dishonoured by customary and wanton profanity? Habits of profanity are highly injurious to society. By divesting the mind of all reverential fear of God, they lessen the solemnity and obligation of an oath. In a country where oaths are multiplied, interwoven with commercial as well as civil concerns, such habits become the more dangerous. Will the common swearer regard an oath, when administered under the most solemn forms? Is it not to be feared that perjury is among our national sins? We may, at least, adopt the language of the Prophet, and say, Because of swearing our land mourneth.

It is our happiness that the laws of our country, more, perhaps, than any other, are founded on the purest principles of religion and morality. Some of them are made for the express purpose of supporting a decent observance of the Sabbath, an attendance on public worship, and the suppression of profanity and other immoralities. Are our magistrates and civil officers sufficiently mindful of their solemn oaths, in causing a due observance of those laws?

Another evil, that may well excite serious apprehensions, is, the artful dissemination of atheistical, deistical and other loose and pernicious principles. If it can be doubted whether atheism, in its strictest sense, can become general in civilized society, it cannot be denied, that a belief in a Supreme Being may become so weakened as to lose its practical influence—that skeptical principles and sentiments subvert all religious and moral obligation, and lead to the most hardened impiety. Infidelity may be diffused under the pretext of liberality of sentiment: it may be gilded over with the specious, but perverted name of philosophy. But it requires a very small share of philosophy to know, that man is more under the influence of his feelings and passions, than his reason. Let him fully believe he is not accountable to his Maker—not destined to immortality—and what sense of moral obligation, what tie to virtue, what check upon his corrupt propensities, will there remain? What crime, when he can elude the laws of his country, will he not perpetrate? It is not possible, in the nature of things, that human laws, or principles of honour, can be adequate substitutes for religion. They are continually varying, and they will be in conformity to reigning opinions and sentiments. They may even sanction that most dangerous of all maxims, that “the end sanctifies the means.” Infidelity is a formidable enemy to the true principles of liberty. It erases from their foundation the main pillars that can support a free government. Freedom deigns not to dwell with general immorality: it cannot be enjoyed without virtue, nor an virtue be maintained without religion. Infidelity raises the floodgates of corruption—deluges society with crimes—and awfully accumulates the mass of human misery. Its prevalence is sufficient to account for the neglect of religious institutions—the violation of every sacred, civil and social duty—the practice of fraud, injustice, intemperance, debauchery, profanity, and every evil work.

In the train of vices which have stained our moral character, detraction, falsehood and discord have been too notorious to be silently passed over. The united voice of reason and divine revelation condemns them; and we find them particularly noticed by the Prophet among the national sins for which God threatened to visit the Jews. This evil spirit is not merely the disturber of domestic peace, but hostile to all the ends for which men unite in society. When discord is engendered, it makes its progress to faction, insurrection and treason, by casting reproach on rulers, and deceiving and misguiding the people. Foreign intrigue, it is well known, is the parent and the nurse of the demon of discord which troubles our nation. It has been operating by every secret art and insidious effort to weaken the powers of government. It has filled our ears with calumnies against our rulers, misrepresented public measures, excited discontent, and conjured up phantoms of despotism in the minds of the people. A people enjoying a constitution of their own forming—rulers of their own choice—and laws, as near as possible, of their own creation—who have sensibly felt the advantages of order and good government, it might reasonably be expected, would vigorously oppose attempts to disturb their political felicity. But many, it is to be feared, have, indirectly, lent their aid in lessening public confidence, in exciting opposition to government, and in bringing public measures into disrepute, without being sensible of the consequences. The maxim, which seems to have been generally adopted, that “a free people should always be jealous of their rulers,” has been carried to a dangerous extreme.

No community can enjoy the blessings of freedom unless government be respected, and the laws obeyed. In this land of liberty, public characters and public measures may, at all times, be examined with the utmost freedom. But it is only a candid, fair and upright examination that is consistent with order, moral obligation, and the true spirit of liberty. We have happily seen men placed in the highest and most responsible offices of government, who have given unequivocal proofs of their wisdom, penetration and unshaken patriotism;—men who have been instruments in procuring our numerous public blessings, and have justly merited our confidence. But with what offensive intemperance and indecency have their characters and their measures been canvassed! What numberless libels have issued from the presses against those who would guard—who would vindicate—and who would defend our country, against the intrigues, injustice and power of a despotic nation! What measures have government adopted, for our safety or defense, which have not been condemned? Who can be insensible that our freedom is in the most imminent danger, when the minority will not yield to the voice of the majority, and when party assumes the prerogative of dictating and controlling public measures. Happy would it be if the people duly appreciated the blessings of order and good government, and were disposed to pursue the means of preserving them. Let it be impressed upon our minds, that every disorganizing, demoralizing principle, and every vicious habit and practice, is hostile to freedom.

We shall only add, that deficiency in public virtue is a reproach to our nation, and endangers our safety. Nothing within the compass of human ability is so strong a safeguard to rational independence as that love to our country which is commonly styled public spirit or public virtue. Love to our country attaches us to its best interests, and elevates the mind above private advantages or selfish views. In ancient Rome this principle was the life and soul of the state. It was always awake to public danger, and active in public defense. That man is not a patriot, who prefers his own private ease and interest to the public good when his country calls for the sacrifice. Never were a people, perhaps, more devoted to the pursuits of interest, and the accumulation of wealth, than this nation. There is a laudable spirit of industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, social and religious duty. But this spirit may be extended beyond the limits which bound the public safety. The public good, now, if ever, calls for the general attention, and vigilant exertion, of all its friends. Our present danger is much concealed from the public view, and on this account our state is the more hazardous. Where is the security of our possessions, when our country is infatuated by foreign intrigues, and distracted with the spirit of discord and insurrection? What value can we fix upon our wealth, when we are subjugated to the vilest, and tributary to the most tyrannic, government on earth? Our liberties are a sacred deposit, which a kind Providence has consigned to our care; and can we be so degenerate, so base, as to desert or give it up? If we are deaf to the calls of public safety, liberty and virtue, we are traitors to our country, we are criminal in the sight of Heaven, and deserve its chastisements.

In this concise view, we have only a faint sketch of our moral state. It ought to be recollected that the sin of a nation is the aggregate of the sins of all who reside in it. No individual can exculpate himself from the charge of having contributed a part in swelling the measure of our national iniquities; and all must expect to be sharers in public calamity. Whatever we may vainly think of our own state, however we may be lulled by a fatal security, it must be acknowledged, that great and manifold are our errors, and heavy and numerous are our transgressions. Were we able to bring into view the whole mass of wickedness that has been accumulated in our land, exceeding all the rules and powers of arithmetical computation, can we wonder if God should avenge himself of such a nation as this? But his ways are not as our ways, nor are his thoughts like ours. His threatenings are intended to awaken our attention. His merciful admonitions are accompanied with sufficient opportunity for repentance and amendment.

We therefore proceed, as was proposed, in the second place, to attend to the warnings which are given us.

We learn from the sacred scriptures, and from general history, the usual methods of Providence, in the government of the world. There seems to have been no period of time, when general and distressing calamities came upon a people without previous warning. The deluge came not upon the earth, until Noah, a preacher of righteousness, had, for a course of years, warned that corrupt generation of approaching ruin. Sodom and Gomorrah were not reduced to ashes, before they had been faithfully admonished by Lot, whose soul was vexed by their corrupt deeds. Pharaoh and the Egyptians were visited with a series of milder judgments, as so many kind admonitions, before their final overthrow. Jonah was sent, as the messenger of Heaven, to denounce against Nineveh its total destruction. Happily for this city, its inhabitants, from the king on the throne to the beggar in the streets, were awakened to a sense of their danger and their duty. Although an heathen people, they humbled themselves before the most high God, and were graciously spared. The history of Israel furnishes us with numerous instances of faithful admonitions given to them, and of the most persuasive entreaties to escape from impending judgments by turning unto the Lord. Our Saviour himself was the benevolent monitor to Jerusalem, before its final destruction. While he foretold that awful catastrophe, which would be more distressing than had been known from the creation, he entreated them, in the most tender and pathetic strains, to have mercy upon themselves. The sacred scriptures are a standing memento to us, under all the aspects of Divine Providence. The apostle, after mentioning what had been the conduct of the Jews, and the divine dispensations towards them, in a number of instances, adds, Now all these things happened unto them for ensamples: and they are written for our instruction, upon whom the ends of the world are come.

Other nations, besides the Jews, exhibit to us the most solemn admonitions. We have interesting lessons for our instruction in the revolutions which have desolated so many independent states in Europe. We have seen their errors and their fate, and we should avoid the rock on which they have been broken and ruined. In many interesting particulars, we read our own history in theirs.

Holland was the first that fell a prey to the intriguing arts of French revolutionists. The people, allured by the salacious hope of mending their government—seduced by solemn treaties—and flattered with the promise of assistance and protection—admitted the armies of their pretended ally into their cities. Their government was new modeled by the French Directory, and subjected to its absolute control. Heavy contributions were exacted, which have since been frequently repeated, and the immediate collection ensured by an armed force. The treasures, the magazines, the naval and military forces, of Holland, fell within the grasp, and became subject to the requisitions, of the French government of their own, the rich, frugal, industrious people of Holland now groan under the most tyrannic oppression. They are obliged to support, in their own bosom, an army of Frenchmen, to keep themselves is awe.

Geneva, a little happy republic, which had long viewed France as her friend, has suffered a more deplorable fate. The people were pleased with their government, were flourishing in manufactures and commerce, and were distinguished for their religion and good morals. The government of Geneva made every exertion to maintain a scrupulous neutrality, through a strong party, by “diplomatic skill,” was gained over to the French interest. Emissaries were sent to excite a spirit of faction, and to corrupt the morals of the people. These harbingers of ruin too well succeeded. Divisions, tumults and massacres were the fruit of their exertions. At length, when the favourable moment arrived, an army approached, and, by insidious arts, found means to enter the city. The eyes of the people were now opened, but I was too late. The united, fought, bled, and were conquered. Geneva surrendered at discretion—was pillaged by a merciless soldiery, and degraded to a humble department of France.

Another victim to the secret arts and duplicity of France, is the ancient republic of Venice. Under a government of wise laws, the republic abounded in commerce and wealth. The French resorted to their usual intrigues, which had never failed of success; but they were greatly counteracted by a wise and discreet Senate. Impatient to seize upon the wealth of Venice, they wished to find some pretext for open hostilities. This they found in a stratagem, which, one would think, none but a Frenchman could have devised. 1 Venice was attacked, conquered, partitioned, bartered and sold. It is with the fate of this devoted republic that France has threatened the American States.

The time will not permit us to notice all the governments which have felt the scourge of the French revolutionary pestilence. It would fill volumes to detail the general wreck of order, the scenes of slaughter, plunder, conflagration, distress, and ruin, which the French, by their intrigues, arms and usurpation, have spread over the fairest parts of Europe. In Suabia, from well attested accounts, the progress of their armies was marked by crimes at which humanity shudders—crimes, which savages were never known to commit. The common people were ready to receive them with open arms, and to embrace them as their friends and deliverers; but they found them the most detestable monsters. 2

We must not pass over the fate of unhappy Switzerland. This country in many respects resembled our own. It gives us warning, so solemn, so well adapted, that Americans must be inexcusable not to improve it to their own advantage. The Republic of Switzerland consisted of twenty smaller republics in federal union. Common interest and long experience had strengthened the ties of a formal league, and closely cemented them together. It was a nation of warriors and statesmen—of frugal, hardy, industrious citizens;—a nation jealous of its rights, and watchful over its liberties. While the torch of revolutionary fanaticism was flaming around them, the government, aware of its dangers, made every exertion, and every sacrifice, to preserve an unblamable neutrality. The emissaries of France had not been able to do so much in deluding the people, as they had done in many other places; but with the government they had better success. Their councils were divided and indecisive. Every measure for the public safety was opposed and embarrassed. Little was done in making arrangements for defense, until a French army was upon their borders. The people, more alarmed, and better united, than their rulers, flew to arms, and determined to defend a government that had not the spirit to defend itself. A few veteran officers placed themselves at their head; but orders and counter orders defeated their best plans of operation. Obstinate battles were repeatedly fought, with great slaughter and various success. Such was the general enthusiasm, that the women repaired to the field of battle, and fought and bled by the sides of their husbands and sons. 3 At this moment, the French, with an address peculiar to themselves, renewed a mock negotiation, made and violated solemn agreements, and found means to make the people believe their own civil and military officers had betrayed and sold them. This last artifice, more than any other, proved fatal to Switzerland. The cry of treachery, in their camps and among the people, excited a general ferment of distrust and dissension. Some of the bravest of the Swiss officers fell victims to the rage of their own men. Unable to repel an enemy, more formidable in artifices than in arms, the greater part of that once happy country was ravaged. Murder, rapine, pillage and desolation marked the footsteps of its conquerors. The ancient government of Switzerland was dissolved, and a new constitution, fabricated by the French Directory, imposed on the people. In eight days was overturned the work of five centuries. What scenes of misery have the French revolution, perfidy and arms exhibited! What stately edifices of political society have been laid in ruins! Vice has been armed against virtue. The warmest professions of friendship have been accompanied with the practice of the most savage cruelty. France has demonstrated to the world, that its sole object is plunder and tribute, and that it regards not the means by which it can be attained.

Such are the beacons erected in Europe, to caution and warn Americans. Can we stop our ears against the cries of these desolated republics? Can we be deaf to a voice, like peals of thunder, charging us to beware of the perfidy of France?

We shall, then, in the last place, turn our attention to our own duty, at a crisis so important as the present.

It is our duty, attentively to consider the dangers that threaten us. I wish not to excite groundless apprehensions; but to me it appears, that the situation of our country was never more hazardous, and that the great body of the people are too insensible of it. Dangers, concealed from the public view, will not impress the public mind. They resemble a disease upon the vital parts, which excites no alarm, till it is too late for a cure. Were armies marching to invade our country, or ships of war approaching our shores, the people would be alarmed—-the true American spirit would be roused—and the united efforts of our citizens, under the favour of Heaven, might bid defiance to the powers of Europe. But the enemy, with whom we have to contend, is carrying on a different mode of warfare. She is pursuing her hostile designs, not by a manly, open declaration of war, but by salacious pretensions of friendship—not by attacking us with fleets and armies, but by her “diplomatic skill,” by every species of deception, and by making our own citizens the instruments of their country’s ruin.

To meet the dangers that threaten us, it is our duty to be firm, united, and faithful to our country. France has told us the humiliating truth, that we are “a divided people;” and she is determined to profit by the spirit of discord she has found means to diffuse among us. Every artifice is employed, every engine is at work, probably with more system than ever, to strengthen the party her influence has created. The increase of public expenses, the burthen of taxes, the establishment of a navy, and raising an army, are topics well adapted to excite uneasiness among the people. It is true, our national expenses are great, and must probably be still increased. But, what!—is not our independence and property worth defending? Can we hesitate a moment at the burthen of expenses, when they may be the price of the ransom of our liberties? Why have we been at the expense of so much treasure and blood to obtain our freedom, if we intend not to maintain it? Can Americans be so debased, as to be dupes to any foreign government? Can they suffer themselves to be crushed, and ruined, without making every exertion in their own defense? Can they admit the thought, even for a moment, of submission to an ignominious tribute, which can be limited by nothing but the rapacity of their masters, and their own utmost ability to pay? Let those who complain of the increase of taxes and expenses, consider from what cause they have arisen. Had Americans unitedly and firmly attached themselves to their own government—had France been unable to gain over a party, would she, as she has done, have preyed upon our commerce, and risked the loss of supplies from our country? It is not to our own government, but to the party opposed to it, that we are to charge our burdens, depredations and dangers.

Another artifice is, the cry that our own government is for war, while France wishes for peace. Although the falsity of this cry has been proved by a glare of evidence, it is still continued. The measures of our own government, and the conduct of the French, have given the fullest proof, that an honourable or a safe peace has not been attainable. Peace we most ardently desire; but not upon terms more dangerous to our liberties, more destructive to ourselves, than war. Besides, were the most flattering terms to be offered, what dependence could we place on a government of atheists, constantly acting in conformity to their principles? What solemn contract have the Directory respected, any further than they found it convenient for themselves? What man in his senses would depend upon a contract with a burglar or highway robber not to injure him? When a government sports with natural justice, national laws and usages, which a savage would hold sacred, it forfeits every claim to confidence. It is ardently to be hoped that America will never form an alliance with the present government of France.

It is now evident, if the measures which the French party would have dictated to our government had been adopted, that, long before this time, the yoke which France has been preparing would have been fastened upon our necks. To the wisdom, firmness and patriotism of our government, under Providence, we owe the freedom we this day enjoy. Every man that feels as every American ought to feel, will confess that measures for national defense were indispensable. The protection already given to our commerce we have seen to be highly beneficial. What immense property has been heretofore lost for the want of it; and what would the state of our trade now have been, if no protection had been afforded! The laborious farmer, the industrious mechanic, as well as the adventurous merchant, are sharers in the benefits of a prosperous commerce.

Leaving the administration of government to the wisdom of those in whose hands the people have placed it, every true friend to his country will cheerfully contribute his part to defend and support it. To withhold that portion of our property which the public safety requires, is cheating ourselves. The first establishment of a direct national tax must be attended with great expense, difficulty and inequality. Can it be imagined that Congress, who had the best means of information, and must pay their proportion, did not adopt the best mode their wisdom could devise? The spirit of faction and insurrection has already cost us millions;—and is it still to be cherished? It is a happiness to know, that I am addressing an assembly so entirely united in their general ideas of public men, and public measures, and steadily opposed to a spirit of faction. But you have need to be upon your guard, left this evil spirit should make you a visit. Let one common cause, one common interest, and one common danger, keep us united. Following the guidance of Heaven, and attentive to all the means in our power, let it appear that we have not lost that noble, determined spirit, which gained our independence.

Further, it is especially our duty to attend to our moral character. When we seriously reflect on the moral and political state of our country, we must be sensible that our offences are great and manifold, and that God, in his righteous displeasure, is visiting us for our national sins. Penitent confession, humble prayer, and sincere and effectual purposes of amendment, are indispensable duties on this day. And it is only in the right discharge of these duties that we have ground to hope, that God, in the rain of his providence, will remove the evils we feel, and avert those we fear. Happy would it be, if a general spirit of repentance and reformation were to spread throughout our land. We have individually added to the mass of national iniquity: it therefore concerns us, individually, to be humble, and to reform what is amiss in ourselves. As in the day of battle, every man should behave as if on his single arm depended the victory, so let every one feel as if on his piety and virtue depended the salvation of his country.

It should be our concern to arrest the progress of infidelity and irreligion, by living like Christians ourselves. The most effectual method, perhaps, to prevent the spreading of loose, pernicious, demoralizing sentiments, is to put them out of countenance by our own conformity to the spirit of sincere, practical religion. If we truly embrace he doctrines, and conform to the precepts, of the gospel of Christ, the benign influence of this Heaven-born religion over all the affairs of human society, and all the concerns of man, will be apparent. Example may do more to confute gainsayers, than a thousand opposing arguments. Let the fool say in his heart, There is no God. Let the infidel glory in mere hypothesis, and depend upon artificial conjecture: it is all he can produce in support of his principles. The believer finds himself upon a foundation that cannot be moved. God is the rock of ages. The dictates of common sense teach him, that God is to be seen in everything around him, heard in the voice of every creature, felt in every motion, and read in every page of the book of nature. The good man finds infinitely more satisfaction, in believing in the perfections of the Deity, the wisdom and equity of Providence, and the great plan of redeeming mercy, than all the systems of philosophic infidelity are capable of yielding. The infidel lays the axe to the root of the tree, and cuts down with one stroke the hope and confidence of man. But the believer has a fortress in every danger; a refuge in every storm; an abiding friend in all the vicissitudes of human life; and a safe conductor to eternal rest.

It cannot be too deeply impressed upon our minds, that without public and private virtue, a free government cannot be supported. The Creator and Governor of the Universe is, and was, and ever will be, the supporter of order and virtue. The Christian religion is, in the highest degree, friendly to rational liberty. It teaches a proper conduct in all the relations we sustain in society. The origin of all society is in our families. They are the nurseries from which every citizen in the state is transplanted. In them the foundation of order and good government should be laid. By daily attention to the scriptures and family devotion, by training up our families in a religious observance of the Christian Sabbath, and in attending on public worship, we take the most direct methods to qualify them for good citizens, and to give an early check to all those vices which are ruinous to society.

When religion and virtue are urged as the main pillars of national freedom and prosperity, will it be said that France is an exception?—that with all her atheism, corruption and crimes, she is prosperous?—that her government is supported?—that victory attends her arms?—and that her wealth is accumulating by piracy and plunder? If so, it may be answered, that freedom is not to be found in the present government of France. A military government requires neither religion, nor virtue. By renouncing all religion she is making an experiment, which is not yet come to a result. It is such an experiment as the world has never before seen, and may, in the event, throw more light upon the real state of man, in his social relations, than all the disquisitions that have ever been written. Vice has often been permitted to prosper for a time; but the end has been ruin. The ways of Providence are intricate. The vilest of men have been, and may be, employed as instruments in the accomplishment of the wisest and most benevolent purposes. The Almighty said to Sennacherib, O Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand, is mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation; and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets. It is added, Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so. But it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few. 4

We shall only add, that, at a time like this, it concerns us to be deeply sensible of our dependence upon Heaven. It is our duty to look through all means and instruments—all the relations of causes and effects, to Him who is the Supreme Ruler and Judge among the nations; and to place our dependence on that Being, who is able to save, or destroy. In vain shall we confide in political expedients without his concurrence and blessing. If infidelity, irreligion, discord and faction should increase and abound, must we not expect that God will visit, and will avenge himself on such a nation as this? But if the professed designs of this day’s solemnityies should meet his benediction and acceptance; if a sense of our national offences, and the warnings given us by his word and providences, should lead us to a proper temper and conduct; if the numerous blessings we enjoy should excite in our minds sincere gratitude; if, by piety and prayer—by a continual concern to practice that righteousness, and those patriotic virtues, which exalt a nation; and if by a studious care to put away that sin which is a reproach to a people, we place our dependence upon Heaven, then may we hope to enjoy all those natural, civil and religious privileges and advantages, for which our country has been distinguished. Then, indeed, may we be assured that God will visit us, not in judgment, but with the desirable blessings of national protection, peace and prosperity. May God, of his infinite mercy, through the Mediator, make this the happy state of our country; and to him be glory forever.

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. “The destruction of Venice was determined on. This republic had a wise government, good laws, and great wealth. But Venice had observed so scrupulous a neutrality, with respect to this dangerous neighbor; its senate had conducted itself so uprightly and irreproachably, that the Directory had not the least grounds for a declaration of war. It was therefore obliged to have recourse to trick, and to form this stratagem:
“A dozen officers, clothed as citizens, were ordered to repair to Venice, and to assassinate some of the French soldiers whom the Venetian government had kindly admitted into the city hospitals. The officers obeyed their orders precisely. About disk they poignarded four or five of their countrymen, and immediately returned to camp, with the alarming intelligence that the Venetians were massacring the French republicans, and on the following day Venice was no more. In the course of a few hours it was converted into a theatre of carnage and proscriptions, and delivered up to be pillaged by the soldiery. This was the real cause of, or rather pretext for, the destruction of a republic, flourishing in laws, in commerce and wealth.”
Extract of a letter written by a gentleman in Paris.

2. “The village of Bremen, on the 6th of October, was beset by a band of robbers, under the denomination of republican soldiers, who, mad with wine, rushed into the houses with the most hideous war-whoops, and had immediate recourse to their well known system of plunder. All the coffers and closets were broken open and rifled—all the household furniture was destroyed—the peasants were required, with loaded pistols at their breasts, to deliver up their money—the beds and bedding were unripped and examined—and, under pretence of searching for concealed treasure, not only the floors of the rooms were torn up, but even infants were vehemently dragged from their cradles, and many families were deprived of nearly all their property. But still more terrible to these peaceable and innocent country people was the infernal manner in which the female sex was treated by these villains. In the whole village there was neither maiden, wife, nor widow, who was not forcibly and repeatedly dishonoured; and such was the depravity of these miscreants, that eight, ten, and frequently more than that number, successively insulted the same unfortunate victim, with the accomplishment of their brutal purposes. Neither early youth, nor hoary-headed age, nor deformity, nor yet the most offensive disorders, could abate the fury of their passions; and not only husbands, but fathers and children, were made to be witnesses of these abominable outrages”
Cannibal’s Progress, by Anthony Ausrer, Esquire.
The above is only a specimen of the general conduct of the French army in passing through the whole circle of Suabia. It was nearly the same in every place. This and a copious number of similar facts were taken by the magistrates, and are published under the sanction of their authority. All their outrages were in violation of a solemn contract. The circle of Suabia entered into an agreement with the French General, Moreau, to pay the enormous tribute of about 8 millions of dollars, which they punctually performed, on condition “that the persons and property of the inhabitants should be strictly respected.”

3. The environs of Berne, eight hundred women took up arms, and joined the last battle. At Frauenbrun, two hundred and sixty women and girls received the enemy with scythes, pitchforks and axies; an hundred and eighty were killed; among them was one named Glar, who had at her side two daughters and three grand-daughters, the youngest scarcely 10 years old: these six heroines were slain.”
J. Mallet Du Pan’s Hist. of the destruction of the Helvetic Union and Liberty. This Book ought to be read by every American.

4. Isaiah x. 5, 6, 7.

Sermon – Fasting – 1799


This is a fast sermon preached by Eliphalet Gillet (1768-1848) in Hallowell, Maine on April 25, 1799. This national fast day was proclaimed by President John Adams. The text of the sermon has been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.


sermon-fasting-1799-2


A

Discourse,

Delivered at

Hallowell, April 25th, 1799.

Being

The Day Appointed

By The

Chief Magistrate

Of The

United States,

For A

NATIONAL FAST

By Eliphalet Gillet, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Hallowell.

NUMBERS, xvi. 14.
”Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men? We will not come up.”

To administer government, whether civil or ecclesiastical, in such a manner as not to give offence, is peculiarly difficult. The meekness of Moses was proverbial; and yet it did not shield him from the tongue of slander. His designs were presumed to be unfavorable to the people, and his measures criminated as the height of usurpation. The opposition began by secret murmurs against his administrations, and afterwards broke out into open rebellion. At the head of these malcontents were Korah, Dathan, and Abiram. The opposition was formidable—the mutinous spirit pervaded all ranks; and it must necessarily have issued in the subversion of their government, and the prostration of civil and religious order, had not the Lord miraculously interposed. For there were embarked in this iniquitous cause “two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly, famous in the congregation, men of renown.” [Numbers 16:2]

They had, it seems, by some Paine or Godwin who was among them, been infatuated with the visionary idea of an “Age of Reason,” and of unrestrained “Liberty and equality.” This so possessed their minds that they could not yield submission to the constituted authorities, even though they were of divine appointment. In their wild career they had lost sight of the excellence and necessity of subordination in society. And they were far from rendering honor to whom honor was due. “They gathered themselves together against Moses and against Aaron, and said unto them, Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congregation are holy every one of them, and the Lord is among them: wherefore then lift you up yourselves above the congregation of the Lord?” [Numbers 16:3] Moses went out and expostulated with them. He entreated them to canvass the matter coolly, and see whether they were not actually gathered together against the Lord. “For what is Aaron, says he, that ye should murmur against him?” [Numbers 16:11] But their passions were too violent to be reasoned with, and they were too impatient of restraint to suffer either God or man to rule over them. They reply with a zeal that borders upon desperation—“Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land that floweth with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us.” [Numbers 16:13] Their ULTIMATUM is then subjoined, “Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men? We will not come up.” From this passage of scripture, in its connection, we are naturally led to speak of

THE DANGER OF A SPIRIT OF INSUBORDINATION, AND THE MEANS BY WHICH IT IS EXCITED.
That God designed the state of man as a state of subordination is very evident from their different endowments of mind, and the diverse gifts of providence. The same might with truth be remarked of the angels, and all superior intelligences. There are thrones, dominions, principalities, and powers; as also Cherubim and Seraphim. And much of the beauty and harmony of any system depend upon a regular disposition of its component parts. But the lust, pride and selfishness of mankind, the fatal effects of the apostasy, render other distinctions necessary among them, arising from civil offices, either immediately bestowed by God, or granted by the suffrages of their fellow men. There must be “ministers of God, for good, to be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.” [Romans 13:3-4]

A spirit of insubordination may be considered in two respects

1. In reference to God, and
2. In reference to civil government.

In reference to God, there can be no longer danger of there ultimately overthrowing His government, because He has all power in His hand. This sinning angel found by fatal experience, when thrust out of heaven, and “reserved in everlasting chains, under darkness, unto the judgment of the great day.” [Jude 1:6] This our first parents found, when banished from the Garden of Eden, and condemned to till a soil which “brought forth thorns and thistles.” [Genesis 3:18] This the Israelites found, when slain in the wilderness for their murmurings, or sold to their enemies for their idolatry. And indeed this all mankind have found, in the troubles and calamities of life, which come in consequence of sin, and rebellion against God. “Sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death, with its numerous trains of evils, hath passed upon all men, for that all have sinned.” [Romans 5:12] It is a melancholy truth that there is by nature, universally, in man a total submission to the law of God. “They are not subject to His law, nor indeed can be. [Romans 8:7] The law is holy, just and good,” [Romans 7:12] but they are under the dominion of sin, and cannot serve two masters. This spirit is not only universal; but it is a dangerous spirit. It exposes men to condemnation. It subjects them, if persisted in, to eternal death.—For almost six thousand years, God has proclaimed His few, comparatively, in every age, have yielded to His solicitations. He has given up His own Son as a propitiation for their sins: so that God is in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them. —-And he committed the word of reconciliation to the apostles, and their successors in the gospel ministry, who are ambassadors for Christ, and who are praying the world, in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God. Still the “world lieth in wickedness.” [1 John 5:19] Well might God say, as in Isaiah 15:2,3, “I have spread out my hands all the day to a rebellious people, which walketh in a way that was not good, after their own thoughts: a people that provoketh me to anger continually to my face.” And Proverbs 1:26,27, “I also will laugh at their calamity, and mock when their fear cometh; when their fear cometh as desolation and their destruction as a whirlwind.”

But our subject leads us more particularly to consider the danger of a spirit of insubordination to civil government.

I wish here to be understood, as meaning a good government—calculated for the benefit of those who contribute to its support. There have been tyrannies and usurpations, both in church and state, which ought to be resisted and which every good man would feel in duty bound to resist, even unto blood. He must have an obdurate heart who can shut his ears against the cries of the oppressed; and a want of resolution who can forbear to redress their grievances even though at the peril of life. The ancient exploded doctrine of non-resistance in every situation is as inconsistent with the well-being of society as the equalizing principles of infidel philosophy so current at the present day.

But when a good government is opposed and resisted, the consequences are serious. There is danger both in reference to the government itself and those who endeavor to counteract its operations. When Moses heard the rebellious language of Korah and his company, “he fell upon his face.” [Numbers 6:4] He viewed it as portending evil to the Commonwealth of Israel. And so indeed it terminated. For the anger of the Lord went out against those who had mutinied, “and the earth opened up her mouth, and swallowed them up, and their houses, and all the men that appertained unto Korah, and all their goods. And all Israel that were round about them fled at the cry of them: for they said, Lest the earth swallow us up also.” [Numbers 16: 32-34]

One of these two consequences generally follows an opposition to government; either an entire suspension of law and justice, or a more rigid administration. The reason why the Israelites felt neither of these consequences was the immediate interposition of God in cutting off the adversaries. Now the suspension of law, or the subversion of government is in itself a very great evil, and warrantable only in cases, of imperious necessity. Anarchy is worse than almost any kind of government. Even the arbitrary measures of Charles I and the oppressions of that day were exceeded by the anarchy and confusion, or perhaps more properly speaking, by the despotism, which accompanied the temporary subversion of the monarchy. So that, in certain circumstances, where there is a real evil, a remedy injudiciously applied may be worse than the disease. But however a body politic, that is disordered in its functions, may justify a hazardous regimen; the suspension of the operation of a good and equal government must be matter of regret to all who wish for “liberty with order.” Government is the good man’s security. It guarantees his property and his peace. It is like a city which hath “gates and bars.” And he might as well think of hating his own flesh, as to hate that which nourisheth and cherisheth it. The penal consequences of a good government do not affect righteous men, but the lawless and disobedient. The ends which it has in view are a restraint upon wickedness, and the advancement of the general good.

But, suppose the government maintain its ground against all encroachments and a check is put to every aspiring faction; the evil does not end here. An additional burden is laid upon society; the public expenditures are necessarily increased; and the peaceable share with the restless the bitter fruits of their ill-judged labors. Every tumult, which calls forth the arm of authority for its suppression, is a draught upon the public treasure. And not only so but it has a tendency to cause the cords of government to be drawn tighter to prevent, in the future, similar events. This seems to be a necessary consequence. Government must have energy enough to secure the ends and designs of it. People must give up so great a portion of their natural liberties and privileges as to enjoy the remainder in tranquility and peace. And it must be obvious to everyone, that the more a spirit of insubordination prevails, the more our liberties must be curtailed, in order to give efficacy to the administration. If therefore a nation would live free—if they would relinquish the smallest portion possible of their natural rights and privileges, they must put on the “ornament of a meek and quiet spirit.” [1 Peter 3:4] They must not, like Korah and his company, fly into a passion because they despair of the first offices of state or because they are called upon to support that government which is the guardian of their dearest treasures.

I now proceed to mention the means by which a spirit of insubordination is excited.

First, The spread of irreligious principles.—Irreligion made war in heaven. And it is the source of war and contention on earth. If the Holy Scriptures can be brought into disrepute and no longer considered as the law of our actions, much is done towards the subversion of a government founded in justice and administered by wisdom. Because our religion inculcates obedience, “not only for wrath but conscience sake.” [Romans 13:5] Our religion inculcates a quiet, pacific disposition. And a good government cannot be resisted without a very different temper of mind. Where the principles of irreligion are deeply rooted in the soul, you will find a uniform opposition to every kind of punishment under the divine government. They declaim warmly against the idea of God’s vindicating the honor of his law by chastising the rebellious. And hence they renounce the Governor of the universe in His true character and paint to themselves a Being who is reconciled to them in their courses of iniquity. Such principles necessarily operate against restraints and punishments under human authority. The idea of a day of judgment and a state of retribution is very efficacious in promoting not only piety towards God but order, peace, and harmony in the world. Irreligious principles may be necessary to the support of tyranny or oppression. It cannot well be carried on unless the leaders have drunk deep in this spirit. But they are the bane of good government. They unhinge every connection in society. The tenderest ties in families are dissolved, and this influence extends to the great family of the nation.

It is a common observation, and erroneous as it is common, that principles have no influence upon practice: and therefore it is of very little importance what persons believe. Paul judged very differently. “Shun profane and vain babblings; for they will increase unto more ungodliness: and their word will eat as doth a canker.” [2 Timothy 2:16-17] An irreligious principle is like gangrene in the soul. It taints the whole system. The man, like Ahab, sells himself to work wickedness. He becomes a fit instrument for the service of those who wish to sacrifice their country in hopes of rising upon its ruins. And until such instruments are multiplied, the prostration of those establishments, which promote order and peace and secure the public good, can never be accomplished. It is the bulk of mankind that bring about great events. It is not a few visionary philosophers, immured [imprisoned] in their closets, that can do it. I mean, not by their own strength. But fatal experience proves they may by the dissemination of irreligious principles. If they can debauch the public mind and bring people to think they ought to be under no restraints, either human or divine, the work is almost fitted to their hands. They can then, by an imperceptible exertion, guide the multitude in their own way and accomplish their most atrocious purposes. “Behold the ships which though they be so great, and are driven of fierce winds, yet are they turned about by a very small helm, whithersoever the governor lifteth.” [James 3:4] After the principles of infidelity are sown, and the roots of bitterness begin to spring up, they systematic votaries of faction and discord look upon the victory as obtained. They have little else to do than to bear away the spoil.

The false prophet, Balaam, was “wiser in his generation than the children of light.” [Luke 16:8] He saw that it was in vain to curse Israel so long as they remained true to the principles of their religion. But if he could call them off to idolatry and cause them to bow the knee to the gods of the Moabites, he looked upon his atrocious designs as accomplished. He justly viewed it as no difficult task to curse a people that had brought down a curse upon themselves. The Scribes and Pharisees pursued the same measures in procuring the crucifixion of Christ. They would persuade the multitude not to adhere to his doctrines of religion. “Have any of the rulers, or of the Pharisees believed on him.” [John 7:48] And after they had proscribed his religion, and by their hypocrisy made it appear that his principles were hostile to the public good, they had the voice of the multitude at their command, whenever they wished to cry, “Crucify him, crucify him!” [Matthew 27:22; Mark 15: 13-14; Luke 23:21; John 19:6]

I have dwelt the longer upon this head from the consideration that our eternal as well as temporal interest is involved in it. The principles of irreligion unfit the mind for the service of God here or for His glory hereafter. They unfit us for usefulness in our day and generation and deprive us of that continual feast, which is served up by a “conscience void of offence towards God, and towards man.” [Acts 24:16] They lie at the bottom off all those crimes, which have blackened the pages of history; and their pernicious influence is too frequently visible in seas of blood. They cause different nations to encroach upon each other’s rights and privileges. They cause brothers to fall out by the way. And they cause a man to fall out with himself. Nothing but infidelity could inspire a man with rashness enough to precipitate his own death or, I might say, with more propriety perhaps, with too much cowardice to live. “The ravages of Alexander, were probably less injurious to the human race, and less guilty before God, than the ravages of the moral world by Hume or Voltaire.” 1

Secondly, Another mean of exciting on opposition to government is the perversion of that most salutary principle that “Men are born free and equal, and 2 have certain natural, essential and inalienable rights.” 3 Because one man has no natural to tyrannize over another, it does not follow that persons may not surrender a portion of their original and natural privileges for the sake of security and peace. Suppose men naturally possess an equal right to exercise authority or, which is the same thing, that there is no inherent right in any—a truth essential to all free governments, and suppose further, that which never takes place, that property, strength, and wisdom, were in equal measure bestowed, it would not disprove the necessity of inequality and subordination, when they enter into civil society, and cast in their influence and energy into one common stock, for their better security against unjust encroachments. “Everybody politic is formed, in the first place, by a voluntary association of individuals, who have entered into a mutual engagement; and, in the next place, by a social compact, in which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws, in one uniform manner, 4 for the common good; 5 that THE RIGHT IN THE PEOPLE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE LEGISLATURE IS THE BEST SECURITY OF LIBERTY, AND THE FOUNDATION OF ALL FREE GOVERNMENT.” 6 Were power equally vested in every individual of a nation, they would be in no posture of defense. In order for the accomplishment of any beneficial purposes there must be a head, and he must have authority and power enough, under constitutional limitations, to guide the whole body. Much of the strength of a nation depends on concentrating its energies. The scattered rays of the sun afford but a feeble heat, but collected by burning glass, their operation is visible. An equality, therefore, is absolutely impossible. It is a thing entirely visionary under any kind of government. Whoever is vested with authority, as the minister of justice, whether for a longer or shorter space of time, whether by hereditary right or by the suffrages of his fellow citizens, is, for the time being, from the nature of his office, above the people, and they are necessarily in a state of subordination—of subordination to laws, and to men, only as they are the appointed guardians of those laws.

And this to many a “sore evil under the sun.” [Ecclesiastes 5:13] The language of Korah and his company was, “Ye take too much upon you.” And why? Was there any oppression? Was there any extortion? Had Moses and Aaron iniquitously invaded the property of the people, and ground the faces of the poor? Moses appeals to God. “I have not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them.” [Numbers 16:15] Nay, they do not so much as accuse them of any such thing. They were rather deemed guilty of the unpardonable presumption of fulfilling the duties of their station—a station above those who were private members of the Commonwealth. “Seeing all the congregation are holy, say they, every one of them, and the Lord is among them; wherefore then lift you up yourselves above the congregation of the lord?” Why should one man be lifted above another, in order to exercise authority? Why not administer government in such a manner that there should be a perfect equality? Or, in other words, why not govern us without any government at all? And this is a state which desperate characters would rejoice in, who have everything to gain and nothing to lose by inverting the order of things, and who long to riot in the spoils of their fellow-men, without fear of those punishments which their crimes deserve, and to which god and wholesome laws subject them.

Thirdly, Another mean of exciting an insubordination to government is suggesting that the restrictions under which we are placed, and the burdens which are laid upon us are unnecessary and, at the same time, entirely arbitrary. This was the method Satan took to excite our first parents to revolt from God. He did not openly attack the divine government. This might have shocked them and frustrated his diabolical purpose. But he slyly insinuated that some things were wrong. They were under certain restrictions, which were of no benefit, and which prevented them from the enjoyment of a great portion of happiness. “Yea, hath God said, ye shall not eat of every tree of the garden?” [Genesis 3:1] It is hardly credible. And of this tree, more especially. He might as well have forbidden you every other tree in the garden. This tree, you see, is good for food, pleasant to the eyes, and a tree to be desired to make one wise. And God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, instead of dying as ye suppose, your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as gods, knowing good and evil. They yielded to his solicitations, and a strange kind of gods they found themselves transformed into. They knew good and evil, it was true: they knew the worth of good by its loss, and the misery of evil by suffering it.

This mode, however disingenuous, is calculated to ensure success. For we are apt to think we could bear any kind of burden better than that which is laid upon us. Though we would not exclaim against every kind of restraint and think every burden unjust, yet we may be easily made to feel that those we have to struggle with are, in their nature, the most insupportable, and must certainly have arisen from the negligence or, what is worse, the caprice of those who enjoined them. Resistance against such measures, therefore, may be thought a duty instead of a crime because it has a tendency to cause those in authority to bethink themselves and amend their ways. Which leads me to observe,

Fourthly, That another mean of exciting insubordination is weakening the confidence of people in their rulers. Certain among the children of Israel, when they saw that Moses delayed to come down from the mount, gathered themselves together unto Aaron, and said unto him, “Up, make us gods which shall go before us; for as for this Moses, we wot not what has become of him.” [Exodus 32:23] After persons can be induced to think and speak lightly of the ruler of the people, they have but a step further to go to contemn his authority. They will soon call upon Aaron to make them a “golden calf.” Anything but their present rulers will be acceptable. In their frenzy they will pass by wisdom, experience and integrity, as well as forget a long list of past services, and marshal themselves under some leader who has courage enough to embark in the storm or too little discernment to see the danger. Those therefore possess great power in causing opposition to constituted authorities, who can weaken our confidence in reference to their characters or public measures. This is a poison which, though gradual, is effectual. Nothing more certainly answers its end. It deprives the ruler of weight and prepares the public mind to withstand his operations.

Fifthly, Ascribing all calamities to the bad management of those in authority is another mean of exciting opposition to government. It is very wrong for people, when their sins have brought down the judgments of God upon them, to lay them to their rulers account and say, as Ahab did to Elijah, in the time of the famine, “Art thou he that troubleth Israel?” [1 Kings 18:17] “Thou hast not brought us,” say the discontented Israelites to Moses, “into a land that floweth with milk and honey, or given us inheritance of fields and vineyards.” [Numbers 16:14] And what was the reason? Was it not their persevering obstinacy and unbelief? Yet they could complain of Moses being about “to kill them in the wilderness.” [Numbers 16:13] This is a dangerous fire when once kindled because there is enough fuel to keep it burning. There are calamities and evils enough under the best of governments to bring those who are in authority into disrepute if they must all be laid to their charge. When the rain of heaven is withheld or the public treasury exhausted by the depredation of lawless men, it is very easy and very popular for persons to rise up and exclaim against the management of the rulers. It is very easy for them to report concerning the best of rulers and, in such circumstances, not difficult to give it currency, that they are aspiring after their own aggrandizement and are very prodigal of the public wealth. And that if the present characters were displaced, and they allowed to succeed them, there would immediately be a retrenchment of the expenditures, and the public would be served for one half of the present revenue. But those public services, my hearers, which through a love of pre-eminence are to be given away, are always to be suspected. Men who zealously seek offices are not always those who fill them with most honor to themselves or with most profit to the nation.

Lastly, Professing an unusual degree of respect for the liberty and the happiness of the people has ever proved a most powerful and successful mean of exciting opposition to the administration of government. If a person is considerably exalted by office, by property, or by influence; and has the address to make us believe, when he attacks the administration, that he has much more regard to our happiness than he has to his own, he becomes a fit engine for the destruction of government. His efforts shake the pillars of the edifice and, unless timely checked, will end in its ruin.

Those who rose up against Moses and Aaron did it not so much on their own account, if we may credit their assertions, as they did on the account of those who were below them. For these, they sighed in the most pathetic manner. A fight of their calamities pierced them to the heart. “Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men?” It is not our own cause we are pleading. Being princes in the assembly, men famous in the congregation, we do not so sensibly feel your oppressions. But so long as the yoke of tyranny is upon the necks of these people, “we will not come up” nor submit to your authority. And many were credulous enough to believe them. Hence they rallied round their standard in the true spirit of anarchy: and never left them till a sense of their own danger awakened them. When the earth clave asunder and swallowed them up, then they fled, and cried, “Lest the earth swallow us up also.”

Absalom, in his endeavors to usurp the kingdom of his Father David, made use of the same hypocritical pretensions. As he was the king’s son and most tenderly beloved, he had no grievances of his own to complain of; but he was very much affected for the grievances of the people. “He rose up early and stood beside the way of the gate; and it was so that when any man that had a controversy came to the king for judgment, he called unto him, and said, see thy matters are good and right, but there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee. Absalom said moreover, oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice. And it was so, that when any man came nigh to him to do him obeisance, he put forth his hand and took him and kissed him.” [2 Samuel 15:2-5] These soothing arts did not fail of success. The greater part of the whole nation cried, “God save king Absalom.”

The histories of Greece and Rome furnish numberless instances of the same nature; where addresses to the passions of people have issued in a victory over their reason and a sacrifice of their happiness. Cromwell, in England, had a most passionate regard for the liberties of the people. This stimulated him with much violence against the reigning monarch. It was this that led him to the determination not to leave him so long as his head remained on his shoulders. And as soon as this important object was accomplished, he took the reins of government into his own hand, and under the gentle title of protector, exercised the most arbitrary sway they had ever felt since the Norman Conquest. And we have still more recent instances in the regicides of France. Out of a pure, disinterested love for the people, they have filled the streets of their cities with rivers of blood, If such characters think they have the good of mankind in view, they “know not what spirit they are of:” [Luke 9:55] and those who put confidence in them will find them, as Egypt was to Israel, a “reed that will pierce through their hand.” [Isaiah 36:6]

IMPROVEMENT
If the spread of infidelity, the inculcation of a visionary system of equality, complaint of arbitrary restrictions, speaking evil of our rulers, and laying the calamities of the nation to their charge, and hiding the designs of ambition under the cover of a pure, disinterested respect to the liberty and happiness of the people, are means of exciting a spirit of insubordination, dangerous to civil government, and fatal to our future peace, we have reason to fear for the state of our country, and look to the God of our fathers for our protection. These means have been used in America. “Principles subversive of the foundation of all religious, moral, and social obligations, that have produced incalculable mischief and misery in other countries, have been disseminated among us:” 7 and they will be fatally successful, unless resisted by the piety, good sense and wisdom of the people. Nothing proves so effectual a barrier to dangerous innovations or is so happily calculated to secure peace and perpetuate the dignity of a nation as vital and practical godliness. A friend to God cannot be a foe to civil order. Whatever reasons persons in other countries may have to justify their conduct in rising up against government on account of tyranny and oppression, we can have none. We have a government of our own choice and we have a mild government. Our public men have no authority only what we invest them with at very short intervals. And if their conduct displease us, we remove them at our pleasure. We have as much liberty as we can possibly enjoy and have our lives, property and privileges secure.—And there is reason to fear that the restless, disorganizing spirit that prevails in the land, will render it impossible for us to continue so great a share as we now possess. When I say our government is good, I speak the language of the whole nation. There are none who avow the contrary, however zealous they may be for its subversion. This would be affronting the good sense of the people. They have all felt its beneficial effects. If our government is not good, we have spent a great portion of blood and treasure to very little purpose. It is much more sure way of exciting a seditious spirit to attack those who administer it, and to resist all its particular operations. They are friends to government but enemies to its administration. To this subtle policy, as its source may be traced the late insurrection 8 which, though matter of deep regret as it is “discord among brethren,” affords a timely discovery of the genuine fruits of those principles against which we ought to be on our guard. When those in authority inveigh against the law of the land, it is no more than a reasonable calculation to expect an open resistance. I know we do not deserve peace or any other blessing from God. And if He should always continue us in broils and contentions and dash us one against another, it would not be the one half of what our sins deserve. To all, therefore, who are stirred up to rebellion which is as the sin of witchcraft, we may say in the words of David to Saul, “If the Lord have stirred thee up against us, let him accept an offering; but if they be the children of men, cursed be they before the Lord.” [1 Samuel 26:19] – That person should differ in their views, respecting the good of their country, from their diversity of circumstances and local situations or from want of extensive information, is neither strange nor uncommon: but that they should adopt measures to resist the operations of government, to throw the nation into confusion, can be accounted for in no other way, only that they are “foolish Galatians” and somebody hath “bewitched them.” [Galatians 3:1]

In addition to all the evils we have to encounter at home we are exposed to danger from the Punic faith of the Republic of France.

Or, as the President has well expressed it in the Proclamation, “The most precious interests of the people of the United States are held in jeopardy, by the hostile designs and insidious arts of a foreign nation.” Our danger arises from the consideration of our being “too slow of heart to believe” [Luke 24:25] they are inimical [unfavorable] to us, and inimical to all those institutions which are calculated to promote the glory of God and the good of mankind. They may be the most humane, the most benevolent, and the most religious nation in the world: but if so, the tree is not known by its fruit. The grapes are certainly the grapes of Sodom and the clusters are the clusters of Gomorrah. If they gain an ascendency over us, farewell to that subordination which is necessary to our peace, liberty, and happiness; and farewell to that reverence which is due to God and to the religion of Jesus.

In the beginning of their struggles, their object was in some measure concealed; but we no longer “see through a glass darkly.” [1 Corinthians 13:12] Nothing less than the subjugation of all nations can satisfy their rapacity. The ambition of these modern Caesars and Alexanders has no line of demarcation but the horizon. It is a gigantic, colossal monster that is bestriding the universe. Fraternizing the Hollanders, subjugating the Geneveans, and massacring the Swiss 9 was considered by them only as a Prologue to the tragedy they designed to act upon the great theatre of the world. And hitherto it has been a very moving tragedy. Each Act has presented no imaginary Scenes of the sacking of kingdoms and slaughtered nations weltering in blood. “Instruments of cruelty are in their habitations. O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united: for in their anger they have slain men, and in their self-will they have dug down walls. Cursed be their anger for it was fierce; and their wrath, for it was cruel.” 10 If the destruction of America does not swell the catalogue of their enormities, it will be prevented, under God, by our union, by our submission to the laws, by our support of the constituted authorities, and by our adherence to the blessed religion of the Gospel.

It may be said, however, Though the nation by whom our interests are considered as held in jeopardy has, in time past, treated us roughly and though, as one of her own poets 11 hath said, she meant to “fleece” us, yet her language now towards us assumes a different tone. To which I would reply in the words of the Mantuan bard,

“Timeo Gallicos et dona ferentes.” 12 [“I fear the __ even when they bear gifts.”]

Their words are softer than oil, yet they are drawn swords. 13

Charity hopeth all things, but it will be early enough to give full credence after their works manifest it. “By their fruits ye shall know them.” [Matthew 7:16, 20] Should they ever become “clothed and in their right mind,” [Mark 5:15; Luke 8:35] a door is open on the part of America for a friendly negotiation.

Happy for the cause of Zion, that amidst the concussion of nations and shaking of empires, One rules over all, who is able to bring light out of darkness, and order out of confusion, and to make even the wrath of man praise him. To this Almighty Being may we look for divine grace, to prevent s from going in the way of Cain, or running greedily after the error of Balaam for reward, or from perishing in the gainsaying of Korah. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. Dr. Dwight.

2. Massachusetts Constitution, Part 1, Art. 1.

3. Pennsylvania’s Const. Chap. 1, Art. 1.

4. Virg. Const. Art. XVI.

5. Preamble to Mass. And Penns. Const.

6. Maryland Decla. Of Rights, Art. V.

7. Proclamation.

8. In the counties of Northampton, Bucks and Montgomery (Pen.).

9. Vide J. M. DuPan on the destruction of the Helvetic Union.

10. Gen. lxix. 5, 6, 7.

11. Mr. Barlow of Connecticut.

12. Aeneid B. II.

13. Ps. 55. 21.

* Originally posted: Dec. 26, 2016.

Sermon – Election – 1801, Massachusetts

Aaron Bancroft (1755-1839) was a minute-man who served during the Revolution, fighting at Lexington and Bunker Hill. He graduated from Harvard in 1778 and was a missionary in Yarmouth, Nova Scotia for 3 years. Bancroft served as pastor of the Congregational Church in Worcester, MA (1785-1839). The following election sermon was preached in 801 in Massachusetts by Rev. Bancroft.


sermon-election-1801-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq. Governour,

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 27, 1801,

THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By AARON BANCROFT,
MINISTER OF THE SECOND CHURCH IN WORCESTER.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In SENATE, May 27, 1801.

ORDERED, That the hon. Elijah Brigham and John Treadwell, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Bancroft, and in the name of the Senate, thank him for the Sermon this day delivered by him, before his Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two Branches of the General Court, and request of him a copy for the press.

GEORGE E. VAUGHAN, Clerk.

 

AN

ELECTION SERMON.

ISAIAH LX. 21, 22.

Thy people shall be all righteous: they shall inherit the land forever; the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified.
A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation. I the Lord will hasten it in his time.

These verses contain a prophetic description of the influence and the effects of Christianity upon a community. They need not be exclusively applied to any one nation. It is the appointment of God—it is order of nature, that a course of good moral practice shall promote the strength and happiness of a nation. We see this truth illustrated in the pages of sacred and profane history: Our nation must furnish one more example to illustrate and enforce the divine maxim.

The passage before us I have chosen with a design to review the principles and habits, under the influence of which this Commonwealth has attained to its present state of population and strength, wealth and dignity; and to enforce the necessity of their preservation to our future welfare and prosperity.

The review will not be thought impertinent to the occasion, on which we are assembled. The commencement of a new century is an era, which invites to retrospection. We cannot too often recur to first principles. In the review, rulers will find the lines of their duty, and subjects the means of their happiness.

The settlement of America by Europeans is an event interesting to the man of piety and the philosopher. It was one of the boldest enterprises, which ever entered the human mind; and was prosecuted with an effort and constancy honorable to man. It originated neither in the lust of conquest nor the desire of gain. It was the love of civil and religious liberty, which animated our venerable ancestors to attempt the American colonization. They preferred freedom to ease, and the liberty to worship their God agreeably to the dictates of their consciences, to the affluence and splendor of the old world. They fled not from the wholesome restraints of government, but indignantly left a country, which denied them the exercise of the rights of Christians and of men.

The first emigrants to our shores were venerable for endowments, excellent in the human character, and conducive to the well-being of a community. Many of them possessed the essential attainments of solid literature: They lived under habitual impressions of a presiding Deity, and cherished a sacred regard to moral obligations. Their religion was an effectual principle of good practice through all the transactions of social and civil life. They felt the spirit of patriotism, and laid the foundation for a great and happy nation. They adopted the best measures to render their posterity the safe repository of the invaluable privileges, which, with infinite labour and hazard, they were enabled to transmit. While their security against the assault of their Indian neighbours, and the supply of their daily bread, were objects, on which to exercise all the energies of their minds, they opened temples for the worship of God; founded seminaries of literature; and established schools for the education of children.

The wisdom of their system was unfolded in the progress of their settlement. In families children received a religious education, and saw examples of piety and order. The surest principles of virtuous practice were impressed upon the infant mind, which grew with its growth, and were strengthened with its strength. With the incorporation of towns, schools were established upon a plan new to the world; supported at the public expense, they were alike open to the rich and the poor. Here the American youth were initiated into the elements of useful learning, were fitted for the business of society, and were prepared to support an independent and useful character. The general employment was the business originally assigned to man, the tillage of the ground, the natural exciter of sober habits.

Attendance upon the public institutions of the Sabbath was universal; and the adoration of divine perfections, the supplication of divine blessings, which formed the addresses to the throne of Deity; the unchangeable truths and duties of a religious and moral nature, which were explained and enforced in every sermon, tended, by their very reiteration, to keep alive deep impressions of the superintendence of God, a reverence for the divine character, and a view to the final issue of human action. These impressions were carried into all the transactions of the world.

The general influence of the above system was salutary to all the interests of society. The public opinion was formed to a sense of propriety of character and conduct. All orders felt the importance of a pure example. Irreligion and immorality were holden in universal disgrace; or, if the force of religion was not felt, deference to public sentiment constrained to decency of exterior behavior. The votaries of infidelity, impiety and vice dreaded the light of day, and sought darkness and concealment for their unhallowed communion. The evidence of these principles and practices in individuals was a bar to the attainment of every object of popularity and ambition. In this state of society, the love of applause, the desire of distinction, and every similar principle, combined their influence with motives of religion to preserve purity of general practice.

Elections to office by popular suffrage were conducted with purity and delicacy. Every imposition and interference were resented. The attempt of an individual to solicit suffrage was sure to defeat his ambitious wishes. A good moral character was considered an essential qualification in a candidate. Men of exemplary life were alone thought worthy of confidence.

A decent respect was paid to rulers, as the means to facilitate the object of their appointment. The public mind was not poisoned with groundless suspicions of evil designs in those, who managed their concerns. The traduction of public reputation was deemed a malignant vice. The watchful waited until trust was violated, and treacherous measures were adopted, before the confidence of people in their officers was attempted, by artful insinuations, to be destroyed, or the passions of the populace excited in opposition to the measures of government.

The business of government was a plain path, and led to the general good: It was easy, because it was managed without intrigue, upon system, and by uniform principles. The administrators of it were rewarded for their patriotic endeavours by the approbation and gratitude of their constituents.

The excellent judicial arrangements of the parent State were happily accommodated to our circumstances; and by our courts of justice, life, liberty, and property were secured. The execution of government in all its branches was aided by general opinions, customs, and manners favourable to the operation of wholesome laws; and by the sanction, which time always gives, in virtuous minds, to measures of wisdom and expedience.

The clergy of our country were denied that power, which ever inspires ambition, and excites, in eccesiasticks entrusted with it, the attempt to exercise spiritual domination over their fellow men. Those emoluments were not annexed to their offices, which furnish a temptation to luxury and dissipation: confined strictly to their profession, their influence was great and salutary.

A just apprehension of the encroachment of the parent government upon our colonial rights, kept in exercise a vigilant care of public liberty. The danger from the Indian tribes nourished a martial spirit, and habits of industry and sobriety gave nerve to the American character. If our countrymen possessed not the manners of a refined state of society, they were free from its dissimulation: If they were destitute of the blandishments of polished life, they were happily ignorant of the corruptions of old countries.

The American picture doubtless had its shade. With the purest piety, the spirit of religion in some instances, was intolerant; and a greater stress was often laid upon forms and ceremonies, than their nature and design will justify: but intolerance was the weakness of the age; and superstition is less dangerous than indifference to the concerns of religion. Our ancestors, religious in their principles, and chaste in their opinions, simple in their manners, and sober in their practices, rise to our view in the dignity of the human character. The good effects of their principles and habits appeared in the progress of our country from infancy to national manhood. Under the hand of her hardy sons, the wilderness blossomed as the rose; and the desert became a fruitful field. Her resources were increased with the exigencies that required them: She furnished characters to manage her important concerns; and numbered her proportion of men of science and wisdom in the roll of fame. Her growth was like the vigorous expansion of the human frame: The heart was found, and the head was healthy. There was no schism in the body. The head said not to the limbs of immediate action, I have no need of you; nor these to the head, we have no need of you; but whether one member suffered, all the members suffered with it; or one member were honoured, all the members rejoiced with it.

The strength of our countrymen was not to be estimated by their numbers; their principles and habits gave them a force superior to the physical powers of a despotick government. The influence of these was fully displayed, when our country assumed her place among the sovereign and independent nations of the earth. She was prepared in her genius and manners for a free, a republican form of government. Her patriots, educated in her own schools, discovered an acquaintance with political science, which had never been exceeded in the old world: they exhibited an acumen and energy of mind equal to the arduous post they were called to fill.

The habit of order was so effectually interwoven into the national character, that, in the suspension of the administration of justice, between the death of the colonial government, and the life of independence, great evils did not ensue. Our streets were not infested with robbers, nor our houses assaulted by thieves. When the publick mind was agitated by the hazard of objects the most interesting to man; when fear was awake to every impression of danger; when enthusiasm was excited as a necessary stimulus to endure the conflict; although suspicion was pointed against numbers among ourselves as hostile to the interests of the community, yet no individual through our Commonwealth, during the contest, lost his life by an act of popular violence. The men of our country, feeling the dignity of freemen, the lords of the soil, understood the worth of the rights, for which they contended; they were consistent in the measures of defence, and by their energies rose superior to the exertions of a kingdom powerful in the means of annoyance.

Independence acknowledged, we were enabled by the collected wisdom of the country to form, and on the result of due deliberation to adopt, “constitutions of government which combine liberty with order,” and the security of individual right with the necessary energy of the ruling power. The quiet and manly exercise of the highest freedom, which before had never been exercised by any people.

The united influence of the above causes has ripened a state of social order and happiness as near perfection, as the world has known. In our country, the prophetic description of our text has been verified. Our people have been righteous; by the benediction of God they have inherited the land, and risen superior to the thousand difficulties, which rendered the undertaking doubtful even to the sanguine mind. The branch planted by heaven, has been watered by streams of divine munificence; and our God, by it, has been glorified. A little number has become millions; and a weak band a strong nation: The Lord has accomplished it in his time.

Must the period that is now passed, in future, be remembered as the golden age of America? In a conformity to the customs, and in the imitation of the examples of our ancestors, we, their descendants, shall secure our social order and happiness. But is there no appearance, which darkens the prospect of the future glory and prosperity of our country? Is there no danger lest prosperity will intoxicate us? Have not too many fallen off from the principles and habits of their ancestors? Is not publick opinion in a degree corrupted? Are we not threatened with the loss of that spirit of religion, purity, and order, which thus far has been our union and strength, our honour and happiness? Is merit a security of reputation? Is patriotism sure of its reward in the approbation and gratitude of the community? Is not every candidate for public office made, through the virulence of party, the object of calumny and abuse? In the struggle of party for superiority, are there not given false representations of facts and measures? Under artful pretensions of patriotism, are not groundless insinuations brought into view, of dispositions and designs hostile to publick liberty and publick good? Must not every man, who consents to serve his country in publick life, expect that his character will be tortured upon the rack of jealousy; and even his good name be made to pass through the ordeal of slander and detraction?

Another dark appearance in our political horizon, is a system of philosophy, which, under the spurious pretence of raising man to his perfectibility, destroys the fine feelings and ingenuous sensibilities of the human heart; which, while it dazzles the undiscerning mind with views of philanthropy, that have no distinct object, removes every restraint from the dissocial passions of human nature, and undermines every security of individual right. It degrades man from his rank, makes him the being of the moment, the sport of accident, and the absolute victim of death. The apostles of this philosophy disregard the wisest maxims of experience, and endeavour to introduce a national administration in politicks and morality, upon abstract principles. With the love of country and of man on their lips, they discover a disposition to demolish those pillars of society, which the world has holden sacred, and time proved to be necessary.

These sophists are not merely the growth of the present day; under other forms they have existed in past ages; and were ever found to be the enemies of the general order and social happiness. In the Roman story we find an order of the Senate to banish this class of men from the city of Rome, one hundred and sixty years before the birth of Christ. The reason assigned for their banishment gives a true character of the brethren of the order in modern times: “Because,” says the historian, “they were looked upon as dangerous talkers; who, while they reasoned on virtue, sapped its foundations, and were capable, by their own sophisms, of corrupting the simplicity of ancient morals, and of spreading among young people, opinions dangerous to their country.” 1 The revival of this philosophy in the present age, has been in the old world; but the corrupt passions of men render every country a soil too fertile in its growth: Wherever it spreads, it must prove destructive to the peace and happiness of human nature, and to the order and welfare of society.

Infidels of the last age generally acknowledged the moral government of the Deity, the immortality of the soul of man, and a future state of retribution. Although they aimed to deprive us of the more animating motives, and the superior hopes of revelation, they left us our God: they left us the system of moral obligation; natural religion was allowed its force. While men acted under the eye of Deity, and with a view to his approbation, we had some security for their probity and general good conduct; but, in the present age, Infidelity has assumed a more daring attitude, and uttered her blasphemies in a bolder tone. She has called in question the government and being of God. She has represented the whole universe, with all its orders of being, in all the variety of its works and harmony of its laws, as existing without an intelligent cause, or a moral end. These positions enervate all the principles, which bind society together, form the security of every valuable right, raise man to the dignity of his character, and direct his exertions to objects worthy the pursuit of a rational and accountable being. The disciples of the system have felt the spirit of proselytism; they have multiplied publications of a skeptical and blasphemous nature, which have too generally circulated in our land.

Experience will correct the error of sophists; but the evils, which operate this correction, may be incalculable. The work of mischief is much easier than that of good. The axe soon prostrates the tree, which time and nature have reared. The brand in a moment consumes the edifice, which years of labour and experience have erected. It is the same in the moral world. The insidious arts of the profligate may soon corrupt the pure mind of the youth, whose moral principles and sober habits were the result of the unwearied attention of a solicitous parent. The evil pens and contagious examples of some few characters of splendid talents and captivating address, may weaken the moral principles and corrupt the manners of a community, which required ages to establish, and which have formed the characters of successive generations of men. The publick opinion once corrupted, and the religious and moral habits of the people destroyed, the strong band of society is broken, and civil liberty is no more. We shall experience the decrepitude of national age, before, in the order of nature, we shall have attained to the full strength of national age, before, in the order of nature, we shall have attained to the full strength of national manhood. The forms of our government may remain, but its spirit will be fled; and some aspiring individual, like the artful Augustus, may adopt our forms to subserve his own ambition. Our nation will be rent by party, or we shall lie in the stupor of despotism. By our vices we shall forfeit the blessings of our God; our own doings will beset us about, and we shall suffer the miseries of impiety and wickedness, of faction and anarchy, of tyranny and oppression.

Had the founders of the Commonwealth established the plan of society upon a different basis, should we have attained our present state of respectability? Would not their successors have suffered by the weakness of the foundation, on which the superstructure was to be erected? Subsequent wisdom might have been insufficient to correct the errour of the first settlement. The future efforts of patriotism would have been ineffectual to raise the Commonwealth to its present state and dignity.

Try the supposition by the experience of those of our sister states, which were formed on different principles. We conceive, that we have maintained a superiority over them on many points of national importance; and we laudably wish to preserve our preeminence. In the above review we find the causes, and they are still operating, although, I fear, with weakened force. To the general information, the religious principles, the industrious and orderly habits, the sober and manly character of our people, we must attribute every superior excellence in our national features and condition. If we part with these for the worst of the maxims and practices of those states, whose social order has been less perfect, we shall sink below their level of worth and dignity.

It cannot be denied, that our whole system of religion and education has been attacked. When this is endangered, we may tremble, as the Israelites trembled when the ark of God was on the field of battle, or in the hands of the enemy. It is the palladium of our liberty, the security of our publick prosperity, and the foundations of our individual happiness.

Christianity assumes no other authority over the affairs of the world, than that, which arises from the influence of its doctrines and precepts upon the lives of men. Its connection with civil society results from its tendency to enrich the heart with every virtue which adorns human nature, or increases social happiness; and to enforce the duties of rulers and subjects by sanctions, which the occurrences of this world cannot weaken. This influence is infinitely important.

The experiment of conducting the concerns of civil government without the aid of religion, has recently been made in the old world, and reason is abashed, and humanity blushes at the scenes of oppression and cruelty that ensued. Religion legitimates every subordinate principle of action: It ennobles ambition, by directing it to its proper object: It renders the love of same safe and laudable, by making it the motive of salutary conduct: It gives to benevolence its active force, by the assurance of its ultimate reward. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. Religion, in all its aspects, is favourable to liberty: It restrains the turbulent passions of men, renders them submissive to good laws, and, in the disposition of their minds, prepares them for the utmost extent of freedom. But when moral restraints are removed; when dissocial passions have uncontrolled license; when the spirit of party and faction is prevalent, energy of government becomes necessary. Unable to govern itself, such a people requires severity in the ruling power, and in some form it will arise.

The situation of the United States is daily changing. Commerce has opened all her sources of wealth to our enterprising merchants; and the luxuries, which the increase of riches has introduced, threaten to contaminate our purity and enervate our strength. The political state of Europe has flung many foreigners among us, whose genius and habits will not amalgamate with the American character. With this unhallowed mixture, our national manners and character are in danger of being corrupted.

The resources of our country are abundant, if the minds of our people can be kept fixed to their interests, and their patriotism and virtue be preserved. With these guards upon our nation, we need not fear foreign powers. If we fall, it will be by our own vices. If we must run the race of impiety and folly, of party and faction, of dissipation and vice, in which all Republicks have preceded us, let the wise and good unite their energies to procrastinate the catastrophe, and to the utmost, continue the reign of virtue and happiness.

In this view, a sacred and important duty devolves upon men in conspicuous stations, and of influential characters, by their example to encourage attention to institutions, which have proved salutary to our country. The force of example is great. The example of those, who move in elevated spheres, and possess commanding talents, has superior influence. Men of this description possess high means of publick good; motives of religion and patriotism conspire to induce their exercise. They may exert themselves free of the prejudice, which often attaches itself to characters, whose professional business is moral instruction and persuasion. They will not be suspected of interested motives in the support of a system of religion, by which they gain their bread, and acquire an influence over the minds of their fellow-men. Their endeavours will probably have effect upon many, who are prejudiced against the common methods of instruction and improvement. These will certainly be effectual with all, who are governed by the fashion of the day, and implicitly follow the direction given by the great and splendid.

The association of distinguished persons in England, to discountenance infidelity, irreligion, and immorality; and to encourage the observance of the Christian Sabbath, attention to the institutions of the gospel, and the general practices of piety and virtue, is worthy the imitation of similar characters in our country.

The political opinions of the speaker will be discovered by the tenour of his observations: But he addresses himself to no party. He disavows the spirit. Of the evils which menace our peace, all complain: In the preservation of the principles and habits recommended, all discerning patriots will be united. He has not the presumption to dictate to the rulers of the Commonwealth, the measures of their publick conduct: Yet they will permit him to suggest the importance of an adherence to a system which has been productive of so much publick good. Religion, as a transaction between God and the souls of men, is too sacred for human regulation. Civil government may not intermeddle with this holy subject. But it clearly falls within the province of a Christian legislature, to support institutions, which facilitate the instruction of people in the truths and duties of religion, which are the means to give efficacy to the precepts of the gospel, and are calculated to instill the spirit of morality and order into the minds of the community. The oath of office makes this the duty of our Legislature, by the third article of the Bill of Rights. The denial of the being or government of God, blasphemy, and the derision of moral obligation, destroys the solemnity and use of oaths, and weakens the principles, on which the administration of justice and the peace and order of society are suspended; laws, therefore, against these crimes, the freest governments have conceived to be within their powers, and have enacted. To regulate the dissocial affections, to restrain the licentious passions of human nature, and to render “man mild and sociable to man,” is one essential end of civil government. Errours of speculation, which sap not the foundation of society, must be left, for their correction, to the natural force of truth. Many errours in practice we must leave to the operation of moral causes; suffer their endurance until a remedy shall be found in their consequences; until the misery they produce shall correct them. If profligate publications cannot be prevented, their deleterious influence may be counteracted by habits of wise reflection and sober practice. As the means of this important end, government will extend its patronage to our university, colleges, and schools. On these institutions are dependant our prospects for characters to fill the publick stations of society, and to defend our country from the insidious attacks of the disciples of infidelity and vice.

The general education of youth is a subject of as high importance as can occupy the mind of the patriot or the Christian. To render them the worthy heirs of the invaluable inheritance, which we hope to transmit, they must understand the nature of a free government; distinguish social order from anarchy; liberty from licentiousness; the freedom of law from the unrestrained freedom of the savage. They should be inspired with moral principles, as a security against the seductions of a country, rapidly increasing in the means of dissipation and voluptuousness: by habits of piety and virtue, their minds should be armed to repel the assaults of infidelity and libertinism.

The speaker wishes, with deference to suggest, whether some plan might not be grafted into our general system of education, to disseminate the political information necessary to a republican government; and to secure the rising generation from that spirit of innovation, and rage for change, which endanger the primary principles of good order. Care will be taken, that our youth fall not into the hands of instructors of profligate characters, and abandoned principles. The purity of elections will be guarded, and encouragement given to the wise and faithful exercise of the rights of suffrage; that our government may not become corrupt in its first operation. By measures directed to these important objects, our civil rulers will be the nursing fathers of the Christian church, and the guardians of the manners and habits of the community.

The large majority, by which his Excellency is re-elected to the chief seat of government, evidences the approbation of the Commonwealth, of his past services, in this elevated and responsible office. Unanimity, at this day, was not an object of expectation. It is an honourable testimonial of personal merit, that his support has been the greatest where his private character was best known. The unanimous suffrage of those, who were conversant with his walks in social life, must be grateful to the feelings of his Excellency. Confident, that he will lend the united force of his authority and example, to support the institutions of religion, and to preserve the purity of publick morals; that he will execute his trust in righteousness, and with an impartial view to the general good, we wish him the guidance of heaven. May the measures of his administration be applauded by the wise, and approved by the just: May he possess the increasing confidence of his country, and obtain the reward of his God!

The present state of politicks renders the publick service of the two Branches of the Legislature arduous and difficult. They will be watched with critical attention. Their best designs may be attributed to impure motives, and their wisest measures censured. Under these circumstances, worldly principles of action would fail; but the man, who looks within himself for the rule of his publick conduct, will never want support. In the testimony of his heart to the purity of his intentions and the rectitude of his actions, he will find a reward. He will be strengthened to persevere in the path of patriotism and virtue, from a regard to the approbation of Him, who is higher than the highest, whose eyes survey the children of men, and who requires that which is altogether just. Although they now fit as gods, they will reflect, that they must die as men, and give account like one of the people. May wisdom direct their deliberations, and the benediction of heaven render the measures of their adoption beneficial to their country!

To pass unnoticed, on this occasion, the general government of the United States, might be deemed critical omission.

It has been our happiness, that the men placed at the head of the government, were distinguished as well for their piety, as for their political wisdom. Its administration has accorded with the characteristic maxims of our own Commonwealth. Never was a people under higher obligations to a government, than we are to that of the Union. At its organization, the country was embarrassed in every national operation. In each department, the administration was without a precedent: It had new paths to explore, and first principles to adopt. The state of Europe rendered its connexions with foreign nations critical and hazardous. The convulsions of that country soon reached us: We were annoyed by the maritime force of the powers at war: We were the objects of their diplomatick artifice and intrigue: The honest prejudices of our own countrymen aided the interested designs of one of the belligerent powers, and made the business of our rulers the more delicate and laborious. War, like a portentous cloud, hung over our land, and threatened us with all its evils. Under these perplexing circumstances, the administration firmly took the ground of neutrality, and with moderation exercised its rights. It sacredly preserved publick faith; impartially executed national justice and in this way secured us the blessings of peace and tranquility. While the stablest pillars of old governments, and the long established order of society were convulsed, under the auspices of the general government, the resources of our country were called into action; publick credit was established; individual right secured; and the property of the nation doubled. As the price of these blessings, we have paid but one direct tax. Is not a debt of gratitude due to those, who, under God, have been the instruments of this unexampled prosperity? That no mistakes have been committed in the management of our national concerns, is not presumed. Infallibility is not the portion of man: But experience, the best test of the wisdom of publick measures, has given its sanction to those of the federal administration.

Our own venerable patriot, who has now retired to private life, to enjoy dignity with ease, demands the grateful acknowledgements of his signal services. He was among the first to vindicate the invaded rights of his country. He was a primary agent in the establishment of independence; and the confidential minister of the publick during the revolutionary war. By his diplomatick negotiations, he conciliated the friendship of some respectable nations in Europe to our infant Republick, and obtained a loan of money, when our exigencies were the greatest. Under his auspices, as the federal head, our country has probably passed the crisis of danger from the commotions of Europe. His active life has been devoted to publick employment, and through all his stations of trust and responsibility, his integrity and patriotism have been without a stain. Difference of opinion on questions of high national moment, may, for the present, prevent his worth from being duly appreciated; but the impartial historian will do justice to his merits: In future time, the State which gave him birth will derive a lustre from his name.

The return of this anniversary is calculated to animate the minds of all, who attend upon it. The human heart must be enobled by the reflection, that our governours and legislators are raised to office by our own suffrages. To behold them assembled in a body, by their united wisdom, to consult the welfare, and transact the business, of the Commonwealth, is a sight to give joy to every lover of liberty and of country. What impressions would this sight make on the reflecting minds of those, who groan in the chains of despotism? To behold this venerable body around the altar of God, to implore divine wisdom in their deliberations, and the blessing of Heaven upon the measures of their future adoption, must raise every soul in devout gratitude to the original author of all mercies.

Happy America, didst thou know thine happiness! Would to God, that all nations of the earth might annually pass in review before thee, to teach thee the excellence of thy situation, and to inspire thee with a conduct necessary to perpetuate thine advantages! Search the globe, and where can be found, a people, among whom, civil and religious privileges are more perfectly enjoyed? What people of the earth may more justly be attached to their country, than those of Columbia? Where may the spirit of patriotism be cherished with brighter prospects? O! that I could speak with an energy to reach the hearts, and animate the practices, of all the citizens of the United States. Our governments, with all their attendant blessings, are bottomed on the broad basis of publick opinion; and in their support, require the individual exertions of our countrymen.

Can prosperity never content the human mind? Having obtained the highest object of freedom, do we desire a change? From a jealousy that our rulers may do us evil, shall we deprive them of the means to do us good? Shall we leave the protecting arm of Deity, to become the sport of atheistical chance and accident? Shall we turn from the light of revelation to follow the blind guides of infidelity, that we may be left in dark and desolate regions, where there is no path to direct our steps, no object to reward our labours? Shall we give up the enobling hope of immortality, to become like the brute, the victim of perpetual sleep? Shall we part with the maxims of our venerable ancestors, which time has proved to be wise, for a spirit of innovation, which nothing sacred or profane can restrain? Shall we part with the certain blessings of civil freedom and social order, for the fanaticism of ideal liberty and equality, which the nature of man, and his condition of action make it impossible to realize?

God grant, that the spirit of our text may possess the hearts and regulate the lives of our countrymen. Our people being all righteous, the work of righteousness will be peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and security forever. Our rulers being just, ruling in the fear of God, they will be to us like the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.

Under this spirit, the general and state governments will operate on each other like the laws of cohesion and attraction, in nature; like the heavenly bodies, they will revolve in harmony, and from their combined influence we shall derive national prosperity and individual security. We, the branch which God has planted, shall inherit the land to His glory. With the steady progress of time, we shall advance towards national perfection, for our God will bless us.

 


Endnotes

1 Suctonius in his book of Rhetoricians.

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Sermon – Fasting – 1799, Massachusetts


Leonard Woods (1774-1854) graduated from Harvard in 1796. He was a pastor in Newbury, Massachusetts (1798-1808), and a professor of Christian theology at the Andover theological seminary (1808-1846). Woods was active in establishing the American tract society, the Temperance society, and the board of commissioners of foreign missions.


sermon-fasting-1799-massachusetts

TWO

S E R M O N S

ON PROFANE SWEARING,

DELIVERED

APRIL 4, 1799;

THE DAY APPOINTED BY

The GOVERNOR of Massachusetts

For Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer.

By LEONARD WOODS, A. M.
Pastor of the third Church in Newbury.

DISCOURSE I.

Exodus, xx. 7.

Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain.

The sin here forbidden is obviously unreasonable. The mere dictate of an intelligent nature we should suppose would prove an effectual barrier against the commission of it. It is directly opposed to the deep reverence, the sincere piety, the grateful love, which the divine majesty and goodness naturally tend to inspire. But we have an express command. God descended in awful dignity on Mount Sinai, and with a voice infinitely more solemn and terrible, than the loud thundering and lightnings, and sound of the trumpet, proclaimed in the audience of the Israelitish nation, Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain. Now should we not imagine, if left to judge from the nature of the thing, that the command of God delivered in terms of such dreadful authority, and enforced by a sanction infinitely momentous, would fill the hearts of men with reverence and awe, and prevent the most distant approaches to the crime forbidden. But history and experience teach us a truth far less probable, and far less delightful. If we trace the history of the Israelites, to whom the law was first announced, we shall soon observe in them a total want of reverence for the character and name of God. And if we have lived only a few years, and had opportunity to make but very limited observations on mankind at the present day, we have already learnt that the third commandment, which has lost none of its original authority, is by most men in some degree disregarded, and by innumerable multitudes held in hearty contempt, and grossly violated. This deplorable fact is not an unfit subject of serious contemplation and penitent regret for a day of fasting and prayer. It may well lead us to humiliation and sorrow, and excite our most fervent intercessions, to think that any of our highly favored race should be guilty of profaning the name of Almighty God. But when we consider that such an aggravated crime is chargeable upon a great majority of mankind, and that most, if not all of us are implied in that number; how deep should be our abasement; how melting our grief; how penitent and lowly our confessions; how earnest, and yet how submissive our supplications.

That we may more clearly apprehend the extent and importance of the command in the text; that we may be roused and assisted to yield due obedience to it, and be more humble and penitent under the consideration, that ourselves and others are guilty of so repeated a violation of it; let the following things engage our serious and devout attention.

I. Several ways, in which the third commandment is transgressed.

II. The unreasonableness and futility of several arguments, which are sometimes urged as excuses for the use of profane language.

III. Some of the reasons that may be offered against it.

IV. A few directions how to avoid it.

V. Some reflections arising from the subject and the present occasion united.

Before I enter on particulars, permit me, my beloved hearers, to bespeak your patience and candor. As you have chosen me for your minister, you ought to feel willing, that I should be faithful to God and to you. I could not be so, should I omit the mention of a sin, because I fear some of you are chargeable with it. If any of you are guilty of the sin prohibited in the text, you must expect to have your consciences disturbed and wounded by the following discourses. You ought, however, to remember that it is not an object of the preacher ‘to torment you before the time;’ but by setting before you the nature and consequences of sin, to bring you to repentance, and thus to promote your present and future happiness. This desirable object I cannot expect to obtain, unless I adopt the wise resolution of Micaiah, as the Lord liveth, what the Lord saith unto me, that will I speak.

First. We are to consider several ways, in which the third commandment is transgressed.

I. By perjury; which is the making use of the name of God in confirmation of a falsehood, or the non-performance of the religious oaths we have made. For the security of reputation and property, and the good of society in many other respects, civil government has ever deemed it necessary, in certain cases, to bind the consciences of men by solemn religious oaths. The reason why this measure is adopted seems to be this; that a direct appeal to omniscient God, as the witness of what is said and the judge and avenger of a lie, will to men in general be an additional inducement to speak the truth. It is doubtless so. Many persons, who can utter falsehood in common conversation without trembling, and without a blush, dare not do it, when they have lifted up their hand towards heaven, with a solemn appeal to Almighty God for the truth of what they say. Indeed one would think that no man could be so regardless of that infinite wisdom, which cannot be deceived, and of that infinite power, which will not be mocked, as to call expressly upon God to attest a falsehood. But alas, this is no uncommon crime. Many men, through the original and superinduced blindness of their hearts, have so little sense of the majesty and holiness of God, that they are not afraid to go into his sacred presence, call him by name, and then lie to his face.

Men are guilty of perjury, not only when they swear to a thing, which they know to be false, but also when they swear to a thing, while uncertain of its truth. Nor does their guilt appear small when they give testimony to a falsehood, though they suppose it to be a truth. For we must conclude they are not necessarily deceived, but might, by using the means in their power, have gained proper information. At least, we may safely say, they cannot know that to be a truth, which is in fact a falsehood, and are criminal for positively asserting it, while any doubt remains.

Further, a man is guilty of that, which bears a near resemblance to perjury, and seems to partake of its nature, when he positively engages upon oath to do what he knows not to be in his power. But when some unforeseen providence renders it impossible for him to perform his vow, we cannot see that he is criminal for not performing it. Yet even here it may with propriety to said, that he ought to have entered into his engagement or vow in dependence on divine providence; which would have rendered the necessary omission altogether harmless.

Perjury, in every shape and degree, arises from irreverence and contempt of God; and thus appears to have a near connection with what we shall consider as

The second way of violating the command under consideration, which is, taking an oath without that deep reverence and awe, which are due to the character of the Supreme Being. This is plainly intended in the prohibition. In vain, as it is used in the text, signifies lightly, inconsiderately, and irreverently, as well as falsely. Now although a person is, by some selfish consideration, secured from false swearing; yet, if he make use of the name of God, as a mere form, or civil engine, without being penetrated with a solemn sense of the divine presence and majesty, he is most evidently guilty of transgressing the command before us. The name of God is great and venerable, and ought at all times to be pronounced and contemplated with humble fear as well, as with ardent love; especially when it is formally introduced in confirmation of what we declare. To mention and swear by his name with as little reverence, as we feel in speaking of a fellow creature, is a gross violation of the dictates of reason, an extensive injury to society, and a daring insult to the Sovereign of the world.

3. If it be taking the name of God in vain to introduce it without seriousness and reverence even in confirmation of a truth, when called upon by civil authority; what shall we say to the light and frequent mention of it in order to confirm what is said in common conversation. This, I apprehend, is one of the chief things forbidden in the text. This is surely taking God’s name in vain, in every sense of the word. It is in vain, as it is not necessary; in vain, as it answers no good purpose; in vain, as it is done in a light and inconsiderate manner; in vain, as it is often done in confirmation of a lie.

Altho a person do not often expressly mention the name of God; yet he is a transgressor of the divine law, if he allow himself to swear by any of the works or creatures of God. That the command is of such an extent is plainly declared by Christ. The Jews had perversely limited its meaning, and confined it to false swearing, or perjury. ‘Ye have heard it said by them of old time, thou shalt not forswear thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord thine oath;’ and ye arrogantly suppose that this is all the law forbids or requires. “But I say unto you, swear not at all; neither by heaven, nor by the earth, nor by thy head. But let your conversation be yea yea; nay, nay;’ simple affirmations, and simple negations. ‘For whatsoever is more than these, cometh of evil;’ or, as it may be rendered, ‘from the evil one.’ ‘It comes from the Devil,’ says Mr. Henry. “It comes from the corruption of men’s nature, from passion and vehemence, from the reigning vanity of the mind, and a contempt of sacred things.”

Are any of my hearers guilty of thus trifling with sacred things? Do you allow yourselves in it? ‘Tis high time you should have your sins brought from under the screen of retirement and darkness, and viewed in the light of God’s house and word. Consider then, how odious, now horrid it is for persons profanely to introduce the name of the eternal God or of the holy Jesus in order to add confirmation or emphasis to their assertions! Their wickedness appears so great, that I feel impelled to say here, what I shall largely insist upon under another head; if they persevere in such a daring violation of God’s holy law, they shall assuredly perish forever, unless they can overturn the throne of omnipotent Jehovah. Let all, who hear, remember this solemn warning against the great day.

Some men, scrupling to make use of the name of God directly, swear by some of his works or creatures; as by heavens, by the foul, &c. And when a person simply says, I swear, it is necessarily implied, that he swears by something; which is a direct transgression of Christ’s command, ‘swear not at all.’

4. Persons are guilty of taking God’s name in vain, who introduce it by way of exclamation, saying, on some striking occurrence, good God, – oh Lord, &c. not from a religious sense of God, but to give utterance to the unhallowed emotions of profane mirth and levity; or at best, to express sudden joy or surprise. Nothing need be said to prove, that this is taking the name of God in vain.

5. Persons violate the third command, when they make use of imprecations, or call upon God to inflict some evil upon themselves or others. To pray for blessings upon all mankind, even our enemies, is an indispensable duty. But, from anger or malice, to imprecate damnation, or any temporal evil upon our fellow men is, in such creatures as we are, a crime peculiarly heinous and detestable.—Shall we, guilty rebels, presumptuously attempt to direct God in the distribution of punishments?—Dare we ask him, who is infinitely wise and good, to conform his dispensations to our partial views and malicious desires? Shall we, who must perish, unless we are saved by an act of sovereign forgiveness, call upon God to take vengeance on those, who happen to offend us? To use the name of God for such purposes is to use it worse than in vain. There is nothing which shows greater impiety, more towering pride and arrogance, or more hellish spite, than to call upon God to inflict damnation upon a fellow creature. It is to forget that we are sinners. It is to forget that we are men.—It is an expression of malice and revenge, which ought never to be heard, except from the mouth of Devils. Still more unnatural, more unaccountably wicked does it appear, to call down divine vengeance upon one’s self. But so it is, that if none should be lost, but those, who have expressly asked, or challenged God to damn them, the infernal regions would not want inhabitants. Let me tell you, my hearers, when you thus profanely invite the vengeance of God, there is a dreadful probability that he will take you at your word.

Another kind of wickedness, which may fall under this head, and by which men break the commandment in the text, is the venting of their unreasonable resentment against their beasts in profane and impious curses. The mention of this vice is enough to make human nature blush. That a man should feel such anger and malice against his poor laborious beast, that is destitute of reason, and therefore, incapable of having a bad meaning or design, as to imprecate divine vengeance upon it, is amazingly stupid as well as sinful. When you hear a man damn his beast, you may tell him, if his madness will admit, – it may be, my friend, it may be, that you will know what damnation is long before your beast. – That stroke of vengeance, which you call down upon him, may fall upon one, who deserves it.

A man’s profanity grows still more inconsistent and wanton, when in cool blood, perhaps with emotions of kindness at heart, he mingles curses and oaths in his addresses to his friends. ‘Tis true, he means not as he says; and this proves him guilty of falsehood and profanity at the same time.

We must observe, in the sixth place, that there are many little expressions, sometimes thought to be harmless, which approach so near the boundaries of profanity, that they may, in the sight of God, amount to a violation of the third command, and are evident transgressions of some precepts in the Gospel. I shall not enter into particulars; but only request you to bear in mind, that all idle words and all little profanities, whether polite or vulgar, are recorded in the book of God, and must be answered for at his tribunal.

Should I stop here, there would, perhaps, be some present, who might thank God, that they were not like other men; that they had, to a considerable degree, kept this commandment. But I must add, in the seventh place, that God’s name is taken in vain by insincere and formal devotions. Instead of requiring arguments to prove this, all those who make conscience of family or secret devotion, are ready to own and lament, that they have often, very often taken the name of God into their mouths, and addressed him in words of solemn import, while their hearts were destitute of homage, gratitude, and love. How many times, in the course of one prayer, do some persons take the name of God in vain! How few are free from this charge, when they ask God’s blessing upon their daily food? How few are entirely guiltless in their public religious transactions! How great a part of those, who pretend to pray, do it without humility, without sincerity; without any real desire of the favors they ask, or any love to the character and laws of God. Oh solemn mockery! Oh vain attempt to impose deception upon God! Is this such prayer, as the Almighty requires of us, and will accept? To those, who offer him such hypocritical devotion, God puts the alarming question, ‘who hath required this at your hands?’

We proceed to the second thing proposed; which was, to point out the unreasonableness and futility of several arguments, which are sometimes urged as excuses for the violation of the third commandment. The principal thing I shall keep in view is what we commonly call profane swearing; yet not excluding any of the methods, by which the command in the text is violated.

1. An argument, which many bring to justify profane swearing, at least to palliate the criminality of it, is, that they mean no harm.—-If a man should cast firebrands and arrows at those about him; none surely would think he had offered a reason sufficient to justify his conduct, by his saying, I am in sport; or, I mean no harm. That which was sport to him might be death to them. How strange it is, for a man to break the law, to despise the threatenings, and to pour contempt upon the name of God; to do that, which draws after it consequences pernicious to the interests and to the souls of men; and after all this to say, he meant no harm. There is scarcely a crime committed, which does not admit the same justification. In whatever wickedness a man allows himself, you will not find it easy to make him own, that he really means any hurt by it. The man, who neglects his family and secret prayer, who feels quite regardless of the honor of God, and ungrateful for his infinite favors, will tell you, at least he himself thinks, that he means no harm. The man who disbelieves the sacred scriptures, or rejects any of the doctrines therein contained, pacifies his conscience by pretending, that he means no harm. Whatever duty a man neglects, whatever sin he habitually commits, this is still the plea he makes, that he has no bad meaning—What a striking instance of the deceitfulness of sin, and the almost total ignorance of men in respect to their own hearts! When the Holy Spirit gives men a just and reasonable view of divine things, he makes them feel and acknowledge, that they never committed any sin without a bad intention. God, who looketh on the heart, on the designs and motives of our conduct, will never judge that to be sin, or a violation of his law, which is done without any bad intent. It is absurd then for the profane swearer to endeavor to justify himself by the argument above-mentioned. For however ignorant he may be of it, no command of God can be transgressed without implying a sinful design in the transgressor. And if his saying, he means no harm, will justify his profanity; there is scarcely any crime, for which upon the same principles, a justifying reason may not be assigned. Let it always be remembered, that voluntary self ignorance, or willful self delusion is so far from being an excuse or palliation of a crime committed, that it is a great crime itself. Christ forewarns his disciples of a time, when whosoever killed them should think he did God service. By this, however, he did not mean to exculpate those, who should murder his followers; but to exhibit the united guilt of their superstition, self-delusion, unhallowed zeal, and impious rage.

2. Let us consider another argument, by which men attempt to justify themselves, in part at least, for profanity; that they have a habit of swearing so deeply rooted and inveterate, that they cannot break off from it. They are fully persuaded it is a folly, and dishonor, and sin. But their habit of swearing has become so interwoven with their nature, that when temptation presses them to it, they cannot refrain.

In reply to this, it is by no means difficult to show, that a habit of sinning is so far from being a justification of the crimes committed, that it is a circumstance, which greatly enhances guilt; and that a person’s ill desert is aggravated in some proportion to the strength and fixedness of his vicious habits. What is a bad habit, but an inclination to commit sin strengthened & confirmed by frequent indulgence? Is this a thing that palliates guilt? Is a crime less heinous, because it has been committed many times before? Does guilt decrease, as the number of crimes increases? The repetition of a crime is, by civil law, often condemned by a penalty much more severe, than the first offence. Who ever doubted the justice of this? Who ever thought that a thief deserved less punishment for stealing the tenth time, than the first? Let reason and common sense decide.—The man, whose offence arises from inadvertence or sudden surprisal, is accounted far less guilty, than he who offends from fixed principle. The stronger, the more irresistible a man’s inclination is to commit sin, the more depraved do we think him, and the more deserving of punishment. A long practiced thief or highwayman has an unconquerable propensity to rob and steal. His dishonest, unrighteous principles are so powerful, as to sway all the active energies of his foul. No reason or argument, which can be proposed, has the least effect to turn him from his steady purpose. It is as natural for his thoughts, desires, and actions to be dishonest and wicked, as it is for water to descend. Now will any one say, that the strength of his wicked inclination and habit is a circumstance, which renders him less guilty, less worthy of punishment? Is not the contrary position evidently true, that the resistless source of his depraved disposition and habit raises his guilt to the highest pitch of aggravation? An old miser, whose heart is glued fast to his treasure, who is incapable of entertaining a liberal design or doing a generous action, is looked upon by all, as a depraved wretch, that deserves nothing but mingled pity and contempt from man, nothing but misery from God. The cruel tyrants of the Roman empire, who could no more abstain from oppression and murder, than from their daily food, are justly tho’t to be more guilty, than those, whose temper was less confirmed in cruelty, whose iniquities were less rare. All these instances, which are perhaps unnecessarily multiplied, are introduced to evince, that the strength of a depraved disposition and the invincible firmness of a vicious habit are so far from being a sufficient apology for sin, that they render it much more inexcusable and aggravated.

Let this reasoning, which I think you will allow to be just, be applied to the subject in hand. A man offers it as a plea to justify himself for profane swearing, that he has such a strong and confirmed habit of indulging himself in it, that he cannot leave it off. In other words, you have such a strong and habitual inclination to profane the name of God and to break his righteous law, that you cannot leave it off. Be not offended, if I tell you, according to the tenor of the preceding discussion, that such a disposition and habit are, both in the sight of God and man, awful aggravations of your guilt; and, unless reformed, will add dreadful weight to your future misery. Consider how this plea from the inveteracy of habit would appear at the bar of God. Shall you be able to lift up your head there, and say to Almighty God, —I had such a strong inclination to disobey thee, and my custom of doing it was of so long standing, that I could not leave it off: I therefore hope to be excused?

But I would observe, as a further answer to this plea, that it is possible for your habit of swearing, inveterate as it is, to be subdued. In the presence of great and good men, whom you respect and fear to offend, is not your language decent and pure? Does not this prove that you have power to govern your tongue; and consequently that your profanity is without excuse? Does it not likewise appear from this consideration, that a becoming sense of the presence and the perfections of God would effectually preserve you from the guilt of profaneness? Realizing that the Supreme Being observes all your conduct, loving and adoring his character, desiring to please and honor him, should you dare to profane his sacred name? Your profanity then does not arise from want of power to avoid it, but from want of consideration and sobriety. —Further, the numberless instances of reformation in the most profane, most hardened sinners prove the possibility of yours; and point you to that almighty and compassionate Redeemer, whose peculiar office it is to save his people from their sins. By submitting to the grace of Christ you will become entitled to that most important promise, that no sin shall have dominion over you. When such help is provided and offered, how can you plead, as an excuse for profane swearing, the impossibility, or even the difficulty of reformation?

3. Another reason, by which some men attempt to apologize for swearing, is, that they were in a passion. —Does God, who certainly knows our frame, feels all possible compassion towards us, and makes all reasonable allowances, anywhere excuse men for breaking his commandments, because they are blinded and overcome by passion? It is a sin, my hearers, to be in a passion; that is, to suffer our angry emotions to cloud the eye of reason, or to throw the mind into disorder. Precepts in rich abundance are found in the Bible, which enjoin a meek, placid calm, forgiving temper, and prohibit the indulgence of anger, high spirit, malice, and revenge. Now can one sin excuse another, which is occasioned by it? Can your being in a passion, which is itself a sin, excuse profane swearing, which is a still greater sin?

Some perhaps begin to think that the preacher is too strict, too severe; that he ought to be a little more candid and charitable, and allow that something may be said in excuse for profaneness, as well as many things against it. But my hearers, I must enter into some other school, besides the school of reason, or the school of Christ, before I can learn, that sin, that rebellion against God admits any excuse whatsoever. There is a day not far distant, when every mouth shall be stopped, and all impenitent sinners, in particular profane swearers shall feel and acknowledge themselves to be inexcusably guilty before God.

 

DISCOURSE II.
We now proceed to the third thing proposed, which was, to offer some reasons against profane swearing.

1. It essentially injures a person in the present life. Depraved as the world is, virtue, those branches of it in particular, which have an immediate and evident connection with the good of society, are generally rewarded with the esteem, at least the veneration of mankind at large, and with that which is much more to be desired, the approbation and love of the good; while vice of every kind, much ore a barefaced iniquity eventually robs a man of his dearest goodly treasure, his reputation. This is emphatically faced in regard to the sin, which we are opposing. —earth not take any pains to prove, that the profane swearer, whether old or young, is on the whole loved much more coldly, and held in much lower estimation, that he would be, were his language at all times pure. Even his wicked associates, though they may for the present applaud him for the countenance he gives to their beloved vices, yet retaining some remainder of common sense, must consider him, as unworthy of their sincere love, esteem, and confidence. But the approbation and friendship of the wise and good are of much higher importance. Of these a man infallibly deprives himself by profane swearing. There is not a sober and sensible man of your acquaintance, who does not esteem and love you less, for every instance of your profanity. It is a disgrace, my hearers, a horrid disgrace. It is a black stigma upon a man’s character, as a rational being, as a citizen, as a friend, and above all as a Christian. Can any be so thoughtless as to suppose it an honor? Will you glory in that, of which you ought to be ashamed? Will you be ambitious to imitate the most low, vulgar, vile creatures, that our country affords, who are often as notorious for their profaneness, as for their ignorance and vulgarity? Will you follow the example of those who are far beneath the common level of human nature? Will you leave your own rank in life to herd with those, who are, in knowledge, only one grade above, in character many grades below the brutal creation?

It may be added, that a custom of using profane oaths for confirmation will be so far from answering your design, that it will in fact render your veracity suspected. The man is indeed an object of pity, who has not reputation enough to be believed, without having recourse to swearing. But, my friend, this will not help the case. No man of sense will have any higher opinion of your honesty and fidelity on account of your profane oaths. If you were conscious of possessing an upright principle at heart, and had proved yourself an honest man, you might justly think yourself insulted and injured, if any one should refuse to credit your assertions. —May we not fear that no profane swearer has a principle of truth and honesty at heart? Do not a man’s impious oaths often spring from the base consciousness, that he has forfeited his character? Is not his readiness to establish in this way what he has said, an implicit confession, that his naked word may be doubted; that his veracity may be justly called in question? So unhappily does he counteract his own intentions. Seeking honor and applause, he meets disgrace and contempt. Seeking to gain credit to his word, h renders it more suspected. What unnatural folly and cruelty it is thus to injure himself! But the injury stops not here. I add

In the second place, profane swearing is, in its consequences, very detrimental to society. The security of our dearest rights depends in a great measure upon the reverence which men have for an oath. Almost all the decisions in our courts of justice are formed on the supposition, that men under oath will strictly adhere to the truth. If therefore men have not proper respect for an oath, nor feel the solemn obligation under which it lays them, one mighty instrument of justice is wrested from the hands of civil magistrates, and our property and reputation left exposed to the assault of dishonest and villainous men.

Now there is nothing which tends so much to wear away all religious reverence of God and all suitable respect for an oath, as the prevalence of profane swearing. To hear those around us lightly mention the name of God, and intermix impious asseverations with their common discourse is apt to inspire us with the same low & dishonorable conceptions of God, the same disregard and insensibility to the solemn obligation of an oath, as appear in them. If to hear profane swearing in others have this tendency, much more does the indulgence of it in ourselves. It is impossible that the man, who is guilty of profaneness, whenever temptation urges him to it, should feel a religious regard for the oath, which he takes before a civil magistrate. —Thus you see that the sin prohibited in the text has a most pernicious influence on the interests of society, by diminishing in ourselves and others that religious reverence, which is due to an oath; thereby freeing men from a most weighty motive to speak the truth, and opening a door for mistaken and injurious decisions in our courts of justice. Its baneful influence extends likewise to all those officers, who are by oath bound to fidelity in the trusts committed to their hands.

As the third reason against profane swearing, we urge the laws of the Commonwealth. The evil has become so extensive and alarming, that our rulers deem it necessary to super add the authority of civil law to that of reason and scripture, hoping thereby to check the spread and influence of so dire a calamity. (Here the ACT against profane swearing was read.) Suffer me now to call upon every one, who lories in being an American, and professes a loyal regard to our Government, to listen obediently to its wise decisions, and not to allow himself in any instance to be guilty of profane swearing. How false is a man’s pretence, that he is a friend to the prosperity of his country, when he lives in the habitual violation of its prudent and salutary laws! Who deserves to be considered, as an enemy to society, if not he who tramples upon the equitable commands of Government? If, my hearers, you have a spark of patriotism in your breasts, any regard to the laws of the land, any desire, or even a cold willingness, that the good of the present and succeeding generations be promoted, be persuaded to revere the name of Almighty God, and to maintain a deep and solemn sense of the obligation of an oath.

4. Profane swearing has a baneful effect upon the minds of men in a religious view. By habituating them to use the name of God without any right conceptions of his character, without religious fear or pious gratitude, their hearts become more and more estranged from the worship of their Maker. —In faithfulness to your souls, I must tell you, that the man, who is in the habit of swearing profanely, is an utter stranger to religion. From the same mouth there cannot proceed blessing and cursing. —A man cannot offer up an acceptable prayer to God, while he allows himself to take his name in vain. —Should a sincere Christian through inadvertence, or the sudden impulse of temptation, be guilty of cursing and swearing, as Peter was; he could enjoy no peace or communion with God, before he went and wept bitterly; before his heart was melted and reformed by deep sorrow and thorough repentance.

Profane swearing tends likewise to injure the minds of others in respect to religion. Its influence is contagious. The contempt of God, the alienation from his service, which you exhibit, others will be apt to catch from you. Thus impiety and irreligion will from you diffuse its deadly poison through the souls of all around.

The fifth reason I shall bring against profaneness is a consideration of the great and holy name of God. —This argument is implied in the text, and more explicitly in what God saith by Moses, ‘Thou shalt no profane the name of thy God; I am the LORD.’ —Permit me to tell you, my hearers, that the word, GOD, which is soften in your mouths, is a word of solemn, of awful import. By the life of your souls, I warn you not to trifle with that momentous word. It points us to the King eternal, immortal, invisible. GOD, —oh weigh the vast meaning of that word, —GOD is an almighty, an all wise, all gracious Spirit. —He is absolutely without beginning, without end. He has created, he supports, he moves the universe. God is everywhere present. Ascend into heaven. He is there. Make your bed in hell. He is there. Fly to the uttermost parts of the earth. He is there. Pass through the starry heavens. Speed your way into the abyss of infinite space. Continue your course swifter than a ray of light, for millions of ages; continue it, while eternity endures; and God is there. And while he is there, while he is everywhere throughout immensity, he is here. He looks on us with as constant attention, as perfect knowledge, as if there were no other creatures in existence, and all his notice were directed to us alone. He is able to save, and to destroy. All nature is at his command, under his control. Before him Angels bow, and Devils tremble. He is our final Judge. His favor is life; his frown eternal death. —Is this a Being to be rifled with, to be mocked, to be insulted? Is the name of this glorious GOD to be profaned?

There is another cogent and moving reason against taking the name of God in vain couched in these words, ‘thy God.’ ‘Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.’ Although we have renounced our allegiance to God, and exposed ourselves to his eternal wrath; he is pleased, in the dispensation of grace to propose and offer himself, as our reconciled Father and God, and to give us an opportunity of becoming his redeemed people. To use lightly and profanely the name of the Supreme Being, who condescends to stand in such an endearing relation to us, argues an amazing insensibility to infinite obligation. It is a most unnatural wickedness for children to speak lightly of their parents. Whatever be their conduct towards others, if they have a spark of virtue remaining in their breasts, they will feel and manifest great reverence for the name of those, whom they call their parents; especially if those parents be truly wise and good. —The same principle operates in other relations. This even nature teaches. And shall we not revere the name of him, whom we call our God? Is not this a dear and important relation? Whatever we think or say of the Gods of others; let our God be tho’t of and mentioned with grateful respect and filial awe. When God proposes himself, as our God, there is great condescension and goodness implied. Should a man, far above you in rank and merit, condescend to notice you, to confer favors upon you, and to seek to notice you, to confer favors upon you, and to seek your affection, would it not be natural for you to mention him with great respect? Still more, if you lived upon his bounty; if you daily asked of him, and expected daily to receive undeserved protection and support, and in addition to all this were persuaded, that he acted from the purest and noblest principles; should you frequently introduce the name of so worthy a benefactor and friend in a slight and canting way, or as a trivial proverb? And when God, who dwells in the high and holy place, stoops down to notice us and to bless us, to offer us his friendship, and to solicit ours; shall we mention him with contempt? When he has given his Son to die for us, and thereby put himself in the relation of a reconcilable Father and God; shall we not be filled with wonder and love? And is it the way to show our love to the best of beings and the best of benefactors, lightly and irreverently to pronounce his sacred name? Is profane swearing the language of gratitude for infinite blessings, – the language of praise to infinite goodness?

Our last reason, and that of great moment, against profane swearing is suggested in the text. It is the awful sanction, by which the command is enforced. “The Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain.” If a regard neither to your own interest and reputation, nor to the good of society, nor to the laws of the land, nor to the religious concerns of yourselves and others, nor to the great and venerable name of God, —if none of these, nor any other consideration will keep you from profaning the name of the Lord; know assuredly, that He will not suffer you to pass with impunity. He will remember you in the day of his wrath. —My office, my conscience, and the word of God require me to lift up my voice, to cry aloud and spare not; to tell the people their sins, and to hold up the terrors as well, as the mercies of the Lord. —I must therefore declare to profane swearers, however exalted in wealth, in honor, or in pride; however useful to society; however amiable in other respects, —except you repent, you shall all perish. The Lord will not hold you guiltless for taking his name in vain. Whatever becomes of others, it is certain you shall not escape. All the plagues that are written in the book of God shall come upon you. Even in this life your hell may begin. Your conscience will at times be awakened and tormented. The black face of a tempestuous cloud, the flames that dart through the sky, or the assault of a dangerous disease may set the worm of guilt to gnawing, and kindle a devouring fire in your soul. God will by and by come with the sword of death in his hand. You must tremble then, if you never trembled before. At that solemn time, when you will most sensibly need the friendship of God, his face will appear with a killing frown. You will probably think, —alas, it is too late. Prayers are in vain. I have times without number profaned the great name of God. Now he is my enemy, my eternal enemy; and I dare not go into his presence. He once offered himself to me, as my God. But in that character I slighted and rejected him. Now he is my offended Judge. Shortly must I know what it is to stand guilty at his bar, and be condemned and rejected by him. Or if your conscience remain asleep to the last, or if your sickness deprive you of reason, it is but a momentary respite. At death your soul will go into the presence of an angry God. At the resurrection your body will be dragged from its peaceful lodging in the grave. ‘Legions of Angels can’t retain you there.’ You must come, however reluctantly, to the bar of your Judge. Rocks and mountains, deaf to your prayer, will not cover you from the face of him that sitteth on the throne. The time is short. It is but as tomorrow, before you will stand at the judgment seat of Christ. There you must remember, however unwelcome the remembrance, how many times you took the name of God in vain; how many ‘hard speeches’ you spoke against him. What, oh profane swearer, will be your plea? Will you justify yourself to your omniscient Judge by telling him, when you broke his command, you meant no harm, or you had formed an unconquerable habit of doing it, or you were in a passion? No. Your mouth will be stopped. —You will see justice enthroned; and that will speak indignation and wrath to you. Depart from me, ye cursed, will be the sentence of God to those, who have cursed and sworn by his name. There can be no pardon, no appeal. You must be immediately consumed by the breath of his mouth; be driven away from his presence and from the glory of his power. Miserable and in eternal despair, you must dwell with those infernal spirits, whose accomplices in cursing and blasphemy you had been even in this life. Now you will imitate them to greater perfection, forever cursing and blaspheming that glorious Being, whom you might have enjoyed in heaven; that almighty Being, whom you cannot hurt nor molest. Vain will be your rage. The fire you kindle against him, will burn yourself. The sword, which you maliciously draw, will pierce your own soul. That tongue, which has been so often employed in profaneness, will be parched up with unquenchable fire. That damnation, which you have so often wished upon others, perhaps upon yourself, you shall now suffer. —Oh hearers, people of my charge, will any of you rush headlong to this place of torment? Will you, for the sordid pleasure of profane swearing, fall into the hands of Almighty God, whose wrath is a consuming fire? If any of you have heretofore indulged yourselves in profaneness, I hope you are fully convinced of your folly, wickedness, and danger; and are ready to enquire how you shall escape the dominion and punishment of so great a sin? This brings us to what was proposed in the

IV. Division of the subject, —to give some directions to those, who wish to avoid profanity for time to come. The first directions are to those, who have to this day allowed themselves in it.

1. Be persuaded, that your reformation is possible. ‘It is one of the great artifices of the Devil, to persuade the sinner, that it is lost labor to attempt to amend his life; that his recovery is impossible; that his evil has become too deeply rooted to be conquered. Never give heed to this lying spirit.’ 1 The grace of God is all sufficient. Although your sins are like scarlet, he can make them white as snow; though they are red like crimson, he can make them like wool.—If you set about reformation in your own strength, you can expect but little success. But you cannot too firmly believe, that God is able to reform you; able to subdue your evil habits, and implant the seeds of grace in your hearts; and that he will give his Holy Spirit to those, who ask it in sincerity and faith.

2. Labor to impress your mind with an awful sense of sin, in particular the sin of profane swearing. Consider it in all its aggravations. Some, who once had as slight and superficial thoughts of this sin as you have, are now so deeply convinced of the evil and danger of it, that they would not for the world repeat the offence. Let your heart be impressed with a solemn reverence for the Supreme Being, and with a grateful sense of his unnumbered favors. Then think how heinous a crime it is to profane his holy name. Consider further that this vice cannot plead any of those powerful allurements, which delude and destroy the slaves of intemperance and debauchery; and is therefore peculiarly inexcusable. View it in the glass of the divine holiness and the divine law. Ask yourself what profit it was; what reason you had for it, and whether, for the sordid pleasure it afforded, you would be willing the blessed Jesus should suffer to atone for it. Then

3. Go and humble yourself before God. This is a day of pious mourning and humiliation. You would do well to let alone the sins of others, and to mourn and be humble first for your own. Confess to God your aggravated guilt, and your desert of eternal misery. You must be in earnest; for it is an infinite God you have to deal with, and a matter of everlasting consequence, that is at stake. Entreat God for his name’s sake to grant you the pardon of your sins, and the sanctifying influence of his Spirit. Entreat him to give you a gospel view of his holy and merciful character, that you may abhor yourself, and yet hope in him. Pray earnestly for his renewing, purifying, strengthening grace. Cast yourself on the power and mercy of the Redeemer; and humbly beg of him, that this hateful sin may no longer have dominion over you.

4. Let your resolution be firm and universal, though humble and dependant. Resolve never again to profane that holy name, which you have now solemnly addressed in prayer; that merciful name, on which all your hopes depend. Let your mind be kept in a trembling fear, left after all that has been said, after all your resolutions and prayers, you return again to the practice of profane swearing. Alas, my friends, we tremble for you; and did you know the deceitfulness of your own hearts, you would tremble for yourselves. Without the almighty grace of God, how weak are your resolutions? How ineffectual will be your endeavors? How many there are, who mourn for sin, and, in some sense, wish to be delivered from its power; who yet find themselves more than overmatched by the tyrant? Only make the experiment, and you will feel that sin hath not bound you with cords and withs, from which you can, as Samson did, extricate yourself by a single effort. Your strength is weakness, your wisdom folly, when brought into competition with the power and subtilty of your enemy. But let me observe, that however mighty and skillful your foe, you must conquer, or die. You must vanquish sin, or God will destroy you. Let not a sense of your weakness lead you tamely to submit; but make you more humble, watchful and prayerful. Receive Jesus Christ as your friend and Savior, and then his Grace will be sufficient for you.

5. I must add one more direction which may be a little unexpected; that is, break off from all your sins. The surest way to conquer any one vice is to renounce the whole. There is a kind of alliance or near relation between all sins. A common chain so closely unites them, that he, who from right principles rejects one, must reject all; and he, who is habitually guilty of one, is, in the e of the law, guilty of all. While you secretly love or allowedly practice any one sin, your endeavors to avoid or subdue another will be interrupted and enfeebled, and probably rendered ineffectual. When you pray for grace to conquer that one sin, and at the same time fondly cling to another; you cannot expect that God will answer your prayer. Remember & deeply ponder that all important declaration of the Psalmist, if I regard iniquity in my heart, the Lord will not hear me. Let me further observe, that selfish, interested motives may prevail upon you to discontinue the practice of profane swearing, although your heart be not reformed. And even this partial amendment would be matter of joy to all who love you, or regard the good of their fellow men. But there is nothing, except the grace of the gospel, rooted in your heart, and operating in your life, that can save you from eternal ruin.

Suffer me to add a few directions equally applicable to all.

If you would keep yourselves from profanity, avoid all approaches towards it. Allow yourselves in none of the little, half made, vulgar oaths, so common in almost every place. Be careful not to mention the name of God at any time with lightness or vanity. It is recorded of a great Philosopher, that he never pronounced the name of God, without making a solemn pause, as if struck and overcome with the vast idea. There is enough to entertain our cheerful hours, enough to raise our spirits and make us smile, without using the name of God, or any passage of holy writ in a sportive, jesting, or trifling manner.

Another necessary caution is, watchfully guard against intemperance, or excess in drinking. Here is the source of a world of profaneness. A man who, in his sober hours, would carefully shun cursing and swearing, is often known, when partially intoxicated, to break out into the most horrid oaths. A few glasses of spirits often turn a man of decent carriage into a profane swearer, and fill his mouth with such abominable imprecations, as would greatly offend his conscience, if he were sober. Now if you wish to avoid profanity, you must diligently watch against all temptations to it. For the same purpose, keep a constant guard over your passions. If you do not rule your spirit, you will not rule your tongue. Let nothing, therefore, be suffered to raise a commotion in your soul; as this would give great power and advantage to sin. When once you subject reason to the control of passion, you are like a ship without a rudder, or an untamed horse without a bridle. Does not your sad experience prove that you often do things in anger, of which, when your mind was calm, you thought yourself incapable? In particular, that you have no power over your tongue, when your animal spirits are highly raised? Guard then against the first rising of passion; and against those common excitements of anger, warm disputes and contentions upon any subject whatever.

I beg leave most affectionately and earnestly to exhort those, who are young, to shun, with watchful and pious care, every thing that favors of profanity. You have heard others complain, how difficult it is to conquer bad habits; or, if they are beginning to form, to secure a deliverance from them, before it is too late.

Let children hear the same friendly warning. —Dare you speak the name, the awful name of God, while you are sporting and playing? Dare you swear when you are a little angry? Many of you, my young friends, oh that I could say, all of you, have been baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost? Will you profane that holy name, into which you have been baptized; or into which you must be baptized, if ever you would obey Jesus Christ? Dear children, if you have any regard to your blessed Savior, any affection for your parents, any love to your own souls, don’t allow yourselves to use profane words. God, the great God is your Maker. Dare you flight and affront him? Jesus is your Redeemer. If ever you are happy, you will owe it all to him, and dwell with him forever. And will you disobey Jesus, who has said, swear not at all? I hope you will attend to these things; and that you will keep out of the way of all those bad and wicked people, who allow themselves to swear.

Let us now, agreeably to the subject and the present occasion, take a short survey of our country in respect to the sin of profane swearing. The prophet says, because of swearing the land mourneth. –Have not we reason to adopt the same plaintive strain? Is not this one of the prevailing iniquities of the present day? Does not our land lie, as it seems, pressed down with the ponderous load and groaning to be delivered from it? Let us just move our eye charitably over the several ranks and orders of men, and see if enough is not presented to view, to make our heart faint and our eyes dim; and to draw from us the doleful cry, the crown is fallen from our head; woe unto us, as a nation, for we have sinned.

We will just hint at the state of our Colleges and Universities. They ought to be pure fountains of morality and religion, as well as of human science and refinement. They ought to be as distinguished for virtue and piety, as they are for literary advantages. What cause of grief would it be, to hear the name of God lightly and contemptuously mentioned by those, who have the best opportunity to know his adorable perfections; who are exalted above their fellow creatures by the bounties of nature and providence, and under proportionably greater obligations to love and serve their Maker! How deplorable would it be, should any of the sons of science early enlist into the service of iniquity, and employ their superior natural and acquired abilities in corrupting the minds and the language of others! How baneful would be the effects of profanity and irreligion, should they be found in those, who are regarded by many of their friends and relations, as possessed of superior wisdom and judgment; whose sentiments are, therefore, almost implicitly received, and whose example attracts a ready imitation!

Let us now turn our thoughts upon our seaports and populous places, where the standard of manners and politeness is taken. Here the scene is melancholy and alarming. While passing moderately along the streets, you must stop your ears, if you would not hear the name of God taken in vain; if you would not have your feelings shocked with the most horrid oaths and execrations. The throats of multitudes are an open sepulcher; their tongues blaspheme the name of the Lord. Nor is the charge to be confined to those, who are uncultivated and vulgar. In profane swearing, if in nothing else, the merchant and gentleman often unite with the truckman and sailor. Even the parlor is not untainted with this shameful vice. In many friendly circles of those, who call themselves the polite and tasty, an evening cannot be passed without loading the fleeting moments with impure and impious expressions. To these the card table is by no means a stranger. In the dialect of many, who follow this diversion, profanity is a chief ingredient. And the fair ladies, who condescend to be present, will, by their smiles, smooth over the guilty consciences of their admirers, and almost thankfully receive applause and flattery from those very lips, which is a minute before were defiled with cursing and bitterness. And what is the conduct of females themselves? We are backward to say the truth. We wish we could call them purity and perfection. We wish no female ever polluted her lips and her conscience by profane swearing. If any must be chargeable with this vice, we should desire it might be only the unpolished, ignorant, and obscure. If the well bred, the beautiful, and the gay are ever guilty of this detestable crime, I must, in shame, pass it over in silence.

We have not finished our tragical survey. We fear there are some among our rulers themselves, who, strange as it may seem, at times disregard and transgress the very laws, which their lifted hands have publicly confirmed. And we have reason to think that the want of sobriety and religion apparent in many civil officers, in particular, the irreverent and trifling manner, in which civil oaths are spoken of and administered, is one cause of the growing prevalence of profaneness and perjury.

Farmers and mechanics, who are in general most removed from temptation, and whose employment is very favorable to honesty and sobriety, are not all exempt from the guilt of profane swearing. —Their instruments of labor, their shops, fields, orchards, meadows, and dumb beasts are witnesses against them. Nor can the advanced stages of human life be altogether cleared. Old men, greyheaded and feeblehanded, are sometimes heard rolling forth with their trembling tongues hoarse and solemn oaths; as if their load of guilt were not yet so great as they could bear; or as if they could not curse and blaspheme enough in hell, and so would do a little more before they die.

The prospect blackens as we proceed. Heads of families cannot be excepted. Here, if any where, the effects of profanity are awfully pernicious. –We need not go out of the state, nor out of the vicinity to find multitudes, vast multitudes of fathers, who allow themselves to curse and swear in the hearing of their children. In these cases we must expect that all moral and religious instruction will be laid aside, or, if attended to, that it will generally prove vain and useless; while the poor children, horrible to relate, learn to swear, before they learn to pray. Where parents are less blameworthy, their children often have bad examples near, which they too eagerly follow, to the neglect of those that are good. Alas, do we not often hear little children lisping out profane words, before they know their dreadful meaning?

Shall I stop here? Is not the picture already dismal enough to make us mourn and pray? But I must add tears to sighs, and blackness to shade. –There are professors of our holy religion, who have covenanted with God, and attend the sacramental supper, that are not pure from this crying sin. –Some are known to come to the table of the Lord, to eat his broken body, and drink his atoning blood, and then go away and profane his name, and the name of his Father. Here iniquity is full. Here guilt has arisen to its highest pitch. We confidently trust there are none such in this place. But is there not a more refined kind of profaneness chargeable upon professing Christians in general? Do not many take the name of God in vain, by entering into covenant, & renewing it at the table of the Lord, without the exercises of repentance, faith and love? And is there not room to exhort all professors to guard more diligently against idle words, and to pray, as David did, set a watch, Oh Lord, before my mouth, and keep the door of my lips.

Is not the survey we have taken sorrowful and humbling? Passing in silence over most other sins, we have considered only the sins of the tongue. –Is not the vast amount of these sufficient to make us tremble, and to clothe the whole land in sackcloth and ashes? How strikingly is James’ de4scription of the tongue verified among us! The tongue, that noble organ, which distinguishes man from all other creatures on earth, is by its abuse become a fire, a world if iniquity. It defileth the whole body, and setteth a fire on the course of nature, and is itself set on fire of hell. How alarming are these things? It seems as though a great part of our fellow citizens had presumptuously risen up against our Father and our God, and were resolved at all adventures to kindle his almighty vengeance. See them, with self exalting pride and arrogance, trampling upon his sacred ordinances and holy name; causing their threats and impious curses towards his throne, and making one more desperate effort to dethrone and destroy JEHOVAH. Will his anger sleep? Can we expect uninterrupted public prosperity, while this is our national character? Will his patience last forever? Will not God visit for these things? Will not his soul be avenged on such a nation as this? Yes, my brethren; goodness, long neglected and abused, becomes indignation and wrath. But as God delighteth in mercy, let us, adapting the words of Daniel, when he fasted and prayed, to our own circumstances, fall down before him with this humble confession, and this earnest, interceding prayer. Oh Lord, the great and dreadful God, keeping the covenant and mercy to them that love him and keep his commandments; we, as a people, have sinned, and committed iniquity, and done wickedly. Oh Lord, righteousness belongeth unto thee, but unto us confusion of face, as at this day; to the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, and to all America. All our nation have transgressed thy law and profaned thy holy name. Therefore hath the Lord brought evil upon us, and made our cities desolate, and raised up enemies against us. To the Lord belong mercy and forgiveness, although we have sinned against him. Oh Lord, according to thy righteousness, we beseech thee, let thine anger and thy fury be turned away from our land. Oh our God, incline thine ear, and hear; open thine eyes, and behold our danger. For we do not present our supplication before thee for our righteousness, but for thy great mercy. Oh Lord, hear. Oh Lord, forgive. Oh Lord hearken and do. Defer not for thine own sake. Turn us from our sins, and save us; for we are a people called by thy name, and by the name of thy Son. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. Nelions Devotions.

Sermon – Election – 1801, Connecticut


Benjamin Trumbull (1735-1820) graduated from Yale in 1759. He was the preacher for a church in North Haven, beginning in 1760, for almost 60 years. Trumbull served as volunteer and chaplain during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by him in Connecticut on May 14, 1801.


sermon-election-1801-connecticut

THE DIGNITY OF MAN, ESPECIALLY AS DISPLAYED
IN CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT HARTFORD, IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 14, 1801.

By BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN NORTH-HAVEN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1801.

ORDERED, That the Honorable David Daggett, and Mr. Joseph Doolittle, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Benjamin Trumbull, D. D. for his Sermon delivered before them at the General Election on the fourteenth instant, and request a copy thereof for the Press.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

An ELECTION SERMON.
 

I KINGS ii. 2, 3.

I go the way of all the earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man. And keep the charge of the Lord Thy God, to walk in his ways, to keep his statutes, and his commandments, and his judgments, and his testimonies as it is written in the Law of Moses, that thou mayest prosper in all that thou dost, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself.

MEN of the most distinguished fame, piety and usefulness, after a few years of faithful services, must quit the stage, and retire into darkness and silence. Kings, who, like David, have filled the throne with honor, must exchange their robes of royalty, the scepter and the crown, for the shroud and the tomb.

To this solemn and momentous period, David, that eminently pious and magnanimous ruler, was now advanced. And how august, how instructive and interesting is the scene, which his example, as exhibited in the text, presents to our view? We behold a renowned and mighty prince, after achieving wonders in the field, and rendering the most essential services to the church of God, taking leave of the world, resigning his government, and giving his final charge to Solomon, who was to reign after him upon the throne of Israel. I go, says he, the way of all the earth. “Exhausted with years and public labors, I suffer the common lot of man, and must sleep with my fathers. I have done with courts, government and life itself. I am bidding a long adieu to them, to you and to all mankind. You are now to accede to the government of a numerous and mighty nation, the people and heritage of the God of Jacob. Upon this great occasion, in these tender and solemn moments, I therefore entreat and charge you, by the affections of an aged, dying father, by all my desires and prayers for your honor and prosperity, and for the welfare of Israel, God’s chosen people, that you be strong and show yourself a man: That you act up to the dignity and glory of your nature. This your exalted station, as the ruler of God’s people, and the immense interests committed to your care will constantly demand. To you, and to them it will be of incalculable importance.”

The words import, that there is great worth and dignity in man: That to conduct himself agreeably to them is to act an useful, wise and glorious part. They comprise everything which a wise, magnanimous and dying father could wish for a favorite son: Everything which a pious prince, who preferred Jerusalem to his chief joy, could desire to see in him, who was to bear rule over the heritage of the Lord. Indeed in this short sentence, David compriseth distinguishing piety and righteousness, whatever is enjoined in the subsequent verses, relative to keeping the charge of the Lord and walking in all his commandments. It also imports that civil government is an arduous work, equal to the utmost strength of human capacity, challenging all the dignity and powers of the greatest men; and that it is of the highest importance that civil rulers be men, displaying that piety, knowledge, prudence, fortitude and magnanimity which are the glory of man.

In this view of our text it will be natural, for its further illustration, to give some sketches of the dignity of man: To show how this is displayed in civil government, or what it is for rulers to show themselves to be men: And lastly how important it is that they should act in character, agreeably to the dignity and excellency of human nature.

I. It will be natural to give a sketch of the dignity and capacity of man.

To show the dignity and awful weight of government, it is necessary to exhibit the dignity and worth of the creatures governed, and the immense value of their interests. This only can show the magnitude of the trust committed to the civil magistrate and the dignity and importance of his office.

But man, who is a subject of divine and human government, is a creature of vast dignity, worth and interests. This is expressed in the text, in the terms, be strong and quit yourselves like men. Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people, and for the cities of our God. Man is capable of the most signal usefulness and enjoyment in time and in eternity. In a variety of respects, his Creator hath exalted him, and put a matchless dignity upon him. Though by his apostasy he hath lost the moral image of God, and in that respect the crown is fallen from his head, the gold is changed, and the most fine gold is become dim, yet he still retains resemblances of his natural image, and in many respects is a glorious creature. He is a master-piece of divine workmanship; fearfully and wonderfully made. The erectness of his stature, the convenience and usefulness of his members, the wisdom with which they are all placed, the beauty and majesty of his countenance, the gift of language, and harmony of his voice are endowments by which he is distinguished and exalted above all creatures in this lower system of worlds. But his intelligent soul more especially gives him his dignity and inestimable worth. This is a bright resemblance of the natural perfections of his common father. He is a spirit, so is the soul of man. He is all intelligence and activity, and so is the human mind. Man is the living image of the living God. In him is displayed more of the image and glory of the Deity than in all his other works below the sun.

The worth and dignity of man appear in his capacity, in the great and noble achievements and works which he hath done and is capable of doing. He is capable of thought, reflection, reasoning, consciousness, volition and extensive knowledge:–Of contemplating himself, the heavens, the earth and seas, the variety of creatures and things which they contain, with their natures and usefulness:–Of speaking of trees, from the Cedar that is in Lebanon, even unto the Hyssop that springeth out of the wall: 1 of discovering their various uses, whether for food or physic, for navigation or commerce, for personal or national emolument: And of employing all creatures, elements, trees, plants, herbs and shrubs of every country and climate for his own profit, convenience and pleasure.

He is capable of rising instantaneously, in his contemplations, from earth to the heavens; of traveling among stars and planets; of measuring their distances and magnitudes; and of making vast discoveries in philosophy and astronomy:–Of rising still higher, from the contemplations of nature, to the far more important and pleasing contemplations of nature’s God. He can plan and effect wonderful works; erect cities and kingdoms, found and govern empires. If we look back to the effects of ancient times, in the land of Shinar, Egypt and Palestine, what glorious works there presented themselves, where Babel, Babylon, Nineveh, and the Pyramids, which have been the wonder of the world, were erected! Where stood Jerusalem, the holy temple, and all the magnificent works of Solomon! If we survey the kingdoms of Europe, what super works attract our view and fill us with astonishment!

How great and useful have been the writings of men, in every learned profession! What thanks do the world owe to Hypocrates, Boerhaave, and to several modern writers, for their discoveries and communications in the healing art? To Hale, Cook, Littleton, Montesquieu and others, for the light which they have thrown upon the laws of nature and nations, and upon jurisprudence in general? How have Lock, Sir Isaac Newton, Franklin, and other logicians and philosophers, enlarged the boundaries of human knowledge? With what admiration do we view the works of theologians? Of Pool, Owen, Perkins, Twiss and others? What changes have they effected? Paul propagated and established Christianity through the heathen world; and the pens and eloquence of Luther and Calvin wrought the glorious protestant revolution.

To come nearer to our own times, and to our own country, how great and extensively useful have been the works of our pious and venerable ancestors, in crossing the Atlantic, in planting Christianity in North America, in turning a wilderness, a land not sown, into gardens, orchards and fruitful fields? And in converting thousands of heathen to the knowledge, love and fear of God? Especially, in forming such free, civil and religious constitutions, at a time when the light of liberty was but just dawning upon mankind; and in founding colleges and schools, and making such provision for the general diffusion of knowledge among their descendants, as has rendered us, under the divine smiles, the most free, intelligent and happy people upon whom the fun hath ever shone?

May I not with equal propriety mention the more modern, but not less signal and important works, the American revolution, affected by the energies of the sword and pen of a Washington, aided by the other sages and heroes of America? The peace negotiated by those renowned men, Adams, Franklin and Jay? The constitution of the United States, the counsels and labors by which, in the course of a few years, they have been elevated to such a distinguished point of power, respectability, opulence and prosperity? Do not all these proclaim the capacity, the dignity and worth of man.

But nothing has yet been said of that in which his chief importance appears. He is immortal, capable of more happiness than all the creatures of God, whether angels or men have yet enjoyed, or will enjoy to the consummation of all things. The lives and happiness of the whole intellectual system, collected into one life and sum of happiness, would be a mere nothing, like a drop to the ocean, or spark to the sun, in comparison with immortality, and that far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory and blessedness which one soul is capable of enjoying. The pains and sorrows of all men on earth and of the damned in hell, from the creation to the judgment day, are nothing, when contrasted with that eternity of sufferings which an immortal spirit may endure. As redeemed creatures may be progressing in knowledge, usefulness and bliss, during their immortality, it is not improbable, that the knowledge, usefulness and happiness of every individual saved from among men, will exceed those of all creatures from the day of their creation to the end of time. In this view how does language fail to describe, or imagination to conceive the dignity, capacity and worth of man?

Again, if we consider all the counsels of God from eternity, and all his works in time employed for his recovery; the Son of God dying, rising, interceding and reigning forever for his salvation, how does it aggrandize our ideas of the dignity and worth of man? Saith Dr. Young, In heaven’s great and constant effort for our welfare is capitally written the dignity of man. In what beautiful and striking language does he represent his incalculable worth?

“Know’st thou the worth of an immortal soul?
Behold this midnight glory: worlds on worlds,
Amazing pomp! Redouble this amaze;
Ten thousand add, and twice ten thousand more;
Then weigh the whole: one soul outweighs them all.

A greater than he hath said, What shall it profit a man if he shall gain the whole world and lose his own soul? Or what shall a man give in exchange for his soul?

II. I proceed to show how this dignity is displayed in civil government, or what it is for rulers to show themselves to be men; especially in the sense of our text.

In general it may be observed, that since the dignity and importance of men are of such incalculable magnitude, they must, to show themselves men, at a wise, honorable, magnanimous and glorious part. Their conduct must be in some measure proportionate to their dignity, their high stations and immense interests, and to their capacity, and advantages. They must first seek and promote the greatest and best interests; the highest happiness of themselves and others, and harmoniously treat all objects and interests according to their nature, worth and importance. For men of great dignity and consideration, to act dishonorably, unrighteously, meanly, or wickedly; to neglect great and lasting interests, and employ themselves about those which are trifling and momentary; to prefer private to public good, the honors, wealth and pleasures of time, to those of eternity, are totally inconsistent with the reason and dignity of man.

These observations will apply, in their full force and utmost latitude, to civil rulers. As they stand in the first rank among men, as to their management are committed vast and complicated interests, and as they are distinguished for abilities and advantages for public usefulness; so they should act with views proportionably great, wise, public spirited and magnanimous. Everything selfish, narrow, partial, unrighteous and wicked in them, will appear in a peculiar manner inglorious and inconsistent with human dignity, and especially with that of a civil ruler.

From these general observations it clearly appears that the dignity of man is strongly exhibited, in good government. It will however appear, in a stronger point of view, from a consideration of the immense interests committed to their care, and of the persons for whom they are to legislate and judge. If one immortal creature be of such incalculable worth, how much more valuable must be thousands and millions of them, with all their interests civil and religious? In a Christian state or nation there are many of the sons of God, princes of heaven who shall reign in life by Jesus Christ forever. There are men of whom the world is not worthy; men who shall judge angels, nay judge the world, 2 even the judges and potentates of the earth. So precious are they that God hath said, He that toucheth you toucheth the apple of his eye. 3 In presiding over such beings and interests, the highest dignity is manifested. The greater the trust is, which is committed to men, the greater are the honor and dignity put upon them.

Especially is the case, when they are called to it of God, as are all civil rulers, whatever may be their forms of government, or whatever instrumentality men h=may have in their advancement. For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south. But God is the judge: he putteth down one, and setteth up another. 4 For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. 5

They are termed by the high and awful name of Gods, 6 and judge and act for God. They are his ministers, for good to the people. 7 By the very nature and design of their office, they are God’s deputies not for themselves, but for the people, to do them good and nothing but good. Their whole authority, powers and influence should be employed to keep and promote the public peace and happiness; to maintain all the natural, civil and religious rights of their subjects, to suppress all immorality, and to countenance and support everything which is useful, virtuous and praise-worthy. They are represented as the very pillars of the earth, which support it, and prevent its dissolution. 8 In what can the dignity of man be possibly more displayed than in sustaining these high and momentous offices, and in a zealous, wise and faithful discharge of them? Does it not imply everything in which human nature can appear great and good?

Particularly, civil rulers, to show themselves men, must be truly and eminently religious. This is fully implied in the text. Solomon was directed to show himself a man by courageously keeping the charge of the Lord his God, by walking in all his ways, and commandments, and testimonies, as they were written in the law of Moses. The words import that no person can be a man, acting consistently with his rational nature, without it. The same idea is suggested by the prophet Isaiah, who calls upon the Israelites to show themselves men, by renouncing their idols, and acknowledging and submitting to God, as their portion and happiness. 9 David insisted on this in his address to Solomon, not only as absolutely necessary, that he might show himself a man, but that he might be happy either in his person or government. That thou mightiest prosper in all that thou doest, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself. His remarkable words, I Chron. xxviii. 9. Are exceedingly expressive of these truths. And thou, Solomon my son, know thou the God of thy father and serve him with a perfect heart and with a willing mind: for the Lord searcheth all hearts, and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts: if thou seek him, he will be found of thee; but if thou forsake him, he will cast thee off forever. Thus did the man after God’s own heart, one of the greatest, most experienced and renowned princes, press religion upon his son, that he might be happy in his person and kingdom, and not be totally and forever rejected by God. Indeed he gives it, as the first and most essential part of the character of a good ruler, that he must be truly pious and righteous. The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God. 10

Those great commands, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself; Whether therefore ye eat or drink, or whatever ye do, do all to the glory of God, are not less binding on the prince than on the peasant, on the ruler than on the subject. These precepts, and the high office which rulers bear, as ministers of God, oblige them to imitate him in his goodness, in the purity of their principles and aims, of their constitutions, laws, judgments, and whole legislative and executive conduct. They should bear true allegiance to him, act with the same benevolent principles, and seek the same ends which he seeks, the public happiness and the glory of his name. But without religion consisting in the love and fear of God, in the love and practice of righteousness and universal goodness, there can be no allegiance to him, nor a single principle or view under the influence of which they ought to act.

In a word, the consideration of their dignity and worth, that as individuals they have interests to secure far superior to everything temporal, and that the many thousands of their subjects have interests equally momentous, and that magistrates are called to their high offices, to subserve these complicated and immense interests, furnisheth the most energetic motives to religion and virtue. A celebrated writer observes, “He who thinks of his dignity, necessarily thinks of God; and he who values his dignity as necessarily worships and obeys him.”

Further, they must, to show themselves men, possess great knowledge and wisdom, an enlarged understanding, comprehensive of the various interests of the people and of the means of promoting them.

Civil Government is arduous, and requires the knowledge of a great variety of things, with a singular prudence in the management of public affairs. The civil magistrate should have an intimate acquaintance with the genius, laws, customs, manners, dangers, resources and whole state of the people whom he governs. He ought also to know the genius, laws, customs, commerce, wants and advantages of the sister states; their peculiar prejudices and prepossessions, that he may avail himself of all these circumstances, to do good to the people over whom he presides, and to the several states in the union: and that by his extensive knowledge, and the impartiality and integrity of his government, he may subserve the general interests of the nation. Indeed he should have a general acquaintance with the religion, genius, navigation, commerce, general laws and state of nations and of the whole world; that from this comprehensive view he may govern himself and the affairs of the commonwealth, with respect to all their extensive and numerous interests and relations, in such a manner as shall most effectually promote the peace and emolument of the subjects of his own immediate government, and the peace and mutual advantage of all their relations. In this way he may be useful and do good to all men. As far as possible, he should be versed in the whole art of jurisprudence, finance and government.

The knowledge of men is also of high consideration to civil rulers. However wise they may be, in other respects, and however excellent their constitutions and laws, and with whatever extent of wisdom and foresight measures may be adopted for the general happiness, yet if the men appointed to execute them are too weak, irresolute or wicked to perform the duties of their respective offices, the designs of the legislature will be frustrated, and the people will be deprived of the happy effects of their wisdom, and of those advantages to which they have a just claim by their constitutions and laws. That rulers may therefore be happy in their government, they must know men, and have fortitude to reject the weak, intriguing and wicked, and to employ the wise, faithful and good, in the executive departments of the government.

As the human mind is capable of endless improvement, and as knowledge is so important for the purposes of good government, how laboriously should rulers study these points, that they may be men in knowledge and wisdom?

The affairs of government are high, above the reach of vulgar minds, though they may be good, and have the best designs towards the community. Moses therefore commanded, Take ye wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you. 11 Solomon, sensible of the necessity of wisdom in the government of a great people, asked it of God. The petition was highly acceptable, and he gave him wisdom and understanding exceeding much, and largeness of heart, even as the sand that is on the sea shore. 12

Civil rulers, to show themselves men, must also possess high paternal feelings, be of a public, noble spirit, deeply impressed with a sense of the vast worth of the interests, the liberties, lives, property, order, peace and prosperity of a commonwealth and nation. They should be strongly inclined to sacrifice all private interests for the public good, and to employ their honors, talents, opportunities and advantages wholly for its advancement. God commands that all rulers should be men fearing God and hating covetousness. 13 As they are his ministers for good, they ought, as far as possible, like him to be good and do good unto all. Like the light of the morning sun, rising without clouds, and gladdening a thousand regions, and like the clear shining after rain, which warms and fertilizes the gardens, the orchards and fields, and with countless fruits and plenteous harvests, enriches whole nations, and administers food and gladness to all men, they should, by extending the righteous, benign and peaceful influences of their government to small as well as great, to the fatherless and widow, to the humble cottage as well as the spacious dome, to thousands, to millions, to all, diffuse universal safety, comfort and joy. While, with these feelings, they act the man, they will appreciate the civil, temporal order, peace and happiness of the community; the liberties, lives and fortunes of the thousands who have entrusted to them their invaluable interests. They will appreciate their immense religious concerns, and not forget their own.

They will realize the importance and necessity of religion and Christian morals, that a people may be free and happy. They will not be insensible of the mutual influence, which government and religion have upon each other. All the measures of government, and even the examples of rulers, will encourage, or injure religion. It cannot be unaffected with the government and example of those in authority. Religion in like manner hath incalculable influence on the government, liberties and happiness of a people. In proportion as men are really conscientious and influenced by genuine principles of the gospel, they will be self-governed. Crimes will be prevented even in secret, and it will give to individuals and to the community at large, such security, peace and order, as mere law can never afford. Where men feel the influence of religion, mild laws will be sufficient for the purposes of government, and but few restraints on the natural rights of the people will be necessary. But when conscience is lost, and moral motives have no influence, a people can be governed by severe laws and punishments only; by Newgates, swords and cannon. In just such proportion as the influence of moral principles and motives are annihilated, the restraints of law must be increased, and the natural rights and liberties of the subjects be diminished. At the same time, property, character, life, and all public and private interests will be less secure. What state of society can be more wretched, than that described by the prophets, when judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off? Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter? 14—When every brother will utterly supplant, and every neighbour will walk with slanders? 15—When the best of them is a brier, and the most upright is sharper than a thorn hedge? 16—What order, honor or safety, what liberty or happiness can there be among such a people? It is doubtless the greatest quackery in politics, to imagine, that free government and liberty can be maintained without religion and morals.

While rulers taste the pleasures of religion, and act under the influence of wisdom, they will also appreciate the interests of literature, encourage colleges and schools, and advocate all proper means for the general diffusion of knowledge among the people. This is of high consideration both in a civil and religious view; especially in a republican government. If the people are sufficiently illuminated, they will ordinarily, under a wise and good government, be peaceable, steady and joyful. Whatever factious and designing men may insinuate, they will know their true interests, and faithfully support a wise and righteous government. Faction will have but little influence, and ordinarily will be but of short duration. This lays the foundation for eminence in all the learned professions, and is the hand-maid of religion. This has been one grand mean of the civil and religious liberty, peace and happiness of this and the New-England States. This indeed was a leading step in securing the liberty and happiness of America. Men must understand the great principles of rational liberty, that they may contend for, and maintain them. Religion and literature will therefore be encouraged while legislators display the dignity of man.

Further, that they may show themselves to be men, they must possess uncommon magnanimity and fortitude. It is commanded in the text, Be thou strong and show thyself a man: and the Lord commanded Joshua, Be thou strong and very courageous, that thou mayest observe to do according to all the law, which Moses my servant commanded thee. 17

Men of all characters have need even of supernatural strength, that they may overcome the world, their lusts and spiritual enemies. For who is he that overcometh the world, but he that is born of God? Is not this the victory that overcometh the world even our faith? 18 Rulers, and all men in high life, are in peculiar danger from the riches, pleasures, honors, applause and flattery of the world. Worldly cares, company and a multiplicity of business are calculated to fill the mind and leave no place for God and religion. Hence it is written, Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble are called. 19 Great courage and magnanimity therefore are necessary for men in public stations that they may war with firmness and resolution against the lusts of their own hearts, and the snares and allurements of the world: That they may bear a firm testimony against vice, scatter the wicked with their eye, and not bear the sword in vain: That they may be proof against the subtlety and arts of intriguing men, and the flattery and bribes of those who, in these crooked ways, would court their favor, and tempt them to partiality and respect of persons. They have often to steer in a rough sea. Sometimes faction rears its baleful head within, and wars rage without. Liberty, property, religion and life are at stake. What fortitude, at such times, is necessary, that their hearts may not melt and be shaken with fear, either from the attacks of foreign or domestic, open or secret enemies? The ruler should stand like a rock in the sea, which keeps its place though the storms arise, the billows roll and dash themselves upon it with the greatest violence. Especially, is this necessary in popular governments; that rulers may act impartially, do justice and judgment, faithfully pursue their own opinions and the public good, though popular prejudices and the popular breath should sometimes be against them. When party spirit runs high, and rulers, notwithstanding their most able, upright and faithful services, are misrepresented and vilified, a peculiar nobleness and magnanimity are necessary, to rise superior to calumny and abuse, and to treat all parties with candor, impartiality and goodness. This displays the dignity of man.

Indeed, integrity, faithfulness, diligence, sobriety, and all the social virtues, are necessary that Christian magistrates may show themselves men. They should be examples of everything which a wise and good ruler would wish to have the people to be, to make them great, honorable and happy. The good example of rulers puts great dignity upon them, endears them to their constituents, and has a most salutary influence on individual and public happiness.

In a word, that any of us may show ourselves to be men, we must act up to the dignity of our nature. We must know the Lord our God, be strong to keep his charge, and to walk in his ways, and exhibit all those virtues which may make us good citizens, useful in society, and qualified for a blessed immortality!

III. I proceed to show how important it is that rulers should act in character, agreeable to the dignity of human nature.

The observations which have been made, and passages of scripture which have been adduced, set this in a strong point of light. The address of David to his beloved Solomon, in our text, imports its high necessity and transcendent moment.

The express commands of God, that rulers, from the ruler of thousands even to the ruler of tens, should be able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; just, ruling in the fear of God, are expressive of its high importance. The divine requisitions are of the highest consideration. They are absolutely indispensible.

Further this appears from a consideration of the immense interests committed to the management of rulers, and of the influence which the manner of their government will necessarily have upon them. They rule over men, over thousands, it may be over millions, everyone of whom is worth more than a world. They enact and support the laws by which they are to be protracted in their names, persons, estates and all their civil and religious interests; nay, by which they are to live or die. They are guardians of everything dear to them. The many thousands over whom they bear rule will rejoice or mourn according to the manner in which they govern. It will have influence on the religion, morals, present and endless happiness of innumerable multitudes of the human race. Individuals, families, the present age, and generations to come may be exceedingly effected by their government and example. Is it possible then to calculate of what importance it is that they should show themselves to be men?

Further, in what a forcible and engaging point of light will this appear from the happy effects of a wise and righteous government? How are these attested by scripture and all experience? Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in due season, for strength and not for drunkenness. 22 When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice. 21 Their influence is represented as cheering as the light of the morning, and like the genial effects of the sun and rain, which clothe nature in all her beauties and produce fruits and harvests of every kind. And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain. 22

How happy and honorable was the nation of Israel under the government of David and Solomon? How did the kingdom of Judah prosper in the reigns of Asa, Jehoshaphat, and other wise and pious kings? How have other nations and communities flourished under wise and good government? How great and happy have been the effects of it in New-England, and especially in Connecticut? How wise and free are her constitutions? How mild and salutary her system of laws, and the genius of her government? Where is liberty so amply enjoyed? Where is such provision made for schooling? And where is knowledge so generally diffused among the people? What commonwealth was ever governed with less expense, or to more general satisfaction? Where is the community upon earth which rivals her in these respects?

The distraction and misery to which a people are reduced, by a weak and wicked government, may add further light and energy to the point under consideration. The mouth of the Lord hath spoken, Woe unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child, and thy princes eat in the morning. 23 When the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. 24 God denounceth it as one of the heaviest curses upon his own people, That he would give children to be their princes, and that babes should rule over them. 25

Facts and the experience of mankind, in every age and country, give us the same ideas of a weak and wicked government. How did the folly of rehoboam at once divide the kingdom of Israel, and deprive it of all that wealth, dignity and prosperity, to which the preceding reigns of his illustrious ancestors, David and Solomon, had raised it? How fatal and lasting were the effects of the wicked reigns of Jeroboam and his successors, on the throne of Israel; and of Ahaz, Manasseh, Amon and Zedekiah upon the throne of Judah? They have been the same in other nations in every period of the world! How have the impious and wicked governments of Europe, within the course of a few years, brought incalculable miseries on the people and astonished the world with new crimes? In what a strong and affecting point of light do these considerations evince how highly necessary and important it is that rulers show themselves to be men?

The consideration, that the blessing of God will attend a wise and pious government, and no other, is also of great consideration, to engage rulers to be strong and keep the charge of the Lord. That thou mayest prosper, says David, to his beloved Solomon, in all that thou doest, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself. The words import that there is no prosperity to be expected for rulers themselves, nor their subjects, unless they show themselves strong, to keep the charge of the Lord, and to walk in his ways. At the same time, they contain an implication or promise, that if they will do these they shall prosper in all their measures, and be most happy in their government. The blessing of God will attend them and the people, and righteousness will exalt the nation.

In a word, that civil rulers, and all others, in the various departments and conditions of life, should act in character, as men, is of infinite moment to themselves. All are indispensibly bound to pay the first and principal attention to religion. Our Saviour and Judge has commanded, Seek first the kingdom of God. 26 Labour not for the meat which perisheth, but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life. 27 If we are disobedient to these high commands, we shall deprive ourselves of the transcendent dignity and happiness of men. We shall destroy interests more valuable than the whole material system, and whatever our circumstances may have been in the present state, we shall mourn at last without pity or end. Our responsibility will be high and solemn, in proportion to the interests entrusted to us; and to our capacities, honors and opportunities. For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required: and to whom men have committed much, of him will they ask the more. 28

On a review of our subject it is natural to remark on the infinite ingratitude, horrible nature and criminality of sin. What language can describe the ingratitude of treason against him who has given such dignity and worth to man? How ineffable the criminality of destroying such a creature? How sorrowful would it be? How dreadful the crime to destroy the cities, the wealth and happiness of empires, to quench the sun and stars and obliterate the whole material system? But still more sorrowful and tremendous is it to ruin an immortal soul! To destroy one’s self! Well has the poet said,

“Not all these luminaries quench’d at once,
Were half so sad, as one benighted mind,
Which gropes for happiness, and meets despair.”

It is natural further to remark the necessity not only of rulers being men of prayer, constantly asking wisdom, and the high qualifications for good government, but that the people should pray for, and by all means encourage and support them. Proper views of the vast interests committed to their management, and of their high responsibility to God and men, cannot fail to awake in them, as it did in king Solomon, an impressive sense of the necessity of wisdom and aid from heaven, and of their diligently employing all means and opportunities to furnish themselves for public usefulness, and to call into exertion their whole capacity for the common weal.

At the same time, these views will strongly impress on the minds of good people, a sense of the duty of making supplications, prayers and intercessions for kings, and for all that are in authority; that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty. 29 Under the same views and impressions, they will obey magistrates, and be in subjection, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. 30 They will render tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor. 31 They will be candid in judging and modest in speaking of men in authority, and of the public measures. They will be peaceable, contented, industrious and thankful under a good administration of government. With their lives and fortunes, they will support their constitutions and laws. They will abhor faction, discountenance public clamor and insurrection; and be far from the character of those who despise dominion and speak evil of dignities, and of those things which they know not. 32

Further, justice cannot be done to this subject without observing, that it furnisheth motives of the highest consideration to cultivate the mind, and to summon into exertion all the powers of man. Is it possible to describe, or even to conceive the weight of the arguments which his dignity, immortality and capacity for endless improvement and usefulness, for happiness or misery, furnish to persuade every man to be wise and good? Who can seriously contemplate them and not be all life and diligence in the service of God and his generation?

In this state, and at this eventful period, there are peculiar incentives, for all to show themselves men, and to be strong to keep the charge of the Lord our God: especially for the legislature. The good sense and order of our citizens; the encouragement and support, which, for more than a hundred and sixty years, they have uniformly given to the government; their steady conduct in electing men, who have been distinguished for wisdom and patriotism; and when they have once chosen them, in giving them their suffrages annually, during the period of life, or until, by reason of age, they have been incapacitated for public usefulness, is of great consideration, to encourage them to give themselves to the study of government and jurisprudence, and to possess themselves of every qualification which may render them publicly and most extensively useful. The expression of the general esteem of their fellow-citizens in annually placing them in the chair of state, cannot but conciliate their warmest affections, elevate their patriotism, and stimulate their exertions for the common weal. This, while it animates them, is of essential advantage to the citizens, as it gives them rulers rich in experience as well as knowledge. Experience in government is like experiment in philosophy; it teacheth that which nothing else can teach, and is to be depended on. These circumstances create mutual confidence between the ruler and subject, and greatly subserve the general peace and happiness.

On these auspicious circumstances, on the general health and plenty; on the preservation of the lives of his Excellency the Governor and Council, of the Judges of the Superior Court and of our citizens in general, with heartfelt joy, I beg leave to congratulate your Excellency, and this honorable General Assembly. That since the last general election there has been but one breach among the judges of our courts, and but two among two hundred of the clergy, 33 certainly demands our public notice and grateful acknowledgements. The flourishing state of our college and schools is matter of congratulation. These all exhibit motives to piety and usefulness. With the utmost deference, I wish to suggest to your excellency, and this honorable legislature, that you will appreciate and feel their influence. The examples of former governors and magistrates, which have shone with the most distinguishing luster, the happy and lasting effects of their government, the honor and pleasure of continuing and increasing the public happiness, and of important and extensive usefulness to the American States, and to the world of mankind, will not certainly escape your wise observation, nor be without their influence. The eventful period, in which you are called to public action, the uncommon field which presents itself for the display of all the greatness and goodness of man will not be without your notice.

Was there ever call for such a number of great and good men, and for the display of talents in the various departments of the national government, and in those of the government of the particular states, as there is as present? While our citizens are making settlements in every part of the United States; while they are settling a new and extensive government; while they are traversing the ocean, appearing in the East and West-Indies, and in almost every port in the habitable earth, what infinite service might be done to the cause of God and men, by training them to good government, to wisdom, piety, righteousness and the various social virtues? Who can calculate the good effects which it might have not only on the affairs of this state, but of the sister states in general? What happy influence it might have on the morals, civil and religious interests of the new settlements? How far it might extend its influence to future ages and to the four quarters of the earth?

To govern with views, and in a manner most subservient to these noble ends, will be, in the true import of our text, to show yourselves men.

The dangers attending government call for vigilance, manly wisdom and exertion. To maintain and cultivate the peace of America, amidst the animosities of Europe, and the conflicts and jealousies of numerous nations, to conciliate parties and preserve internal peace, to guard against the intrigue, perfidy and demoralization which have made Europe a field of blood, and spread unprecedented misery among a great proportion of the human race, are works becoming the dignity of man. Objects and motives of such magnitude, it is presumed, will arrest your attention, and call into exertion all your powers for the general prosperity and happiness. May you be strong nd show yourselves men, and so keep the charge of the Lord our God, that you may prosper in all that you do, and whithersoever you shall turn yourselves. May you by great and noble actions, the most extensive benevolence and usefulness, embalm your names to the latest posterity. Thus may you prepare for the closing scene of life, when, like David, you shall go the way of all the earth, and stand before him who is higher than the highest and judgeth among the Gods. Then may you meet his all-gracious approbation, and be forever as distinguished for dignity and blessedness among the sons of God, as you have been for exaltation and usefulness among men.

The dignity and worth of man call for universal exertion for his salvation. Especially do they challenge our exertions, my Reverend brethren, who are appointed to watch for souls, as those who must give account. 34 We have interests of our own more valuable than empires, and beside these, how many others of equal importance, are committed to our care? How solemn, how wonderful the trust? How extensive is the field of usefulness, which opens before us? How grand are the objects, how weighty the motives which call us to action. What immense good, by the blessing of God, may we, at such a period, effect by our spirited and faithful labors? By ably defending Christianity? By a zealous and faithful preaching of the doctrines of the cross? By an assiduous inculcation of Christian morals? By supporting government, and training up young men for usefulness in church and commonwealth? By diffusing the knowledge of Christ among the new and extensive settlements on our borders, and by communicating the blessings of salvation to the perishing Heathen of the American continent?

The union and correspondence we have formed with the Presbyterian churches in America, and a similar one with the ministers and churches of Vermont, afford advantages for the most extensive usefulness. The countenance which this honorable legislature have been pleased to give our charitable designs, the liberality with which our good citizens have supported them, and especially, the revival of God’s work in many of our congregations and in the new settlements, challenge our religious acknowledgements. At the same time, they afford engaging motives to perseverance and still greater exertions in our work. Shall we not then brace up with a kind of invincible and immortal vigor and heroism, and spring forward, with united hearts and exertions, to the divine employment to which we are called? Let us rise superior to this vain world, to all its allurements, reproach and persecution. Like the great apostle, warmed with the love of God and men, and fixing our eye upon the goal of glory, let none of these things move us, neither let us count our lives dear to us, that we may finish our course with joy; and the ministry we have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God. 35

To conclude, since man is far greater than can be conceived, let all my hearers show themselves to be men. Contemplate, I beseech you, the transcendent worth and dignity of your natures. Know that you have interests of your own, an empire within, to govern, more valuable than Alexander’s or Caesar’s. You have to subdue your lusts and govern yourselves: To vanquish Satan and the world, or you can never be happy. You run not for corruptible and mortal, but for incorruptible and immortal crowns. You may be kings and priests, and reign with your Redeemer and his redeemed people forever. Deprive not yourselves of heavenly priesthood and royalty. Be not guilty of the infinite crime of destroying yourselves, nor of destroying others. Know that you have families to train to virtue and glory: That you are called to seek the peace, and promote the interests of the churches, societies and corporations to which you respectively belong: To support, build, make honorable and happy this commonwealth; this young, but extensive and growing nation. In proportion as you awake to these duties you will show yourselves to be men. Whatever you design to do, do it immediately; for soon, yes, very soon, like David, you will go the way of all the earth. Work therefore while the day lasteth; for the night cometh when no man can work. This will make you honorable and useful in life and happy in death. This will qualify you to rejoice in the gladness of God’s nation, and to glory with his inheritance forever. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. I Kings, iv. 33.

2. I Cor. vi. 2, 3.

3. Zechariah ii. 8.

4. Psalm lxxv. 6, 7.

5. Rom. xiii. 1.

6. Psalm lxxxii. 6.

7. Rom. xiii. 4.

8. I Sam. ii. 8 and Psalm lxxv. 3.

9. Isaiah xlvi. 8.

10. 2 Samuel xxiii. 3.

11. Exodus xviii. 21 and Deut. i. 13.

12. I Kings iii. 9, 10, 11, 12, and chapter iv. 20.

13. Exodus xviii. 21.

14. Isaiah lix. 14.

15. Jer. ix. 4.

16. Micah vii. 4.

17. John I 7.

18. I John v. 4, 5.

19. I Cor. i. 26.

20. Eccles. X. 17.

21. Prov. xxix. 2.

22. 2 Sam. xxiii. 4.

23. Eccles. x. 16.

24. Prov. xxix. 2.

25. Isaiah iii. 4, 5.

26. Matt. vi. 33.

27. John vi. 27.

28. Luke 12. 48.

29. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

30. Rom. xiii. 5.

31. Verse 7.

32. Jude 8.

33. Joseph Hopkins, Esquire; one of the judges of the Court for the County of New-Haven, the Rev. Nathaniel Taylor, one of the fellows of Yale-College, and the Rev. Timothy Langdon have deceased since the last election.

34. Heb. xiii. 17.

35. Acts xx. 24.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Prayer – 1799


Thomas Baldwin (1753-1825), an influential pastor and well-known author, was born and raised in Connecticut until the age of 16 when he moved to New Hampshire, where he later became a member of the State Legislature. As a young man, he was many times called upon to read sermons before his church when the minister was absent. In 1783, he became an ordained evangelist and for 7 years traveled on horseback among the state’s towns, preaching the Gospel until 1790, when he became the pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston. In 1803, Baldwin began publication of the Massachusetts Baptist Missionary Magazine, later renamed the American Baptist Magazine (the only Baptist publication in America for years), of which he was the only editor until 1817 and the senior editor until his death in 1825. During his lifetime, Baldwin published 34 separate works, including several books and numerous sermons (published at the special request of his hearers). Baldwin died in Maine at the age of 72, having the day before his death preached two sermons in Massachusetts.


sermon-prayer-1799

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED AT BOSTON,

On TUESDAY, April 2, 1799;

AT A

Quarterly Meeting of several Churches

FOR

SPECIAL PRAYER.

By THOMAS BALDWIN, A. M.
Pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston.

A

S E R M O N.

Isaiah xliii. 12, 13.

—Ye are my witnesses, saith the Lord, that I am God. Yea, before the day was, I am be, and there is none that can deliver out of my hand. I will work, and who shall let it?

A firm belief in the existence, perfections, and providence of God, is always to be considered as a first principle in religion. Where this belief is wanting, there is no rational ground to expect either virtue or morality. Every violation of the moral law, every secret or open sin, is a practical denial of the divine authority. And the most prominent features in the character of the bold transgressor, are his disbelief of the omnisciency of God, and of his own future accountability. Concealed from the observation of man, he is ready to ask, “How doth God know? And is there knowledge in the Most High? Can I be amenable at his dread tribunal?”

But however the practice of mankind may argue against their religious principles, (for the mind often assents to what the practice denies) we have been unwilling to believe that there were any, or at most but very few, who were so shockingly impious and absurd, as professedly to deny the being and providence of God. In this country, until very lately, an absolute, professed atheist, was almost as rare, and would perhaps have excited as much astonishment, as the transit of a comet. But infidelity and atheism are now throwing off the mask, and are daring to appear with impious, brazen front, even at noon-day. Many others there are, as we have reason to suppose, who, notwithstanding their professions of friendship, are secretly abetting the same wretched cause. These disguise the malignity of their hearts, under a base insidious smile, and, Judas-like, are endeavouring to betray the dearest interests of religion with a deceitful kiss.

It is truly affecting to a pious mind, to see with what avidity, deistical, and even some atheistical publications, have been received of late among us. Is it not seriously to be feared, that many of our thoughtless, unsuspecting youth, have already caught the impious contagion? A contagion, in my opinion, much more to be dreaded than the most fatal epidemic: for, while the latter destroys the body, and hath no more that it can do, the former dissolves the bonds of social union, corrupts morality, debauches virtue, and ruins the soul forever!

These things may seem to lower with gloomy aspect upon the cause of religion. But amidst this darkness, “light is sown for the righteous, and joy for the upright.” For “when the enemy shall come in like a flood, the Spirit of the Lord shall lift up a standard against him.” “In that day there shall be a Root of Jesse, which shall stand for an ensign of the people; to it shall the Gentiles seek, and his rest shall be glorious.” Around this sacred standard, like the ancient Hebrews around the tabernacle in the wilderness, will every true Israelite pitch his tent. Here will they set up their banners in the name of the Lord, and in the strength of the great Jehovah they will put to flight the whole camp of infidelity.

But should dark clouds gather round us; should we see iniquity abounding, and the love of many waxing cold; should Zion’s ways still mourn because so few come to her solemn feasts; should some depart from the Faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils; yet let us not think the cause lost. This, perhaps this is the very time for God to work. He has a set time to favour Zion, and the text assures us that he will do it. “Ye are my witnesses, saith the Lord, that I am God.—I will work, and who shall let it?”

In order to strengthen your faith in the certain accomplishment of the declaration in the text, and to encourage one and all to become workers together with God, I propose,

I. To offer a few thoughts upon the character of Him who has said, “I will work, and who shall let it?”

II. Shall attempt to illustrate and distinguish the particular “work” intended in the text.

III. Shall consider the general, but ineffectual, opposition contemplated to this glorious work.

The first part of our subject contains an appeal, to the sentiments and feelings of all the friends of truth—“Ye are my witnesses, saith the Lord, that I am God.” But what are the facts to which we bear witness? We testify that He is, and that He is a rewarder of all them that diligently seek him. That from everlasting to everlasting he is God. That he is the self-existent, the independent, the immutable Jehovah. That all the divine perfections centre and harmonize in his character. That he upholds and governs all worlds and all beings; and that his tender mercies are over all the works of his hands. That his providential care extends to all, even the meanest of his creatures.

These are facts of which we have the greatest moral certainty. Yet, should some bold skeptic demand proof of his existence, we might perhaps be at a loss how to undertake it; not from the want of evidence, but from its exuberance. Should a man shut his eyes, and deny the existence of light, or demand evidence that the sun shines, how should we proceed in order to convince him? Should we appeal to the senses of all mankind, who are daily blessed with his beams? Should we attempt in detail, all that rich variety of infinitely multiplied favours daily derived from this fountain of created goodness? No; we should cut the work short, and tell him to open his eyes, and he would find an immediate cure for his skepticism. May not the same be said to the atheist? Let him become impartial but a single moment, and he shall find all nature rising in proof of the existence of a God. Can we believe that man to be honestly inquiring after truth, who can find no evidence through the universe of a supreme, intelligent First Cause? We certainly cannot: nor does reason or Christian charity demand it of us.

Men frequently embrace error, in order to get rid of the difficulties they meet with in vindicating the truth. On this ground, many have given up some of the peculiar doctrines of the gospel: OTHERS HAVE REJECTED Christianity altogether; and some there are, who have given up natural as well as revealed religion, and denied the existence of a God upon the same principle. But has atheism no difficulties in it? The material system of the universe must either be considered as eternal, and consequently self-existent, or it must have been created. But is there less difficulty in conceiving of the eternity of matter, than of the existence and eternity of God? Is there no difficulty in accounting for the motion, order, and harmony of the heavenly bodies, without admitting the idea of a Supreme Intelligence? Surely there is; for matter of itself is inert, and incapable of originating the smallest motion. Deny the existence of God, and you behold every where effects without a cause! Order and harmony without design! Of all systems that were ever originated in the wild fancy of man, atheism is the most blasphemous and absurd.

There is evidently a strong bias in mankind to novelty of opinion and sentiment, as well as in other things. Hence many look back upon the pious sentiments and godly zeal of their ancient fires, and view them in the same whimsical light as they do their old-fashioned pictures, and at once congratulate themselves that they live in an age of much greater taste and improvement. But, however modern times may boast of having improved in liberality of sentiment, in science and the fine arts—they certainly have very little to boast of, on account of religion and morality. I am at the same time sensible, that to some, this is looked upon as the golden age so long foretold by Grecian Bards. Those halcyon days which were to bless the world, in their view, are fast approaching! Reason’s millennium has already commenced! They glory to think they have liberated the human mind from the restraints of religion, and from the fears of futurity. But this fatal liberty only permits the mind to fly like an unbalanced system from its centre; to roam, in eternal uncertainty, through the wilderness of depraved reason; to be forever tormented in trying to believe what it is always afraid will finally prove true; to violate the sacred principles of justice, of reason, and religion; to trample the gospel under foot, and blaspheme the name of God; to set at defiance all laws, human and divine; and, in a word, to proclaim open war with both heaven and earth! O Liberty! How is thy sacred name prostituted and profaned!

That there have been, in every age, a few solitary individuals who have denied the existence of God, will be admitted; but tat atheism should be the professed creed of any considerable number of the ruling party of any civilized nation, it is presumed cannot be found in the history of the world, till near the close of the eighteenth century. It is not to be concluded, however, that even in that nation every individual is an atheist, any more than we may conclude every man a Christian who belongs to a Christian country. There may be many there still, who fear God and reverence his Son. Yet the wild project of those made philosophists, to dethrone the Deity and reign themselves, must be looked upon as the most bold and impious attack upon the throne of God, that has ever been made since the days of Nimrod. And even the attempt to build Babel is not, in my opinion, to be considered as an absolute denial of the existence of God; but rather as a distrust of his providential goodness, and an ignorant, slavish fear of his almighty power.

Soon after the confusion of tongues, we find idolatry introduced, or revived in the world: for some are of opinion that it existed before the floor; others suppose that it was first introduced by the Phenicians, and from them communicated to the Egyptians and the other neighbouring nations. But in that degenerated state of the world, notwithstanding the heathens worshipped a multiplicity of inferior deities, yet in general they acknowledged a supreme God, in distinction from them. This is evident from profane history, 1 as well as from those instances mentioned in the sacred scriptures. It is clear that Laban the Syrian acknowledged another God, beside those whom he charged Jacob with having stolen. “The God of your father,” said he, “appeared to me yesternight.” The same is true concerning the calves set up at Bethel and Dan by Jeroboam. The people, indeed, paid their immediate devotions to these images, much in the same manner as the Papists do to the crucifix; but still they acknowledged a supreme God, in distinction from them. Paul, in his epistle to the Romans, does not charge them with atheism, but with idolatry. “Because,” saith he, “when they knew God, they glorified him not as God, but became vain in their imaginations, and worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator.” That is, as I conceive, they worshipped their images and subordinate deities more than the supreme God, who is over all, blessed for evermore. The altar which St. Paul found at Athens, inscribed to the unknown God, although they had lost the knowledge of his true character.

Will you indulge me, my brethren to relate the reflections of one of the rude inhabitants of the North, a wild Greenlander? “It is true, (said he to a missionary) we were ignorant heathens, and knew nothing of God, or a Saviour; and indeed who should tell us of him until you come. But thou must not imagine that no Greenlander thinks about these things. I myself have often thought that a kajak, (a boat) with all its tackle and implements does not grow into existence of itself; but must be made by the ingenuity of man. Now the meanest bird has far more skill displayed in its structure than the best kajak, and no man can make a bird. But there is still far greater art shewn in the formation of man, than of any other creature. Who was it that made him? I bethought me he proceeded from his parents, and they from their parents: but some must have been the first parents—Whence did they come? Common report informs me, they grew out of the earth; but if so, why does it not still happen that men grow out of the earth? And from whence did this same earth itself, the sea, the sun, the moon, and stars, arise into existence? Certainly there must be some Being who made all these things—a Being that always was, and can never cease to be. He must be inexpressibly more mighty, knowing, and wise, than the wisest man. He must be very good, too; because that every thing which he has made is good, useful, and necessary for us. Ah! Did I but know him? None of us poor men. Yet there may be men, too, that know something of him. O that I speak with such!—Therefore,” said he, “as soon as I heard you speak of this great Being, I believed it directly with all my heart, because I had so long desired to hear it.” 2

The savages of America, who roam in our western forests, in general acknowledge the existence of the Great Spirit; although they are said to worship the devil, to keep him from hurting them. Hence it appears, that in every country, in every age and nation, a Supreme Being has generally been acknowledged. This has justly been considered as the great principle of national confidence. And indeed, what confidence can be put in engagements, oaths, and treaties, where the existence of God and future accountability are not acknowledged, is, at best, quite problematical.

But in addition to what has already been mentioned, the people of God in every age have been living witnesses for him. They have testified of his power and goodness, of his truth and faithfulness, to the children of men. Those who have borne witness to the Divine Character, are not a few. We are compassed about on every side with a cloud of witnesses. They rise to our view numerous as the multitude which John saw in heaven, that no man could number. I have only time to select a few.

What a noble testimony did Enoch bear to the character of God, by his living obedience to the precepts of truth; by his holy life in walking with God; by his foretelling the coming of the Lord; by the witness which he obtained that he pleased God; and by his being translated to glory without seeing death!

How convincing the testimony of Noah, the father of the new world. He witnessed to the holiness, the justice, and the faithfulness of God, in preaching the necessity of righteousness to that ungodly generation, and in persevering in building the ark an hundred and twenty years before the flood. By that awful catastrophe, God set a seal to his testimony. The windows of heaven were at length opened, and the fountains of the great deep were broken up. The astonished world now saw, that what Noah had told them about his God was true. The warnings which they had treated as idle tales, now began to assume a more serious aspect. All appeared reality. The flood was rising on every side. “In vain did man think of flying for safety to the lofty mountains. Thousands of torrents rushed down their sides, and mingled the confused noise of their waters with the howling of the winds and the roaring of the thunder. Black tempests gathered round their summits, and diffused a night of horror in the very midst of day. In vain does he turn an eager eye towards heaven; he perceives nothing in the whole circuit of the horizon, but piles of dark clouds heaped upon each other; a pale glare here and there furrows their gloomy and endless battalions; and the orb of day, veiled by their lurid coruscations [flash of light], emits scarcely light sufficient to afford a glimpse in the firmament of his blood disk wading through new constellations.” 3 The waters increase on every side. The flood swells, and bears down every thing before it. “Cities, palaces, majestic pyramids, triumphal arches,” all the labour of ages, and all the monuments of art, are buried in undistinguished ruin. But when the proud waves lift themselves up, Noah’s God sits in awful majesty upon the circle of the universe, directing the wild uproar of the mad elements. He again gathers the waters in the hollow of his hand, and pours them into the bosom of the ocean. He commands, and the stormy winds forget their fury, and cease to howl. All again is quiet. The sun once more sheds his cheering rays upon the drowned earth; the resplendent bow appears in the heavens, as a peaceful sign to sinful man, that the waters should no more go over the earth; but a still more interesting sign to the believer, that “God will no more be wroth with him, nor rebuke him.”

What an illustrious testimony did Abraham bear to the true character of God, in every country where he sojourned! The fear of the Lord fell upon the people, and the surrounding neighbourhood was often blessed for his sake. The affecting scene upon Mount Moriah, abundantly manifested the truth and faithfulness of God, and Abraham’s unshaken confidence in the divine faithfulness. Nor did his heroic conduct on the plains of Sodom give a less convincing evidence of his trust in the great Jehovah. Here we behold him with a little band, composed of only three hundred and eighteen of his household servants, and three volunteers, pursuing, and entirely defeating the combined army of four victorious kings, and rescuing five more, together with his nephew Lot. With what true greatness of soul does he appear, when refusing to accept the spoil which was generously offered to him—testifying to his astonished neighbours, that he had a portion in God far superior to all the treasures of this world! Give me the persons, said the king of Sodom, and take the goods to thyself. “No,” said Abraham, “I have lifted up mine hand unto the Lord, the Most High God, possessor of heaven and earth, that I will not take from a thread to a shoe-latchet.” But he did not go unrewarded; for “after these things, the word of the Lord came to him in a vision, saying, Fear not, Abram, for I am thy shield and thy exceeding great reward.”

But whom do we see yonder, appearing in such princely style, polished after the similitude of a palace? It is Moses!—Behold him despising the splendours of a royal court, and “refusing to be called the son of Pharaoh’s daughter; choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasure of sin for a season.” “He endured as seeing Him who is invisible.” After forty years’ exile in Midian, we behold him returning with the rod of God in his hand, asserting his commission from the great I AM, to deliver Israel, before the atheistical tyrant of Egypt; and, by conviction addressed to his senses, obliging him at last to acknowledge that God, whose character he had held in the utmost contempt.

With what awful solemnity do we hear Moses appealing to the invisible God, to decide a dangerous controversy between him, and Korah and his coadjutors! “To-morrow,” said Moses, “God shall decide the matter.” The day arrives; the tribes assemble at the door of the tabernacle; the glory of the Lord appears; terror and anxiety sit silent on every countenance;—at length God speaks!—Moses and Aaron fall prostrate to the earth, and supplicate. “Go,” said God to Moses, “command the congregation to separate themselves from these bold transgressors”—(awful emblem of the last day!) “Hereby,” said Moses, “shall ye know that the Lord hath sent me to do all these works. If these men die he common death of all men, or if they be visited after the visitation of all men, then the Lord hath not spoken by me. But if the Lord make a new thing, and the earth open her mouth and swallow them up, with all that appertain unto them, and they go down quick into the pit, then ye shall understand that these men have provoked the Lord.” The alarmed congregation had no sooner retired, than the earth give way under the tents of these wicked men, “and they went down alive into the pit, and the earth closed upon them!” How glorious does the God of Israel appear, in punishing as well as pardoning!

Was it possible to exhibit more clear and convincing proof of the presence and power of an invisible God, than what Elijah gave to the idolatrous Hebrews? With what dignity do we behold him at Mount Carmel, surrounded by a host of false prophets, who were patronized by royal favour; and there proposing to put the matter upon an issue, which involved, not only his own personal reputation and safety, but, what was infinitely dearer to him, the cause of God and truth. “Choose you one bullock,” said he, “and I will choose another, and we will dress them and lay them upon wood, but put no fire under; and call ye on the name of your gods, and I will call on the name of the Lord; and the God that answereth by fire, let him be God.” The proposal was accepted; and Baal’s prophets, that they might, if possible, succeed, took the day before them, and called upon their sleeping, senseless god, from morning until evening, but there was no answer. At the time of the offering the evening sacrifice, Elijah “took twelve stones, and built an altar in the name of the Lord.” He prepared his bullock, and laid it in order upon the wood; and after having the altar thrice drenched in water, so as to prevent the possibility of fraud, we behold the adoring Tishbite drawing near to his God! Let us mark the manner of his address.—“Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and of Israel, let it be known this day that thou art God in Israel, and that I am thy servant, and that I have done all these things at thy word. Hear me, O Lord, hear me; that this people may know that thou art the Lord God, and that thou hast turned their heart back again. Then the fire of the Lord fell, and consumed the burnt-sacrifice, and the wood, and the stones, and the dust, and licked up the water that was in the trench. And when all the people saw it, they fell on their faces; and they said, The Lord, he is the God; the Lord, he is the God.”

I will add only one instance more.

What conviction was offered to an impious monarch, by the three captives in Babylon, who testified that the God in whom they trusted was able to deliver them out of his hands! They nobly dared to despise the wrath of a king, and were unappalled by his raging furnace. Believing in God, they “quenched the violence of fire;” and triumphing over their blind persecutors, left a decided testimony for God.

But I should much sooner fatigue your patience than exhaust the subject; therefore can only say, that all the friends of truth and righteousness, in every age, have borne witness for God, both by their lives and by their deaths, that he is a God of covenant love and faithfulness. The word that has gone out of his mouth shall not return void. And do we hear him saying, “I will work?” It is settled in heaven—it shall be accomplished. I proceed,

II. To illustrate and distinguish the particular work intended in the text.

I conceive, by the expression in the text, we are to understand either the work of providence or grace. In both of these the hand of God is manifest; and the former is generally, if not always, carried on with reference to the latter. All the great events which are taking place at the present day, however dark and distressing, we have reason to believe, will be finally overruled for the advancement of the Redeemer’s kingdom. The wrath of man shall praise him, and the remainder of wrath he will wisely restrain.

From the whole context it appears evident, that the work of the Spirit of God upon the hearts of the children of men, is specially intended in the text. This is with great propriety called God’s work. It is he that begins it and carries it on; so that in its rise and progress, it is entirely dependent on the influences of his Holy Spirit.

Some are of opinion, however, that this work is a mere mechanical operation, produced by the address of the preacher, either by his boisterous airs, or by his canting tone of voice. That such an address may asset the passions will be granted; but the work we are speaking of, is quite a distinct thing from a mere operation upon the passions. The latter may take place without any connection with religion; but the former implants a principle of divine love in the soul. The passions may be greatly moved by the representation of a tragedy; but these impressions are only transient; they are excited by the circumstances of the moment, and as soon subside. We are willing to acknowledge, that if this “counsel or work be of men, it will come to naught; but if it be of God, it cannot be overthrown.”

That there is a natural disinclination in mankind to the doctrines of the cross, is too evident to be denied. This appears in their putting off the concerns of their souls, like Felix, for a more convenient season. The most persuasive arguments made use of by the ministers of Christ will prove ineffectual, unless accompanied by a divine influence. It remains still true, that Paul may plant, and Apollos water; but if there be any increase, it is God who gives it. It is one part of the office work of the Holy Spirit, to convince men of sin. And wherever we find a deep and affecting sense, wrought in the heart, of the infinite evil of sin, as committed against a God of spotless purity and rectitude, we may say to such, as the apostle did to the Philippians, We are “confident of this very thing, that He who hath begun a good work in you, will perform it until the day of Jesus Christ.” The believer is directed to “work out his own salvation with fear and trembling;” but not in his own strength; for it is added, “It is God who worketh in you, both to will and do of his good pleasure.” I conceive that those who apply this passage to sinners, whose hearts are at enmity with God, and exhort them to work out their own salvation, and especially without telling them that it is God who must work in them, both to will and to do—entirely mistake the meaning of the apostle. The words were at first addressed to obedient believers at Philippi, importing, that all the good that was found in them, either in willing or doing, was of God, who wrought it in them.

This work of which we have been speaking, is not a mere change of opinion and sentiment, but of temper and disposition. It gives a new direction to all the desires of the heart. It detaches the soul from its love of sinful objects, and kindles in it the most ardent desire after the knowledge of spiritual and divine things. It places morality upon a sure foundation. It inspires the soul with proper sentiments of devotion towards God. It gives energy to all the benevolent propensities of the heart. In fine, it has a commanding influence upon the heart and life, and by its sanctifying operations upon the mind, prepares it for the everlasting enjoyment of God in heaven. We come,

III. To consider the opposition, implied in the text, to this work—“Who shall let it?” By this expression I think it evidently implied, that there would be opposition.

But who are so base as to oppose so good a work? I answer, 1st. He who first opposed the happiness of man in the garden of Eden. We must either deny the existence of this malicious spirit, or acknowledge with the apostle, that he “now worketh in the children of disobedience.” Christ compared the human heart to a fortress, and Satan to a strong man armed, who keeps it as his palace, until a stronger than he dispossesses him.

2d. The lusts and corruptions of our own wicked hearts stand in direct opposition to this work of grace. It is the grand design of this work, to overcome and destroy them: But they never expire without a struggle. The law in the members will war against the law of the mind. If there were no opposition in our hearts, we should resign to the first call of the gospel. It would be only necessary to set the truth before us, and we should with the utmost readiness embrace it. But melancholy experience demonstrates, that we are “slow of heart to believe.” Christ comes to his own, and his own receive him not. But,

3d. There is opposition from without as well as within. Infidels, and all the open enemies of religion will oppose this work. They attack the Christian system in different directions, and with different weapons. Sometimes they bring forward what they call arguments, and attempt either to disprove the existence or necessity of this work. But their most common and most successful weapon is ridicule. They have found by experience, that it is much easier to laugh at our sentiments, than to confute them—to deny a proposition, than to disprove it.

Some who may be reckoned in this class, have gone still further. They not only deny the Christian revelation, but the most important sentiments of natural religion. “To them, a Supreme Being is a chimera; immortality is unconscious sleep; and future responsibility the frightful offspring of superstition.” 4 These are exulting in what they madly call the reign of Reason! But, instead of presenting that fair goddess, extending her mild sway over the savage passions of man, we behold “the hydra of despotism riding in her iron car,” her wheels rolling in blood, spreading desolation and death through the world! But the consideration that “God reigns, and that he will work,” still every fear, and calms the mind. But,

4th. This work will be opposed by some of the professed friends of Christ, who yet, in reality, are secret enemies. These disguise the hypocrisy of their hearts under a fair profession. St. Paul long since complained of false brethren, who came in privily to spy out their liberty, in order to bring them into bondage. And among the perils to which he had been exposed, he mentions, as none of the least, false brethren. These may show much zeal in contending for the form of godliness, and perhaps as much in opposing the power. A false-hearted, pretended friend, is capable of doing much greater injury to the interests of religion, than an open enemy. The deepest wounds which Christ feels in his cause, are often given in the house of his professed friends.

But should all the secret and open enemies of Christ, like the briers and thorns, set themselves in battle against God, he would go through them, he would burn them up together. It removes every mountain, and dissipates every cloud, only to hear him say, “I will work.”

Two or three reflections shall close the subject.

1st. Are not all who regard the character and cause of God, the salvation of their own souls, and the happiness of the rising generation, called upon, in this day of prevailing infidelity, to become living, active witnesses for God?

And can you, my brethren, remain indifferent and unconcerned, while the enemies of religion are making every exertion to disseminate their demoralizing sentiments, and insultingly saying, Where is your God? Can you sleep on and take your rest, while the cause of the Son of Man is betrayed into the hands of his enemies? Surely you cannot. Considerations of infinite moment call upon you to take a decided part, and fling your whole weight into the scale of truth. But you will not mistake me. I am not calling upon you to engage in a crusade to the Holy Land, nor endeavouring to stimulate you to propagate the gospel by fire and sword, as it was carried among the northern nations of Europe in the eleventh century; but would fain persuade you to manifest a zeal worthy of the cause you profess to own. You will give the best evidence of your religion to those around you, when you exemplify its doctrines in your lives. “If you love me,” said the blessed Jesus to his disciples, “keep my commandments.” Let your zeal for God be always according to knowledge, tempered with humility; and let justice and benevolence adorn your characters. Witness your love to your heavenly Father, by a sacred regard to the Lord’s-day, and the public institutions of religion. Add to a good profession, the influence of a good example; and above all things, have servant charity among yourselves, even that charity which is the bond of perfectness.

2dly. What great encouragement there is for the people of God to be instant in prayer, that he would “revive his work” among us! He knows, indeed, our every want; yet he will be fought unto by his people, to do those things for them which they stand in need of. We have not only reason to believe that God will yet work, but to rejoice that he has already begun it. From the best observation which I have been able to make, it appears that there have been more revivals of religion in these northern States, within a few months past, than for several years before. I have information, which I believe may be relied upon, from about thirty towns in this and the adjoining States, where God has been of late, or is now, pouring out of his blessed Spirit. In some towns the work has been nearly general. Persons of almost all ages and descriptions have been the subjects of it; nor has it been confined to any one denomination of Christians.5 The majority, however, in most places where these showers of heavenly influence have fallen, has been composed of youth and children! Yet many there are in advanced life, who have been called at the eleventh hour, who can give a very clear and rational account of what Nicodemus, though a master in Israel, could form no idea of, i.e. “how a man, when he is old, can be born again.”

I have lately received a very interesting account from a place at the Westward, of a most rapid and astonishing work. No less than a hundred and fifty have been added to one church within a few months past; seventy to another, and a considerable number to another, in a small town 6 of only six miles square. This is the Lord’s doing, and marvelous in the eyes of all who beheld it. Here God has literally ordained praise out of the mouth of babes! A number of children, from nine to fifteen years of age, have been brought to shout their young hosannas to the great Redeemer! And a number of bold infidels have bowed the knee to King Jesus, and owned him Lord, to the glory of the Father!

Have we not reason to believe, that a prayer-hearing God has granted these wonderful displays of his grace, in answer to the humble, united cries of his people, who on this day are offering up their servant supplications, with one accord, for the interests of religion? In several places, the reformation has been evidently traced, in its beginning, to these seasons of special prayer. And, my brethren, shall we not take courage, and pray without ceasing? For Zion’s sake, hold not your peace. Let us not be weary in well doing; for we shall reap in due season, if we faint not. Though we sow in tears, we may reap in joy. God will hear his own children, who cry day and night to him; yea, in some instances, “before they call he will answer, and while they are yet speaking he will hear.” 6 And is it not the ardent desire of our souls, that we may see such a glorious work among us—that the Lord would pour his “Spirit upon our seed, and his blessing upon our offspring?” Could we possible have greater joy than to see our dear children walking in the truth? O that we may soon have occasion to say, “Lo! This is our God; we have waited for him, and he will come and save us. This is the Lord; we have waited for him; we will be glad, and rejoice in his salvation.”

3dly. Let me caution all who hear me this day, not to oppose this work, lest they be found fighting against God. Are there any here present, who are under the power and dominion of sin? Permit me to tell you, that you must either bow to the mild sceptre of mercy, or to the iron rod of justice. Remember, that if you oppose this work, it is Omnipotence you have to contend with! “Have you an arm like God, or can you thunder with a voice like him?” It is the voice of God which saith, “I will work, and who shall let it?” “We then, as workers together with him, beseech you also, that you receive not the grace of God in vain.” “Be ye not mockers, lest your bands be made strong.” “Beware, therefore, lest that come upon you, spoken of in the prophets: Behold, ye despisers, and wonder and perish; for I work a work in your days; a work which ye shall in no wise believe, though a man declare it unto you.”

To conclude. May the Lord, of his infinite mercy, subdue the unbelief and opposition of all our hearts, and work in us, both to will and to do, of his own good pleasure, a work of faith with almighty power. Then, indeed, will Christ be precious to us. His very name will be like ointment poured forth. We shall rejoice in the enlargement of the empire of grace; and shall join the pleasing exclamation of the psalmist, with whose words I close. “His name shall endure forever—and men shall be blessed in him: all nations shall call him blessed. Blessed be the Lord God, the God of Israel, who only doeth wonderous things. And blessed be his glorious name forever; and let the whole earth be filled with his glory.

Amen, and Amen.”

 


Endnotes

1. Vide Banier’s Mythology of the Ancients.

2. Crantz’s History of Greenland, in Gill.

3. Studies of Nature.

4. President Maxcy’s Address, &c.

5. In Connecticut, this work has been principally among Congregationalists, (or Presbyterians, as they are there called). In this State, perhaps nearly divided between Congregationalists and Baptists. In New-Hampshire, much the same. In Vermont, principally among the Baptists: yet, both in Vermont, and in Connecticut, there are some of other denominations. This statement may not be very correct.

6. Shaftsbury, in Vermont.

7. Isaiah lxv. 24.

Sermon – Fasting – 1801, Massachusetts


Nathanael Emmons (1745-1840) graduated from Yale in 1767. He was the pastor of a church in Franklin, MA (1773-1827), where he also trained fifty-seven men for ministry. This sermon was preached by Emmons in Massachusetts on the state’s day of fasting on April 9, 1801.


sermon-fasting-1801-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED ON THE

ANNUAL FAST IN MASSACHUSETTS,

APRIL 9TH, 1801.

BY NATHANAEL EMMONS, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN FRANKLIN.

A DISCOURSE, &c.

2 Kings xvii. 21.

And they made Jeroboam the son of Nebat king; and Jeroboam drave Israel from following the Lord.

In reading the history of nations we commonly meet with some memorable events, which had peculiar influence upon their rise, progress, declension, and final ruin. Such events, whether recorded in sacred or profane history, are of all others the most entertaining and instructive. The first memorable event in the history of the Jews is the calling of Abram the father of the nation. The second memorable event is the descent of Jacob and his family into Egypt. The third memorable event is the return of the children of Israel to their own land. The fourth memorable event is the introduction of kingly government, under Saul the son of Kish. And the next memorable event is the accession of Jeroboam the son of Nebat to the throne of Israel. This strange and deplorable event laid the foundation for a train of national calamities, which have continued from that day to this; and how much longer they may continue we pretend not to be able to determine. For the admonition and instruction of all future ages God has been pleased to record the character and conduct of Jeroboam, together with the fatal consequences of his impious reign, with great particularity and plainness. The sacred historian never loses sight of the baneful effects of his administration, from the twelfth chapter of the first book of Kings to the seventeenth chapter of the second book of Kings, which contains the words of our text. Here his history terminates with the account of the captivity and dispersion of the once happy people whom he corrupted and destroyed.

It is the design of the present discourse,

I. To draw the character of Jeroboam before he was king.

II. To represent the state of the nation when they made him king.

III. To inquire how it came to pass that they did make him king.

IV. To show what methods he employed, after they had made him king, to drive them from following the Lord.

I. The character of Jeroboam, before he was king, deserves particular attention.

He early discovered some of those distinguishing natural and moral qualities, which formed him for the extraordinary part which he finally acted on the stage of life. His natural genius was sprightly, bold, and enterprising, which he evidently cultivated, notwithstanding the peculiar disadvantages and embarrassments which attended his education. Thou he lost his father in his youth, and was left to the care of his mother, who was a widow; yet, by the mere dint of his brilliant talents and close application, he recommended himself to the notice and patronage of his wise and sagacious sovereign. We read, “Jeroboam was the son of Nebat, an Ephrathite of Zereda, Solomon’s servant, whose mother’s name was Zeruah, a widow woman. And the man Jeroboam was a mighty man of valour; and Solomon seeing the young man that he was industrious, he made him ruler over all the house of Joseph.” His appointment to such an office, by such a penetrating prince, is an infallible evidence of his popular talents and pleasing address. These excellent and amiable accomplishments, had they been properly directed to the public good, would have rendered him a great blessing to the nation.

But it appears from his history, that a base, turbulent, ambitious spirit led him to prostitute his find abilities to the vilest purposes. Whether his ungovernable disposition were owing to the unhappy circumstance of being deprived of paternal instruction and restraint, or to a native malignity of heart, it certainly prompted him to disturb the peace of society, and oppose the best form and administration of government. For, though Solomon highly favoured him, and put him into a lucrative office in one of the principal tribes of Israel, yet he conspired against his royal master, and became a ring leader in sedition. His business of collecting the public taxes in the tribe of Ephraim and Manassah gave him a peculiar opportunity of tampering with the people, and of instilling into their minds the most absurd prejudices against the king and his public measures. He could easily persuade the unthinking multitude that they were unreasonably loaded with taxes, and that they ought to do themselves justice, by overturning the government. Having, in this or some other way, widely diffused a disloyal and rebellious spirit among the people, he presumed to throw off the mask, and appear in open opposition to the best of princes. It is expressly said, “He lifted up his hand against the king. And this was the cause that he lifted up his hand against the king: Solomon built Millo, and repaired the breaches of the city of David his father.” Here it is strongly intimated that Jeroboam complained of oppression, and that he made this complaint with a view to destroy his sovereign, and eventually seize his throne. This was a most bold and daring attempt in a young man, for which he deserved to be treated as an ungrateful and detestable traitor. Accordingly the king “sought to kill Jeroboam;” but, by some means or other, Jeroboam fled into Egypt, and remained there until the death of Solomon.

This seems to have been the most fatal period in Jeroboam’s life; for whilst he lived in that land of idols he totally apostatized from the religion of his country, in which he had been early initiated, and became a gross idolater. He was certainly of the seed of Abraham, and probably born and educated in Jerusalem, where he received the seal of circumcision, and usually attended all the religious institutions which God had appointed. These things must have made deep impressions on his young and tender mind, which he could not easily nor instantly eradicate. It must have required strong and repeated efforts to disbelieve what he had once firmly believed, and to despise what he had once inwardly revered. Hence, it is to be presumed that he gradually apostatized from the religion of his country. Whilst he lived in Jerusalem, where all the tribes of Israel statedly repaired to worship the only living and true God, it is probable he treated sacred and divine things with apparent decency and respect. But after he removed from the seat of true religion, to take the charge of the house of Joseph, he had a fair opportunity of neglecting those religious duties, and of renouncing those religious principles, which laid a painful restraint upon his corrupt inclinations and pursuits. He was, no doubt, an infidel at heart, while he was sowing the seeds of sedition, and plotting to ruin his king and country; but, for political reasons, he might not openly avow his infidelity until he fled into Egypt, to escape the hand of public justice. Having taken this desperate step, and exchanged a land of moral light for a land of moral darkness, neither his interest nor his reputation required him any longer to conceal his sentiments; but all the circumstances in which he was placed conspired to form him a complete, confirmed, and avowed apostate. He could do nothing more gratifying to the Egyptians than openly to conform to their religion, and renounce his own. And a man of such a corrupt and intriguing disposition as he was, would not hesitate a moment to sacrifice his God, his religion, and his eternal interest, to answer his political views, and effectually secure popular influence and applause. He could not have lived among a more dangerous people than the Egyptians, who were then the most noted nation in the world, for learning, magnificence, superstition, and the grossest idolatry. Hence his residence in Egypt prepared him to return to his native country a more bitter enemy to the God of Israel, and a more malignant oppose of all his sacred rights and institutions, than any pagan priest of Egyptian philosopher. Such was the ominous character of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, before he reached the object of his wishes, and was placed in the first seat of government. I proceed,

II. To represent the state of the nation, when a base and unprincipled majority raised him to supreme power.

His two immediate predecessors were great and illustrious princes, who reigned long and prosperously. David was a mighty man of war, who subdued the enemies of his country, enlarged the boundaries of his kingdom, and, when he died, left his people in the enjoyment of perfect peace. Solomon, his son and heir, was a wise and peaceful prince, who employed all the resources of his noble and capacious mind in refining, enriching, and strengthening his kingdom. He built a beautiful and magnificent temple for the residence and service of God. He instituted the best regulations for the decent and devout performance of public worship. He built, and repaired, and fortified a great number of cities, and made ample provision for the general defense of the country. He raised a large navy, and enriched both himself and his people, by an extensive and lucrative commerce. Silver and gold were, in his days, as plenty in Jerusalem as stones in the street. By promoting the interest and happiness of his people, he attracted the notice and admiration of the world. We are told, “Judah and Israel dwelt safely every man under his vine and fig-tree, from Dan even unto Beersheba, all the days of Solomon. And there came of all people to hear the wisdom of Solomon, from all kings of the earth, who had heard of his wisdom.” The children of Israel never enjoyed so much peace and prosperity in any period of their national existence, as they enjoyed during the glorious reign of Solomon. And when he ceased to govern the nation, he left them in a more free, flourishing, and happy situation, than any other people then in the world. Such was the state of things when Jeroboam the son of Nebat ascended the throne of Israel.

Let us now inquire,

III. How it came to pass that ten tribes out of twelve should raise such an impious and dangerous man to royal dignity.

Jeroboam had not the least claim to the crown, either by birth or by merit. He was the son of Nebat a servant: he had acted the part of a traitor, and he had fled his country to escape the punishment which he had justly deserved. Besides, Rehoboam was the proper heir to the throne of his father, and had arrived at the most proper age to take the reigns of government into his hands. How, then, should it ever enter the minds of the nation to make choice of the son of Solomon’s servant to reign over them? The answer to this is easy – Jeroboam the son of Nebat had long been a man of intrigue. He had secretly employed every artifice to prejudice the people against the former administration of government, and had openly presumed to lift up his hand against the king. All this he had done before he fled into Egypt; and it is extremely probable, that during his residence there he kept up a secret and traitorous correspondence with the disaffected in Israel, and only waited for the death of Solomon to return and seize his throne. It is certain, however, that as soon as Solomon expired his disaffected subjects immediately sent to Egypt for Jeroboam the son of Nebat, and set him up as the rival of Rehoboam, the proper heir to the crown. Let us read the account of this extraordinary conduct. “And Solomon slept with his fathers, and was buried in the city of David his father. And Rehoboam his son reigned in his stead. And Rehoboam went to Shechem: for all Israel were come to Shechem to make him king. And it came to pass when Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who was in Egypt, heard of it, that they sent and called him. And Jeroboam and all the congregation of Israel came, and spake unto Rehoboam, saying, Thy father made our yoke grievous; now, therefore, make the grievous service of thy father, and his heavy yoke which he put upon us, lighter, and we will serve thee. And he said unto them, Depart yet for three days, then come again to me. And the people departed.” So far Jeroboam succeeded in his designs. He had long been preaching and acting sedition. And he found upon his return from Egypt, that he had actually thrown the people into a strong delusion, by making them really believe that they had been cruelly oppressed under the reign of Solomon. He also perceived that the major part of the nation were ready to join with him in opposing Rehoboam, who had given him three days to employ all his political skill to rob him of his subjects. This precious opportunity he undoubtedly improved to the best advantage, to prepare himself and his friends for the next meeting; the result of which completely answered his highest expectations. “So Jeroboam and all the people came to Rehoboam the third day, as the king had appointed. And the king answered the people roughly, and forsook the old men’s counsel, and spake to them after the counsel of the young men, saying, My father made your yoke heavy, and I will add to your yoke: my father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions. So when all Israel saw that the king hearkened not to them, the people answered the king, saying, What portion have we in David? Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: to your tents, O Israel. So Israel departed to their tents,” and made Jeroboam the son of Nebat king.

It is now easy to see how this subtle and aspiring man obtained the suffrages of the nation in his favour. It was through his own intrigues, which deluded and infatuated the ten tribes. He actually made himself king by disaffecting the people to the administration of his predecessor; and he caused this disaffection by basely misrepresenting the wise measures of that wise and excellent ruler. He might have justly complained of Solomon’s idolatry and deep declension in religion; but he made no such complaint, because he knew it would not answer his purpose. He, therefore, made a more popular objection, and loudly exclaimed against the intolerable burden of public taxes. These, indeed, had been uncommonly high; but no higher than the public good had required. Though Solomon exacted large sums from the people, yet he applied the money he raised to the most public and beneficent purposes. And while he saw it necessary to lay heavy taxes upon his subjects, he pursued, at the same time, the wisest and best measures to enrich the nation, and enable them to contribute largely to the national prosperity and happiness. Under such circumstances the people had no just cause of complaining of public expenses, but ought to have approved and admired an administration which made them extremely rich and prosperous. And had it not been for the false and artful misrepresentations of Jeroboam and his accomplices, the whole nation would have, most probably, been quite easy and contented under the government of the wisest prince that ever swayed a royal scepter. Hence it appears to have been primarily owing to a political delusion, brought about by Jeroboam himself, that the ten tribes were so unwise as to make choice of him, instead of Rehoboam, to govern the kingdom.

It now remains to show.

IV. What methods Jeroboam the son of Nebat employed to corrupt and destroy the people who had given him his power.

It is a melancholy truth that he did “drive Israel from following the Lord,” and involve them in a series of calamities, until they were dispersed and lost among the nations of the earth. There is something so extraordinary and so instructive in this part of Jeroboam’s conduct, that it deserves the deep attention of both rulers and subjects.

Conscious of having raised himself to the first seat of government, by corruption and delusion, he felt the absolute necessity of cherishing and promoting these destructive evils, in order to maintain his ill-gotten power and influence. Accordingly we are told, what it is natural to believe, that he was greatly afraid that the people would first kill him, and then return to Rehoboam, from whom he had caused them to revolt. Hence he was determined to “drive Israel from following the Lord,” and effectually prevent their ever returning to the house and worship of God in Jerusalem. This appears from the account we find in the text and context, “And they made Jeroboam the son of Nebat king: and Jeroboam drave Israel from following the Lord, and made them sin a great sin. For the children of Israel walked in all the sins of Jeroboam which he did; they departed not from them; until the Lord removed Israel out of his sight, as he had said by all his servants the prophets.” According to this representation Jeroboam was instrumental of corrupting not only that generation who made him king, but their children, and their children’s children, until they were completely ripened for ruin.

The natural cause of moral corruption in the body politic is from the head to all the members. Accordingly we find that Jeroboam corrupted all the people of Israel, from generation to generation, by corrupting all their kings and princes. It appears from the history of the kings of Israel, that they were all corrupted, and became corrupters, by following the pernicious example of Jeroboam the son of Nebat. Nadab, his immediate successor, imbibed his spirit, imitated his conduct, and lost his life. Baasha “walked in the way of Jeroboam, and made the people of Israel to sin.” Zimri and Elah resembled Jeroboam in their character and conduct. Zimri died “for the sins which he sinned in doing evil in the sight of the Lord, in walking in the way of Jeroboam.” Omri “wrought evil in the eyes of the Lord, and did worse than all that were before him. For he walked in the way of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, and in the sin wherewith he made Israel to sin.” Ahab “did evil in the sight of the Lord above all that were before him, as if it had been a light thing for him to walk in the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat.” Ahaziah “did evil in the sight of the Lord, and walked in the way of his father, and in the way of his mother, and in the way of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” Jehoram “cleaved unto the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin; and departed no therefrom.” Jehu “departed not from the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” Jehoahaz “did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord, and followed the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin; he departed not therefrom.” Jehoash “did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord; he departed not from the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin; but he walked therein.” Jeroboam, the son of Jehoash, “did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord; he departed not from all the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” Zechariah “did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord, as his fathers had done; he departed not from the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” Menahem “did that which was evil in the signt of the Lord; he departed not all his days from the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” Pekahiah “did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord; he departed not from the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” Pekah “did evil in the sight of the Lord; he departed not from the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” Thus Jeroboam the son of Nebat “drave Israel from following the Lord,” not only through his lifetime, but for near two hundred and fifty years after his death. He corrupted twenty kings in succession, and almost all their subjects. And though his reign was comparatively short, yet he did more to corrupt and demoralize a virtuous and religious people than can be easily described or conceived.

The question now is, What methods did he employ to “drive Israel from following the Lord?” His character and conduct before he came to the throne will not admit of the supposition of his acting ignorantly or inadvertently. And it appears from his history, that he exerted all his talents to devise the most effectual means of extinguishing every spark of true religion and virtue in the minds of his subjects. Here, then, it may be observed,

1. That he prohibited the worship of the true God, by substituting in the place of it the worship of graven images. The inspired historian gives us a particular account of this bold and impious method to banish all true religion and morality from his kingdom. “And Jeroboam said in his heart, Now shall the kingdom return to the house of David. If this people go up to do sacrifice in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, then shall the heart of this people turn again unto the Lord, even unto Rehoboam king of Judah, and they shall kill me, and go again to Rehoboam king of Judah. Wherefore the king took counsel, and made two calves of gold, and said unto them, It is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem: behold thy gods, O Israel, which brought you out of the land of Egypt. And he set the one in Bethel, and the other put he in Dan. And this thing became a sin, for the people went to worship before the one in Dan.” This was taking advantage of the corruption of human nature. Mankind must have some religion, and they naturally prefer any false religion to the true. If Jeroboam had prohibited all religion, he would have displeased his people, and alienated their affections from him. But by instituting idolatry, which was a corruption of true religion, he exactly hit the ruling passion of the children of Israel, who were perpetually fond of the idols of the heathens, and took the most artful and effectual method to wean them from the house and worship of the true God in Jerusalem.

2. He appointed new times as well as new places of public worship. These two measures were intimately connected, and calculated to render each other the more effectual. To change the days as well as the places of religious worship, had a direct tendency to distinguish Israel from Judah, and to draw a lasting line of separation between the two kingdom. His policy clearly appears in what the sacred historian says concerning his appointment of new holy days. “And he made an house of high places, and ordained a feast in the eighth month, on the fifteenth day of the month, like unto the feast that is in Judah.” The general similarity between this religious festival and that of divine institution, was designed to favour the customs and habits of the people, which could not be easily and safely disturbed; while the dissimilarity of the month and of the day of the month, would answer all his purposes, without raising the least opposition to the measure. These two steps suggested another, and naturally led him,

3. To make new appointments to office. As his darling object was to corrupt and destroy the true religion, so he discarded the regular and faithful priests of the Lord, and appointed others to supply their place, who were attached to his person and cause, though of the vilest character and of the meanest condition. It is repeatedly said, “He made priests of the lowest of the people, who were not of the sons of Levi.” And it is added, “This thing became sin unto the house of Jeroboam, even to cut it off, and to destroy it from off the face of the earth.” It was a profane and presumptuous act in Jeroboam to despise and reject those whom God himself had appointed to minister in holy things; and it deserved the severest marks of the divine displeasure. This he knew; but he was resolved to shake every sacred as well as civil officer from his seat, rather than to lose his own. We are not, indeed, informed whom he appointed to stand around his person, and assist him in the administration of government; but who can doubt whether he did not display the same corruption of heart in appointing the officers of state which he had displayed in appointing the officers of religion? He sought nothing but his own interest; and this required him to raise such men to places of power and influence, both in church and state, as would heartily approve and promote his design of spreading religious error and delusion through all the tribes of Israel. These were the public measures which he employed “to drive Israel from following the Lord.” But it must be further observed,

4. That he enforced these measures by all the weight and influence of his own example. It appears, from his character and conduct in early life, that he possessed, in a high degree, the art of captivating and corrupting all sorts of people with whom he conversed. And when he was clothed with the ensigns of royalty, his power and opportunity of corrupting his subjects greatly increased. He became the standard of taste, and the model of imitation. His sentiments and manners became a living law to his subjects. In his familiar intercourse with all around him, he undoubtedly seized those soft moments, which were the most favourable to his malignant design of seduction. This he could do without departing from the dignity of his station; but it appears that he did more than this, and even stooped to mingle with the priests, and “to burn incense upon the altars of the golden gods of his own making.” He was such an apostate from the true religion, and such a bigot to idolatry, that he esteemed nothing too low, nor too mean to be done, that would serve to eradicate every moral and religious principle from the minds of the people. Hence it is natural to conclude, that he did more “to drive Israel from following the Lord,” by his personal example, than by all the other methods he employed for that impious purpose. And, indeed, his example is oftener mentioned than any thing else, as the fatal cause of corrupting and destroying the people whom he governed. High and low, rich and poor, princes and people, are said “to walk in the ways of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” It is certain, however, that his loose and irreligious example gave peculiar weight and authority to his idolatrous institutions and his partial appointments in church and state, and largely contributed “to drive all the tribes of Israel from following the Lord,” and eventually to plunge them in perpetual ruin.

IMPROVEMENT.
1. The character and conduct of Jeroboam may lead us to form a just estimate of good rulers. Everything appears in the truest light, by the way of contrast. Folly is a foil to wisdom; vice is a foil to virtue; false religion is a foil to that which is true; and wicked rulers are a foil to those who are wise and faithful. These, however, are often despised and reproached, when they deserve to be esteemed and admired. Though Solomon was the greatest man, and the wisest king, that ever adorned an earthly throne; and though the measures which he devised and pursued raised his kingdom to the summit of national prosperity, yet his subjects did not duly appreciate the blessings of his reign until he was succeeded by a vile and impious usurper. Then the striking contrast between Solomon and Jeroboam could not fail to open the eyes of a stupid and ungrateful nation. Those who had unreasonably murmured under the wise and gentle administration of the best of rulers, must have found the little finger of Jeroboam thicker than the loins of a wise and lenient prince. Solomon did a great deal to promote the temporal and eternal interests of his subjects; but Jeroboam did as much to ruin his subjects, both in time and eternity. Never before was there a greater contrast between two rulers in succession than between Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who drave Israel from following the Lord, and his great and illustrious predecessor. It seems God intended, by this contrast, to make the house of Israel deeply sensible of the pre-eminent virtues and services of Solomon: and, by recording this contrast, to make the house of Israel deeply sensible of the pre-eminent virtues and services of Solomon: and, by recording this contrast, he undoubtedly meant to teach future nations properly to appreciate those who govern them in wisdom and integrity. Let us all learn this lesson, and especially those who have complained of the late wise and gentle administration of government. It is more than possible that our nation may find themselves in the hand of a Jeroboam, who will drive them from following the Lord; and whenever they do, they will rue the day, and detest the folly, delusion, and intrigue, which raised him to the head of the United States.

2. The character and conduct of Jeroboam plainly teaches us what a dreadful scourge wicked rulers may be to their subjects. We can no where find the character of an hypocritical and unprincipled sovereign so fully delineated as in the history of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. He is not only described before he came to the throne, and while he was in the exercise of supreme power, but he is represented as deceiving and destroying multitudes for ages after his death. And as the inspired historian drew such a large and lively portrait of his character on purpose to instruct, so it is extremely full of instruction. Who would have thought of ascribing the idolatry of twenty kings, and the degeneracy of a whole kingdom, during twenty reigns, to the conduct of one man, had not God, who perfectly knew the extensive influence of his example, expressly told us that he was the primary cause of such an amazing train of national calamities? How happy were the twelve tribes of Israel when Jeroboam the son of Nebat began to reign? David and Solomon had exerted all their power, wisdom, and piety, to strengthen, enlarge, enrich, refine, and reform the nation. They had been the happy instruments, under God, of rendering the Hebrews he most virtuous, the most religious, and the most happy nation on earth. But how soon did Jeroboam the son of Nebat reverse the scene, and completely blast all their bright and rising prospects! He designedly drave them from following the Lord, and cruelly deprived them of that magnificent temple, which they had expended so much labour and treasure to erect. He put a final period to their hearing the public instructions of their public teachers, and to their observing those religious institutions which God had appointed for their spiritual benefit. He set them an example of that gross idolatry which exposed them to the frowns of God in this life, and to his everlasting displeasure in the life to come. He divided the nation, destroyed the peace of his own subjects, and involved them in all the horrors of war. He dried up the sources of national wealth, and entailed poverty, meanness, and reproach upon the ten tribes to the latest generation. This is a true but shocking picture of a ruler who fears not God, nor regards man. It appears, from fact, that such a ruler is capable and disposed to destroy everything that a nation holds most dear and valuable in this world or the next. And the more happy a people are when they fall under the power of such a depraved and unprincipled tyrant, the more they have to lose, and the more they have to suffer as long as his authority or his influence shall last.

3. It appears from the intriguing character described in this discourse, how easily any people may be led into civil and religious delusion, by artful and designing politicians. The people of God, one would have supposed, were proof against every species of delusion, especially in the days of Solomon, who instructed, as well as governed, them with superior wisdom and integrity. Besides providing them with sacred teachers, he even condescended to give them the best civil and religious instruction himself. This we learn not merely from his general character, but from the particular account which the writer of his life has given us of his superior talents, and of the extensively useful purposes to which he applied them. He says, “God gave Solomon wisdom and understanding exceeding much, and largeness of heart, even as the sane that is on the sea shore. And he spake three thousand proverbs; and his songs were a thousand and five.” Though many of his songs and proverbs are lost, yet those which have come into our hands we know are full of civil and religious instruction. Where can we find the duty of rulers and of subjects more clearly exhibited, or more strongly enforced, hat in his writings? His proverbs contain the practical wisdom of ages, and convey to persons of all characters and conditions the most useful information, in the most striking and familiar manner. A great statesman said, “Let me compose the ballads for a nation; and let who will make their laws.” His meaning is, that whatever be the instruction, whether good or bad, which is most easily and most universally circulated among the mass of the people, will have the greatest influence in forming their sentiments and governing their practice. If this observation be just, then, while Solomon made the songs and proverbs for the people of God, they enjoyed the best advantages of gaining civil and religious information; and in that respect were especially guarded against civil and religious delusion. But it appears from the history of Jeroboam, that he could easily seduce this intelligent and well informed people. When he first appeared in public, he had the address to poison the sentiments of Solomon’s subjects, and to alienate their affections from him. When he was more advanced in years, and more acquainted with human nature and the arts of intrigue, he so completely blinded and deluded the ten tribes of Israel, that they unanimously made him king, and sacrificed all their political happiness to gratify his avarice and ambition. And when he had thus led them into one political error after another, his infidelity pushed him on to throw them into a greater and more fatal delusion. Having easily intrigued them out of their government, he as easily intrigued them out of their religion, and plunged them into the grossest idolatry. But the house of Israel are not the only people who have been made blind to their private and public good by artful politicians. The Romans, at the zenith of their learning and refinement, were equally unable to stand before the arts of seduction. How often did aspiring, eloquent, and designing men, raise popular commotions and insurrections, and take the advantage of political delusions, to seize the reigns of government? Though the Romans viewed themselves as connoisseurs in politics, yet all their political knowledge was totally insufficient to guard the weak side of human nature, and to prevent them from falling into the greatest political delusions. There is a natural propensity in mankind to oppose law and religion, and therefore their eyes, and ears, and hearts, are always open to those base politicians, who promise to free them from such painful restraints. What astonishing delusions have prevailed, and are still prevailing in France, and in many of the states and kingdoms of Europe? How have the Jeroboams of the present day succeeded in spreading political and religious delusions among the most enlightened nations? And who can tell when or where these delusions will end? Human nature is the same in America as in all other parts of the world. We are no less exposed to be carried down the current of delusion than others were, who have been overwhelmed and destroyed.

4. It appears from the character and conduct of Jeroboam, that corrupt rulers will always aim to corrupt the faithful ministers of religion. No other men are so intimately connected with the great body of the people, and have such favourable opportunities of pouring instruction into their minds, and of conversing with them under all circumstances of life. And whether it be a favourable or unfavourable aspect upon the public good, it is a certain fact, that wise and faithful ministers have a larger share in the respect and confidence of the people in general, than those of any other character or profession. Of course they have more influence in forming the religious opinions, the common habits, and even the political sentiments of the subjects of governments, than many of those who are immediately concerned in public affairs. Besides, religion of any kind, whether true or false, takes a stronger hold of the human mind, and has greater tendency to govern the actions of men, than any theoretical knowledge in any of the arts or sciences, or in any of the pursuits and concerns of the present life. The public teachers of religion, therefore, must necessarily be able, in many ways, to weaken the hands, and obstruct the designs of corrupt rulers. And it naturally follows, that they will endeavour, by all means, to corrupt those who minister in holy things. This we find clearly illustrated by the conduct of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who drave Israel from following the Lord. He felt himself under a necessity of corrupting, or of deposing the clergy. A number of the sons of Levi were so sincerely attached to the true religion, and so heartily opposed to idolatry, that they could not be corrupted; but chose rather to be deposed from their office, and flee into the kingdom of Judah, than to lend their influence to promote his impious measures. But he soon found means to corrupt the whole body of the priests, and bring them entirely over to his own views; which, above everything else, firmly fixed him on the throne of Israel. The corrupt and unprincipled leaders in the late revolutions in France, have exactly imitated Jeroboam the son of Nebat, and pointed their peculiar vengeance against all the clergy in the kingdom, who would not unite with them in spreading civil and religious delusions through the world. But here it is proper and striking to remark, that they have taken much larger strides than Jeroboam ever did; for he substituted a false religion in the room of the true; but they have attempted, and used all the means in their power, to extirpate all religion, whether true or false, and to introduce universal infidelity or skepticism. And it is always to be expected, that when the rulers of a nation apostatize from the religion in which they were educated, that they will endeavour to destroy it, and, if possible, corrupt the public teachers of religion, and allure or drive them into their irreligious and demoralizing schemes. Should atheists or infidels fill the seats of our own government, the preachers of the gospel would be greatly exposed to their frowning or smiling influence. And even now there are some in power who begin to frown upon those ministers who dare to speak against their bold and impious exertions, to break the bands of religion and morality, and open the door to universal licentiousness.

5. We learn from the character, conduct, and history of Jeroboam, that it is the duty of the public teachers of religion to bear public testimony against all attempts of those in authority to destroy the religion and morals of the people. Who will deny, that it was the duty of prophets and priests to preach against the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, by which he made Israel to sin? He was ruining himself and his subjects, by an open and avowed opposition to the God of Israel, and to all his sacred institutions. Such conduct called aloud upon the public teachers of religion, to warn both Jeroboam and his people of their great criminality and danger. They could not answer it to God, who put them into office, nor to the souls committed to their care, if they neglected or refused to bear solemn testimony against corrupters and those who were corrupted. Accordingly we find, that the faithful prophets and priests did boldly reprove and admonish Jeroboam and those who walked in his steps. They cried aloud, and spared not, to show the prince and the people their transgressions, and to forewarn them of the just judgments of God, which eventually fell upon them. While Jeroboam was in the presumptuous act of sacrificing to the idols he had made, the Lord sent a prophet to reprove his wickedness, and to predict his future punishment. “And, behold, there came a man of God out of Judah by the word of the Lord unto Beth-el: and Jeroboam stood by the altar to burn incense. And he cried against the altar in the word of the Lord, and said, O altar, altar! Thus saith the Lord, Behold, a child shall be born unto the house of David, Josiah by name; and upon thee shall he offer the priests of the high places that burn incense upon thee. And he gave a sign the same day, saying, This is the sign which the Lord hath spoken; Behold, the altar shall be rent, and the ashes that are upon it shall be poured out. And it came to pass, when king Jeroboam heard the saying of the man of God, which cried against the altar in Beth-el, that he put forth his hand from the altar, saying Lay hold on him. And his hand which he put forth against him dried up, so that he could not pull it in again to him. The altar was rent, and the ashes poured out from the altar, according to the sign which the man of God had given by the word of the Lord.” Such was the fortitude and fidelity of one prophet in reproving the apostate Jeroboam; and it appears that other prophets were no less bold and faithful in reproving him and his followers in idolatry, until the wrath of God came upon them to the uttermost. For we are told, “The children of Israel walked in all the sins of Jeroboam which he did; they departed not from them, until the Lord removed them out of his sight, as he had said by all his servants the prophets.” These faithful ministers of God ceased not, though at the hazard of their lives; to reprove the kings as well as people of Israel, who walked in the ways of Jeroboam, and forewarned them of the fatal consequences of their shameful apostacy. Is not this a noble example, and well worthy of perpetual imitation? Should any now rise into power who possess the spirit and imitate the example of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, would it not become the ministers of Christ to imbibe the spirit and imitate the example of those who boldly reproved that profane and impious corrupter of Israel? It is as true now as it was in the days of Solomon, that “righteousness exalteth a nation; and that sin is a reproach to any people.” The religion of Christ has been the glory and the happiness of our nation; and it would argue extreme unfaithfulness in the ministers of the gospel in these days, should they, for the sake of pleasing some, and for the fear of displeasing others, hold their peace, and suffer vice and infidelity to destroy our religion and government, without uniting their efforts, to prevent such deplorable evils? They are set for the defence of the gospel; and let them only be wise and faithful in the discharge of their duty, and they may safely confide in God, to wither the hand that shall be stretched out against them.

6. The nature and effects of Jeroboam’s conduct show us what we have to fear, should our civil rulers embrace and propagate the principles of infidelity. We have not so far lost our virtuous and religious habits, but that wise and virtuous rulers might, under Providence, restrain us from total declension and apostacy. But if those who fill the chief offices of state should openly renounce God and religion, it is difficult to see, why they should not as easily and as universally corrupt our nation as Jeroboam did the ten tribes of Israel. And who can say, that men in power may not catch the spirit of the times, and follow the example of Jeroboam, or rather that of the late apostates in Europe? We are becoming more and more connected with those infidel nations, whose politicians and philosophers are the bold patrons and preachers of infidelity. This mutual intercourse affords a peculiar opportunity to try the whole force of their infatuating philosophy upon us in America. And it is beyond a doubt, that our rulers are the most exposed to their fatal delusions. What is there, then, to forbid our apprehensions, that those in the highest places of power may be corrupted, and actually apostatize from the religion of their country? And should they happen to apostatize, what could hinder them from “driving our nation from following the Lord?” Here lies the greatest danger to which we are at present exposed. Could we only maintain our religion and virtue, and stem the current of moral corruption, we should have ground to hope for future prosperity; but if the rulers of our land should renounce the Bible and all the doctrines and duties taught in that sacred volume, we should have nothing to expect, but that the whole nation would be finally corrupted and destroyed.

7. It appears from what has been said in this discourse, that civil and religious delusions are the great evils which more especially call for our humiliation and mourning this day. Though we have been uncommonly happy and prosperous under the late administration of government, yet the people have loudly complained of public men and public measures, and, by a majority of suffrages, placed the supreme power in different hands. And though we have been favoured with the light of divine Revelation, and been well instructed in the doctrines and duties of Christianity, yet many individuals, in various classes of men, have renounced their former faith in the inspiration of the scriptures and in the existence of God, and become open and zealous proselytes to the cause of infidelity. These strange and disastrous events must have been brought about by the arts of seduction. And the same men who for the sake of subverting religion and government, have employed their artifice to promote civil and religious delusions, will wish and endeavour to increase them, to answer the same selfish purposes. These great and prevailing delusions are much to be lamented. They are not innocent errors, but national iniquities. They display the depravity of the heart, rather than the weakness of the understanding. God was highly displeased with Jeroboam for deluding Israel, and highly displeased with Israel for being carried away with his delusions. And he must be no less displeased with the deceivers and the deceived in our nation. Hence we have abundant reason to bewail the great and fatal delusions which are every day and every where prevailing among us. We ought to lament that any should cast off fear and restrain prayer before God, and actually disobey all human and divine laws; but we have much more cause to lament that so many should deny the existence of God, disbelieve the first principles of religion and virtue, strike at the foundations of government, and not only practice, but justify universal licentiousness. These are sins of the first magnitude in a land of gospel light, and are, of all others, the most alarming at the present day. God may justly expostulate with us as he did with his people of old. “What iniquity have your fathers found in me that they are gone far from me, and have walked after vanity, and are become vain? Wherefore I will yet plead with you, saith the Lord, and with your children’s children will I plead. For pass over the isles of Chittim, and see; and send unto Kedar, and consider diligently, and see if there be such a thing. Hath a nation changed their gods? Which are yet no gods; but my people have changed their glory for that which doth not profit. Be astonished, O ye heavens! At this.” Let all the friends of God sigh and cry for the abominable and fatal delusions which threaten us with the heaviest calamities that ever fell upon an ungrateful and apostate nation.

8. This subject teaches us the propriety and importance of praying for a general effusion of the divine Spirit. Without this we have no ground to expect to be reclaimed from our deep declension. The best defenses have been written in favour of our religion and government. The wisest measures have been adopted to open the eyes of the nation to see and pursue their best interests. An alarm has been sounded from the press and from the pulpit, to awaken the deluded from their delusions. But it seems that the light which has been exhibited has served to increase the blindness of the blind; and the alarm which has been sounded has served to diminish the fears of the deluded. Hence it appears that our national disorder lies in the heart, which bids defiance to all human exertions. The effusion of the divine Spirit is our only source of hope. Our present situation resembles the situation of Israel in the days of Jeroboam. No means nor motives could remove their delusions. While prophet after prophet admonished the corrupters and the corrupted, they still remained obstinate and bent to backsliding. God could have effectually reclaimed them by the influence of his Spirit; but it does not appear, that he ever poured out his Spirit upon Israel after they yielded to the delusions of Jeroboam. But Judah, who never totally revolted, he frequently reformed, and, for that purpose, sent down the influences of his Spirit to change their hearts. And if God intends to save our nation, he will remove our delusions by the same divine influence. In this way he can easily confound the designs of the enemies and corrupters of Christianity, and make even them the willing and active instruments of promoting the cause which they are attempting to destroy. It is, therefore, the special duty of this day of humiliation and prayer, to seek the outpourings of the Spirit. But who are prepared for this duty? Not infidels. They wish not to be undeceived. Their deception is their castle. They perfectly despise prayer, and the great and glorious object of prayer. Not the immoral. They dread all restraint, and especially that restraint which arises from the genuine convictions of the Spirit. Not mere moralists. They feel no need of a divine influence upon themselves or others. Who, then, are prepared to pray for the special operations of the divine Spirit? They are only real Christians, who have seen the plague of their own hearts, and who believe the deep depravity of human nature. Such persons as these have the spirit of grace and supplication. And is there not a remnant of such characters among us, who sigh and cry for our national declension and apostacy? The effectual fervent prayers of these righteous persons will avail much. Let these, therefore, stand in the gap, and cry mightily to God to pour out his Spirit, and save our nation from both temporal and eternal ruin. Amen.

 

Sermon – New Year – 1799


David McClure (1748-1820) graduated from Yale in 1769. Though he taught for a time, he was ordained in 1772 and was a missionary to the Delaware Indians for sixteen months shortly after his ordination. McClure was the pastor to a Congregational church at North Hampton (1776-1785) and later a church in East Windsor, CT (1786-1820). He also served as a trustee of Dartmouth (1777-1800). The following sermon was preached by David McClure on the first Sunday in 1799.


sermon-new-year-1799

The NEW-YEAR.

A

SERMON,

Delivered at East-Windsor, first
Society, on the first Lord’s
Day, after the
commencement of
the year
1799

By DAVID M’CLURE, A. M.
Minister of the Church in said Society

*** The following plain discourse, on an important practical subject, is published at the request of a number of hearers.

Preparation for death and eternity.

Ecclesiastes ix. 10.
Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might: for there is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave whither thou goest.

NOTHING is more certain than that man is born to die; yet there is no one important truth, less practically believed!

Altho’ we daily see our fellow men falling around us, victims to death, and mouldering [disintegrating] to dust, it is strange that we who are living are so secure, and unalarmed, and that we do not consider ourselves equally exposed to the arrest of death, as others. “All men think all men mortal but themselves.” Constant experience verifies the solemn truth, THAT MAN’S LIFE IS LIMITED, AND HIS ABODE ON EARTH OF SHORT DURATION. Our life is indeed short compared with the eternal existence on which we must speedily enter. The few days of life, with many, are full of trouble; and all experience more or less sorrow and vexation.

There are a happy few who make the brevity of life, and a preparation for death, the interesting subjects of their daily devout meditation; and earnestly seek for grace, that they may be prepared for a speedy summons from life, and appear with acceptance before God, thro’ the mediation of the great Redeemer. One of the ancient, servants of God, reflecting on the uncertainty and sorrows of life, earnestly prays, “teach us O Lord, so to number our days, that we may apply our hearts to wisdom.” In the right estimation of our days, consists that wisdom by which men are made wise for eternity.

Multiplied and various are the calls which God gives to mankind, by his word and providences, to improve life, in preparation for death and eternal scenes. Among these, let me invite you to the solemn thoughts suggested in the exhortation given by the wisest of the sons of men. “Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might.”

This life is a scene of labor. We have much to do. And whatever our duty dictates to be done, either of piety and devotion towards God, of goodness to men, or for our own comfort and usefulness in the world, or our eternal benefit beyond the grave; these great duties we are to do with zeal, labor and perseverance. The reason given for the faithful and diligent improvement of life, as a state of labor and probation for eternity, is, that no labor of ours, will avail to secure salvation beyond the grave. There is no DEVICE, nor KNOWLEDGE, nor WISDOM, after this present state of probation is ended, to secure eternal happiness. This life is our only state of trial for immortality. At death, all means of grace will cease, and men will be fixed in a state of happiness or misery, according to their works.

Knowing therefore what our duty is, in the various business of life, and in the momentous concerns of salvation, we are to engage therein willingly, pursue zealously, and finish faithfully, the work assigned us.

Directed by the solemn exhortation contained in the words that have been read, let us,

1. Inquire what we are to do in this life, so as best to answer the end of our creation.

2. Consider particularly the great motive suggested in the text, to hasten our preparation for death and eternity, which is, that this life is our only state of probation for that life which will never end.

1. We are to persevere in the ways of WELL-DOING. All evil doing, either the omission of duty or the commission of sin, is most strictly forbidden.—Whatever our hand findeth to do, in ways of obedience to the divine authority, we are to do with our best ability, and that perseveringly, and to allow no temptation to draw us into sin. The Most High assured Cain, that if he had DONE WELL, he would have been accepted; and if he did not well, but ill, sin lay at the door. The exhortation to do with our might, what we do, is to be understood of well-doing only. The divine law condemns all those evil doings of men which are dishonorable to God, or injurious to men. It condemns all profanation of the name of God, his holy word and ordinances. It condemns the works of unrighteousness, dishonesty, fraud and violence towards any; the indulgence of the vices of intemperance, sensuality, covetousness and every work that is opposed to the purity of the gospel. Multitudes of our fellow men do the works of sin and disobedience to God, with all their might, and turn not from the wickedness which they have imagined to do. They pervert the end of their creation, and prepare for themselves an aggravated condemnation. The important duties which we are to do in a preparation for death and eternity, do not forbid or interfere with those social and relative duties and labors which we owe to mankind and ourselves. These are important ranches of well-doing. The business of both worlds, the present and the future, may be conducted without interference. The person who is wise for eternity, will be careful to perform the duties of the present life. “Diligent in business, fervent in spirit, serving the Lord.” He will do everything in its proper time and place, so far as he has ability and advantages.

The confident Christian will be anxious to fulfill the duties, which he owes to others, as well as to himself. He will be sober, diligent and faithful in his calling; just and merciful to all men. As becometh a good soldier of Jesus Christ, he will be vigilant and fixed in his post. Not unstable or wavering; but established in his principles, and persevering in duty. The duties which he owes to parents, to children, to the poor and afflicted, to government, to society, to religion and sacred ordinances, he will faithfully and cheerfully perform.

Men are to do with their might their whole threefold duty to God, to man, kind and themselves. The duties which men owe immediately to God, essentially consist, in a cordial and perpetual obedience to his will, and dedication of themselves to him, whose absolute property they are. This is the first and great commandment: “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, and with all thy might, and with all thy mind.”

2. We are to live under an habitual, and impressive sense of dependence on GOD, and accountableness to him. So to do, in the sense of scripture and agreeably to its familiar language, is, “to walk with GOD.” He who habituates himself to meditate on God as a present witness, and righteous Judge, and his only portion and happiness, will feel a most powerful motive to well-doing, and an effectual restraint from all voluntary evil, in thought, temper and behavior.

3. Men are penitently to confess to GOD their offences, and implore his merciful forgiveness. By nature we are enemies to GOD and to holiness, and prone to sin. Influenced and governed by a depraved principle, they fall under the guilt and condemnation of GOD’s holy law; and laboring under a moral inability, to adopt of themselves a pure principle, they are wholly dependent on grace. And that grace which changes the heart, and turns the soul to GOD, he is ever ready to give to him, who is deeply convinced of sin, of righteousness and of the judgment to come.

Renouncing dependence on ourselves, we are with all the heart, to trust in JESUS CHRIST, “the Lord our Righteousness, who hath loved us, and given himself for us.” By sincere repentance, a cordial faith in Jesus Christ and persevering obedience to his gospel men are to secure a good hope of eternal life. “Whoso confesseth and forsaketh his sins shall find mercy.” Divine assistances are given to men to convince them of the justice of the law, and the grace of the gospel; to prepare their hearts to seek after God, and lead them to the Saviour.

In the performance of the duties which men owe to one-another, they are to have respect to the divine authority. It is this principle which will make the charities and good deeds of the righteous, accepted at the day of judgment. This is implied in the favorable sentence of our final Judge, “inasmuch as you have done it unto one of the least of these, my brethren, ye have done it unto me. From a principle of love and loyalty to JESUS CHRIST, the accepted Christian will do good to men. He will be just and merciful, knowing, that “if he forgives not men their trespasses, neither will his father in Heaven forgive his trespasses.”

The duties which men owe to themselves, they are to do with sincerity and purity. To cultivate the Christian (graces) and virtues, the habits of sobriety, temperance and the government of the appetites and passions; mortified to the (vanities) of the world and every lust.—Man’s threefold duty, is comprised by the apostle, in his direction to Christians, to live soberly, righteously and godly, By sobriety, we are taught the duties of temperance and self-government; by righteousness, the duties we owe to men; and by GODLINESS, those duties which are due immediately to God. This is the whole duty of man: and these duties we are to do, with all our might, in the best and most perfect manner, and which we are capable, as rational, immortal and accountable beings.

We come,

2. To the consideration of the powerful motive, so to do, even that this is our only state of trial, for death and the judgment.

“There is no device, nor knowledge nor wisdom in the grave.” This life is man’s harvest-season for eternity. His labor to obtain salvation, will cease at death. This, our Lord hath taught us by precept and example; saying, (“He) must work the works of him that sent me while it is day: the night cometh when no man can work.” We have a great work to do, and a short time to do it. “For we must all appear before the judgment seat of CHRIST, to give account of all things done in the body,” and to receive an eternal sentence. This life is the commencement of an existence which will never end. Our [ineligible] began a few years past, and will never cease; tho’ the body dies, the soul lives, and God has made it immortal.—Most powerful are the motives, which urge and impel us to improve life, in a preparation for that never ending existence; for

1. Death is near. It is nearer than we are aware. Persons in the possession of health know not why they are more exposed to die at the present moment that the past, and flatter themselves with the sure prospect of living many years. But death arrests men suddenly and unexpected. “It is appointed to man once to die;” and the time when, is wisely and kindly concealed from us, that the uncertainty may excite us to be always ready. The body composed of perishable materials, is continually liable to unknown accidents and death. When we look forward to future life, we view the time long; but in the retrospect, our life appears to have passed hastily away. We are deceived in our expectation of the length of time allotted us, to do the business of life, and prepare for eternal scenes. The sacred scriptures warn us of this deception, and in lively figures shew us, how short and vain our life is. It is compared to things of swiftest motion, and shortest duration. To the arrow that cuts the yielding air; to the swollen stream that rushes down the precipice, bearing all before it; to the ship that swiftly passes over the ocean; to the shuttle that flies through the loom; to the eagle that darts upon his prey; to the green and short-lived grass; to the flower which flourishes a moment and dies.

We are speedily brought to the utmost verge of life, and to the boundless shores of eternity. When our departing spirit shall stand upon the narrow isthmus, which separates time from eternity, and look forward to the endless prospect , how short and trifling will the time that has passed appear! And of how small account the cares and amusements of this fleeting world! No part of life will then appear of value, but that which has been spent in wisdom’s ways.

2. We are faithfully to improve life, to do the works assigned us, because after death, a judgment will be passed upon us. What makes life of value to us, is its connection with our future existence; for then a sentence will be pronounced upon us, either of acceptance to endless joy, or banishment to endless sorrow. After death it will be well with the righteous; but it will not be well with the wicked. Then to each candidate for eternity it will be said, either, “well done good and faithful servant;” or, alarming thought, “depart ye workers of iniquity!” At the resurrection, this sentence will be confirmed with circumstances of inconceivable happiness to pious men, and of misery to the wicked; when “they that have slept in the dust of the earth shall arise, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt.”

3. We are faithfully to improve life, because the promises of grace to obtain salvation, are limited to the present state. By all the descriptions given in the sacred scriptures of a future state, this solemn truth is established, that the time of the sinner’s preparation for eternity, and obtaining the great salvation, is confined to this life and world. It cannot be fairly deduced from the general tenor of revelation, that gospel sinners, living and dying in an unholy state, will have another time of trial; or that the punishment of Hell will be disciplinary.—The opposite of this, is repeatedly asserted. It is this consideration that makes time, of such vast moment to men.—This, sirs, should excite our just fears, lest we be found in the unhappy number of misimprovers of that grace, and those means of salvation, which our merciful God now gives to men. How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation.”

Thus have we taken into consideration, the salutary and solemn exhortation, TO DO with all our MIGHT the various work and labor, which God has assigned us in this life. That we are to be diligent in well-doing, in the conscientious and faithful performance of our whole three-fold duty, to God, to mankind and to ourselves: That we live under an habitual and impressive sense of dependence and accountableness to God: that we penitently confess to God our sins, and implore his merciful forgiveness, thro’ Jesus Christ his son, our Almighty Redeemer: that we believe in Jesus Christ, and live in new obedience to his gospel: that we are to do these works, and obtain this grace, because a judgment for eternity will be passed upon us, when we leave the world.

Some improvement will conclude.

1. We infer the duty and necessity of laboring to obtain an interest in the kingdom of Heaven, and to be accepted in JESUS CHRIST, that it may be well with us at death, and after death. Let me endeavor to bring this solemn subject home to your thoughts.

The different conditions of men in the future world, will be occasioned by sin and holiness. Heaven is a holy place to which without holiness, none will be admitted. Hell is a world of sin, to which the enemies of God will be doomed.

Constant experience, and the word of the eternal JEHOVAH, unite to assure you of the approach of death; and you must be rationally convinced of the importance of a preparation. For in the grave, the precious advantages now enjoyed, will be no more repeated. If, sirs, any of you will not be persuaded to attend to the calls of the word and spirit of GOD, in this state of your trial for eternity, can you expect to find in the world of misery, a more favorable season, or more suitable means? Must you not rationally conclude, that if it is the purpose of GOD, that sinners should come to the knowledge of the truth, and be saved, that he would afford them the most suitable and persuasive means and advantages to obtain in this life? Why should other or better means be denied to men here, if other or better means are possible? Defer not then to a future period, or to a future state, the great work of salvation, “for NOW is the accepted time, and NOW is the day of salvation.”

Every moment brings you nearer to the eternal world. Are you prepared for your final summons? Instances of mortality around you are often repeated. The young, the gay and thoughtless as well as the aged, are called away. Neither the vigor, nor the strength of youth, can ward off the shaft of death. Let every moment be improved in wisdom’s way’s, and in hastening a preparation for that world, to which the immortal spirit will be introduced, on its leaving the body. Thousands have lost Heaven by delay. In youth they have deferred the work of preparation to some more convenient season, which alas, they have never found. Now sirs, is the best, best because it may be the ONLY time. Many think little of a preparation, until sickness arrests them. But wise and happy is the youth, who in the days of health, and bloom of life, remembers GOD his Creator, and his merciful Redeemer. Early piety lays a good foundation for a useful life, for comfort in age, and support in death.—Your time, my fellow immortals, will speedily come, you know not but it will be this night. Should you die in an un-renewed state, how dismal must be your prospects, when your unwilling soul is about to take its departure into the world of spirits, to appear before GOD, your righteous and injured Judge!

Reflect a moment on your present state and danger. Let the text remind you that you are now on your way to death and the grave. “The grave whither thou goest.” It is not a peradventure, whether you will go there at all, or will go at some future period; but you are now on your way to that dark and narrow house, appointed for the living. That you may arrive there, and find it a peaceful rest, let me invite you to JESUS CHRIST, who hath said, “He that believeth on me tho’ he were dead, yet shall he live: and he that liveth and believeth on me, shall never die.”

A weighty motive, urging us to a diligent improvement of our time to prepare for death and eternal scenes, is, “that another year of our short and fleeting life is passed and gone.” And thro’ the good hand of God upon us, we are now entering on the threshold of a NEW YEAR. But who can assure himself that he shall see the end of it? How many have been arrested by the arm of death the year past?

God has loudly called us to prepare to meet him, in the return of mortal sickness, with which some of our populous towns have been visited. While we sympathized with our afflicted brethren under the awful scourge, his goodness spared us, and favored us with uncommon health. In the healthiest seasons, our acquaintance and dear friends leave the world. “There is no order in death,” and every age and condition of life, have abundant admonitions of his approach. This year, no doubt, some of us will be carried to our long home. It is the wise beforehand to be prepared for the solemn moment. To the sinner it will be a day of darkness and gloominess; but to the sincere Christian it will be a good day; the termination of all his sorrows, and the commencement of a happy eternity. Since we, my brethren, both preacher and hearers, have around us, and within us, daily admonitions of our approaching dissolution, let us be stirred up to give diligence to make our calling and election sure: that supported by that grace which God, the father of mercies, gives to every humble soul, we may meet our summons without terror or surprise; and be supported in death, by the gracious promises and presence of our Almighty Redeemer.

The word of God, speaks only of a blessed or miserable eternity. Heaven or Hell, sirs, are before us, and to one or the other, our immortal spirit must go. By sin we are condemned to the world of sorrows; but thro’ the abounding grace of God, may obtain the Heavenly world. How ought we then to improve every moment of time to “escape the wrath to come, and lay hold of eternal life!”

The best preparation for Heaven, is a conformity to God in holiness”—Let us strive to be holy, that our minds may be Heavenly. And may we be prepared for our departure, should it be THIS YEAR, or this day; and “stand with our Redeemer at the latter day, upon the earth.”

In “our hope towards God, that there shall be a resurrection, both of the just, and of the unjust, let us be faithful unto death,” and then we shall with joy, hail the happy morning of the resurrection, and see the face of our judge in peace.

A M E N.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Overcoming Evil With Good – 1801


Stanley Griswold (1763-1815) served in the Revolutionary War and graduated from Yale in 1786. He also served as a pastor in Connecticut, as a newspaper editor (1804), as a United States Senator (1809), and as a judge for the Illinois Territory (1810-1815). Griswold preached this sermon in 1801, shortly after Thomas Jefferson was elected President.


sermon-overcoming-evil-with-good-1801

OVERCOMING EVIL WITH GOOD

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED AT

Wallingford, Connecticut,

March 11, 1801,

Before a Numerous Collection of the Friends

Of The

Constitution,

Of

THOMAS JEFFERSON, President,

And Of

AARON BURR, Vice-President

OF THE

United States.

By STANLEY GRISWOLD, A. M.
Of New-Milford.

Overcoming Evil With Good.

A SERMON.

My RESPECTABLE AUDIENCE,

I CAME not hither to preach a system of party-politics, nor to excite nor indulge ravings of faction. I came in obedience to what I conceived to be the duty of a Christian and a patriot, to contribute my most earnest endeavors toward healing the unhappy divisions of our country.

Unfortunately some individuals are to be expected to be beyond cure, especially from such remedies as I shall apply, having drank down the poisonous virulence of party too copiously to admit of an easy recovery. But the citizens at large I cannot consider by any means in this predicament. They have ever been honest, are still honest, and desire nothing but to be honest.

If unhappily any individuals be past cure, the lenient remedies of the gospel, which I purpose to apply on this occasion, upon such will be thrown away. And for such nothing seems to remain but the severer applications of reproof and rebuke, which our Saviour occasionally exhibited to some in his day, while he spake to the multitudes with the greatest mildness and affection.

The method I have judged most proper to attain the object suggested, is to address a few considerations more particularly to the injured,–those of every denomination and description of sentiment in our country, who may have suffered wrongfully,–who have received wounds, and whose wounds have not yet forgotten to smart.

On such the peace and tranquility of our country, I conceive, very greatly depend. Their conduct and the course they adopt are to have no inconsiderable share in determining, whether this country is to settle down in quietness, and harmony to be restored to its citizens,–or whether it is yet to be agitated and shaken to its centre by the outrages of party.

Far would I be from impeaching the prudence, the patriotism or the Christianity of any who hear me. But it must be confessed, that we are all men, and men of like passions. Hence the necessity of repeatedly calling to remembrance the maxims of sound wisdom and the wholesome precepts of religion.—If by suggesting any of these I might contribute in some small degree to the felicity of my country, I could easily forego the ambition of appearing a political preacher on this occasion, and should consider myself well rewarded for any calamities which are past, or for any which are yet to come.

For pursuing the object proposed, the gospel of the benevolent Jesus affords themes in abundance. I have chosen that cluster of directions recorded.

 

ROMANS xii. 14-21.
Bless them who persecute you; bless and curse not. Rejoice with them that do rejoice, and weep with them that weep. Be of the same mind one toward another. Mind not high things, but condescend to men of low estate. Be not wise in your own conceits. Recompense to no man evil for evil. Provide things honest in the sight of all men. If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men. Dearly beloved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath: for it is written, Vengeance is mind; I will repay, saith the Lord. Therefore, if thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink: for in so doing thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head. Be not overcome of evil; but overcome evil with good.

YOU will at once recognize these precepts as being peculiar to our holy religion. However different they may be from the suggestions of flesh and blood, however contrary to the habits of unholy men or to the temper and practice of the world, on candid examination they will be found perfectly to consist with reason and sound philosophy,–and they bear excellently the test of experience.

If anything like policy and art may be conceived of the religion of Jesus Christ, the sentiment which runs through the passage we have read and is summed up in the concluding words, has an eminent claim to such a character,–overcome evil with good.—A harmless policy indeed! Yet the most effectual to accomplish the purpose designed. If the expression may be used, it is to revenge one’s self by benevolence,–it is to take vengeance by shewing kindness. Would you melt the obdurate heart of your foe, would you conquer him and lay him completely at your feet, the surest and most effectual way to accomplish it, is to do him good. Heaping upon him acts of kindness will have a similar effect as the smith’s heaping coals of fire upon a crucible whose obstinate contents he wishes to resolve; they will soften the injurious passions, they will melt down the heart of iniquity and enmity:–the first effect will be shame,–the next, reconciliation and love.

If this be not the directest way to conquer and get recompense for evil, it is certainly the most noble way. If it is not the most effectual, it is certainly the most godlike. This is the policy which God Almighty pursues toward our wicked race. This is the policy by which he conquers evil. We behold it in every morning’s sun which he raises upon our world. We behold it in every shower of rain which he sends upon our earth. We behold it more gloriously still in the face of Jesus Christ, the Saviour. It shines in the redemption he wrought out for sinners. It is conspicuous in the example he set for mankind. It distinguishes he system of morals which he taught. It is the glory of the gospel. Much did he urge it upon men as what alone could make them truly the children of their Father who is in heaven, and in pursuing of which only, they could be accounted genuine Christians and be said to do more than others.

This divine, this peaceful policy, my hearers, is what I wish now to urge upon you and upon myself; and could my voice extend through my country, it should be urged upon every citizen of America.—Would to God! an angel from heaven might descend at this important epoch, that he might fly through our land, and in strains of celestial eloquence impress upon all the injured in it, the glory of rendering blessing for cursing, of overcoming evil with good.—But I hope such have no need of miraculous means to convince them of the excellence of this gospel-policy and of the propriety and urgent necessity of putting it into eminent practice at the present time.

How desirable,–what an epoch to be remembered indeed would this be, if the wounds of our country might now be healed!—if henceforth she might bleed no more through intestine divisions, party-virulence, the ravings of faction and the mad acts of blind infatuation!—How happy, if mutual good will, heavenly charity and justice might once more be revived among us! How glorious, if the new order of things, as it is called, (I care not whose order nor what order it is called) might prove but the abolition of hatred, calumny, detraction, rigid discrimination, personal depression and injustice, and instead thereof restore the old order of social felicity, mutual confidence, benevolent and candid treatment which once distinguished the citizens of this country!—If one sincere desire is cherished by my soul, it is, that this happy old order of things might be restored,–that we might see an eternal end to the little, detestable maxims of party, and that the generous principles of the country might come forward and reign.—O Genius of America! Arise; come in all the majesty of thine ancient simplicity, moderation, justice; re-commence thine equal empire; drive the demon, Party, from our land: From henceforth let the order among us be thy order.

To insure such a glorious and most desirable order of things, my hearers, it is absolutely necessary that the injured among us, of whatever sentiment or character, should not think of revenging, should not think of revenging, should not think of retaining prejudices and a grudge against their fellow-citizens;–but if they revenge at all, let it be by benevolence. The only strife should now be, who can shew the most liberality and kindness,–who can do an enemy the most good. Let those who have been the most wronged, be the first to come forward and forgive. Let them bury in magnanimous amnesty, all that is past; and let them exhibit an example of what it is to be truly great,–great like a Christian,–great like God.

In this sublime policy of the gospel it is by no means implied, that we should be stoics, indifferent to good and evil, or that we should be reconciled to abuse, or that we should not rejoice and be thankful to heaven when we are delivered from it. Christianity was never designed to impair the noble sensibilities of our nature.

I profess no great skill as a politician;–nor does it belong to me to say, whether the sufferings which have arisen in our country from political causes, be now certainly at an end. But this I say, if there be well-founded reason to think they are at an end, if the present epoch in American affairs may really be considered as a deliverance on all hands from that unparalleled injustice, those overbearing torrents of abuse and accumulations of injuries, which for some time past have been heaped upon worthy and innocent men, and stained, I fear, the annals of our country beyond the power of time to obliterate,–if, I say, this be really the case and may be relied on as fact, then I declare the present occasion an occasion of great joy, deserving our most fervent gratitude to God.—And if it be an epoch to prevent still greater abuses from coming on, if it is to set back the tide of party-rage from reaching any farther, if it is to say to that boisterous deluge, which was rolling on in such terrible floods and already swept away much that is dear to us, Hitherto hast thou come, but no farther,–and here shall thy proud waves be staid,–if it is to prevent a relentless civil war from existing among us, whose flames, alas! lately appeared to be fast kindling, and in the apprehension of many, threatened by this time to have exhibited the awful scene of brother armed against brother—and garments rolled in blood through our land,–if henceforth nothing more is to be feared for personal character, liberty, life, the safety of our Constitution and government,–the peace of our country and our social happiness, then I declare it an epoch deserving eternal remembrance and the most heart-felt exultation before the God of heaven. God grant, it may prove such an area, and that our dear country may once more be happy.

But it requires no great political skill to see that all this in a measure depends on conditions: and one principal condition unquestionably is, that the injured forget their wrongs and be above revenge.

This leads me to suggest a few considerations to recommend the precepts in the text, or the gospel-policy of overcoming evil with good.

No one can doubt, that this is an eminent and very distinguishing part of the system taught by the author of our religion. Forgiveness of injuries, love to enemies, charity, a mild, inoffensive behavior, and even literally the rendering of good for evil, were themes much upon his tongue, continually urged and enforced by him. By the authority of our Lord, then, we are bound to practice these virtues.

And his example was strictly conformable to these his precepts. Never man endured so much contradiction of sinners against himself, so much enormous outrage, such monstrous abuse, as Jesus Christ endured. Yet never man behaved so perfectly inoffensive, or so unremittingly persevered in doing good.—He was reproached as a glutton and a drunkard, a friend and associate of publicans and sinners, a petulant fellow in community, an enemy to Cesar and all government, a low-bred carpenter’s son, a turner of the world upside down, a foe to religion, a vile heretic, a perverter of the good old traditions of the elders and the commands and institutions of the fathers, a despiser of the Sabbath, a blasphemer, a deceiver of the people, an agent of Beelzebub—But the time would fail me to tell of all the reproaches and all the hard names with which he was reviled.

Nor did his sufferings rest only in what pertained to reputation. His whole walk on earth was amid snares and plots craftily laid to take, not only his liberty, but his life. And everything was favorable to render those snares successful:–they were laid by a powerful hierarchy, seconded by the Rulers of the day, and the Evil One must come and render his aid. Much did he suffer:–but never did he manifest a single wish to injure them,–The people generally were more friendly to him:–they frequently flocked in multitudes around him, and often did they form a defence for his life which his foes dared not provoke.—But sometimes means were found to inflame them also, and set them against him. In these cases he was left alone to sustain the vengeance of an enraged world.—He could not live long. He was too honest and too good for this earth. At an early period of life he fell a victim to the powers combined against him.

But what was his conduct under these sufferings? What was his conduct even in that last trying hour, that hour of darkness, when perfect innocence was about to suffer indignities which should belong only to the foulest guilt? Now we should expect revenge, if ever. Now, that the measure of his injuries was full, might we not look for some capital blow to retaliate for the whole at once? Why did he not shake the earth out of its place and crumble his enemies to dust? Why did he not bid his waiting legions of angels empty the realms of heaven—fly and smite his abusive foes to destruction?—Good God! what do we see!—he goes as a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb, so he openeth not his mouth! His dying breath wafts a tender prayer to the throne of mercy for his murderers, Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do!

Shall such an example shine before us, and not ravish us with its glories? Shall we boast such an Author of our religion, and not be ambitious to imitate him?—How do all the injuries which we endure and all our sufferings dwindle into nothing compared with those of our Master? And oh! How should all dispositions of vengeance melt away from our souls before the burning lustre of his example?

But let us look at the intrinsic merits of this conduct, thus exemplified by Jesus, and so eminently required by his precepts.—This conduct may be justified both on the ground of good policy and of moral obligation.

First, on the ground of policy. The apostle evidently suggests the idea of policy in these words,–for, in so doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head. We have already explained this figure. It alludes to a smith’s heaping coals of fire upon a crucible, or any hard substance which he wishes to soften or solve. A very happy allusion to set forth the power of kind actions upon the hearts of our abusive enemies. If we wish to conquer them most effectually, this is the way to do it. We all, I presume, have witnessed somewhat of this in our intercourse with mankind. If we ourselves have ever unjustly abused another, for him to return us obliging and good actions upon it, makes us ashamed, and we soon desire to forget what we have done. This kind of conduct, well-timed and properly directed, is absolutely irresistible. It puts upon man the appearance of a superior being, and compels regard.—To repulse evil with evil, tends only to sharpen the hostile passions and to fix the parties in everlasting hatred. This is not conquest,–it is only continuing the battle without ever deciding the victory.

I suppose it likely, that it was on account of this peculiar feature in the character of Christ and his religion, that so many of his crucifiers were afterwards pricked in the heart and turned to be his followers, as we are told three thousand did at one sermon of Peter’s, on the subject of the crucifixion. And on the same account the religion of Christ made rapid progress in the world, so long as its supporters exhibited this its peculiar feature. But when they assumed the power of the state and the power of armies to assist the power of Christianity, and its advocates became fierce, revengeful, intolerant, then its spread was retarded, and even Mahometanism outstripped it in progress.

But secondly, the gospel-conduct in question, may be justified upon the ground of moral obligation. Our enemies and abusers, be they who they may, have something in them or pertaining to them which deserves our regard, and I will say, our love,–notwithstanding the malice and depravity which they may also possess.

In the first place they have existence. And is not existence valuable?—Think of annihilation! See how anxious all are to preserve their lives, not excepting the very brutes.—What is thus demonstrated to be valuable by every testimony around us, and by our own irresistible feelings, ought surely to be prized at some rate and to be treated accordingly.

They have also rational faculties. And are not these valuable?—Look at the idiot or at the delirious wretch! What an afflicting sight is the absence of mental faculties?—They are to be regarded, then, where they exist.

Our enemies possess immortal natures. This confers inestimable worth. The fly, that lives and sport a summer, is a being of small value. The brute, that protracts his life to a few years, is more valuable. But man, who is destined to live when the sun and the stars are no more, who is to travel onward and grow in excellence through eternal ages, possesses a value beyond all computation, beyond all conception. Our Saviour estimates a soul above the whole world. Is such an object to be dealt lightly with? Is he rashly to be consigned over to utter hatred, and shall every sentiment be expunged from our hearts which should excite us to consult his welfare?

They also have a capacity for virtue and happiness. However depraved at present, yet they are not beyond recovery. If malice now rankles in their hearts, yet their hearts are capable of being receptacles of benevolence. They are salvable creatures, restorable to virtue and felicity. Shall they be thrown away as good for nothing, and all regard be withdrawn from them, when this capacity is in them and they may yet be ranked with ourselves in dignity and bliss? Ought they not rather to be considered as a valuable machine, disordered truly, but capable of repair? Do we throw away our gold and silver utensils, because for the present they may have gotten out of order? Moral evil is but a disorder of the mind, and is removable. The evil should be hated; but the unhappy subject of it is still to be regarded. Our desire and endeavor should be to rectify,–not destroy.

The dignified nature of man, and his capability of being restored to virtue and felicity, were what rendered him in his sins an object of regard to his Maker, and procured for him the merciful provision of the gospel. What if God had treated our sinful race according to the dictates of enmity and hatred? Who would ever have found mercy?—No, he loved us notwithstanding we were enemies in our minds by wicked works. God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten son to die. Herein is love, not that we loved God, but that he loved us, and sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins. God commendeth his love towards us, in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. From the example of our Maker, then, as well as by looking directly at the subject, we see there is something in enemies and wicked men, which is a proper foundation for love, and demands benevolent treatment.

Another consideration which should commend our enemies to our affectionate regards is, they are our brethren, children with us of one great Parent, members together of one great family. Their blood is a branch of the same fountain which flows in our veins. They are “bone of our bone and kindred souls to our’s.”

—”Pierce my vein,”—says a poet,
Take of the crimson stream meandering there
And catechize it well:–apply thy glass,
Search it, and see now if it be not blood
Congenial with thine own.”—

They exercise all the functions which we exercise. They weep as we weep. They feel as we feel. They suffer as we suffer.—If some of the family are proud, selfish, disposed to be injurious and trample on the rights of the rest, let them be brought to know their places—but let them still be beloved. What is here suggested is the foundation of philanthropy, or universal benevolence, which unquestionably is the benevolence of the gospel, and what we all ought to entertain.

Thus on the solid basis of moral obligation rests the duty of loving and treating well our enemies.

I shall now mention a few considerations of another kind, which should make us extremely cautious how we indulge revengeful feelings toward those who may have abused us.

First of all, we ourselves are frail, fallible beings, and therefore may mistake the intentions of our fellow-creatures, misapprehend their motives, or may see their actions in a distorted form. Perhaps they are not so guilty as we imagine. Or it may be, through frailty we have offered unwarrantable provocation. In either of these cases revenge would be unjust.

We are further to consider, that our enemies and abusers are also subject to frailties. Great allowances are to be made on this account. The God of nature seems to have created some souls on an extremely little scale. Such are they who, capable only of being actuated by party-spirit, do nothing, think nothing, feel nothing, but just as party-spirit dictates. Some of this description have been known not to be able to hold common good neighborhood, nor Christian fellow-ship, nor to celebrate an anniversary festival, nor to communicate with their God, no, not even to hear a prayer, with one not of their particular party, be is character as bright as an angel’s. Shall we be disposed to revenge upon such little creatures?—pity, pity, nothing but pity is called for.

Others may become enemies and abusers merely because they mistake the intentions, the principles, the views of each other. They may see you through a false medium. Their enmity may be founded on some false report. They may be acted upon by an influence which they do not perceive;–may be led by the interested and crafty; may be deluded, deceived, excited by groundless alarm and cajoled in a thousand ways, which they themselves would despise, had they better information.—I verily believe, that more than one half of the feuds, animosities and enmities which afflict mankind, flow from these sources, rather than from any real ground of difference, or from downright malice of heart. I am certain this is the case in times of general party, when the people are roused up to oppress and abuse one another.—Oh! It is piteous to see the fatal fruits of this frailty,–to see honest and well-meaning people made to drink down potions of poisonous prejudice against their brethren for no cause,–to see them excited to baleful rage, made to vent reproaches, and ready to whet the sword of destruction, as against cannibals and monsters,–when the principles of both are identically the same, and all are seeking the same object,–only perhaps some party-name, devised and applied by knaves, with a plenty of misrepresentation, is the whole difference between them!—I am bold to say it, this of late years has been afflictingly the case in this country. People, whose real principles differ not one jot nor tittle, have been made most cordially to hate one another. The most genuine patriots have been anathematized by the most genuine patriots,–the truest whigs by the truest whigs,–the best republicans by the best republicans!—It was a pitiable scene.—But ought we to be disposed to revenge? Whoever thou art, of whatever party, that hast suffered in this way, if you hate these good people, you hate your best friends,–you hate your compatriots and real brethren. Moreover, they never hated you; they hated only a phantom in your stead,– a shade, an empty shade, which has been artfully raised up before them and called by your name.—The people at large are honest, and all the sin lies at the door of their deceivers. These may be rebuked sharply: they may be spoken to as the mild Jesus spake to the deceivers of the people in this day, Ye serpents! Ye generation of vipers! How can ye escape the damnation of hell? But to the people we should never speak in this manner. They were never spoken to thus by their friend Jesus. He always addressed the multitudes with respect and tenderness. And even their deceivers should not be devoted to hatred and ill offices. Like our Lord the genuine Christian will pray for them, if he can do no more.

When people are drawn by the designing into deep delusion and high party-rage, it is not to be expected that they all will come out together, that every one so soon as another will have the scales fall from his eyes to see clearly what has been the matter. This depends very much upon accident. The schemes of the crafty are often so deeply laid and so closely hedged about, that it requires years for them to come fairly out and be seen by the greater part of honest people. Often it is true of such schemes, “Longa est injuria,–longae ambages.” Many of the honest and unsuspecting will not be undeceived but by the unfolding of the scheme in serious and alarming facts.—But to some it may by accident be leaked out beforehand, perhaps from the very mouths of its authors. Or circumstances of a local and particular nature may conspire to convince some long before others. When this is the case, the first who are convinced will be thought hard of, and perhaps be calumniated and abused by their own brethren whose conviction is to come later. The schemers will endeavor to make this the case as much as possible, and will foment it by every means in their power. What is here observed may furnish an answer to those who sometimes ask one who differs from them, “How comes it that you know so much more than everybody else?” The true answer is, it comes by accident and various local circumstances, more than from any superiority of understanding or better principles of patriotism.—But it will be acknowledged, I think, that in these cases patience ought to be used, a very mild and gentle conduct ought to be observed. To revenge would be to revenge upon honest men.

We may vary a little the statement of this matter. The difference between honest people at the present day (and such I conceive the great body on both sides to be) is merely a difference of belief. Some individuals, to be sure may be most wicked and designing. But, it is idle to say, that the great body of people on either hand are not honest. They are honest, and most sincerely friendly to the Constitution and their country.—But one of one party believes there is a design on foot to overturn the Constitution and deprive the country of its liberties.—Another of another party believes no such thing. Whereas the latter would equally detest such a design and its authors, could he believe it were so.—Now shall men go to revenging upon one another merely for differences of faith, of belief? It would be reviving the worst doctrine of the dark ages.

Another consideration which should make us cautious not to indulge revenge is, that by so doing we pollute and injure our own souls. Revenge is a foul passion. To be overcome with it, is to be overcome with evil. Be it never so justly provoked, it hurts the temper; and if allowed to continue, will stop little short of entirely ruining it. Revenge is very properly pictured as a chief characteristic of the Infernals.—And the perfection of God is to be ever serene, good and forgiving.—When we can sincerely forgive our enemies, bless them and do them good, it is a token of great advancement in grace: for our Saviour considers this as the badge of Christian perfection, who in view of it says, Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father who is in heaven is perfect.

As a further recommendation of this heavenly conduct, let me observe that whoever finds himself truly disposed to practice it, may have the consolation to think, that most probably he is in the right with respect to those things for which he is abused,–and that his oppressors are wrong. The sure signs of error are a rigid, illiberal conduct, persecution and abuse, a disposition to discriminate, depress and keep down by violence whatever is opposed, and to repay tenfold when we have it in our power. This kind of conduct from of old has always distinguished the advocates of error, and is a certain badge of it. Whereas truth never feels a necessity for these things,–but is always mild, meek, liberal, generous, friendly to moderation and the utmost fairness, asks only an equal chance to be heard, disdaining violence, sure to conquer by her own charms.—The Pharisees and chief-priests on one hand, and Jesus on the other, were perfect examples of the conduct which error and truth respectively inspire.

When parties exist, perhaps there is no better rule to determine which is nearest the truth, than to recur to the manner of their treating each other, and mark the quantity of abuse offered on either side. And among all the species of abuse, perhaps that of epithet is as sure a standard as any. Whichever party invents and applies odious epithets in the greatest abundance and of the most unfounded and scandalous import, may be presumed to be most out of the way.

The peaceful conduct under consideration may be recommended from the excellent effect which will ultimately attend it, although for the present moment it may be unsuccessful. When men are outrageously abused, they are wont to think, there was never anything like it before. And if their abusers prosper over them, they are apt to despair, and imagine all to be lost unless they resort to desperate efforts and oppose violence to violence.—But this is the short-sighted wisdom of the flesh. We at this late age of the world have reason to know better. Have not worthy men, the just, friends of truth, of righteousness, of liberty, of every the most laudable cause, suffered in every age? To omit the mention of others, did not the immaculate Jesus and his first followers suffer, as men never suffered? Yet, what was the effect? Did not the gospel rise, shake itself from ignominy and run triumphantly through the world; while their outrageous foes soon sank out of repute and out of remembrance? There is something in mankind which favors suffering merit, and will assist it in spite of all opposition,–something which approves of moderation and reasonable conduct, and condemns overbearing things. This is a laudable disposition in mankind, and where there is nothing special to repress the public will, it is certain to give eventual triumph to those who under abuse, conduct according to the maxims of Christ; it will in the end bring them, with their cause, out of all their troubles.

Finally, my hearers, if any of you (and I would address those of every description, sentiment and party) if, I say, any of you have experienced the odious effects of a system of conduct the opposite of the one we are considering, if you have experienced those effects in your reputation, business, profession, property or individual freedom,–if your indignation has been roused, or your contempt excited at any little, narrow, malevolent acts of men by which you have been attempted to be injured,–will you not still continue to detest, and forbear to adopt such a despicable system of conduct for your own? I beg to be considered as addressing all of every sentiment and character, who have been abused by any conduct opposite to the liberal precepts of Jesus.—Will you not abominate such conduct as you have been taught to do by your own hard experience? And will you not cleave to the generous, the manly, the godlike deportment prescribed in the gospel? Let me call upon your own sufferings;–let me appeal to your own past feelings,–your sorrow, your pity, your indignation, your scorn,–let me bring them all to your remembrance and conjure you by them, never, never to fall into a line of conduct which you so much disapprove. Never lost sight of those noble sentiments which you so much wished might have been shewn toward you. While they are fresh in your recollection, consecrate them,–santify them,–let them be eternally held sacred. Repay nothing of what you have received: nobly forbear. All things whatsoever ye would, that men should have done to you, do ye even so to them.

As it respects the public welfare and peace of the country, let me ask, Has not the monster, Party, raged long enough? Has he not marched like a bloody Cannibal through our land and glutted sufficiently his abominable maw? Has he not devoured enough of reputation, enough of honest merit, enough of our social peace and happiness? Has not brother hated brother, neighbor neighbor, citizen citizen, long enough? Is it not time to put an end to the wounds of society and to heal our bleeding country?—

I feel the more earnest on this occasion as I consider the present juncture of affairs most important. And I view myself addressing an audience composed in some considerable degree of a description of men through this country on whose prudent and wise conduct, much, very much depends to restore tranquility and happiness to our land.

Let me, then, bring to your view our bleeding country. Let me place her before you in all her deplorable plight,–torn and mangled with faction, poisoned with the venom of party,–wrecked with intestine hatred, strife, division, discord, and threatened with complete dissolution.—Before you she stands—To you she turns her eyes:–she implores your consideration:–she begs to be restored to her wonted dignity and happiness.—“Will you,” she cries, “introduce a system of party, personal depression and abuse, and tear my vitals asunder?—Oh! Remember Jesus, the friend of the world! His precepts will heal me. If you have been persecuted, I beseech you to bless:–if you have been despitefully used, pray for your abusers:–if you have been reviled, revile not again. Render to no man evil for evil, but contrariwise, blessing.—Overcome evil with good. Thus shall my reproach be wiped away:–thus shall my wounds be healed:–thus shall you and all my children be restored to happiness.”

Agreeably to these importunate cries of our country, suffer me to conclude with offering a few particular directions for the observance of all on whom anything depends relative to our country’s peace.

First of all, dropping on all hands every term and epithet of party,–I mean such terms and epithets particularly as originated in rancor, and have no foundation in reality,–carefully consult the ancient spirit of the country, see what its maxims were formerly, and what now are its genuine principles and wishes.—Whatever you find these to be, with them go forward and do the public will. Be not a faction within the country; but be the country itself. Let not your spirit be the passion of party; but let it be the public spirit. Let the Genius of America reign.

Give me leave to say, you will not mistake the ancient maxims of this country nor its present wishes, if you be stedfast, genuine Republicans.—If we recur to our forefathers we shall find them republican from the beginning. The spirit of freedom drove them from their native land and brought them to this then howling wilderness. Genuine principles of liberty were conspicuous in all their early proceedings. No greater liberty-men were ever seen in America, that Winthrop, Davenport, Hooker, Haynes, and all that band of worthies who, under God, were the means of our being planted here. Much has been said about the forefathers of New-England. The truth is, the leading, most distinguishing traits in their character were these two, Liberty and Religion. In both they were sincere, and prized them above all price. With beams extracted from these sources, their souls were illuminated and warmed.—They did not set up an outcry about liberty with an insidious view to root out religion and overturn its institutions: neither on the other hand did they make an outcry about religion and its institutions with a view to cover over an insidious design of departing from the principles of civil liberty. These principles they carefully handed down to their sons, and in every period of the country’s progress they have been conspicuous. They broke out in full splendor in 1775 and ’76, of which the Declaration of Independence is an illustrious proof.—Again they shone forth with effulgent lustre in 1787 and ’88,–and the unparalleled Constitution of the United States was their fruit. These ancient, deep-rooted, republican principles of the country must be most sacredly regarded; for, be assured every variation from them will be resisted and bring on convulsions.

To have said thus much in favor of republican principles I hope will not be deemed to favor of party-spirit. For, I am designating the acknowledged principles of my country. And I beg leave to add, that they are principles of eternal rectitude and equity. Republicanism can no more be considered a party, than immutable truth and righteousness can be considered a party. And Republicans can no more be called a faction, than nature, reason and scripture with their Author, can be called a faction. For, these principles rest on the solid basis of nature, are clear as the sun to the eye of reason, and the Bible is full of them from beginning to end.—Nothing ever appeared to me more preposterous than to say the Bible favors of monarchy.—What did God say to his people, Israel, when they first asked for a king to rule over them? Read the eighth chapter of I Sam. And you will see how he resisted their request and set before them all the evils of monarchy. 1 But when the people were deaf, and said, (because they could say nothing better) Nay, but we WILL have a king,–then God gave them a king in his wrath. And wrath indeed it was!—If the public mind at any time become so depraved as that they will have a king,–why then there is no help for it; and it becomes the duty of good men to make the best of the evil. Thus did the prophets and good men in Israel.—But because they wished to make the best of an evil, shall it be argued that they were in favor of the evil and were its zealous abettors?

When Jesus Christ came, every maxim and every precept he gave, so far as an application can be made, was purely republican. If we had no other saying of this than this, it would be sufficient to determine the matter. Ye know, says he, that the princes of the nations exercise lordship over them, and their great ones exercise authority upon them. But it shall not be so among you:–but whosoever will be chiefest among you let him be servant of all.—True he did not come to inter-meddle with human governments. But it is plain to see what his real sentiments were. It was not without ground that he was suspected of not being very friendly to Cesar. If he paid him his tribute-money, it was on this principle, lest we should offend them. He was a friend to order,–but he was in favor of righteous order. Mind not high things, but condescend to men of low estate.

If there be a privileged order of men known in the Bible, it is the poor and the oppressed. Such are in Scripture taken to God’s peculiar favor, he appears their special protector and avenger, and denounces terrible woes upon the head of their oppressors.

Is not iniquity condemned in the Bible? But what is iniquity? The word is from in and aequus,–unequal:–not unequal as to property or any other accidental circumstance, or appendage; but unequal as to rights. Thus the thief claims a right to trample on the rights of his neighbor, with respect to property,–the slanderer with respect to character,–the murderer with respect to life. These will not be subject to laws which subject the rest of community; but must claim privileges above them and peculiar to themselves.—The noble lord, who trespasses with impunity upon the enclosures of his neighbors, differs nothing from the thief, except that the iniquitous laws of unequal government protect the one and hang the other.—Iniquity surely is hateful to God. He repeatedly appeals to mankind in his word, Are not my ways equal? Are not your ways unequal?

Thus republican principles are no party-principles, inasmuch as they are founded in nature, reason and the word of God. At any rate, they are the principles of our country; and in exhorting you to abide by them, I am sure I speak the mind of the country, and what she herself would urge with pathetic importunity, were she to rise in my place and address you.

Permit me further to say, you would not mistake the old and genuine maxims of the country, if you should set an inestimable value upon that instrument, called The Declaration of American Independence. There her principles are displayed. There they are graven as in adamant, never to be effaced. That was the banner she unfurled when she arose to assert her rights. Under that banner she marched to victory and glory. On that were inscribed the insignia of all she contended for.

Cherish then, that immortal document of what once were DECLARED in the face of the world to be the principles of this country. I firmly believe they are still its principles.

Give me leave to say further, you will not mistake the will and pleasure of the country, if you give all your friendship, all your best wishes, and all the support in your power to the incomparable Constitution of the United States. This Constitution was adopted by a fair expression of the public will. It is the government of the country and the ordinance of God. When we examine its merits, we find it but another edition of the genuine principles of republicanism,–equal rights its foundation, and the welfare of the people its object. The precious maxims of the Declaration of Independence are transplanted into the Constitution. And as under the former the country marched to victory, so under the latter she may advance to prosperity.

Let the Constitution then, be esteemed the Palladium of all that we hold dear. Let it be venerated as the sanctuary of our liberties and all our best interests. Let it be kept as the ark of God. Obey the laws of government. Be genuine friends of order. Take that reproach from the mouths of monarchs, that Republicans are prone to rebellion. Dissipate that stigma, if it has been fastened upon any of you, that you are Disorganizers, Jacobins, Monsters. Let your love of order consist not in profession, but in reality. Let it be manifested, like true religion, in practice. Love not in word neither in tongue, but in deed and in truth.

Be not devoted to men. Let principles ever guide your attachments. To be blindly devoted to names and man’s person’s, is at once a token of a slavish spirit, and a sure way to throw the country into virulent parties. Be ready to sacrifice a Jefferson as freely as any man, should he become elated with power, exalt himself above the Constitution and depart from republican principles. Our Constitution contemplated independent freemen, men having a mind of their own, when it provided the right of suffrage. If we are to follow a man blindly wherever he leads, and if his coming once into office is to secure him there forever, whatever his conduct be,–in the name of common sense let so idle a thing as suffrage be expunged from our Constitution, and save the people the trouble of meeting so often for election. So long as a man in power behaves well and cleaves to your own principles, give him your support and your applause. But the instant he departs from the line prescribed for him by your social compact, peaceably resort to your right of suffrage, and hurl him from his eminence, be he who he may. In the mean time, always be in subjection to the powers that be.—By thus devoting yourselves to the principles of our excellent constitution and to the existing laws of government, you will be sure to do the pleasure of the country.

Let me say further, the pleasure of our country is to be free from foreign attachments. To be devoted to England or France or any one nation in preference to another, is unjust in itself, and a sure method to convulse the country with parties. We ought to wish well to all nations, desiring their deliverance from evil, and that they may enjoy their rights and happiness, without connecting ourselves intimately with the fortunes of any.—One principal purpose for which we should look at other nations is to learn from their miserable experience how to preserve our own liberties, how to secure our own happiness.

Lastly, to be genuinely and truly RELIGIOUS, would not be mistaking the ancient maxims of our nation. As I have endeavored in this discourse to hold up before you one of the chief and most peculiar features of the gospel, and have urged it by various considerations, I shall not now be lengthy. Give me leave to say, the genuine spirit of the gospel is the very perfection of man. Possessing that spirit, nation would no more rise against nation, nor kingdom against kingdom, the lion would lie down with the lamb, and there would be nothing to hurt or destroy throughout the earth; each one might sit under his vine and fig tree, having none to make him afraid. Genuine Christianity is a system of complete benevolence. Where it enters with its spirit and power, every relation is rendered kind, and every duty is cheerfully discharged. In no relation would its effects be more excellent than between ruler and people. Not that church and state should blended in the manner which has so much afflicted the world. Far from it. Christ’s kingdom, in such a sense, is not of this world. But it would be no matter how much the spirit of Christianity were blended with the spirit of rulers, or with the spirit of the ruled. The more the better. If the spirit of rulers were to be perfectly Christian, tyranny would never more be known. And if the spirit of the citizens were perfectly Christian, there would be little or no need of government.

This peaceful religion is the nominal religion of our country. How would she rejoice if it might be the real religion? Then indeed would she be glad and rejoice and blossom as the rose. She would blossom abundantly, and rejoice with joy and singing. The glory of Lebanon would be given her, the excellency of Carmel and Sharon. Imbibe, then, into your souls the spirit of this most excellent religion, and bring forth its fruits in your lives.

On the whole, my hearers, take the particulars we have mentioned, and blending them into one character, put that character on; and proceed with it in all its dignity and amiableness, along the course before you. Uniting the principles of liberty with order, and crowning the whole with genuine religion, be clear as the sun, fair as the moon, and terrible as an army with banners. Amaze once more the tyrants of the earth when they look toward this land:–let them see that men can be free without licentiousness,–orderly without needing the shackles of despotism,–religious without the impositions of bigotry. By assuming this character, be invulnerable to your foes;–baulk the hopes of the envious.

Let this character be invariably maintained. On no occasion and on no account let it sink into the low regions of party. Ah! Stoop not—stoop not to the extreme littleness—I was going to mention instances, but the dignity of the pulpit checks me.—Far,–far from such despicable things be your conduct.—Let the American character be borne aloft. Let it soar like the Eagle of heaven, its emblem, bearing the scroll of our liberties through fields of azure light, unclouded by the low-bred vapors of faction;–and let it not be degraded into a detestable owl of night, to dabble in the pools of intrigue and party and delight itself in the filthy operations of darkness.

Where are our Fathers? Where are our former men of dignity,–our Huntingtons, Shermans, Johnsons, Stiles’s, who in their day appeared like MEN, gave exaltation to our character, and never descended to a mean thing?—It appears to me, in every department we are dwindled, and more disposed to act like children than men.

Let the spirit of our Fathers come upon us.—Be men:–rise:–let another race of patriots appear:–bring forward another band of sages. Let America once more be the admiration of the world.

Think not that the dignity of a nation can be commuted. Think not that it can be transferred from its only genuine feat, the mind of its citizens, and be made to consist in anything else.

Ou lithoi, oude xula, oude
Technee tektoonoon ai poleis eisin:
All’ opou ot’ an oosin ANDRES,
Autous soozein eidotes,–
Entautha teiche kai poleis. ALCEUS.

“What constitutes a State?
“Not high-raised battlements and lofty towers;
“Not Cities proud, nor spangled Courts.—
“No;–MEN;–high-minded MEN;
“Men, who their duties know;–
“But know their rights,–and knowing, dare maintain.”

Yes, the true and everlasting dignity of a State spurns all commutation. It never can be made to consist in ornamented stone and wood.—You must be MEN, high-minded MEN, else the national character will unavoidably sink, prop it how you may.—What was Greece, what was Rome, when their MEN disappeared, their high-minded MEN? Splendor, pomp, luxury indeed,–enough of it;–but no glory. And soon their pomp was brought down to the grave. What was Egypt after its people became a race of slaves?—did their pyramids prop the falling character of the nation?—O Americans! Be MEN:–let the glory of the nation rest in the dignity of MIND.—Be like the pillars which formerly stood under and bore up your honor. It was a goodly range of plain, hardy, independent, republican Sages.—These are your best props.—Put them under again.—Many indeed are fallen. And chiefly thee we lament, O Washington, who waft thyself half our glory! What a pillar waft THOU in the fabric of our Commonwealth?—When shall another such arise?—But we hope we have others somewhat resembling.—Let us all, my friends, endeavor to be such. The way is open before us; and we have the best of models.—Be great then, like Washington,–be inflexible like Adams,–be intelligent and good like Jefferson.

Give me leave on this occasion particularly to point you to Thomas Jefferson as a laudable example of that magnanimous and peaceable conduct which I have recommended to you in this discourse, and which is so peculiarly necessary to be put in practice at the present juncture.—That he has been abused, I suppose will be acknowledged on all hands.—But have you heard of his complaining? Have you heard him talk of vengeance and retaliation? Do his writings heretofore betray a little foul? Does his late letter to his friend in Berkley, does his answer to the committee of the house of Representatives, does his farewell address to the Senate2 breathe the meanness of a spirit bent on revenge? Placid on his mount he seems to have sat, as Washington on his, and beheld the storm of passion among his fellow-citizens with no other sensations than those of extreme pity and deep concern for his country. Like Washington he seems to have looked with an equal eye to the north and to the south to the east and to the west of the Union, and wished them all happiness. Should it come to pass, that he can be so little as to discriminate one half of his fellow-citizens from the other half, and withhold from them all confidence and all respect, brand them for enemies and traitors, deprive them of all offices and honors, and depress and afflict them all in his power,–give me leave to say, I shall be one to execrate his conduct most sincerely. What! Shall the country be thrown into convulsion and wretchedness, and the conduct which does it, not be abominated?

But at present we are persuaded of better things. At least, every thing which as yet has transpired from him is directly the reverse. And it is for this reason that I point you to him for an example of what ought to be the conduct of all in the present posture of affairs.—O my countrymen! Those who have any regard for the peace and honor of America!—if you have been reviled, revile not again;–if you have been persecuted, bless; if you have had all manner of evil spoken against you falsely, recompense to no man evil for evil. In a word, be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good. Come, and in this holy sanctuary of God bring all your grievances, all your resentments, and laying them upon the altar of sacrifice, consume and purge them all away. Turning to the golden altar of incense, inhale largely the sweet perfumes of patriotism, charity and every heavenly grace. Let your breasts henceforth glow with nothing but these peaceful, exalted sentiments.

Then shall your dear country rejoice over you as her genuine sons,–her tears shall be dried, her reproach shall be wiped away,–peace shall be restored to her afflicted bosom; you shall be blessed with your own reflections, and generations to come shall rise up and call you blessed. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1 Note. Those who are able to read the original Hebrew will find in this passage, as generally through the old Testament, ideas which can hardly be communicated by a literal translation.

2 The inaugural speech of the President had not at this time arrived. Otherwise a reference to that might have been sufficient, without alluding to the communications here mentioned, which had been seen.
The author presumes he shall not differ from the candid part of his fellow-citizens, if he declares this inaugural speech to be a very excellent specimen of fine sentiment, found policy, and of that magnanimity and moderation which are inculcated in this discourse. And he is happy to observe a very striking resemblance between the writings of President Jefferson and the late illustrious Washington, which augurs well for our country.