Sermon – Election – 1809, New Hampshire


This election sermon was preached by Rev. William Rowland in New Hampshire on June 8, 1809.


sermon-election-1809-new-hampshire

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE THE

HONORABLE GENERAL COURT

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

HOLDEN AT CONCORD,

JUNE 8, 1809.

BY WILLIAM F. ROWLAND,
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN EXETER.

In the House of Representatives, June 8, 1809.

VOTED, That Messrs. Ham, Edwards, and Goodall, with such as the Senate may join, be a committee to return thanks to the Rev. Mr. Rowland for his ingenious and patriotic Discourse delivered before the General Court this day, and request of him a copy for the press; and that said committee procure five hundred printed copies of the same, and lay the same before this House as soon as may be.

Sent up for concurrence.
GEO. B. UPHAM, Speaker.

In Senate, June 8, 1809.

Read and concurred….Mr. Adams joined.

ABIEL FOSTER, Clerk.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

GALATIANS V. 14.

For all the law is fulfilled in one word, even in this; Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.

THE law of God is holy, just, and good. To entertain right ideas of this law is necessary to give us right ideas of God. To imagine this a mere ceremonial observance; or, to lessen its requirements, explain away its spirituality, and make it consist in external forms, is to detract from its dignity, and cast contempt on the authority by which it was enacted.

Erroneous sentiments in religion lead to a correspondent practice. The morals of the heathen partook of the imagined nature of their gods: where revenge was a prominent feature, they cultivated this temper; where lasciviousness, they gave themselves up to impurity. What vices soever they imagined applicable to the deity they worshipped, they eagerly embraced and practiced.

There are those in Christian lands, who, tho’ they profess to be guided by the word of God, explain it to suit their fancies, or comport with their selfish views.

The apostle is here instructing his brethren into the nature of Christian liberty; cautioning them against the abuse of it to gratify their sinful passions; exhorting them to become mutual helps, to cherish a pure affection, and to be ready at all times to perform offices of beneficence.

Here he introduces the passage, which has now been read..For all the law is fulfilled in one word, even in this; Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.

In attending to this subject, we will consider,

I. That the divine law is fulfilled by the exercise of Christian love.

II. The dangerous tendency of a contrary disposition.

III. The dangerous tendency of a contrary disposition.

I. That the divine law is fulfilled by the exercise of Christian love.

To explain this point, it will be essential to contemplate the nature and extent of this affection. It is an affection of the mind, divested of those partial and interested feelings, which lead men to seek their own good without regard to others. It embraces our fellow men as brethren of the same common family. As we love ourselves, so should we love them; as we tenderly regard our own happiness, so should we regard theirs; as we would avoid whatever would be injurious to our own name, our persons, our interest, our peace and felicity in this and a future world, so should we, with equal sedulity, guard against everything that would, in either respect, tend to the injury of others. Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them. This is an infallible rule, applicable at all times, and in all circumstances. Our blessed Savior expressly enjoined this affection; and stiled it a new commandment, because, under the Gospel, it is more fully and particularly explained, than it was under the ancient economy. Treating of this important subject, how plain and forcible is his language! Ye have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy: but I say unto you, love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you; for if ye love them which love you, what reward have ye? Do not even the publicans the same? Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect. In respect to the extent of this affection, we observe, that it is so widely and so generally diffused, as to embrace the universe.

But how does the exercise of Christian affection fulfill the law? The whole Decalogue our Savior comprises in two commands…Love to God and our neighbor; because there is nothing commanded but what may be comprised in them. The apostle brings all into one, and says, Love is the fulfilling of the law. And the whole is included by our Savior, when he says, All the law is fulfilled in love. The whole of religion is often represented by one Christian virtue; because one branch of duty cannot be regarded without a love to the whole. If we truly love our neighbor as ourselves, in obedience to the command of God, we cannot fail to love him who gave the command; and thus the law is fulfilled. But, if any love not his brother, whom he hath seen, how can he love God, whom he hath not seen? To love our particular friends and relatives, from whom we receive, or expect, kindness, is only to love ourselves.

II. The influence of this temper on individuals and on society.

Of all the systems of religion which have been devised, and the laws of the wisest legislators, none like this was ever calculated to render society happy. False systems of religion, invented by interested men, have breathed a spirit of revenge and cruelty. The various codes of civil laws which men have enacted, could look no farther than to an outward obedience. But the system of inspired truth enjoins the purest morals, and forbids every malevolent disposition. It breathes love and good will to men. Conformity to this sacred rule, will make the most perfect society. The spirit of love, which it enjoins, carried into effect, will subdue all the rough and turbulent passions, and make earth resemble heaven in concord, harmony, and order.

The influence of this temper on individuals, families, and society, is highly important.

On individuals it has a salutary effect. Those who are influenced by this, will be much engaged in devising means for the relief of the indigent and oppressed, in silencing the tongue of slander, and extinguishing the flames of contention. Amiable in their lives, gentle in their manners, benevolent in their dispositions, they labor for a general diffusion of happiness. The influence of example extends far and wide. As one sinner destroys much good, so one good man prevents much evil. His exemplary deportment is a constant reproof to the wicked, and restraint from those enormities, into which they would otherwise be hurried. Thus shall we be led to the industrious pursuits of our appropriate business; and society, so far from groaning under the burdens which we impose, will rejoice in us as her ornaments of grace, and pillars of support. When the members, that compose the body politic, are duly solicitous to discharge the duties which appertain to their various and respective spheres; when they are not infatuated with any unsuitable desires of preferment, or of advantage over others; when they are meekly content to fill the circle of duty marked for them, and are anxious only to secure the plaudit of their God, then society is filled with order, peace, and happiness.

On families its influence is no less happy. It excites in all the members a mutual affection. Each feels an equal interest in the other, and in the whole, as in his own, and will indulge no partial feelings. As in the human body, when one member suffers, all the members suffer; and when one rejoices, all rejoice; so in a family where its members are all thus influenced, there can be no enjoyments, or sorrows, in which all do not partake. Behold how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity! As the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion: for there the Lord commanded the blessing, even life forever more.

This principle will have a benign influence on society. It is indeed its cementing bond. Without this, the strong foundations of the earth give way, and all the tottering superstructure falls into dust and ruin.

Without religion, no society of men can exist and be happy. This remark, founded on reason and revelation, is confirmed by the experience of ages. All nations have had recourse to religion of some kind or form, to support their civil institutions, to give efficacy to their laws, and to induce obedience from those for whom laws are enacted. Remove the restraints, which this lays on the passions and lusts of men, and no rulers, how wise and virtuous soever, will be able to execute the laws, or administer the affairs of government. On rulers its influence is important. It will induce them to study the things which will best comport with the general good. Considering themselves as guardians of the lives, interests, and happiness, of the people, not clothed with authority to sport with their liberties, they will not seek their own aggrandizement; but, as the ministers of God, they will rule for him, and be just and righteous in their administrations. Judgment will be their robe and diadem. The laws which they enact, will be just; and they will be mercifully executed. Disinterested in their public conduct, they will not suffer themselves to be governed by personal favor, nor prejudice, nor private advantage. Truth and integrity will possess their hearts; affection and tenderness will guide their ways.

The civil ruler stands connected with the people under his authority, as a father to a family, and should govern with impartiality. He pities those who err; but uses the rod of coercion with firmness. He is a terror to evil doers and a praise to them that do well. His example also will be such as will conduce to the public good. He who is governed by no principle of virtue, will be regardless of his conduct; and a vicious ruler is a curse to a community. The fountain being impure, the streams will partake of its pollution. Prone to evil, as degenerate men are, they eagerly embrace the vices of those who move in elevated spheres; and the wisest laws, with the evil examples of those who make and those who execute them, will be unavailing. The Most High will vindicate the dignity of his word. Those who honor him, he will honor; and no one honors him who lightly esteems his laws and institutions.

The history of God’s people in former ages, and the experience of the pious in this age, concur in testifying to the truth of this declaration. Indeed the elevation of virtuous and holy men only is an honorable elevation; but the elevation of unprincipled and infidel characters is that shame which shall be the promotion of fools. The customary expressions of honor, are obvious contradictions to their true character. Their infidelity and their sins prove them to be a satire. In the moments of sober reflection, if to characters of this description there be any seasons which may be properly so designated, they will feel them to be such.

The thinking part of the community possess too much wisdom to respect them in their hearts. They may have dignities conferred on them, I mean names of honor, and offices of authority and confidence; but cannot expect to be esteemed by the valuable part of society.

Religion alone entitles to the honor that is truly worthy of the desire of a rational mind. Every other claim to elevation must fail for want of support.

The Most High is the source of all true dignity; and everything that is worthy the name, must be derived from him. How then can there be any propriety in raising men to honor and authority, and thus assimilating them to him, when they are so totally unlike him in wisdom, benevolence, and holiness? It is interdicted not only by reason and sound policy, but also by the unerring standard of truth.

“To hold great power, and places of confidential trust, is a state of temptation, which every man cannot resist; and those who are wise will not accept a call to public service, until by examination, they find in their hearts fixed principles of fidelity. A bad man may seek elevation, but it is only a good man who cn bear it: and, it is not always attended with honor, for this depends on the principles and conduct of the person who is raised.” 1

Piety towards God and benevolence towards men, should be exhibited in the whole deportment of rulers; and their support and power of directing, should co-operate with their disinterested and energetic exercise of office, in discouraging and abashing all wickedness, and in advancing the cause of truth, peace, and righteousness.

Rulers should therefore be, in the language of a justly celebrated father, “examples of piety, justice, sobriety, zeal for the glory of God, his day, house, and ordinances. A ruler is sometimes called a seal or signet, and possibly one reason may be, that whatever is engraven on them will leave its impression on their people, and therefore rulers had need take care that they bear the signet of undissembled holiness, that the impression on those under them may be holy. Superiors, by their example, give laws to men; their virtuous actions may do more to reform a vicious age, than all other methods. The good lives of such, carry authority and sovereignty in them.

“On the other hand, the evil examples of rulers weaken the hands of government, and spread a deadly infection, that wasteth at noon day. Their evil lives are a public invitation to others to follow them; and are as authentic passports to all manner of iniquity. And it is not to be wondered, if magistrates are rulers of Sodom, that those under their conduct will be people of Gomorrah.” 2

Rulers are ministers of God, and, therefore, should be nursing fathers to the church. In order to this they must feel an interest in Zion’s prosperity. If they do not, they are dangerous to the liberties and prosperity of the people. Influenced by selfish considerations, they will seek the subversion instead of the peace of the church.

The idea, that the opposers of religion will seek the true interests of the community, is a wild chimera, and a most dangerous error. They have no principle to guide them, no integrity of heart to direct them, no rule of duty, and no sense of the account which they must render to God, or just impression of a day of judgment. Would any entrust their private concerns in such hands with that confidence, which they would feel in those, whose actions are regulated by the word of God? And will they commit the dearest interests of their country, its liberties and religious institutions, to those who have no sense of their accountability, and are uninfluenced by the retributions of an eternal state? The ruler, who is duly influenced by a love to his neighbour, will rule in the fear of God; will feel the cares of his people, and their interests will be all his own. A regard to the benevolent principle, which the text inculcates, will make good subjects, as well as good rulers. They will be submissive to good and wholesome regulations, easily restrained from evil, and from choice, and a sense of duty, not from servile dread, obey those who are placed over them in the Lord. They will render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor; and they will owe no man anything, but to love one another. This will harmonize the feelings of people, subdue that contentious spirit which so often disturbs the peace of society, and prevent those partial feelings, which excite men to seek their own, without regarding the welfare of others. They will be ready to every good work—every office of kindness and generosity; to administer to each other’s necessity; to dwell together in unity; to study the things which make for peace, and the things whereby one may edify another. Thus men become imitators of Christ, whose nature is benevolence, and who is emphatically the Prince of Peace.

Were every heart thus expanded with benevolence, it would give the greatest security to the State. It would be a far better defense than walls and bulwarks; and, like a phalanx, impenetrable by the assaults of the most formidable enemies, would strike them with terror and dismay. This would strengthen the nerves of civil government, give firmness to her councils, and energy to her laws. Under its influence, men would dwell secure; the cry of oppression and violence would no more be heard; but mutual good-will, and a friendly interchange of kind offices, would enliven every circle of domestic enjoyment.

We proposed to make some remarks,

III. On the dangerous tendency of a contrary disposition.

A spirit of discord, and party rage, in a society, state, or nation, carries with it the most deadly evil. It endangers their rights and liberties, civil and religious. Where contention is, there is every evil work. Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand.

This malignant spirit, in its principles and influence, is directly the reverse of that benevolence of which we have been speaking. It is the stain and reproach of a people. It blasts every blessing within the sphere of its influence, destroys public confidence, weakens the sinews of government, invites rapacity, injustice, violence, and bloodshed. It calls into operation those passions which disturb the peace of all around them. Under its influence, men are displeased with every passing occurrence, and with all with whom they have any concern. Uneasy under the restraints of religion, they vent their displeasure against those who minister in holy things; they foment discord in society; labor to break its sacred bond of union, and excite jealousies against those who wield the sword of justice.

The conflicting passions excite a constant tumult within, break out with impetuous fury, and bear away the dearest blessings in their progress.

In families, those small societies united by firm compact, how dreadful are its effects! The views of its members clash! Instead of servant, cordial affection, bitterness, wrath, malevolence: Instead of seeking the general good, each is making separate interest, and is unfeeling to the wants of the other.

Rulers of this description are consulting their own private emolument and family aggrandizement, instead of the public good. They do not rule for God; but for themselves…are haughty, imperious, looking down with supercilious contempt on those who move in the humble walks of life. One sets up against another, each forms a party to himself, and attempts, by every possible mean, to raise himself on the ruin of others. To carry into execution his plans, he inflames the passions of men; and hence the community is kept in a constant ferment!

When a nation is composed of many such members, the effect is such as might well be expected. They will bite and devour one another, until they are consumed one of another. This contentious spirit destroys the social bond, by which the members are connected, and often ends in the destruction of one, or the other, and sometimes of both of the contending parties. In small societies its effects are awful; in larger, they are similar, but carry with them more dreadful destruction.

The strength of a nation, under God, depends on its union. By weakening the sinews of government, countenancing injustice, violence, and party rage, it becomes enfeebled, distracted, convulsed in every nerve, and the symptoms of death are visible. In such a state of things, what security can there be of property, or even of life?

A nation divided against itself, is exposed to the intrigue of its enemies, and to fall an easy prey to the first assailants. Look into the history of former nations, and learn the cause of their downfall. The ancient republic of Rome, for a time, flourished, the seat of learning, the fountain of riches, the mistress of the world; but, divided in sentiment, torn by faction and contending parties, she fell a prey to their rapacity, and the lives and liberties of the citizens became subject to the will of a tyrant. United she stood, but divided, she fell from her former glory!

The Jews, by internal faction, were reduced to the Roman yoke. This has eminently been the case with republics in our day….with Holland, Switzerland, Geneva. It was the policy of their enemy to divide their councils, to blow up the flame of contention among the people; and thus they became an easy prey to his conquering arm.

Our own country has been threatened with destruction. We have been involved in dangers from our foreign relations; but much more from our divided and distracted state among ourselves. Our principal danger resulted from our disunion and our want of Christian love.

The rules of our duty are plain; and their reasonableness and benevolence are attested by the consciences of men. The supreme moral Governor of the universe, in the revelation of his will, which is given to men, requires that they be holy; that they resemble him in his moral character; and without this assimilation, they have no part nor lot in the felicity prepared for them that love him.

God, the giver of every good and perfect gift, is likewise the guardian of our rights, and of those of all his creatures; and his dreadful anger is excited by every invasion of them, either by superior strength, or subtle artifice and intrigue.

To disbelieve or even to doubt of the truth of religion, is unfriendly to patriotism; it checks, it extinguishes all benevolent sentiments in the human heart, damps all the ardor of the soul, chills the bosom, and paralizes the nerves of the body politic.

When the greatest affairs of the State are committed to those in all whose thoughts the supreme Governor has no place, they must be managed in a manner that can yield no satisfaction to its enlightened citizens; but in a manner that cannot fail to fill them with mourning and tears. Can it be reasonably expected, that those of this description will feel disposed cordially to relinquish their pursuits, yield to another’s judgment their designs, and sacrifice their personal advantage to promote the welfare of the community? To require this of them would be taking away their gods. Their private interest is the ultimate object of their desire and pursuit. What, will they relinquish their supreme good? Ah, how impotent is reason, and how quickly are all its bonds loosed and dissolved, when those of religion are broken, and unable to subdue the wills and restrain the tumultuous and riotous passions of men! If there be, who can felicitate themselves in a state, in which they are without God, and without Christ, in the world, and therefore without any good hope through grace, we have reason to think that they have already a foretaste of that torpor, that mental stupidity, on which they calculate as the ultimate allotment of men!

What security will be found to soothe and tranquilize the bosom of the governed, when no bond is fixed on those to whom they have committed the most sacred earthly betrustment? What will ensure the right exercise of the authority reposed in them? What, besides religion, will give magistracy the confidence of those who have put the power in their hands? Is there anything else which can induce the various classes in society to embark in the cause of patriotism? Is there anything else that can make constitutions of civil polity, and the administration of the laws, a real advantage to the community; or that can ensure to the rulers of the people a support of their power? What other prop has ever been found sufficient, so to maintain the authority of those in office, as to enable them to exercise it in that manner, which is essential in order to effect its beneficial objects?

Society, which relinquishes some rights, and elevates to authority and trust, some of its members, to secure to all their lives, liberties, and fortunes, and promote the common good, will claim the right to resume that authority and trust, when they think they do not derive from this source the good which they contemplated.

If the ties which bind society be acknowledged, I would ask in what manner the beneficial objects of authoritative institutions are to be sought and acquired? In what manner are disputes to be decided, contentions settled, and individuals shielded from reciprocal attack? What credit is to be given to the testimony of those who have no fear of God before their eyes? With men of such principles, no oath can be of any advantage.

Without reverence for the being and perfections of Jehovah, the proceedings of all legal processes must be attended with extreme difficulty, and succeeded by dissatisfaction. What a multitude of habits are opposed to the good of society, which however are not cognizable by the civil institutions! The most enormous sins are frequently practiced in so concealed a manner, that they are not perceived: and such are the numbers and force of the offenders, that they will not be afraid of the power which is impotent to punish and coerce.

On the ground of infidelity, men can repose no confidence in each other. The weak become the victims of the strong, and the artless a prey to the subtle.

The subject naturally applies itself to rulers, ministers, and people.

1. To Rulers…The legislators and chief officers of the State, who are this day gathered before the Lord in his courts, will permit me, without fear of offence, to discharge my duty in the application of this subject to them.

May it please your Excellency, 3

The language of adulation we presume would be as disgusting to the Christian magistrate to receive, as it would be improper for the Christian minister to offer. We have no reason to doubt, it is the first of your Excellency’s wishes to render certain the divine approbation. Feeling your dependence on God, and acting for his glory, you will most assuredly secure the protection of his providence, and the supports and encouragements of his grace, which alone are adequate to the cares and burdens of office.

You need to feel the influence of religion, peculiarly as your duties are greater, and your trials are more severe, on account of the elevated situation which you occupy.

You are favored with an opportunity to do much for God, his cause, and kingdom, in the world, and to promote the welfare of society; and, in the consciousness of thus acting, you will enjoy much more than it is in our power to bestow. And when the distinctions which obtain in the present state shall all be done away, you will enjoy immortal honor and glory.

You, Honorable Councillors, Senators, and Representatives of the State, will naturally feel an interest in the subject. To you it suggests the importance of exercising this benevolence in your own breasts, and diffusing its salutary influence to all around you.

In your important and dignified stations, this virtue will shine with a pleasing and brilliant lustre. Under its benign influence, you will rule for God, and study to promote the spiritual as well as temporal interest of the people. Ye are gods, and as such should imitate the moral perfections of God, imitate his government, which is righteousness, justice, and benevolence. But, remember, though you are gods, you must die like men! The grave levels all distinctions, and brings all to their final account. Influenced by these considerations, you will discharge with fidelity the duties of your several stations; you will encourage religion, and respect its holy doctrines, laws, and institutions. The most successful attack which the enemies of Christianity can make on religion, is by discouraging its institutions, and causing them to be neglected.

If the public dispensation of the divine word and ordinances were neglected, men would fall into gross ignorance of God, and holy things; and the light of the Gospel would be succeeded by the midnight darkness of paganism or infidelity.

I am well aware, that, in the opinion of some, civil government has no concern with religion. I know also that religion will stand without the aid of civil government, and even with all the opposition it can raise; but civil government cannot stand without the aid of religion. And is it not for the interest of magistrates to give all the support in their power to the institutions of that religion, which is essential to their political existence? The preaching of the Gospel lays the most powerful restraint on the passions of men. It humanizes and renders them social and submissive to good regulations.

They have no right to bind the consciences, which ought to be left free and unrestrained.

Magistrates, like others, are accountable to God for the discharge of their official trust; and are equally concerned to approve themselves to God, that they may receive the final rewards of the just. They are interested in the peace and prosperity of the people; and is it possible, that they can be prosperous and happy, when the Gospel has lost its influence, and the passions of men are without restraint?

Influenced by the benevolent principles which have been recommended, Legislators, you will do all in your power to encourage the University, and other literary institutions in this State. You need not be informed of the importance of doing this. Attention to literary institutions is essential to the good instruction of the young, the order of society, and the transmission to posterity of the invaluable blessings of civil and religious liberty, as a fair and unimpaired inheritance. If this be wanting, error and ignorance will abound; and rudeness of manners will rob them of all the blessings, and unfit them for the duties and enjoyments of the social state.

Remember, they will soon be the conductors of the affairs of our country. O, suffer them not to grow up in ignorance and licentiousness, for want of the proper means of instruction, and the restraints of government. Above all, remember, that they are candidates for eternity, and that, under God, you are to be instruments of their happiness, or misery forever! You will not only enact wise and good laws, but see that they be enforced. In this way you will be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. In this way you will manifest a benevolent regard for their immortal interests, and for the peace and prosperity of the community.

In these your laudable undertakings, we bid you God speed. May the presence of Almighty God be with you in your councils, his smiles be upon all your deliberations, and his future approbation your crown of glory.

2. The Ministers of religion will feel the importance of living under the influence of this benevolent principle. This should be conspicuous in our lives, and in all our public labors. If we have imbibed the spirit of the Gospel, it is this which has induced us to a voluntary abandonment of the riches and honors of the world; and to take up with a scanty subsistence for our unremitted labors. It is this, which induces us to spend and be spent in the service of our people, for their spiritual profiting; to meet, undaunted, the frowns and reproaches of the enemies of our religion, and patiently bear, when those, whose good we seek, repay our love with hatred. Animated by this noble spirit, let us go on in the work of the Lord. By our meekness, gentleness, and benevolence, we shall bear down everything which opposes our progress. Should we be called to suffer in the cause of truth, let us remember we have a glorious pattern set before us in the Gospel; and that it is enough, that the disciples be as their Lord. Let us preach and pray with zeal, engagedness, and fervor, in season and out of season; and reprove, rebuke, and exhort, with all long-suffering and doctrine.

Our work is solemn and important, our responsibility great, and if we be faithful to our trust, our reward will be glorious! If we be instruments of diffusing the benign influence of our holy religion, we shall do much to strengthen the hands of our civil fathers, to avert the threatening judgments of Heaven, and advance the real prosperity of our land. We shall administer spiritual consolation to those who are its proper subjects, save their souls from death, and receive the approbation of our Judge.

3. People of every class, imbibe the spirit of the meek and benevolent Jesus. This will be your highest interest, and your greatest glory. It will give you peace within, which passeth all understanding. Acquaint now yourselves with God, and be at peace. Believe on the Son of God, devote yourselves entirely to him, and his love will constrain you to lay aside all wrath, and malice, and evil speaking, and to cultivate love and good-will to all men. Avoid a contentious spirit, the fatal rock on which many have been dashed; the worm at the root of every social and civil blessing.

We have reason to tremble that iniquity abounds, and the love of many waxes cold. How many are there, who profane the name of God; who flight and contemn his ordinances; who violate his laws, and neglect the worship of his sanctuary! How many who are found wanting in that love which is the fulfilling of the law; who are covenant-breakers, unjust, unmerciful! For these things, cometh the wrath of God on the children of disobedience. How has our nation been torn and rent with intestine division! Discord has stalked through our land, and threatened to spread desolation and ruin over our fair inheritance!

Let us all strive to cultivate peace and mutual good will. Guard against party spirit. It is political frenzy. Look to the merit of your candidates; select from among your brethren the most wise and discreet to fill the seats of government; and then see that you fill the sphere and duty assigned you, and be always ready to attend to the calls and exigencies of the public. Train those who are committed to your care in the way in which they should go; teach them to reverence our holy religion; guard them against the poisonous writings of infidels; restrain them from all profanation of the name, the day, the law, and institutions, of Jehovah; and impress their minds with their need of a vital union to Christ. They are soon to stand in your places, and to take the lead in the civil and religious interests of our land. How important is it that they be guided right. It is of infinite moment that their minds be enriched with correct and confirmed principles of religion; and that they be governed by its sacred dictates in all their conduct.

Finally, if all were governed by the principles, which have been suggested, how happy would be the state of society! There would be no violence, nor oppression, nor complaining in our streets. This earth would be a striking resemblance of Heaven, where nothing will ever enter that defileth or worketh abomination, or maketh a lie. But whatever may be the state of society in general, in this sinful world, those, who are conformed to the blessed and adorable Jesus in their temper and practice, will enjoy the richest consolations! It will be well with them amidst all the trials of life. With them it will be well amidst the revolutions of nations! with them it will be well in the trying hour of death! And when earth shall be convulsed, the elements shall melt with fervent heat, the Heavens shall be wrapped together like a scroll, and all shall be gathered before the judgment seat of Christ, they shall receive the remunerations of the blessed.

 


Endnotes

1. Dr. Strong’s Election Sermon.

2. Pemberton.

3. This address was delivered to Governor Langdon, being still in the Chair.

Sermon – Artillery Election – 1809

sermon-artillery-election-1809John Foster, a New England clergyman, was born in Massachusetts,on April 19, 1763. He graduated from Dartmouth in 1783 and went on to receive advanced degrees from both Dartmouth College and Harvard University. Foster was selected as the first pastor of the Congregational church in Brighton, Massachusetts, in 1783. He preached in Brighton until October of 1827, and died two years later in September of 1829. Foster was a board member of Harvard University in addition to being involved in numerous other benevolent works. He was married to Hannah Webster, who was a famous early American novelist. Here, Foster delivers what is called an “Artillery Sermon” – an annual sermon given before a military audience. Rev. Foster provides a Biblical perspective on war by discussing just war and self-defense, the lamentability of war, the importance of preparedness, and God’s sovereignty ruling over every event.


A Sermon Preached Before The Ancient And Honorable Artillery
Company

In Boston, June 5, 1809,
Being The Anniversary of Their Election of Officers

By John Foster, A.M. Minister of Brighton.

Proverbs 24:6
By wise counsel thou shalt make thy war.

Solomon was a great and good man. Apart from the well attested fact, that his pen was guided by the unerring Spirit of truth, his extensive information, united to his ardent piety and exemplary virtue, give a high authority to his opinions. Intimately acquainted with the windings of the human heart, and the course of human affairs, all his knowledge was applied to the purposes of utility. He was no visionary theorist. Though pre-eminently versed in the learning of his time, and capable, beyond a doubt, as most philosophers of this enlightened age, of exploring the secrets of nature and art, practical wisdom was the object of his chief attention. In this he excelled. The maxims of prudence written with his hand, and transmitted to us, in the sacred volume, are admirably adapted to the various conditions and relations of our existence. The solitary individual, the active citizen, the zealous statesman, and the intrepid warrior may here find instruction, pertinent to their respective circumstances, and worth, at once, to engross their study, and to govern their conduct.

On occasions, like the present, he speaks in that appropriate language, “By wise counsel thou shalt make thy war”: language which intimates, in the first place, that cases may occur to render war both justifiable and necessary; and, in the second, teaches the manner, in which war is then to be commenced and prosecuted. Theses points we will briefly consider in the following discourse.

I. In the first place, cases may occur to render war both justifiable and necessary.

Why, else, is it mentioned in scripture but with unequivocal disapprobation? Why were the Jews so often permitted, and even commanded to assail and discomfit their enemies? And when the kingdom of God was about to appear, under a more pacific and mild dispensation; and the soldiers asked its precursor, “What shall we do?” why did he not require them to renounce their profession entirely, instead of giving directions which presupposed their profession lawful? “He said unto them, ‘Do violence,'” or rather outrage, “to no man, neither accuse any falsely; and be content with your wages [Luke 3:14].”

“God hath made of one blood all nations to dwell upon the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation [Acts 17:26].” To each section of the globe he has assigned its local, and other advantages, and has made it the duty, as well as the right of its inhabitants to enjoy, improve, and defend them. Whilst suffered to dwell in safety, they have no warrant to invade or molest their neighbors. “Contests for power” are equally repugnant to the dictates of reason and the injunctions of revelation. We are not, however, to impute, nor to admit the imputation of this crime, indiscriminately. When we behold a nation struggling for her very existence, and jeoparding her best blood in the field of battle, for no other purpose, than to repel the aggressions of an aspiring, insatiable, despotic tyrant, humanity and religion demand, that we decidedly condemn the one, and devoutly “bid God speed” to the other.

Such spectacles, alas! are not infrequently exhibited on the theater of the world. So malignant are the passions, and so boundless the ambition, which infest our apostate race, that no region of the earth can assure itself of undisturbed repose. Eager in pursuit of aggrandizement and wealth, commercial kingdoms and states, more especially, are liable to repeated collisions; and in perpetual danger of committing or receiving injuries, which lead to open hostility. The extent, to which the art of navigation is now carried, and the avidity, with which every chance of acquiring property, influence, and territory is seized, expose the remotest climes to depredation. “Wheresoever the carcass is, there will the eagles be gathered together [Matt. 24:28].” In whatever country the prospect of gain or renown is discovered, to that country will the cupidity of unprincipled adventures and heroes be directed; and the first favorable opportunity to attempt its subjugation, either by intrigue or by force, will be embraced.

“Other animals,” says Pliny, “live in peace with those of the same description. They gather themselves in troops, and unite against a common enemy. The ferocious lion fights not against his species: The poisonous serpent is harmless to his kind: The monsters of the sea prey but upon those fishes which differ from them in nature: Man alone is foe to man.”

It hence becomes the duty of every community to provide means of protection, and to appear in the attitude of readiness, should they be driven to the painful alternative, “to fight for their brethren, their sons and their daughters, their wives and their houses [Nehem. 4:14].” To shrink from combat, in such an exigence, were a dereliction of every principle, both of piety and patriotism. It would betray equal ingratitude to God, and perfidy to our country. To God we are indebted for “the good land” we possess, and for all the privileges, religious, civil, and literary, which distinguish our lot. This fair inheritance, bequeathed to us by fathers, who through life, yes, and in many instances, at the expense of life, defended it for their children, is now committed to our guardianship, in trust for “the generation to come [Ps. 78:4].” And could we innocently abandon it, without an effort for its preservation? Could we innocently deprive unborn millions of their birthright, and subject them to hereditary vassalage and misery?

Never may these United States incur the execration and ruin, denounced on ancient Meroz, “because they came not to help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty [Judges 5:23].” Never may they be lulled into fatal security, by the Machiavellian policy of foreign courts, nor seduced into tame submission to a domestic soldiery, by the revival of that long exploded doctrine of nonresistance and passive obedience. May they resolutely withstand encroachments of every kind, and from every source, and, under the benign influence of equal laws and pure religion, continue a free, independent, and happy people, “as long as the sun and moon endure, throughout all generations [Ps. 57:5].”

II. To this end, it is unspeakably important, that the measures resorted to for self-defense, be well advised. Let us, therefore, turn our thoughts, as proposed, secondly, to the instruction before us, relative to the manner in which these measures are to be commenced and prosecuted. “By wise counsel thou shalt make they war.”

When war is contemplated, the first questions which present themselves for solution respect its equity: Whether the motive which prompts it be guiltless; consistent with the obligations, under which we are laid to God and our fellow beings? Whether every previous step, tending to prevent a rupture, have been taken, and “the last drop in the cup of reconciliation exhausted?” Whether nothing more remain but abject prostration, or energetic repulsion? And, of course, whether an appeal to arms be unavoidable?

To solve these questions judiciously, the collected wisdom of a nation is always requisite. It is not enough that a select portion of the constituted authorities convene, in midnight conclave, to arrange schemes, leading to war; and then propose them to their compeers, not to prove their expediency, but to vote their adoption: All parties ought to be consulted with candor; all parties ought to be heard with patience. Light, as well as fire, may be elicited by the clash of different opinions. This is, possibly, the precise idea, which the wise king and preacher of Israel intended to convey, in the words immediately subsequent to our text: meaning a diversified, rather than a great number, when he said, “In the multitude of counselors there is safety.” In the progress of such unrestrained discussion, it may appear that the moment of extremity has not yet arrived: that the alarm was artificially excited by minds prejudiced against one offending power, or obsequious to the will of another: And thus an immense sacrifice of blood and treasure may be prevented.

But suppose the worst: that it should be found absolutely necessary to enter the list with a formidable antagonist: this advantage will, at least, be gained: The public mind, set at ease by the procedure, will concur with far less reluctance, when every class of citizens have had their views and wishes fairly represented, and dispassionately canvassed.

This point being settled, the next, in order, is the process to be chosen: a point, to the righteous decision of which, a sacred regard to the unalterable rules of justice must be cherished. In justice is not allowable toward the bitterest foe. That divine precept, “Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them, [Matt 7:12],” can, in no case, be violated without crime. The modern sophism, that ” the end justifies the means,” is alike detestable in its nature and pernicious in its operation: It is totally opposite to the gospel of Christ, and contains a degree of turpitude, abhorrent to the moral sense of virtuous pagans.

When Themistocles had rebuilt Athens, “his wish was to make it the first city in Greece, and to secure to it that command, of which Sparta,” a rival republic, “had shown to great jealousy.” The building of the harbor of Piraeus; the procuring of a decree, which enabled him to add twenty ships to the fleet annually, with extraordinary privileges to encourage great numbers of laborers and sailors; were measures which bespoke his prudence, as the sea was the natural resource of Athens; but he did not stop there. One day, in a full assembly of the people, he requested that some person might be appointed to confer with him, upon a scheme of the greatest consequence, which was of such a nature to require secrecy. The eyes of the whole assembly were instantly directed to Aristides, upon whose judgment they could depend. Themistocles communicated to him a project for burning the fleet of the allies, as an infallible means of making Athens the umpire of all Greece. The report of Aristides was such as virtue ought to dictate. He declared, that nothing could be more advantageous than the design of Themistocles; but, at the same time, nothing could be more iniquitous. The votes were unanimously on the side of justice.

Whatever might be the opinion of Aristides,” continues the historian, “the utility of the plan was much to be doubted. The states of Greece, most justly provoked, would not have hesitated to unite their whole power against a perjured city; the public hatred must have followed, and all her glory have been forever annihilated. And what advantage could have compensated for the ruinous effects of such an undertaking? If the proper end of politicks be to procure the happiness of nations, that end is not to be attained but by adhering to the rules of morality: for every act of injustice leads to misfortune, were it only from its being accompanied with certain infamy [Millot. Vol. I. P. 157-158. Salem Edit. 1796.].”

Compare this reasoning, or rather the determination, upon which it is founded, with sentiments often avowed, and practices sometimes adopted, “in these last days;” and you will find no special cause to glory in the preeminent wisdom or integrity of the present age. Instances have occurred, within our personal recollection, in which the detention and seizure of all the controllable vessels and wealth, pertaining either to the government or subjects of an obnoxious realm, have preceded every other hostile intimation. If I mistake not, propositions were once made in our national legislature to retaliate British spoliations, alleged to have been committed on our commerce, by sequestering all the debts due to individuals, belonging to that empire. But to the honor of those who them guided our councils, these propositions were rejected. We had then a greater than Aristiedes; we had a Washington in the Presidential Chair.

War, commenced and prosecuted on Christian principles, is not a mere “trial, which can do the other most harm.” Even enemies have rights, and those rights are always to be respected. Nothing, whatever benefits it may seem to promise, is to be undertaken or achieved for their annoyance, but in subordination to known will of God, and with the decided approbation of an unsophisticated conscience.

‘But why,’ some of my audience may be disposed to inquire, ‘Why do you accost us in strains like these? Get you to the great men, ‘who guide the car of state,’ and speak unto them [Jerem. 5:5];’ for in their hands is the destiny and conduct of the nation.’

This is true in a qualified sense; but not to such a degree as to supersede the necessity or the effects of your agency. In a government constituted like ours, no purpose can be carried into permanent execution unless “the people love to have it so [Jerem. 5:31].” Every citizen has his weight; and if he throw that weight into the scale of righteousness; if by his example, his advice, and his suffrage, he exclusively countenance men and measures propitious to the common weal, he may do much to lengthen the public tranquility.

Even we, my brethren, who minister in holy things, and serve at the altar, are not exempt from the duties of social and civil life, nor incapable of promoting the interests of our native land. The Jewish priesthood often gave counsel, in matters intimately connected with the temporal prosperity and glory of the chosen tribes; and were often instrumental of “causing them to know the way wherein they should walk.” Now and then an Ahab, indeed, hated them, “because they prophesied not good concerning hem, but evil [1 Kings 22:28].” This however did not dismay them; nor let it terrify us. Possessing the same rights with others, and claiming neither emolument nor office from any administration; destitute, therefore, of every inducement to swerve from the line of political rectitude, or to wish for a system of favoritism, I scruple not to affirm, that with equal honesty and information, we are entitled to more confidence than the generality of those around us. They are beset with temptations to partiality and selfishness in their decisions, which are, to us unknown. Instead, then, of splitting into religious sects, and distracting ourselves or our flocks, with the dogmas of controversial divinity; instead of harboring suspicions and animosities towards each other, which we could hardly vindicate in contending armies, let us stand in our lot with firmness, and direct our united energies to the improvement and salvation of our beloved country. “For our brethren and companions’ sakes, let us say, ‘Peace be with her.’ Because of the house of the Lord our God, let us seek her good [Ps. 122:8,9].”

In the application of what has been said, we are called,

1. To lament the universal prevalence of those inordinate lusts, in which “wars and fightings” originate [See James 4:1].

Had innocence continued the inmate and ornament of our kind, nothing could have interrupted or destroyed our peace; nothing could have “separated between us and our God [Isa. 59:2].” But “man, being in honor, abode not [Ps. 49:12].” Man perfidiously apostatized from hi Maker, and exposed himself and his posterity to incalculable wretchedness.

By this deplorable catastrophe, our terrestrial abode was transformed from a paradise of bliss to a field of contest; and “the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together, until now [Rom. 8:23].” The history of our species is fraught with details of violence and distress, of battles and “garments rolled in blood [Isa. 9:5].”

But we need not search the records of antiquity, in quest of scenes like these. They abound, at this moment, in the world, and are visible to the most superficial observer. Europe, convulsed in every member, and bleeding at every pore, exhibits a spectacle of agony. “The overflowing scourge” has already “passed through” many of its fairest regions, and they are “trodden down by it [Isa. 28:18].” Other, seduced by the arts or invaded by the arms of a modern Attila, 1 are in imminent danger of a similar destruction.

“O Lord God, to whom vengeance belongeth; O God to whom vengeance belongeth; shew thyself. Lift up thyself, thou Judge of the earth: Render a reward to the proud. Lord, how long shall the wicked, how long shall the wicked triumph? How long shall they utter and speak hard things? And all the workers of iniquity boast themselves? They break in pieces thy people, O Lord, and afflict thine heritage. They slay the widow and the stranger, and murder the fatherless [Ps. 94:1-6].”

Let us not, however, presume to impeach the conduct and counsels of heaven. All these calamities are under the control of infinite wisdom and rectitude. “Verily he is a God that judgeth in the earth [Ps. 63:11]:” and how majestic, how adorable does he appear, in the direction of its multifarious and complicated movements! All the diversified springs of human action, and every source of human weal and woe are obsequious to his sovereign mandate; constantly inspected by his omniscient eye; and invariably guided by his resistless hand, to the accomplishment of holy and benevolent designs. “Surely the wrath of man shall praise him, the remainder of wrath he shall restrain [Ps. 76:10].” Adventurous, assuming despots are “the rod of his anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation.” These he “sends against hypocritical nations to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets;” and when, by their instrumentality, he has “performed his whole work upon the people of his wrath,” he commissions others to “punish the fruit of their stout hearts, and the glory of their high looks [see Isa. 10:5-7, 12].”

Such, how humiliating the melancholy truth! Such is the discipline, which, in many cases, the depravity of our fallen nature requires. Hence, my countrymen, we are admonished,

2. Of our particular exposure to the crimes and miseries of war.

“Subject to like passions [Acts 14:15],” and prone, in common with the rest of mankind, to “emulation, wrath, and strife [Gal. 5:20],” by a just retribution of divine providence, “our own wickedness may correct us [Jerem. 2:19].” Infatuated by the thirst of dominion, the desire of revenge, or “the love of money which is the root of all evil [1 Tim 6:10],” we may become aggressors, and madly engage in conflicts ruinous in their tendency and result: And have we made no advances toward this fatal precipice of degeneracy, whence so many once splendid monarchies, empires, and republics have fallen headlong?

Scarcely had we attained to independence, adopted the federal constitution, and begun to realize the blessings anticipated from these sources, when, as the unexpected eruption of a volcano, after long confinement and accumulation, instantly darkens the air with its suffocating smoke, overspreads the earth with its burning lava, and terrifies the most distant observer with its ominous belches; the French revolution at once disgorged the collected depravity of ages, and diffused consternation and disorder through the civilized world. The tremendous shock was felt even to this western hemisphere, and deplorable indeed were its effects. Taking an imprudent and needless interest in the event, we contemplated deeds of horror, till they ceased to excite our aversion, as when rarely witnessed; and, till some among us were not ashamed to speak of them in terms of applause and gratulation! The doctrines of disorganization and impiety so incessantly sounded in our ears, that their deformity was unperceived by many, and a baleful reaction of the demoralizing influence of the late war was produced and heightened. By exaggerated colorings of the bigotry, superstition, and tyranny of former times, on the one head; and of the enlightened liberty and equality of the present, on the other, a portentous sanction was given licentious principles and manners; and multitudes were emboldened to promise themselves peace, whilst “they walked in the imagination of their hearts [Deut 29:19].” Yea, the pubic at large, from the obvious tendency of familiarity with examples of vice, were imperceptibly led to regard them with diminished abhorrence; and, at length, either for want of inclination, or through a persuasion of its impracticability, seem to have abandoned all attempts to stem the torrent, and fix the stigma of disgrace on dissolute characters. Such characters, therefore, appear with boldness; and as they are not uniformly frowned into retirement, but, in various instances caressed and promoted, they redouble their exertions to propagate opinions and customs, repugnant alike to personal virtue and social harmony. The spread of infidelity, irreligion, and rancorous party zeal is the consequence.

“Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord: and shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this [Jerem. 5:9]?” These things naturally tend to evil, and that continually. Unless repentance and amendment arrest their progress, they may betray us into alliances, or contentions, or both, of the most dreadful description: They may impel us rashly to “help the ungodly, and to love them that hate the Lord [2 Chron. 19:2].”

This, though our greatest, is not our only danger. Could we challenge the most irreproachable character as a people, such may be the rapacity and injustice of surrounding nations, as to render war inevitable. Since the commotions which have so long agitated Europe, there have been periods, when numbers pronounced it expedient and proper to commence hostilities against one or another of the leading belligerents. Recently have we been alarmed by rumors, and even by proceedings tending to this issue, but blessed be God, who “turneth the hearts of kings whithersoever he will [Prov. 21:1],” and “from whom cometh our help [Ps. 121:1], the snare is broken, and we are escaped, as a bird out of the hand of the fowler [Ps. 124:7]. The counsel of the forward is carried headlong; the wise are taken in their own craftiness [Job 5:13];” and the bright prospect of continued amity; of a mutually beneficial intercourse with the land of our fathers’ sepulchers; and of returning prosperity to thousands of our fellow citizens, who have groaned under privations without a parallel, suddenly rises to our view; relieves our boding apprehensions; and cheers our desponding minds.

Whether war, on our part, would have been justifiable at any of the periods to which I have now alluded, is not a question for me to decide: That it was not necessary, and would, therefore, have been impolitic, facts have proved. Hitherto a gracious providence has intelligibly addressed us, in the language of the inspired Levite to Jehosaphat of old: “Ye shall not need to fight in this battle; set yourselves, stand ye, and see the salvation of the Lord [2 Chron. 20:17].” Jehosaphat accordingly placed himself in a posture of defense, and awaited the event; in which the nations, by whom his kingdom was threatened, fell upon each other with such violence, that he had no other task to perform than to “take away the spoil [2 Chron. 20 25].”

Instructed by this record, and in the hope of a similar result, is it not our wisdom as well as our duty to occupy neutral ground: It is not to be dissembled that the most impartial and equitable course, of which we are capable, may fail of correspondent returns. Our commerce may still be obstructed. The magnanimous policy of England may not be readily adopted by France; where the evil first originated, and where, it seems, we are last to look for reparation. We may again be insolently required to act either as friends or enemies to “the terrible nation;” and notwithstanding all our endeavors to the contrary, we may be compelled, by these, or by other causes, with in, and even beyond the limits of our present apprehensions, to unsheathe the sword and assert our violated rights. I, therefore, remark,

3. The obligation, inferred on us, to be habitually prepared for war.

I do not mean to insinuate the propriety of a standing army in time of peace, for any purpose; and least of all for the purpose of enforcing oppressive laws, at the point of the bayonet. What I intend is, that all governments ought, as far as in them lies, to provide resources to meet every exigence, and to repulse every invader.

It has long been the opinion of our greatest men, that armed vessels, constructed not for shoal water, but to live at sea, are indispensable to the protection and glory of our country. Mr. Jefferson, late President of the United States, once reasoned upon this subject, in the following manner: “Wars must sometimes be our lot and all the wise man can do, will be to avoid the half of them which would be produced by our own follies and our own acts of injustice; and to make for the other half the best preparations we can. Of what nature should these be? A land army would be useless for offense, and not the best nor safest instrument of defense. For either of these purposes, the sea is the field on which we should meet an European nation. On that element it is necessary we should possess some power.” 2

In exact accordance with this reasoning, when “in the full tide of successful experiment,” we had an infant navy; and nothing contributed more to swell and dignify the flood. Why was it destroyed in the cradle? At a season equally perilous with any which has since arrived, it enabled us to maintain our rights on the ocean, and to preserve the honor of our flag in every clime.

Can it admit of a question whether the same cause might have produced the same effect, and saved us from the accumulated distresses of the late embargo? It would have been far less expensive; and who will venture to affirm, that it could have been more degrading:

Beside a naval force ofor the security of trade, military arrangements to defend the coast and territory are apparently requisite; and the politician, who is more solicitous to improve roads, than to fortify harbors, will seldom meet the approbation, or advance the prosperity of a commercial people. It is desirable, nevertheless, that these military arrangements should be of a nature, as far as possible, to combine the citizen with the soldier.

Here we are constrained to recognize the wisdom and patriotism of our pious ancestors. Tenacious of the liberty, in quest of which they had bid adieu to their native soil; committed themselves to the mercy of the winds and waves, or rather to the guidance of Him, whom the winds and waves obey [See Matt 8:27, Mark 4:41, Luke 8:25]; and sought an asylum in a newly discovered and unfrequented wilderness; among the earliest of their institutions was a martial academy, 3 which, pursuant to its original design, has been productive of numerous benefits to their descendants. From this academy, have successively gone forth men, expert in tactics, and disseminated the same useful science among their bretheren, in different quarters of their own, and the adjoining states. Hence, the decided superiority of our militia, in discipline and evolution, to that of any part of the Union, or even of the world. Many of our ablest revolutionary officers have graced the rolls and ranks of this select fraternity.

How important, then, is the station, and how responsible the trust, assigned to you, gentlemen, who compose the chosen band, so justly styled “The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company!”

Permit me, in conclusion, while I congratulate you on the anniversary occasion of your assembling, and cordially wish you “a blessing out of the house of the Lord [Ps. 128:26],” to recommend a conduct becoming those, who “ask of him the ordinances of justice, and take delight in approaching to God [Isa. 58:2].”

Few corporate bodies are under better advantages for extensive usefulness. The rank you hold, is accompanied with power and opportunity to contribute much to the real dignity and welfare of society, and to the correction of certain erroneous sentiments and customs which prevail in “this untoward generation [Acts 2:40].” Ought you not, therefore, at the same time that you “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty [2 Tim. 2:2],” to frown upon every practice which tends to induce or confirm a persuasion, that the Christian and military character are incompatible! A crime more frequent, perhaps, in our country, than in any other civilized or barbarous region of the globe! a crime, not confined, as elsewhere, to camps; but perpetrated by statesmen, merchants, planters, and even slaves! 4

The awful idea of blending, in one rash act, the daring guilt of suicide and murder; of rushing himself, or of precipitating another into an endless eternity, unprepared, might be sufficient, it should seem, to stay the most vengeful hand from blood! But, unfortunately, it is not the morality of the deed, nor its future recompense, but the estimation of sinful dust and ashes, by which combatants of this sort are governed. They recoil from the imputations of a spiritless pusillanimity!… Is it then demonstrative of a noble mind, in defiance of than dread Being “who is able to destroy both soul and body in hell [Matt 10:28],” to engage in a contest, which the laws of the realm have denounced as a capital offense; and which, without the most cautious artifice to evade those laws, must subject the survivor to the pangs of an ignominious death? Or is it cowardly and timid, like “the horse or the mule, which have no understanding [Ps 32:9],” leaps the rocky precipice at the rustling of fallen, corrupted leaves, whirled in the wind? Is it patriotic, is it generous, is it even manly, for a personal insult or abuse, to demand the sacrifice of a life due to the public, and necessary to the subsistence and comfort of a rising family; and to insist on piercing the victim, through the heart of a doting parent, an affectionate wife, or a defenseless offspring?

“O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their anger they slay men, and in their self will they dig down” the barriers of domestic and social peace. “Cursed be their anger, for it is fierce; and their wrath, for it is cruel [Gen 49:6-7].”

Is it not devoutly to be wished, that all classes of the community would combine their efforts to discountenance and punish this nefarious usage? May it not be expected that our civil fathers, among their other deliberations for the general good, will turn their serious attention to the subject? God, in mercy, lead them to the discovery and application of a prompt and efficacious remedy.

Some instances of a magnanimous superiority to this impious and absurd practice have appeared in our land. The venerable Pinckney, 5 famed alike as a brave general, an able ambassador, and an enlightened statesman, a few years since [In 1804], proposed a resolution to the Cincinnati, the object of which was to encourage and bind the members of that association, on no pretense whatever, to give or accept a challenge. In perfect coincidence with the virtuous principle, thus publicly avowed by this great man, a distinguished national legislator, from Massachusetts, has lately honored himself and his constituents, by withstanding every provocation to single combat.

Give your sanction, Gentlemen, to this laudable example, and save your own, and the bosom companions of your brethren, both in arms and arts, from the dread and danger of untimely widowhood. Your history, so far at least as it is known to me, is yet free from the stain of fraternal slaughter. Continue, I beseech you, to preserve this distinction; and cultivate every other virtue, which adorned your founders. Seek your individual glory, in the blessings, procured by your prowess for the nation; and voluntarily hold your swords on the terms prescribed by Washington, in the bequest of his: 6 “Not to unsheathe them for the purpose of shedding blood, except in your own defense, or in defense of your country’s rights; and in the latter case to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in your hands to the relinquishment thereof.”

Never “set up your banners, but, in the name of the Lord: Through him alone you can do valiantly; for he it is that shall tread down your enemies [Ps. 20:5 and 60:12].” Attend his call therefore; and, at his call “Be courageous, and play the men for your people, and for the cities of your God: and the Lord do what seemeth him good [2 Sam 10:12].”


NOTES

[1] The ancient Attila was a warlike barbarian, who, at the head of the Huns, spread devastation and terror through the world, about the middle of the fifth century; and who, on this account, was called “The scourge of God.” His genius equaled his ambition. An artful politician and prudent general, not withstanding his ardent courage, he had formed the most boundless plans of conquest; had murdered his brother Bleda, that he might enjoy undivided dominion; and subjected to his power an immense extent of country from the Baltic on one side, to the eastern ocean on the other. He had received ambassadors from China, hemmed in the Roman empire, and threatened to destroy it. Though destitute of every principle of religion, he knew how to turn the vulgar superstition to his own advantage: The people believed his enterprises inspired by the god of battles, and this opinion heightened the courage and ferocity of his soldiers. The more he was courted, the more insolent he became. His pretensions increased in proportion to the proofs of cowardice which were given him, and a threat of war was often sufficient to obtain for him whatever he demanded. See Milot’s Elem. Gen. Hist. Vol. 2. P. 346-7. Salem ed. 1796.

[2] Notes on Virginia by Thomas Jefferson, p. 239,240. Boston Ed. 1802.

[3] The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company was incorporated A.D. 1638. only two years after the founding of Harvard College.

[4] Few, who are at the pains to peruse these pages, will fail to recollect, that, among the many other accounts of duels, recorded in our public papers, one, at least, has appeared, of two Negroes at the southward, who proved themselves capable of all the sensibility and courage necessary to deliberate single combat. True, indeed, instead of swords and pistols, they fought with sithes, weapons previously agreed upon in arranging the affair of honor. But had they possessed the means, it can hardly be made a question, whether they would gladly have been as fashionably equipped, as fashionably attended, and as fashionably dressed too, as any of their betters, on like honorable occasions. Be this, however, as it may: in the main point they were not deficient. They assailed each other with as much obstinacy, and the successful hero killed his antagonist as completely dead, as the genteelest duelists of the age could possibly have done.

[5] It can hardly be necessary to inform the reader that the Honorable Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, esq. The late federal candidate for the Presidential chair is intended.

[6] See Washington’s last will

Sermon – Election – 1809, Massachusetts


David Osgood (1747-1822) graduated from college in 1771 and spent a year studying theology in Cambridge. He preached in many different places (including Boxford, Charlestown, and Medford – all in Massachusetts) throughout his life. Osgood preached the following Election sermon on May 31, 1809 in Massachusetts.


sermon-election-1809-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

BEFORE THE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,

THE COUNCIL,

AND THE TWO HOUSES COMPOSING THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

MAY 31, 1809.

Being the Day of General Election.

BY DAVID OSGOOD, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN MEDFORD.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, June 1, 1809.

ORDERED, That the Hon. William Spooner, Peter C. Brooks and John Welles, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. David Osgood, D. D. and in the name of the Senate, thank him for the Discourse delivered yesterday by him before His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, the Honourable Council, and the two branches of the General Court; and also to request of him a Copy for the Press.

Attest,
NATHANIEL COFFIN, Clerk of Senate.

 

DISCOURSE.

JUDGES IX. 56, 57.

Thus God rendered the wickedness of Abimelech which he did unto his father, in slaying his seventy brethren:
And all the evil of the men of Shechem did God render upon their heads; and upon them came the curse of Jotham, the son of Jerubbaal.

In these words the inspired writer gives us his reflections upon the preceding history of the family of Jerubbaal, originally called Gideon. Like those old Romans who were called from the plough to the dictatorship, Gideon was threshing wheat at the time when he received his commission to head the armies of Israel. Among all the celebrated heroes of antiquity, none could have been entitled to greater respect, than is expressed by the angel of God in this salutation to Gideon, THE LORD IS WITH THEE, THOU MIGHTY MAN OF VALOUR. Though he had not as yet advanced far in life, this greeting suggests the idea of an illustrious established character, that, by some prior achievements not recorded, his great talents and heroic qualities had already been signalized. Many opportunities for his becoming thus distinguished, must have occurred during the overwhelming calamities under which his country had groaned for the last seven years. Through each revolving season, what the Israelites had sown, their enemies had reaped, and the pillaged inhabitants who had escaped with their lives, were left destitute of the means of subsistence. Dispersed among the mountains, in dens, caves and strongholds; they were languishing through want, while the combined forces of their enemies, numerous as grasshoppers, were spreading their ravages far and wide and destroying the country.

Such was the situation of the Israelites when their God interposed by the hand of Gideon, to effect their deliverance. Never perhaps before or since, was so great and splendid a victory gained by such a handful of troops. With but three hundred men, through divine assistance, Gideon put to instant and total rout an army of more than one hundred thousand. All these and twenty thousand more, fell in the course of his success. He ceased not the pursuit till he had captured and slain the combined kings and chiefs of the enemy.

Amidst all his efforts against foreign invaders, he had to contend with the unfriendly views, the baseness and treachery of a numerous party among his own people. A great nation is seldom, if ever, reduced to the condition in which the Israelites are here stated to have been, without its being occasioned in part, at least, by disunion and discord among themselves. When they are destined to subjugation and conquest, their intestine divisions prepare the way and facilitate the event. The intrigues of their conquerors are usually as efficacious as their weapons. Among the Israelites at this time, whole cities, if not tribes, had taken so decided a part against the cause of their country; and either through fear or corruption, were so attached to that of its invaders that, after Gideon’s first great and miraculous victory, they would not admit the probability of his final success. Instead of the feelings of gratitude and the language of praise, they uttered that of contempt. To his demand of refreshment for his exhausted and fainting soldiers, the magistrates of Succoth and Penuel returned this most insolent answer, Are Zeba and Zulmunna now in thine hand, that we should give bread unto thine army? In the punishment of these faithless cities afterward, patriotism, as well as justice, was displayed. The common safety required an example of terror in such vile traitors.

On various other occasions, Gideon exhibited the abilities and virtues of a great and good commander. While he was yet in pursuit of the flying enemy, he found himself unexpectedly involved in controversy with a part of his own forces. The succours from the powerful and warlike tribe of Ephraim, took offence at their not having received an earlier summons to the war. Their anger was as unseasonable, as utterly unfounded; yet for these very reasons, the more wild and intractable. Had Gideon answered them as Jepthah did afterward, the consequences might have been equally lamentable. We cannot but admire his self-command, his superior wisdom and goodness in turning away their wrath. By passing unnoticed the absurdity of their allegations, and by his modesty and humility in extolling their exploits as superior to his own; he disarmed their insolence and so flattered their vanity, as prevented any detriment to the public service by so foolish an altercation.—In short, by his valour and good conduct, greatness of mind, soundness of judgment, moderation, prudence, and disinterestedness in serving the public; he completely succeeded in breaking from the neck of his country, the yoke imposed by foreign powers, vanquishing and expelling those invaders, chastising their partisans among his own people, quelling sedition, reconciling parties and divisions, and, at length, establishing the independence, peace and prosperity of his nation.

So manifold, great and extensive were his services that, the Israelites, feeling the happiness derived from his administration, were constrained to the most grateful acknowledgments. Nay, their gratitude led them to offer much more than he was willing to accept.—Always prone to imitate the customs and manners of the nations around this, they already entertained the desire of resembling them in the form of their government. Having received such proofs of Gideon’s abilities and of them agreed to make him king and to render the crown hereditary in his family: Rule thou over us, both thou and thy son, and thy son’s son also. Gideon seems to have been sensibly hurt and grieved that his fellow-citizens were capable of making such a proposal. Most memorable is his answer; and for patriotism, piety, and disinterestedness, almost unexampled: I will not rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you: the Lord shall rule over you. Thu firmly and sternly did he oppose the wishes of an infatuated people to make a surrender of their liberties by turning their divinely constituted republic into a monarchy. Thus nobly did he reject a scepter when offered, showing a mind superior to the charms of power, the splendors of royalty, and all the allurements of worldly grandeur – at the same time solemnly admonishing the Israelites that, as God was their king, no one, unauthorized by him, could lawfully exercise the supreme dominion over them. Gideon was a true republican. Would to God that the principal leaders of those who affect to be so called in modern times, were not, in their principles and conduct, their views and pursuits, perfect contrasts to this Israelite indeed!

Though he refused the title and prerogatives of king, yet Gideon’s great service and the weight and respectability of his character, gave him an influence in the affairs of the nation, superior to that usually attendant on royal authority. Such was the constitution of the Jewish commonwealth, that idolatry partook of the nature of treason and rebellion. If it were not immediately punished and extirpated by the executive authority, it uniformly brought divine judgments upon the nation. Yet it seems that through their whole history down to the Chaldean captivity, this sin continued to be precisely that which most easily beset them. Prone however as they were to this sin, in such awe did they stand of Gideon, that, during his life (which was mercifully prolonged to a good old age) it was not openly practiced. For this reason the historian adds, The country was in quietness forty years, in all the days of Gideon. What an uncommon and almost singular instance of national peace and prosperity! And all apparently derived form the authority, influence, and example of an individual! What a blessing to mankind are such individuals! How truly are they the salt of the earth and the light of the world!

The characters of great and good men are essentially the same in every nation and through every age. Under the name of Gideon, we have marked much of the conduct and many of the virtues of that illustrious Chief to whom our own country was indebted for its deliverance, peace, and prosperity. The government of such rulers is compared in Scripture to the rain coming down upon the mown grass, showers on the thirty earth – to the light of the morning when the sun is rising, to a morning without clouds; while on the other part, rulers of an opposite character, devoid of the principles of true religion and virtue, are depicted in the consequences of their administration to the people, as roaring lions and ranging bears. The truth and justness of these representations are confirmed by the experience of all nations and by the whole history of the world. Is it then conceivable that the nation of Gideon or the nation of Washington, after having for years rejoiced in the rich blessings derived form such rulers, after having had perfect acquaintance with the principles and maxims of their administration, after having received from them their last solemn paternal advice, should, in direct contradiction to such advice, be capable of giving their suffrages for rulers known to be of a different and opposite character? Of all the follies to which human beings are liable, is there any more unaccountable, more astonishing than this?

The Lord shall rule over you, said Gideon to the assembled Israelites; and this he continued repeating, inculcating and, with the utmost exertion of his power and influence, energetically enforcing throughout his lengthened days to the last hour of his life. But, says the historian, as soon as Gideon was dead, the children of Israel turned again, and went a whoring after Baalim, and made Baalberith their god. This choice of new gods could not so immediately have taken place had not the people been previously thus inclined. The probability is, that, like a mighty stream obstructed in its course, their idolatrous inclinations had been long swelling and tumultuously rising against the authority of Gideon. On the ceasing of this authority therefore, they rushed precipitately the downward way of their hearts—From the subsequent history however, we are led to conclude that the commencement of this apostacy was, not at Ophrah where Gideon had dwelt and was buried; but, in a distant territory at Shechem a city of the first rank in the numerous tribe of Ephraim. The inhabitants of this place had been long waiting with impatience for the tidings of old Gideon’s exit, that they might, without fear, openly avow their attachment to Baal. No sooner therefore were those tidings announced, than all hands were employed in erecting a temple to their favorite idol, preparing sacrifices and establishing the ritual of his worship.

With the zeal of new proselytes, and with the malignity which apostates from the true religion always feel towards those whom they have deserted; the Shechemites were thus employed when there appeared among them, a base born son of the late Gideon, named Abimelech, signifying in the original Hebrew, my father a king. The vanity of his other, in all probability, gave him this name, that it might denote her connection with the most eminent personage in Israel. Nor is it unlikely, that its early impression upon the mind of her son, continually cherished by maternal pride in his education, kindled in his bosom that ambition which, on the death of his father, led him to aspire at royalty. The difficulties to be encountered, the obstacles to be removed or surmounted, were undoubtedly such as would have discouraged any other spirit less daring and wicked. Samuel made his sons judges in the land: In this, he most probably followed the example of his predecessors, who, very naturally, introduced their sons as subordinate officers and assistants in the administration of the government. Gideon left seventy legitimate sons. Forty years had elapsed since Jether the eldest, attended his father in the war against the Midianites. By this time, the most, if not all, of them had arrived to that age which usually gives men the greatest sway in the affairs of the public; and were probably in stations of power and trust at the death of their father. If they were in general attached to his religion and government, as it is certain, one of them was, they must, with their friends and connections, have formed a most formidable phalanx against the ambitious designs of Abimelech. The disadvantages of his birth, as the son of a maid-servant, rendered his claim more questionable than that of any of his brethren. In short, he was well aware, that he had no prospect of success but through their previous destruction; and he seems to have possessed too much of the modern philosophy, to feel any check or restraint from that consideration.

We may fairly suppose that, upon his first coming among the Shechemites, he openly applauded their innovations in religion, declared his own faith to be the same with their’s, expressed his abhorrence of the former worship, and inveighed equally against the late government and against all who had been concerned in its administration. His object was, by his management and address, so to work up and inflame the passions and prejudices of the multitude, that they might the more easily afterward be brought to favor that scheme of ambition which as yet, he forbore openly to avow. When, by these arts, he had attracted notice, become popular, and found himself high in the esteem of the citizens; he began his secret intrigues with a chosen few. His mother was a native of this city, and through her numerous relations, had a great interest with the citizens. These relations were now made the confidents of Abimelech. To them he opened his plot, and solicited their assistance in carrying it into effect. He communed, says the historian, with the brethren of his mother, and with all the family of the house of her father. Having brought these to espouse his cause, he prescribed to them the means for gaining over the other citizens. They were instructed to display all their eloquence in painting to the people, the pride and arrogance of his brethren, their arbitrary and tyrannical dispositions, their ambitious views, and the scenes of civil discord, unavoidably consequent upon the rivalries of so many young princes—all aspiring to the sovereignty. The history being totally silent with respect to any ambitious designs entertained by the other sons of Gideon; these insinuations of Abimelech, were the grossest forgeries, vile and wicked slanders, contrived and promulgated for no other purpose but to cloak the deeds of horror which he already meditated. After possessing the minds of the people with those prejudices against his brethren; Abimelech’s partisans were next to sound his praises, and finish their harangue with reminding the people that, as originating from their city and related to many of them, he was their bone and their flesh.

The brethren of his mother and their kindred seem most faithfully to have fulfilled their instructions: They spake of him in the ears of all the men of Shechem all these words; and by their eloquence and influence, succeeded in winning the hearts of the citizens, and attaching them to his interest. He is our brother, one and another exclaimed; and so, his party daily increased. When it had become strong, the first thing requested of them was, that the money in the public treasury, might be at his disposal. To this the elders of the city consented, and were probably not ignorant of the cruel and bloody, though as yet, secret enterprise for which it was wanted. As they were the worshippers of that idol whose altar Gideon had thrown down, their religious principles, as well as political views, might render them willing that a severe revenge should be executed upon his family. With their money, Abimelech hired a troop banditti; the history says, vain and light persons, to surprise and massacre his brethren. As a stone was often used as an altar, the history, in stating that they slew the three score and ten sons of Jerubbaal upon one stone, may be understood as insinuating that all these persons were offered as so many victims to Baal, by way of atonement for the injury which that idol had formerly received from their father.

With this sacrifice, shocking and horrible as it was, the Shechemites seem to have been well pleased; believing, no doubt, that it would render their idol and more propitious to them. Soon after, they assembled in a formal manner to place the crown upon the head of Abimelech, and take their oath of allegiance. Thus they publicly approbated his crimes, bound the guilt of them upon their own consciences, and rendered themselves liable to share in their punishment. Instances of such extraordinary wickedness and cruelty rarely escape punishment even in the present world. In the common retributions of divine providence, they who take the sword, often perish by the sword: Men of violence and blood usually come to a violent end. What they have sown, they also reap. They are snared in the work of their own hands, and fall in the pit which themselves have digged.

But, as the Israelites were the chosen people of Jehovah, he usually gave them previous warning of those judgments which their crimes drew down upon them. To Abimelech and the Shechemites, this warning was dispensed by Jotham the only one, of all Gideon’s legitimate sons, who escaped the massacre. Him the spirit of God undoubtedly prompted and inspired to foretell the just doom which awaited the murderers of his brethren. His own ingenuity, perhaps, framed the allegory with which his prediction is introduced. Nothing pertaining to language, seems to have been more ancient, than the use of parables and apologues to set forth the most serious matters, and inculcate the most interesting truths. The Greeks claimed to have been the inventors of this mode of instruction; but their claim had no other foundation besides their own vanity. Ages before the existence of Aesop or any other author known to their nation, the Orientals, and particularly the Hebrews, had adopted this ingenious method of teaching by amusing. “As speech became more cultivated, says the learned Warburton, the rude manner of speaking by action, was soothed and polished into an apologue or fable; where the speaker, to enforce his purpose by a suitable impression, told a familiar tale of his own invention, accompanied with such circumstances as made his design evident and persuasive.”

The city of Shechem being situated at the foot of mount Gerizzim, from this mount, in the hearing of all the people assembled at a public festival subsequent to the coronation of Abimelech, Jotham pronounced his curse, not a causeless one, it being a divine prediction. “Hearken unto me, ye men of Shechem, that God may hearken unto you. The trees went forth on a time to anoint a king over them; and they said to the olive-tree, Reign thou over us. But the olive-tree said unto them, Should I leave my fatness, wherewith by me they honour God and man, and go to be promoted over the trees? And the trees said to the fig-tree, Come thou and reign over us. But the fig-tree said unto them, Should I forsake my sweetness, and my good fruit, and go to be promoted over the trees? Then said the trees unto the vine, Come thou, and reign over us. And the vine said unto them, Should I leave my wine, which cheereth God and man, and go to be promoted over the trees? Then said all the trees unto the bramble, Come thou, and reign over us. And the bramble said unto the trees, If in truth ye anoint me king over you, then come and put your trust in my shadow: and if not, let fire come out of the bramble, and devour the cedars of Lebanon.”

As this fable is confessedly the most ancient upon record; so it is beautiful, impressive, and striking beyond almost any other example. By the speeches which Jotham makes for the good and useful trees, he seems, with filial reverence to allude to the noble conduct of his father in refusing to be made king; while at the same time he reminds the Israelites of their unspeakable obligations to him. 1

The general moral of the parable, is highly important, and is inculcated with all imaginable force. Following the arrangement of scripture, which uniformly includes all men under the two opposite characters of the righteous and the wicked, it sets forth the different effects produced by these characters when exalted to power; the healing, cheering and beneficent influences of the one; and the wounding, fretting and baneful influences of the other. The different ways by which they frequently attain to power, are also strongly marked. No arts however vile, no intrigues however base and wicked, are scrupled or declined by unprincipled men when circumstances are such as to give them any hope of success. For the honors and emoluments of office, their thirst is insatiable, and hurry on to their attainment per fas & nefas. Though in themselves, weak and worthless, and, from their want abilities or from their want of integrity, totally incompetent to the duties of a high station; yet, these are the men whose souls are devoured by ambition, in whom it reigns predominant. They are always aspiring to the chief dignities, always on the watch to burst the doors of public confidence and thrust themselves forward to the chair of State; while, on the other part, the truly wise and good are too modest and dissident thus to obtrude themselves upon the notice of the public. Instead of placing their happiness in the exercise of dominion over others, they are content with the due government of themselves, and prize the ease and freedom of private life. It is with no small reluctance, that such men are drawn from their beloved retirement. The olive tree, the fig tree, the vine, and every good and useful tree, are afraid to turn aside from that course of beneficence allotted them by nature and the author of nature. Aware of the responsibility annexed to a high station, they dread its snares and temptations. Doubting of their own capacity to serve the Public in the best manner, they dread lest by some mistake in their administration, the peace, safety or prosperity of the State should be endangered. They therefore wish to decline a province to which they fear their talents are not equal. Nothing but a conviction of duty, of a call in providence will enable them to surmount these scruples. On the other part, unprincipled men have no difficulties of this kind. The bramble, whose very nature unfits it to be useful in any place or condition, boldly comes forward, self-assured and self-confident, to be made the head of the whole vegetative creation.

The vanity of base men when thus invested with power, is painted in colours the most vivid and striking; and the ridicule thrown upon that vanity, is inimitably marked and pointed in those circumstances where the bramble bids his new subjects, who needed no shadow, to come, and put their trust in his—“If in truth ye anoint me king over you, then come and put your trust in my shadow”—in the shadow of a bramble!

Such a claim is never made by rulers truly wise and good. From a deep and habitual sense of their liableness to err, they dare not demand implicit confidence. “Though I am unconscious of intentional error, says one of the best of rulers, I may have committed many. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert the evils to which they tend.” The election of such a ruler seems to have been, at first, proposed by the republic of trees. To such a choice, the revealed wisdom of God confines the republic of men. Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating coveteousness. The whole nation is to be scrutinized that its best characters may be selected. Able men, possessing extensive knowledge, clear and rational ideas of a just and equal government—ideas matured by deep reflection, nice observation, and long experience. SUCH AS FEAR GOD, who are under the habitual impression of their accountableness to him for all their actions, possessing established principles of true religion—principles continually cherished and strengthened by a regular and conscientious attendance upon religious duties. MEN OF TRUTH, in whose conduct and transactions either in their private or public capacity, no appearance of guile, of duplicity, of insincerity or of subtle craftiness, can be found; all whose measures both of internal policy and of foreign negotiation, are above the suspicion of artifice and design, bearing the evident marks of fairness, simplicity, truth, justice, and strict impartiality;–men whom no considerations will induce knowingly to swerve from these principles of true dignity and rectitude. HATING COVETEOUSNESS, whose very souls abhor all mean and selfish views, all interested schemes for their own advancement or for the advancement of any party; who recognize no party, but behold with equal affection and solicitude, all parts of the community; and make the general weal the great object of all their counsels, endeavours, and pursuits; whose whole administration reflects greatness of mind, liberality of sentiment, generous and noble aims, disinterestedness, and public spirit.

Would such rulers, on their first elevation to power, with an air of serious concern, anxiously ask, “how are vacancies to be obtained?” After a long and tedious struggle, having, at length, “burst the doors of honor and confidence,” and forced our entrance all hungry and starving for lucrative employments, “how are vacancies to be obtained?”

Would rulers who are men of ability, that is of some understanding, on the reception of injuries and insults from foreign nations, avenge such wrongs by a most rigorous blockade of all the ports of their own country?—Would rulers who are men of truth, speaking of this identical measure, declare to their own subjects, that its sole object was to distress foreign nations; and at the same time, in the most formal and solemn manner, protest to those foreign nations, that it was wholly a municipal regulation, not in the least aimed against them?—Would rulers partaking of the nature of the olive and other good trees, on their exaltation, bear their faculties with the airs of victors at the head of a triumphant party, and exercise their power for the humiliation of all who had not favored their promotion? Would they heap reproaches upon their predecessors in the administration, stigmatize them as a sect, charge them with “having proscribed half the society as unworthy of any trust”—and with having conferred offices upon others guilty of political “delinquency, oppression, intolerance, and anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies?”—Then exhibit themselves as brought forward to correct such abuses, declare their purpose to effect it, and warn the nation that till it shall be accomplished, it must not be expected that “the honesty, capacity and faithfulness” of candidates will be the qualities principally regarded in appointments to office.

In free governments, during the excitements and tumultuous scenes of popular election while the partisans of rival candidates are discussing the merits and exerting their influence in behalf of their respective favorites; unpleasant things are unavoidable. But no truth in the Bible is more certain than this, that great and good minds, upright and enlightened statesmen, possessed of a true patriotism, will retain no remembrance of these irritations afterward. Placed at the helm, from that moment they will cease to know, and from every wish to know, who voted for or against them. It will be their most studious concern throughout their administration, to show themselves alike blind to, and ignorant of, all parties; bearing an equal relation to, and an equal affection for, each individual and each class and description of the people; entertaining no other thought or design but by an equal, universal, most strenuous and impartial beneficence, to dissolve and melt down into one common mass, all party distinctions. They will consider themselves as sustaining the representative sovereignty of the country for the good of the whole and of every part; and in the execution of their high office, will regard nothing but the general weal, peace, and prosperity.

Such rulers can have no occasion for a veil of mystery over their proceedings. The general good being the object of all their counsels, they are willing that their plans for its promotion, should be examined by the people for whose sake they are proposed and whose interests will be affected by them. Nor are they hasty in their decisions. No question of great moment, is determined till it has been first weighed and thoroughly considered in all its bearings and relations. It was an acknowledged trait in the character of that ruler whom our country recognizes as its father, that his eyes and ears were always open to information from every quarter. He chose that a difficult question, previous to its receiving his decision, should be exposed to public discussion, that he might avail himself of any light that might be thrown upon it by the collision of parties. He wished the necessity or usefulness of every act of his administration, should be so manifest as to meet the approbation of all reasonable unprejudiced minds.

Alas! when we think of him, do we not feel a gloom at the reverse witnessed in our public affairs since they have fallen into other hands, into the hands of those, I mean, who uniformly opposed his most wise and salutary measures? What a different temper and conduct have marked their course? And, to what a result have they progressed? The very things against which He, with such anxious solicitude and boding apprehension, most solemnly, again and again cautioned us, have taken place. “Excessive partiality to one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another;” timid and mean submissions to the outrages of the one, and hostile menacing airs towards the other, continued through a long course of equivocal negotiation, at length, brought us to the brink of a precipice. To effect our escape, gracious heaven! What was done? Measures strange, new under the sun, not recorded in any history, not tested by the experience of any nation, were precipitately proposed and as precipitately adopted. “I would not deliberate” exclaims the infatuated senator: and so laws are at once enacted whose execution brings distress upon thousands, arrests a commerce said to be the second in the world, and turns the naval and military force of the country against the industry and peace of its inhabitants; laws which, in a free republic, outrage all the principles of freedom, trample upon the most essential rights of man, and dissolve the bonds of the social compact.—The obstinacy with which the blundering 2 authors of these measures adhered to them, was truly astonishing. To the cloud of petitions, remonstrances and resolves, from whole states, as well as from towns, counties and other collections of people, all pointing out the absurdity, unconstitutionality, oppressive and ruinous tendency of those laws—the only answer was, this language of the bramble, come and put your trust in my shadow. In case of disobedience, menaces followed. If every mouth were not stopped, if every tongue were not silent from censure or opposition, the most tremendous punishment was denounced: Let fire come out of the bramble and devour the cedars of Lebanon.

It seems essential to public liberty, that the choice of rulers should be in the hands of the people. Among the nations who have understood the nature, and been capable of estimating the value of liberty, what rivers of blood have been shed, and what countless millions of treasure have been expended to obtain or to preserve this privilege! Yet what people, in the full enjoyment of it, have not, sooner or later, abused it to their own destruction, by giving their suffrages in favor of a bramble? Melancholy instances of this frenzy among republican states, occur in all history, sacred and profane, ancient and modern. If parasites and flatterers besiege the throne of princes, hollow hearted patriots, and noisy aspiring demagogues are not less assiduous, or less intriguing, in paying their court to the sovereign people. By such agents and such means, the ancient republics of Greece and Rome, once so flourishing, great and renowned, were cheated out of their liberties, and ultimately degraded to the bottom of the scale among the nations of Europe. The nature of all republican governments is such, that they almost necessarily engender parties and factions, divisions and contests. In these contests with each other, men professing themselves republicans, lose sight of their principles in their blind, yet violent attachment to their respective parties. Enlisted under the banners of Caesar and Pompey, both sides fight most furiously for their republic, that is, for its shadow, its empty name after all its essential powers and privileges have been surrendered into the hands of their respective leaders, now sovereigns and despots. Are not we ourselves far advanced toward a situation like this, when the leaders of a dominant party commence an invasion on our bill of rights, and boldly usurp powers not granted by the constitution? In such case, the only hope or consolation left us, consists in this, that no free people will submit to such usurpations, and thus suffer their liberties to be wrested from them till, by vice and corruption, they have become prepared for slavery. Had the Shechemites been Israelites indeed, firm in the religion of their ancestors and under the influence of virtuous principles; all the arts of such a character as Abimelech, would have failed of success. But having apostatized from Jehovah, and become thoroughly depraved both in their principles and morals—being thus ripe for ruin, divine justice permitted them, with their own hands, to pull that ruin upon themselves. They were given over to the infatuation of putting their trust in the shadow of a bramble.

The sacred historian mentions it as not the least among the sins of the Israelites, that they shewed no kindness to the house of Gideon according to all the goodness which he had shewed unto Israel. Nay, this their ingratitude to the family of their great human benefactor, is mentioned in close connection with their ingratitude to Jehovah their covenant God, as next in aggravation and heinousness to their guilt of apostacy.—My respected auditors, we have had our Gideon. After procuring us a great victory, and establishing our independence, he assisted in framing for us a system of liberty with order. The noble machine being finished, he applied his own shoulders to the task of putting it in motion, in connection with coadjutors partaking of his spirit. Thus guided in its operations, it progressed to the admiration of the world; and after rescuing these States from disgrace and danger, exalted them in honor and prosperity. A dreadful counterpart to this felicity would, in all probability, have taken place had the reins of the national government at that early period fallen into the hands of aspiring demagogues, men destitute of religious principle, intent upon nothing but the aggrandizement of themselves and their party, tainted with wild and romantic notions of liberty, heedless of the experience of former ages; and hurrying on to the trial of their own new and fanciful theories. That the infancy of our general government escaped the ignorance, violence, and wickedness of such vile attendants, is surely, among the most brilliant proofs of the watchful care of heaven for our preservation. 3

Washington steered us through the first breakers; then giving us his blessing in his FAREWELL ADDRESS, quitted the helm; but to the end of his life, his general influence continued, and with it, our prosperity, advancing indeed to a height before unexampled. At length, HE, like the Gideon of Israel, died; and we, everywhere, made the most pompous show of mourning, by solemn dirges, eulogies and funeral processions. But, scarcely had we finished these farcical scenes when we committed the direction of our affairs to the very men who had been his most inveterate opponents; and by their exaltation, politically slew all his children. 4 Does it not become a Christian nation seriously to consider whether ingratitude towards those whom Heaven has made eminently their benefactors, and the instruments of their most signal prosperity, may not draw upon them the tokens of the divine displeasure?

These are the concluding words of Jotham’s curse mentioned in the text,–Let fire come out from Abimelech, and devour the men of Shechem and the house of Millo; and let fire come out from the men of Shechem, and from the house of Millo, and devour Abimelech. The accomplishment of this anathema speedily commenced. The new king and his subjects soon became hostile towards each other. The men of Shechem, says the history, dealt treacherously with Abimelech—and cursed him in the house of their God. Towards them, he proved a most cruel tyrant. By dear bought experience they learnt what it was to repose under the shadow of a bramble. Their sufferings seem to have been for some time protracted that they might have opportunity to feel all their sharpness; and in the issue, both parties succeeded in destroying each other. After recording the particulars of this destruction, 5 the historian concludes, Thus God rendered the wickedness of Abimelech which he did unto his father, in slaying his seventy brethren: And all the evil of the men of Shechem did God render upon their heads: and upon them came the curse of Jotham, the son of Jerubbaal.

In bringing about this retribution, no miracle seems to have been wrought, nor the operation of any particular cause or agent raised above the pitch or tendency of its nature: The great Ruler of the world suffered the current of events and the succession of causes and effects to proceed on in their accustomed course while this course was so guided by his all-pervading providence that they who had enlisted themselves as the creatures and partisans of an intriguing ambitious usurper, were imperceptibly taken in their own snares and became the victims of their own devices. Let those hear and fear who, in their prejudices and partialities, bear any resemblance to the Shechemites. The same Providence which governed the world in the age of Gideon, governs it still, and has the same means for making the transgressions of the wicked to reprove them, and their backslidings to correct them.

Legislators of the commonwealth, as the representatives of the people, chosen and deputed to make their laws, guard their liberties and take care of their concerns; it is natural to suppose that men thus selected and for such purposes, rank among the wisest and most upright of the community. We have seen however, that a free people, on some occasions, confide these trusts to hands unworthy of them. They are in special danger of committing this folly at a time when the spirit of party is prevalent. Under the influence of this spirit, the electors consider, not the talents and virtues of good rulers; but whether the candidate be the bone and flesh of their party—having capacity and zeal to serve its interests. Their inquiry is, whether he be a brother of the faction to which themselves are attached. Thus circumstanced, the most violent partisan often obtains the vote. Could we suppose a legislative assembly, composed of such characters, thus chosen and coming together with such views and dispositions; what would they be but a copse of brambles, the best of them a brier, the most upright sharper than a thorn hedge?

God forbid that a majority of rulers in any New England State, should ever consist of such characters! Indeed they cannot, while any portion of the spirit and principles of the first settlers of the country, be retained among their descendants. Christian piety, a thing without partiality and without hypocrisy, in its very nature most opposite to the spirit of party, was considered by our forefathers as the only root from which any true and genuine patriotism could spring. This sentiment has been so far handed down to modern times, that it is explicitly recognized in the constitution of this commonwealth. Each member of our legislature, on his entrance into office, solemnly declares that “he believes the Christian religion and has a firm persuasion of its truth.” This declaration, virtually acknowledging all the obligations of Christianity, adds them to the other obligations by which our rulers are bound to legislate upon such subjects only and for such purposes only, as are specified in the social compact. Within this enclosure, ye legislators, all your labours are confined. If ye pass these limits, your laws become unlawful; in making them ye betray your trust, violate your oaths, and bring upon yourselves the guilt of perjury.

Should our federal rulers thus abuse the trust reposed in them, and violate the principles of the national compact, you will, as the guardians of the rights of your constituents, make a prudent, yet firm opposition, resolutely treading on in the steps of your predecessors of the last year. The wisdom and dignity of their proceedings upon this subject, have ranked them with those immortal patriots who began that resistance to usurped power, which issued in the independence of these States. If we would preserve the liberties, by that struggle, so dearly purchased, the call for resistance against the usurpations of our own government, is as urgent as it was formerly against those of our mother country. No unbiased mind can review the measures pursued by those who, for some time past, guided our national counsels, without being convinced, not only that the constitution has been violated, but violated for a purpose the most pernicious; that a state of hostility against Great-Britain, now nobly contending for the rights of nations; and a consequent alliance with her adversary, the execrable scourge of Europe, were most treacherously and wickedly contemplated. To my apprehension, the danger from such a policy, is more to be dreaded than any which had ever before threatened our country. It is a gulf in which our national honor and prosperity, our liberties, our religion, our morals, our happiness, will all be lost irretrievably—in which we shall be plunged in everlasting infamy and wretchedness.

But, apart from this danger, which, blessed be God, seems at present to be happily escaped, most probably in consequence of the patriotic opposition just mentioned: to what purpose did we frame the national compact if we suffer its provisions to be disregarded? Why did we, with such extreme caution, after long deliberation, first in an assembly of delegates from all the states, then in separate conventions in each individual state, prescribe the terms of national union, after each of those terms had been sifted and scrutinized over and over again, in every form and shape, through all their possible consequences and effects—why this vast apparatus, these extended discussions, these unwearied pains in settling the terms of national union, if, when settled, we permit them to be dispensed with at pleasure, place our confidence in the men who wantonly spurn their limitations, and reproach, as hostile to the federal union, that warning voice which would dissuade us from such insanity? The truth is, that the worst and the only enemies of this union, are those who break its ties and burst its bonds asunder. Its only real and substantial friends, are those who perseveringly oppose such infractions. By such opposition only, can the very end for which the constitution was framed be answered, and the constitution itself, together with the liberties which it guaranties, be preserved.

This constitution has indeed been altered, in some instances, for the worse. It is hoped that its next alteration will be for the better, by clearing it of that strange absurdity, which, through the slaves of our southern brethren, gives them an undue and baneful influence in our national counsels. These northern states must be lost to a sense of their own rights and dignity—They must acknowledge themselves to be something less than men, if all their parties do not unite in their endeavours to effect this alteration. It is also equally incumbent upon them, to unite in procuring a navy for the protection of their commerce. Had the many millions, foolishly squandered in the delusive purchase of a wilderness utterly useless, been expended in building ships of war; our trade, in all probability, would have escaped its late, as well as present, embarrassments.

Every man, in the least acquainted with history, must know that, of all other means, commerce is preeminently useful and indeed necessary for promoting national wealth and prosperity, spreading general information, advancing arts and knowledge, increasing civilization, refining and polishing the manners of a people, and giving them those improvements which adorn society and constitute its highest felicity. But nothing can be more absurd, than to dream of a great and extended commerce without a navy for its protection—this being equally necessary both at home and abroad—in our own harbors and while traversing the ocean—The Gun-boat policy, excepting for embargo purposes, is so despicable and puerile that, were Buffon still alive, he might bring it s another proof of the “dwarfish nature of every American production.”

These interesting objects will find their place in the deliberations of our civil fathers. Sooner or later they will be obtained if this nation be destined to flourish and become great. If present success should be doubtful, this should not discourage our exertions. If heaven, provoked by our sins, should, in its wrath, give us up to our prejudices and partialities, that, like the Shechemites, we may be vexed and harassed by the tyranny of brambles; still every good ruler and every good citizen should persevere in their endeavors to ward off these calamities. This is the course of true virtue and patriotism. If in this course, like the children of Gideon, our lives should be cut short by the prevailing faction;–even the foresight of this should not damp our ardor. We are to remember that there is still a reward for righteousness. We are all placed here for the present, on purpose that it may be seen how we can acquit ourselves through that variety of private and public trials allotted us by Him to whom we are at last responsible. Every true patriot has learnt to think and to say with Paul of Tarsus, it is a small thing with me to be judged of man’s judgment. Of what real and intrinsic value is that patriotism which requires to be continually fed with present praises or with present rewards? The true patriot, after the best part of his life has been spent in a series of important and faithful services to his country, will descend the vale of years, serene and happy from the consciousness of a part well acted and from a hope thence arising of the final rewards of virtue. If, instead of this, we behold him wavering in his former patriotic opinions, sour and discontented through mere chagrin that the incense of adulation and the glittering tinsels of office have ceased to nourish his vanity;–while we lament such weakness, we can hardly forbear suspecting whether a patriotism which becomes thus shriveled at its latter end, were not from its beginning, defective in principle. Our country abounds with professed patriots; but after an abundance of leaves and of blossoms, the genuine fruits of that virtue remain wonderfully scarce. It is earnestly recommended to all who wish to cultivate it, that they attend carefully to the soil. If it be planted in an honest and good heart, like the seed of Evangelical truth, it will certainly be fruitful, yielding thirty, sixty, perhaps, a hundred fold. Nor will its fruitfulness be checked by any present difficulties or discouragements. It is animated by the spirit of that Israelitish commander with whose words I conclude. Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people, and for the cities of our God: And the Lord do that which seemeth him good.

 


Endnotes

1. The expression of wine’s cheering God and man, ought perhaps to be rendered gods and men. Jotham here adopts the pagan style as best adapted to the notions of the idolatrous Shechemites, and more likely to be understood by them. Instead of referring to Jehovah, he means that wine cheereth hero-gods, such as the Shechemites worshipped. They had made Baal-berith their god, a deity confessedly originating from among men. As having this allusion, the expression contains a fine stroke of ridicule and insinuates to the Shechemites, the pitiful origin of their deities—they being such as were supposed to be, or to have been, refreshed with wine.

2. Blundering—This epithet needs no apology, since, by the late accommodation with Great-Britain, on the very terms offered from the beginning, our government has implicitly acknowledged that the embargo measures were unnecessary; of course, foolish and blundering. Must not the advisers and abettors of those measures, the source of so many evils, have faces of brass if they ever show them again in our national councils? My prayer to God for them is, that they may be restored to the use of their reason, freed from those prejudices and partialities which have hitherto permitted them to see only through the eyes of a Jefferson. Had it been the study of these men to give the most perfect illustration of a government administered by a bramble, could they have hit upon an expedient more to their purpose than their embargo system? Of all shrubs, the bramble affords the thinnest and most wretched shade, of which all who attempt to avail themselves, if they turn their body, or move their head, their hand, or foot, instantly they are wounded and pierced with thorns. Were not all these particulars realized in the vexations restrictions, exorbitant exactions, and numberless fines and forfeitures of the vile laws in question?

3. During that period, it was assailed by hosts of enemies. In addition to the difficulties and embarrassments incident to every new government, and the factions incessantly springing up in all republics; it was eminently exposed to the most fatal disasters from that before unheard of revolutionary hurricane which, down to this day, continues sweeping away or new modeling all the old governments of Europe. In those times, had not a Washington been at helm and others to co-operate with and succeed him, whose wisdom and firmness preserved our neutrality; our free governments, State, as well as National, might ere this day, have gone by and left us under the shackles of a foreign or domestic tyranny. The people of America, following the example and partaking of the fate of their former allies in Europe, after being with them, “tossed on the tempestuous sea of liberty,” would most certainly have sought repose at any expense. When rest is absolutely necessary, it must be taken through under the shade of a bramble.

4. Even this did not satisfy their successors in office. They wished to marry the carry the matter still further, and literally to complete their own resemblance to the Shechemites. For years already they had been massacring the reputation of the friends of Washington. Unprincipled scribblers had been hired to write libels upon them, and half the newspapers of the country were the vehicles of these libels;–the sufferers of this abuse, in the mean-while standing, like the band of Leonidas at the Straits of Thermopylae, to save us from the perdition of French influence. It was this very circumstance however, which inflamed the rage of the new rulers, who, on their coming into power, prosecuted those honest and faithful patriots upon charges so utterly unfounded, that the world was astonished at their indiscretion in thus betraying their malignity.

5. Mutual hostilities seem to have been carried on for some time when Abimelech, with his mercenaries, succeeded in storming the city of his mother’s relations, putting its inhabitants to the sword, leveling it with the ground, and sowing it with salt. By this last ceremony he expressed his hatred of the Shechemites, and his wish that their city might always lie desolate, a perpetual monument of his revenge.—He next attacked the tower of Shechem, an appendage to the temple of the god Berith, out of which he had some time before received the money to hire the assassins of his brethren. Into this temple and tower the house of Millo had fled, that is, the nobles or elders of the city; for this seems to be the meaning of the Hebrew word, Millo. This collection of the principal citizens having had the chief hand in making Abimelech king, now received a just recompense. The temple and tower being set on fire, they and their wives, to the number of a thousand persons, perished in the flames. Thus fire came out of the bramble, and devoured the cedars of Lebanon.—Not far distant from Shechem, stood the city of Thebez whose inhabitants had so far sided with the Shechemites as drew upon them the wrath of the tyrant. ON his approach, not attempting to defend the walls of the city, they retreated into its tower. Abimelech thought to have set this on fire, as he had before done that of Shechem; but on his coming nigh for that purpose, he met his fate. He had slain all his brethren upon one stone; and now a stone, thrown by the hand of a woman fractured his skull. He felt the blow to be mortal and that he was actually dying. Thus summoned into the presence of his final judge, what has such a monster of wickedness to expect! If everlasting punishment awaits guilt of any kind; what must be the doom of the man who destroyed whole cities of his fellow creatures! Yet Abimelech has no bands in his death; and the only thought which gives him any uneasiness is, lest it should be said of him, a woman slew him. Good God! to what a degree of stupidity and brutish insensibility may the moral faculties of thy rational offspring be reduced!

Sermon – Election – 1809, Connecticut


Samuel Nott (1754-1852) graduated from Yale in 1780. He studied divinity under Jonathan Edwards and was pastor of the Franklin, CT Congregational Church (1781-1852). Nott preached this election sermon in Hartford on May 11, 1809.


sermon-election-1809-connecticut

PRAYER, EMINENTLY THE DUTY OF RULERS, IN
THE TIMES OF TRIAL; AND THE NATION
HAPPY, WHOSE GOD IS THE LORD.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT

HARTFORD,

IN

CONNECTICUT,

ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION.

May 11th, 1809.

By SAMUEL NOTT, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Franklin.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1809.

ORDERED, that the Honorable Matthew Griswold, and Eleazer Tracy, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly, to the Reverend SAMUEL NOTT, for his Sermon, delivered at the annual election, on the 11th inst. And request a Copy of the same that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

AN ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM CXLIV. 11-15.

Rid me, and deliver me from the hand of strange children, whose mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood: That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner stones, polished after the similitude of a palace: That our garners may be full, affording all manner of store; that our sheep may bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our streets: That our oxen may be strong to labour; that there be no breaking in, nor going out; that there be no complaining in our streets. Happy is that people, that is in such a case: yea, happy is that people, whose God is the Lord.

MAN was made for society: that, which was first enjoyed, was of the domestic kind.

As man multiplied, iniquity abounded. “Every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually.—The earth also was corrupted before God: and the earth was filled with violence.” 1

Under these circumstances, the public good rendered it necessary, that government should have some additional form. 2

All nations, excepting the Hebrew, whose political system was expressly appointed by God, have been left, to take such a form of government, as suited them best. Whatever form they have adopted, they have, necessarily, been obliged to relinquish some of their natural rights, in order to have the rest secured.

The monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical are the principal forms that have been adopted. All others are but a mixture of these. Each has its advantages and disadvantages, its advocates and opposers.

The design of all righteous governments, is the defense and happiness of the community. He is the minister of God to thee for good. Whatever form be adopted, it will be imperfect, and fall short, in a measure, of the end proposed; nevertheless, as the members of the natural body are subject to their head, so ought those to be, in the body politic. A very imperfect government is unspeakably better than no government.—It is not always owing to any special defect, either in the constitution, or the administration, that government falls short of its design. The fault is often owing to the people themselves,

As in the natural body, notwithstanding the consummate wisdom, in its organization, there are many and grievous maladies, so it may be expected in the political body; there will often be innumerable and incalculable evils. It is evident from history, that this has ever been the case, and it may be expected that it ever will be, so long as human nature shall remain in its fallen, debased state.

By the apostacy, man lost his glory, the moral image of God. The whole human race by nature are selfish creatures, inclined to evil, and that continually. New and unexpected trials therefore, will be likely, frequently to spring up, in all governments, however wise the rulers, and righteous their administration. The patience and power of those in authority will, of consequence, often be put to the test. David king in Israel, “the man after God’s own heart,” was not exempted.

What is the proper course to be pursued, under these circumstances?—And the way for a people, ever to be happy? Are very interesting enquiries.

As the words of our text point out both, it is thought that they are therefore, particularly, worthy of attention, upon this anniversary: And though I believe with a celebrated writer that, both liberty and property are precarious, unless the possessors have sense and spirit enough to defend them; 3 as a minister of Christ, I shall attempt.

I. To show, that in the times of peculiar trial, it is eminently the duty of rulers to be men of prayer.

II. To illustrate the closing declaration, in our text.

That in the times of peculiar trial, it is eminently the duty of rulers, to be men of prayer, is evident from the consideration, that their labours and temptations are usually then greatly increased—their safety, honour and happiness, the safety, honor and happiness of their subjects and offspring likewise, greatly exposed.—Notwithstanding their elevated stations, however great their natural, or acquired abilities, they are dependent, weak, short sighted, dying men, and always need support and aid from on high, but especially in the times of peculiar trial.

The following directions must apply to them, as well as to other men: “Is any among you afflicted? Let him pray. If any lack wisdom let him ask it of God, that giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not. 4 Call upon me in the day of trouble: 5

The example of pious rulers, left on divine record, puts the matter beyond all reasonable doubt.

The example of David in our text claims our first attention, who soon after he came to the throne had great trials, from the Philistines and other foreign enemies. In consequence of which, probably, he composed the psalm of which our text is a part.

The several petitions which, probably, he composed the psalm of which our text is a part.

The several petitions in our text, as they evince, in a peculiar manner, some of the feelings, which all rulers ought to possess, deserve to be distinctly considered: Rid me and deliver me from the hand of strange children, whose mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood.

David, when he made this prayer, felt himself encompassed by dangers, and realized his own weakness, and the ability of the Lord Jehovah, to deliver him out of the hands of his enemies, whether Israelites or heathen; whose mouth spake vanity; and their right hand was a right hand of falsehood. His enemies, no doubt, possessed a lying spirit to a great degree.

Much in every age is to be feared from the tongue, which, though a little member, is naturally full of deadly poison. 6 Persons who have no regard to truth, will readily even perjure themselves, to injure those whom they hate, whenever they imagine, that they can do it with impunity.

In this dangerous situation, David looked directly to the Lord, who perfectly understood the malice and devices of his enemies, and was able utterly to disappoint them. He was not merely concerned for his personal honour and safety, but, as becomes all rulers, for the good of his subjects. He felt a deep concern for those in the morning of life, and fervently prayed in these words: That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth. He not only wished that the young men in his kingdom might be healthy and vigorous, fitted for the most active services, but possessed of all the manly and social virtues. He well knew, that according to the common course of divine providence, all persons then on the stage of life, even the pillars of the church and society, were soon to be carried to the land of silence, and to rest with their fathers. The anxious feelings of his heart, for the rising generation, led him to add the following very expressive petition: That our daughters may be as corner stones, polished after the similitude of a palace. The corner stones of a palace are stones of the most durable kind, chosen with great care, hewed and polished by the most skillful artists, and so placed, as to be essential to the support of the building.

The situation of women in civil society, though they have no share in the government in our country, is in many points of view vastly important, but especially, as the education and government of children, in the early part of life, rest very much upon them. They give a cast to their minds and manners; and of consequence to the minds and manners of the community. Not only the Poet hath said:

“Just as the twig is bent, the tree’s inclin’d;”

But the wise man, under the inspiration of the holy Ghost: “Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it.”

Early education and government, not only have a great influence on social order, but religion. Timothy was partaker of the same faith, which was first in his grandmother Lois and his mother Eunice. 7

As, it is appointed unto men, once to die, and the wheels of time never stop, David well knew, that daughters would soon take the place of their mothers, as the mistresses of families, and have the care of the nursery of the church and nation. He therefore ardently wished, that they might be truly amiable, and so trained to the habits of industry and morality, as to be in the best manner furnished for their important betrustment.

The royal suppliant wished for the increase of the wealth of his subjects, as well as for the improvement of their minds and manners. His own words are, That our garners may be full, affording all manner of stores. He desired not only, that their garners might be full, but their flocks fruitful, and added to the foregoing, the following petition: That our sheep may bring forth thousands, and ten thousands in our streets: That our oxen may be strong to labour. In his youth he had been accustomed to a pastoral life, and knew well the value of flocks and herds. He was sensible that their increase and perfection, would add greatly to the wealth, strength and respectability of the nation. As became a dependent creature therefore, he looked to God for them, by whose aid alone they could be effected.

The next petition is: That there be no breaking in nor going out. This may be considered, either as a prayer, that the Israelites might not be disturbed by other nations, nor disturb any themselves, by making war upon them, but “sit every man under his own vine, and under his own fig tree, and have none to make afraid;” 8 or as a prayer, that adjoining fields should be so enclosed, that beasts should not break from one to another, destroy the crops and impoverish their owners:–viewed in either light, or in both, it shows the benevolence of the King of Israel, and his desire for the happiness of his people.

He closes his prayer, in these words: That there be no complaining in our streets. King David was determined, so to wear the sword of justice, as to give no occasion for complaining. He loved peace, and ardently wished for it, throughout his kingdom. Nevertheless, he well knew the natural wickedness and impatience of men, that they were restless as the ocean, and wont to complain. And that designing men, were wont to do it in the streets, the places of public resort; no doubt to discredit the government, in the view of the populace, and to raise themselves into office. This vile and dishonourable custom, he wished might not disgrace his kingdom. But that his subjects, if they were dissatisfied with government, might pursue rational and constitutional methods, to have their grievances redressed, whether real, or imaginary.

Having taken a brief view of the several petitions in our text, it is in point to observe, as a further evidence of our general object, that David, at a later period, when he was obliged o flee before his son Absalom, 9 was an earnest suppliant, at the throne of divine grace, if, as is supposed, he composed the following Psalm, upon that memorable occasion: “Lord how are they increased that trouble me? Many are they that rise up against me. Many there be who say of my soul, there is no help for him in God. But thou, O Lord, art a shield for me: my glory, and the lifter up of mine head. I cried unto the Lord with my voice, and he heard me out of his holy hill. I laid me down and slept, I awaked, for the Lord sustained me. I will not be afraid of ten thousands of people, that have set themselves against me round about. Arise, O Lord, save me, O my God; for thou hast smitten all mine enemies upon the cheek bone: thou hast broken the teeth of the ungodly. Salvation unto the Lord: thy blessing is upon thy people.” 01

Solomon, soon after he came to the throne, was greatly tried in the conduct of Adonijah, Abiathar and Joab. 11—When God said; “Ask what I shall give thee,” he said, “Thou hast showed unto thy servant David my father great kindness, that thou hast given him a son to sit on his throne, as it is this day.”

“And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made thy servant king instead of David my father: and I am but a little child: I know not how to go out, or come in. And thy servant is in the midst of thy people, which thou hast chosen, a great people that cannot be numbered nor counted for multitude. Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart, to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge so great a people.” 12

Nehemiah says, “I sat down and wept and mourned certain days, and fasted, and prayed before the God of heaven, the great and terrible God, that keepeth covenant and mercy for them that love him, and observe his commandments; let thine ear now be attentive and thine eyes open, that thou mayest hear the prayer of thy servant, which I pray before thee now, day and night, for the children of Israel thy servants, and confess the sins of the children of Israel, which we have sinned.—O Lord, I beseech thee, let now thine ear be attentive to the prayer of thy servant.” 13

I shall now, as proposed, attempt to illustrate the closing declaration, in our text: Happy is that people, that is in such a case, yea happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

That people is happy, in a degree, who have neither foreign nor domestic enemies, who are blessed in their basket and store, and where he rising generation are formed, for ornament and usefulness.

The royal Psalmist had a view to a people of this description, when he says, happy is that people, that is in such a case. But he exclaims in the succeeding clause, yea happy is that people, whose God is the Lord: As though he had said, that is the happy people, who are the subjects of real religion, the worshippers of the true God, and who have him, for a covenant God and father.

It may therefore be useful, briefly to state

1. In what true religion consists.

2. In what sense, that people is happy, who are the subjects of it.

True religion consists in right views. Affections and conduct.

In right views, of the nature and tendency of things.

In right views of God—Of his natural and moral perfections—his omnipotence, omnipresence, omniscience, holiness, justice, goodness and truth—right views of his government, as general and particular, respecting, not only, the rolling of the spheres, the rising and falling of empires, but of every mote that flies in the air, the numbering of the hairs, upon every head, and the falling of a sparrow, though two of them are sold for a farthing.

In right views of ourselves—of our absolute dependence upon God—that in him we live, move and have our being—that, “he appoints the bounds of our habitation,” 14 is the author of all our talents, and points out our various occupations in life. But especially, in right views of our moral character; that by nature, “we are alienated from the life of God” 15 and are under the curse of his law.” 16

In right views of our neighbours—like ourselves, absolutely dependent upon God, possessed of similar capacities for happiness and usefulness—similar moral characters, having various relations, natural, civil, social and religious, under the same law, bound to the same world, and ultimately accountable to the same judge.

In right views of this world: Of its real worth: “For every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving: 17 –Likewise of its unsatisfying nature, great mutability and certain dissolution; that though “the Lord in the beginning hath laid the foundations of the earth, and the heavens are the works of his hands; they shall perish—they shall wax old as a garment: and as a vesture shall he fold them up, and they shall be changed.” 18

In right views of the future world: As eternal; our final home; the place of rewards and punishments, where we shall all reap the proper fruit of our conduct on earth, whether it be virtuous or vicious,

In right affections, towards God and creatures, rational and irrational, rulers and subjects, saints and sinners, this world and the world to come.—In loving God, “with all the heart, with all the soul, and with all the mind, and our neighbours as ourselves.” 19

In deep contrition for sin, on account of its infinite malignity, as tending to the destruction of the moral kingdom.

In faith in the great Redeemer, that faith which unites the soul to him, brings it into covenant with God, which transforms into the divine likeness, and influences every possessor to pant after God; “as the hart panteth after the water brook;” 10 to feeling some measure, as the Psalmist felt, when he said, “whom have I in heaven, but thee? And there is none upon earth that I desire beside thee? 21

In right conduct; in faithfully discharging our duty in every station and relation, to our creator, and fellow creatures. There are appropriate duties for the poor and the rich, for ministers and people, for rulers and their subjects. Religion respects the discharge of them all. John, who preached, “bring forth fruits worthy of repentance,” when “the people,” who heard him, “asked him, what shall we do? answered and said unto them, he that hath two coats, let him impart to him that hath none: and he that hath meat let him do likewise. Then came also publicans to be baptized and said unto him, Master what shall we do? And he said unto them, exact no more than that which is appointed unto you. And the soldiers likewise demanded of him, saying, and what shall we do? And he said unto them, do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages. 22

Rulers, however exalted their stations, have duties to perform. They are God’s servants. He has raised them to their places of honour and usefulness: “By him kings reign and princes decree justice. By him do princes rule and nobles, even all the judges of the earth.” 23 They are raised to the places of honour, not for their own advantage, but that they may be useful to society. “He is not a terror to good works, but to the evil—he is a minister of God to thee for good—He beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God—a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil.” 24

Rulers ought to do good, not only to civil society, but to the church of Christ. The latter, indeed, ought to be the governing object, in all their conduct.

The church, the kingdom of the Redeemer, is the kingdom, to which all others are to be subjected. This is the kingdom which shall never be destroyed—the kingdom that shall not be left to other people, but shall break in pieces, and consume all other kingdoms, and stand forever. 25 Rulers are under the highest obligation to do all in their power, for its perfection and beauty, and the time is fast hastening, when the following prediction, will have its full accomplishment: “And kings shall be thy nursing fathers, and their queens thy nursing mothers.” 26

There are duties, not only for rulers, but for their subjects. They must lead quiet and peaceable lives in all honesty and godliness. As it is the duty of rulers to rule, so it is of subjects to obey all legitimate authority: “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers:–Whoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation—But if thou dost that which is evil be afraid.—Wherefore you must needs be in subjection not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake.” 27 It is not enough to obey through fear of fines and imprisonment. It ought to be done, from a sense of duty.

Subjects ought not only to obey, but as they have the protection of their property, reputation and lives, to contribute according to their ability, to defray the expenses of government: “For, for this cause pay ye tribute: for they are God’s ministers attending continually upon this very thing! 28

They ought indeed, to observe universal justice. The divine command is, “Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour. Owe no man anything, but to love one another: for he that loveth another hath fulfilled the law. 29 “Render therefore unto Cesar, the things which are Cesar’s, and unto God the things which are God’s.” 30

It remains to show in what sense that people is happy, who are the subjects of true religion.

They are not happy, in that sense which implies an absolute freedom from sin: “For there is not a just man upon earth, that doth good and sinneth not.” 31

Neither are they happy, in that sense which implies a deliverance from all natural evil: “But if ye be without chastisement, whereof all are partakers, then are ye bastards and not sons.” 32 Nevertheless, they are happy.

As those exercises of mind, peculiar to religion are in their nature pleasurable.

They are not pleasurable, to persons of a corrupt, unholy taste, “who drink in iniquity like water,” 33 and would, were it in their power, readily sacrifice the universe, to gratify their own selfish feelings. But to those who have a correct moral taste, “wisdom’s ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. 34 The statutes of the Lord are more to be desired than gold, yea than much fine gold, sweeter also than honey or the honey comb.” 35

The justice, mercy and self denial of the gospel are all repugnant to the selfish feelings of the human heart, but are perfectly consonant to those of disinterested love.

They are happy, as they are willing to stand in their lot, which they view as the result of infinite wisdom, and ardently wish to improve all their talents for the public good. They mean to be at their post, however great the danger, and faithfully to discharge the duties to which they may be called. They have no anxious feelings for worldly honours.

No one says, in the language of Absalom, “Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man who hath any suit or cause might bring it unto me, and I would do him justice;” 36 but each feels a degree of emulation, to excel in doing well, to advance, as far as is possible, the beauty, strength and perfection of society, whether called to act in a public or private capacity.

They are likewise happy, as they have a fixed confidence in God, both in prosperity and adversity; and feel assured, by reason of his transcendent wisdom, almighty power and infinite goodness, that to whatever height infidelity may arise, however great the shaking may be among the nations, or whoever may rise or fall in a political view, that all things, eventually, will come to the wisest issue. They give full credit to the testimony of Asaph: “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee: the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain.” 37 It is the joy of their hearts, that, “the Lord reigneth;” 38 that he is able to turn the counsels of an Ahithophel to foolishness, 39 to cause one to chase a thousand and two to put ten thousand to flight, 40 that, “his counsel shall stand, and that he shall do all his pleasure,” 41 that, “of him and through him and to him are all things,” 42 and that all false religions shall eventually fall before the true, as Dagon fell upon his face, when the Philistines brought the ark of the Lord into the house of Dagon.” 43

It may be added, that they are happy, as they all observe the same rule of conduct, look at the same great object, and that however different their callings, and variegated their circumstances, they are ultimately to share in the same good. Their rule of conduct is the moral law. Their governing object, the pole star in their journey of life, in the field, in the family, and in the cabinet, whether they eat, or drink, or whatever they do, is the glory of God. The good in which they hope eventually to share, is the eternal enjoyment of God, and the felicity of that kingdom, where nothing shall enter that defileth: 44 where the whole prospect shall be without a cloud: where all the affections of the subjects shall be perfectly holy, and their happiness without alloy, and without end.

As it is, eminently, the duty of rulers, in the times of peculiar trial, to be men of prayer, with great propriety, upon this anniversary, it may be remarked, that it is of vast importance, that they should be religious men. No others will ever ask counsel of God, in a becoming manner, in the times of peculiar trial, nor indeed at any time.

No others, therefore, ever ought to be promoted by a free people. In no others can confidence be safely placed, any farther than the public interest can be rendered subservient to their own.

Honour, which is often made a substitute for religion, though the word has a pleasant sound, affords no certain security. If anything is meant by it, distinct from natural conscience, it must respect mere personal dignity, and as really originate from a selfish heart, as the spirit of revenge. There is no possible medium, between selfishness and benevolence. That which is really selfish, by whatever name it be called, can never afford permanent security. The history of ages shows that honour hitherto has failed, in the times of temptation, to afford security either to property, chastity, reputation, or life.—Persons actuated by no higher motive than personal dignity, may for a season do well.—It is wise for a people, nevertheless, in choosing their rulers, always to observe Jethro’s direction to Moses: “Provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.” 45

Though all good men are not fit for rulers, it is fully evident from the last words of David, the man after God’s own heart, that it is men of the above description, who ought to be promoted: “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me. He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.” 46 In his charge to Solomon, his son and successor, he said, “I go the way of all the earth: be thou strong therefore, and show thyself a man. And keep the charge of the Lord thy God, and walk in his ways, to keep his judgments and his testimonies, as it is written in the law of Moses, that thou mayest prosper in all that thou doest and whethersoever thou turnest thyself.” 47

Rulers, who really are religious men, believe in the existence and government of a holy God. They have fixed moral notions, and expect to give an account of their conduct.—Whether they act in a legislative or executive capacity, they are much more concerned to promote the good of the community, than to receive any private emolument. They dread doing anything, which will not bear the most critical, public examination, and meet the approbation of God. They are therefore, the men to be trusted.

The illustrious Washington, when consulted about accepting the Presidency of the United States, said: “Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. Thou I prize, as I ought, the good opinion of my fellow-citizens, yet if I know myself, I would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty, or moral virtue. While doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my God, my country and myself, I could despise all the party clamour and unjust censure, which must be expected from some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government.—I am conscious that I fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach.” 48

Religion really forms men, whether rulers or subjects, on the best model, both for usefulness and happiness, as it inclines them to sacrifice private interest, for the public good. It binds them to God, and to one another, by an indissoluble bond. It is useful in all governments, but especially in a popular one. The illustrious patriot and statesman before mentioned, said: “Reason and experience, both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.—It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring to popular governments.”

True virtue, or real religion, not only overcomes the selfishness of the human heart, but tends to restrain men from intemperance, lasciviousness, Sabbath breaking, profaneness, dueling, suicide, and all kinds of immoralities, and to animate them to whatever is wise, benevolent and noble. It enlarges the mind, warms the heart, and gives an energy to action, and a dignity to character, that nothing else can give.

Though religion tends to make those persons who possess it, the best of citizens, and to render them the most worthy of promotion, it is notoriously true of some, who profess it, that they are neither honest, nor orderly. The Christian name is only a cloak to them. They fight under false colours; are mere time servers, and care for nothing but the loaves and the fishes. Such persons, notwithstanding their profession, have no title to the confidence of the people.

To the want of proper care, with respect to the character of persons, in appointing the officers of government, may be traced some of the greatest political evils.

Taking into view our peculiar privileges, civil and religious, and our imminent danger from public enemies, and from those more unnatural, in the bosom of our own country, who it is to be feared are secretly endeavouring to subvert its liberties, it is suitable likewise to remark, though with becoming deference, that there are many things in the providence of God, calculated to call the attention of His Excellency, and all the members of the Honourable Legislature, to the important duty of prayer.—Important in various respects, especially, as it tends to fit them for whatever may take place, and to lead them to discern, and to discharge their duty, with honour to themselves, the best good of their constituents and the glory of God. He who rightly discharges this duty, whatever be his station, may hope to be enabled, so to discharge every other, that should his enemies attempt to find occasion against him, they would be necessitated to say, in the language of the presidents and princes of the Persian court, concerning Daniel: “We shall not find any occasion against him, except we find it against him concerning the law of his God.” 49 What a high, though undersigned commendation of Daniel! How worthy his example of imitation, by the members of this Legislature; who are called to represent, and legislate for a people possessed, probably, of the most rational notions of civil and religious liberty, of any on the globe! The rust is vastly great. Fidelity is of the utmost importance. The signs of the times, notwithstanding the friendly accommodation, with one of the European powers, are still alarming. The guidance of heaven, is of the highest importance. May it be fully realized, and sincerely and importunately sought, in the ensuing session! It is better to trust in the Lord than to put confidence in man. It is better to trust in the Lord, than to put confidence in princes.” 50

The mechanical, mercantile and agricultural interest, indeed all the different interests of the state, will as usual be represented, and claim the attention of this assembly. Private interest, however, ought not to be the governing object, with any member, but the public good. If that should be carefully sought, so far as the chief magistrate, the council, and representatives, express the public mind, the state will be like a threefold cord, not easily broken. No scheme against our liberties, however deeply laid, will be likely to prosper. But if private interest should prevail, the state will be like a rope of sand, without strength. Its dissolution will be inevitable. A kingdom divided against itself cannot stand.

Among the various interests of the State, as learning is essential to the existence of a free people, it is much to be desired, and confidently to be expected, that the college, academies, and all the minor schools, as they have in times past received the liberal patronage of the Assembly, so they will, in the time to come, be favoured with their nurturing hand, and the State, long and deservedly, be considered as the “Athens of America.”

Though learning is essential to the existence of a free people, without virtue, it is a poor safeguard. It is an entirely mistaken notion, which many persons have imbibed, that if men only have information, they will do right. It is true religion alone, that can insure this happy effect. Of consequence, it is of the first importance to possess it. “Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people.” 51 Rulers themselves ought to possess it. The inspired Psalmist therefore saith: Be wise now therefore, O ye Kings; and be instructed ye judges of the earth, serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the son, lest he be angry and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but a little; blessed are all they that put their trust in him. 52

Rulers ought not only to possess religion themselves, but carefully, by their lives and conversation, to recommend it to others. Though they are to bind no man’s conscience, but to leave each one, in matters of religion, to act for himself, they ought to distinguish, between true religion and false, between the various pretended revelations—between the Zehdavista of Zoroaster, 53 the oracles of the Sibyls, 54 the Shaster of the Banians, 55 the Alcoran of Mahomet, and the Scriptures of the old and new testament—between modern philosophy and gospel benevolence, between the corruptions of Christianity, and the doctrines which stain the pride of all glory, taught by Moses and the Prophets, Christ and the Apostles!

It is of vast importance, that rulers should understand and promote true religion, as it tends in a peculiar manner, to render persons useful and happy, by making them honest, peaceable, industrious and ready to every good work: and as it tends to entail blessings, upon their unborn posterity.

All the members of the Legislature, in the ensuing session, ought to act under its benign influence, and to do all in their power, to advance its true interest.—When the session shall close, and they return to their families, and mingle again with their constituents, it will be their duty to carry it with them. This will not only secure them the divine approbation, but be the most likely way, to cement the various parts of society, and to influence all classes of people, to be virtuous, orderly and happy. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn. 56 May the session be free from a party spirit, 57–all the deliberations of the body be candid—their determinations the result of real wisdom, patriotism and religion, and the blessing of the God of our pious ancestors, rest upon all the members.

As the subjects of true religion are happy, it may further be remarked, that the business of the ministers of the gospel, the appointed teachers of religion, is vastly important. They ought always to be examples to their flocks, and carefully to exhort them, not only to fear God, but to obey those in authority. The former will readily be granted by all. Can the latter be questioned unless it be by mere partisans? As the apostle in his epistle to Titus expressly says: “Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers: to obey magistrates.” 58

The different modes of expression, principalities, powers and magistrates, when compared with other passages of scripture, may be considered, as comprising the officers of government, the various parts of a constitution and the variety of existing laws. A due regard is to be paid to each. So long as those in authority, are ministers of God, for good, passive obedience and non resistance are the indispensible duty of subjects, but it is far otherwise, when rulers, unmindful of the rights of the people, are unjust, oppressive and cruel.

There was particular need, of the foregoing injunction in the days of the Apostles from the great scandal brought upon religion, by the undutiful carriage of some servants and subjects, towards their masters and magistrates, by reason of the false notions of Christian liberty, advanced by the false Apostles, judaizing Teachers and Gnostic libertines.

The most ancient heretics affected to take the name of Gnostics to themselves, as expressive of that new knowledge, and extraordinary light, to which they made pretensions.

As we live in an age, in which there are a multitude of new Philosophists, who are teaching doctrines, which tend to subvert order, morality and religion, indeed to brutalize the world, some of whom are scattered through our own country, whose libertine sentiments and licentious practices tend to poison society, and to weaken government, ministers of the Gospel ought to pay very special attention, to the forecited, apostolic injunction.

The Government of this State is a happy medium, between a monarchy and democracy. The most happy government, taking all things into view, of any upon earth. The persons, property, reputation and lives of men, are by law protected. They have liberty of worshipping God, according to the dictates of their own consciences, and of doing all the good in their power. What wise and good man can wish for more? Occasional alterations in the laws of the State, no doubt, will often be found necessary. These may be made semiannually, or at most annually. A radical change is most seriously to be deprecated.

Notwithstanding the preceding observations, the chief business of ministers, is to teach the doctrines of religion, and to persuade sinners, by the terrors of the Lord, to repentance, faith and a pious walk: “To be ready to every good work. To speak evil of no man, to be no brawlers, but gentle, shewing all meekness unto all men.” 59 What need of piety, talents and fidelity! An Apostle said, “Who is sufficient for these things?” It is thought to be a great affair, to negotiate the important concerns of a State, at a foreign Court. How important then, to transact business for Christ, with the souls of men!

As important as the business of ministers is, they are, “earthen vessels.” God in his holy providence the last year, Fathers and Brethren, by the removal of one from the vineyard, 60 has taught others the vast importance, of working while the day lasts!—Those who are “faithful to the death, shall receive a crown of life.” 61

As, that people is happy whose God is the Lord, It is of vast importance to close this discourse, by observing to this large assembly, that it is necessary for every man to be truly religious, who would be really and lastingly happy. It never can be effected without, by all the efforts of ministers of the gospel, legislators and executive officers. He that would be happy, must be wise for himself, and live for eternity.

The wealth and glory of this world, are in their nature unsatisfying and fading. They never can make men happy. Those who seek for happiness from them, continually cry, who will show us any good, but never have enough. Like the two daughters of the horse leech, they say, give, give”; 62 and often, when in the full tide of prosperity, and when they least expect it, “Riches certainly make to themselves wings and fly away as an eagle towards heaven”! 63 Honour is equally precarious: Sometimes, as the wise man observes, “folly is set in great dignity, and the rich sit in a low place. I have seen servants upon horses and princes walking as servants upon earth.” 64—The late vast revolutions, and the existing commotions in Europe, too well known to this assembly, to need particularizing, most strikingly evince the mutability of this world, and the amazing folly of looking for permanent felicity, from earthly enjoyments.

It is directly the reverse with true religion. That is satisfying and unfading. In the midst of the most painful changes of this world, true religion is calculated to console the mind, and to point it forward to a happier country. The best treasure of the righteous is secured to them in heaven by promise. “Who hath begotten us again unto a lively hope, by the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead. To an inheritance incorruptible and undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reserved in heaven. 65 It is your father’s good pleasure to give you the kingdom.” 66 He who hath promised, cannot lie. He “is a rock, his work is perfect, for all his ways are ways of judgment, a God of truth and without iniquity, just and right is he.” 67 In the darkest times they have nothing to fear. Each one may say, “Behold the Lord is my salvation, I will trust, and not be afraid: for the Lord Jehovah is my strength and my song, he is become my salvation”. 68 How carefully then, should all attend to the exhortation of the wise king in Israel? “Get wisdom, get understanding: forget it not, neither decline from the words of my mouth. Forsake her not and she shall keep thee. Wisdom is the principal thing, therefore get wisdom: and with all thy gettings get understanding.” 69

If wisdom is the principal thing, it becomes us, to acknowledge with lively gratitude, the great mercy of God in the revival of his work, in some of our cities and towns in this state, and in some other parts of the United States, and of the Christian world: and to feel the most ardent desires, for a general revival of religion.—May each person in this assembly, devoutly say, “For Zion’s sake, I will not hold my peace, and for Jerusalem’s sake I will not rest, until the righteousness thereof go forth as brightness, and the salvation thereof as a lamp that burneth.” 70

Were religion generally to prevail, party spirit would cease, our political horizon brighten, and all the contending nations of the earth be hushed into peace. The wolf also would dwell with the lamb—and the calf, and the young lion and fatling together. 71

This anniversary reminds us, how fast we are carried down the current of life, and the vast importance of doing, what we have to do with our might. The transactions of the last year, and of all past years, stand sealed up, to the judgment of the great day.

Soon all earthly kingdoms, states and empires, notwithstanding their present allurements, will be awfully destroyed. “The heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements melt with fervent heat, and the earth also, and the works that are therein shall be burnt up,” 72 and an entirely new state of things commence.

Infidels may imagine, that there is no world but the present. They may lull their consciences asleep in the lap of sensuality, and flatter themselves, that if they can only pass with impunity on earth, that they have nothing to fear, from a future tribunal.—Be not deceived; God is not mocked: for whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap. For he that soweth to his flesh, shall of the flesh reap corruption: but he that soweth to the spirit, shall of the spirit reap life everlasting. 73

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. Gen. vi. 5. 11.

2. “Nothing can be advanced with certainty concerning the origin of civil societies.—Some attribute their origin to paternal authority: others suppose, that the fear and dissidence, which mankind had of one another, was their inducement to unite together under a chief, in order to shield themselves from those mischiefs, which they apprehended. Some there are in fine, who pretend, that the first beginning of civil societies, are to be attributed to ambition; supported by force, or abilities.” Polit. Law, by F. F. Burlamaqui, vol. 2, page 13, 14.

3. Junius.

4. James i. 4. And v. 13.

5. Psalm 1. 15.

6. James iii. 5, 8.

7. 2 Tim. i. 5.

8. Micah iv. 4.

9. 2 Sam. xv. 13, 14.

10. Psalm iii. 1-8.

11. I Kings ii. 17, 26, 28.

12. I Kings iii. 5-9.

13. Nehemiah i. 1, 4, 6, 11.

14. Acts xvii. 26, 28.

15. Ephesians iv. 18.

16. Galatians iii. 10.

17. I Timothy iv. 4.

18. Hebrews i. 11, 12.

19. Matthew xxii. 37, 39.

20. Psalm xlii. 1.

21. Psalm lxxiii. 25.

22. Luke iii. 8, 10-14.

23. Proverbs viii. 15, 16.

24. Romans xiii. 3-5.

25. Daniel ii. 44.

26. Isaiah xlix. 23.

27. Romans xiii. 2, 4, 5.

28. Rom. xiii. 6.

29. Rom. xiii. 7, 8.

30. Matt. xxii. 21.

31. Ecclesiastes vii. 20.

32. Hebrews xii. 8.

33. Job xv. 16.

34. Proverbs iii. 17.

35. Psalm xix. 10.

36. 2 Sam. xv. 4.

37. Psalm. Lxxvi 10.

38. Psalm. Xcvii. 1.

39. 2 Sam. xv. 31.

40. Deut. xxxii. 30.

41. Isai. Xlvi. 10.

42. Rom. xi. 36.

43. I Sam. v. 2, 3.

44. Rev. xxi. 27.

45. Exodus xviii. 21.

46. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3, 4.

47. 1 Kings ii. 2, 3.

48. Marshall’s His. Of the life of Wash. Vol. v. page 139, 140.

49. Daniel vi. 4, 5.

50. Psalm cxviii. 8, 9.

51. Proverbs xiv. 34.

52. Psalm ii. 10-12.

53. A person, who pretended to be a Prophet of God, sent to reform the old religion of the Persians. He retired into a cave where he composed his book, that contained his pretended revelations. Prideaux. Vol. 1, Page 220.

54. A political fraud.—Historians tell us, that an unknown woman presented to Tarquin the proud, King of Rome, nine volumes, for which she asked a considerable price: that the King being unwilling to pay so much she burnt three, and returning, asked the same sum for the other six, which being refused, she burnt three more, and then repeated the same demand, it was now found that the remaining books were the oracles of the Cumean Sybil, which being purchased by Tarquin, the woman instantly disappeared. Millot’s Elements of hist. Vol. 1, Page 325.

55. A sacred book containing their religion. It consists of three tracts: the first of which contains their moral law; the second their ceremonial; and the third delivers the peculiar observances for each tribe of Indians. Dictionary of Arts, &c. Vol. 4.

56. Proverbs xxix. 2.

57. Men being numbered they know not how, or why, in any of the parties that divide a state, resign the use of their own eyes and ears, and resolve to believe nothing that does not favor those whom they profess to follow. Idler, Vol. 1, Page 53.

58. Titus 3. 1.

59. Titus 3. 1. 2.

60. Dr. Hart of Preston, whose praise was in all the churches, died Oct. 27, 1808.

61. Rev. ii. 10.

62. Prov. xxx. 15.

63. Prov. xxiii. 5.

64. Eccl. x. 6, 7.

65. I Peter i. 3, 4.

66. Luke vii. 32.

67. Deut. xxxii. 4.

68. Isai. Xii 2.

69. Proverbs iv. 5, 7.

70. Isaiah lxii. 1.

71. Isaiah xi. 6.

72. 2 Pet. iii. 10.

73. Gal. vi. 7, 8.

Sermon – Fasting – 1818, Massachusetts


Heman Humphrey (1779-1861) graduated from Yale in 1805. He was minister of the Congregational church in Fairfield, CT (1807-1817) and a church in Pittsfield (1817-1823). Humphrey also was president of Amherst College from 1823-1845. This fast day sermon was preached by Humphrey in Massachusetts in 1818.


sermon-fasting-1818-massachusetts

ON DOING GOOD TO THE POOR.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT PITTSFIELD, (Mass.)

ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNUAL FAST,

APRIL 4TH, 1818.

BY HEMAN HUMPHREY,
PASTOR OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN THAT TOWN.

 

A SERMON.
Mark XIV. 7.

For ye have the poor with you always, and whensoever ye will ye may do them good: but me ye have not always.

The disciples of our blessed Lord drew upon themselves this sharp rebuke, by charging Mary with having wasted a very precious and costly box of ointment, which she had just poured upon his head. They regarded it as wantonly thrown away, whereas it might have been sold for a large sum, and distributed, to great advantage, among the poor. How many of the disciples united in this complaint, against the pious and afflicted Mary, we are not informed: but no one appears to have been so much disturbed as Judas. None of the company, he would fain have it believed, felt so much for the suffering of the indigent, as himself. Why was not this ointment sold for three hundred pence and given to the poor? This he said, not that he cared for the poor, but because he was a thief, and had the bag, and bare what was put therein. The motives of the rest were good, though their indignation was entirely out of place; but Judas was influenced by the basest of passions.

Far was it from the mind of Christ, to discourage liberality to the poor. They were the objects of his tender compassion. In his human nature, and as a poor man, he sympathized with them in their privations. He strongly enjoined upon his followers the giving of alms, as an essential evidence of love to himself; and this Christian duty is clearly implied, in the very reproof which we are now considering. The poor ye have with you always, and whensoever ye will ye may do them good: but me ye have not always. As if he said, Let the poor, by all means, share in your bounty. They are always with you, and may be relieved at any time; but I am about to be taken away from you. I must die for your sins upon the cross, and the time draweth near. Whatever is done for me, must be done speedily. This act of Mary is, therefore, a well timed testimony of her love and gratitude. She hath wrought a good work upon me. She is come aforehand to anoint my body to the burying.

This view of the text may serve to correct the mistakes of some, and to expose the covetousness of others, in regard to religious charities. It fully justifies those earnest and pressing calls, which are multiplying upon us, for aid, in evangelizing the world. The missionary cause is the cause of Christ, and he now regards every pious sacrifice, for the advancement of his kingdom, as a testimony of love to himself. As it was, however, when Mary anointed his head and washed his feet, so it is, even in this enlightened age of Christian benevolence. Some who stand by, are filled with indignation. They severely blame those, who cast their gifts into the treasury of the Lord. They regard all that is done for Christ, as no better than thrown away; and too many, there is reason to fear, like Judas, express the deepest concern for the poor, merely to hide their covetousness. The truth is, they care as little in their hearts for the poor, as for Christ; but they must invent some plausible excuse for withholding their offerings from the Lord; and not content with shutting their own hands, must complain of the prodigality of those pious women, who, like Mary, come forward, to testify their love for the Saviour. But, me thinks, I hear a voice from the excellent glory. Let them alone, they have wrought a good work upon me.

It is not my intention, however, to give you a missionary sermon on this occasion. I have another important object in view. Our text brings directly before us an interesting class of the community, whose wants and sufferings have, I am happy to find, recently excited strong public, as well as private commiseration. Nor, I hope, will the discussion, on which I am about to enter, be thought unappropriate to the present season of humiliation, fasting and prayer. “Is not this the fast, saith the Lord, that I have chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke? Is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the poor, that are cast out, to thy house? When thou seest the naked, that thou cover him: and that thou hide not thyself from thine own flesh?” If such are the duties which we owe to the oppressed and the indigent, when we fast and afflict our souls before God, no subject can be more appropriate this day, than the one which I have chosen. Ye have the poor with you always, and whensoever ye will ye may do them good.

In looking round upon these pitiable objects—visiting their cheerless abodes, listening to their complaints, and thinking of their privations, many anxious inquiries croud upon the benevolent mind. What can be done for their immediate relief? How were they reduced to this state of suffering and dependence? Is their poverty unavoidable and incurable? Might not some of them, at least, be put in a way to maintain themselves? What public provision ought to be made for their support? What should be the measure of my private benefactions? How much, how often, and to whom am I bound to give? Is there not some danger of increasing the evils of poverty, by the very means which are employed to relieve it? Does not the known liberality of a town, or a neighborhood, unhappily operate, in too many instances, as a premium upon idleness and profligacy? Is it not a fact, that some of the best meant efforts to cure the disease, serve only to spread the infection?

Such are the queries, which I doubt not, every week and every day, perplex the minds of thousands, whose ears are ever open to the cry of the poor and the forsaken; whose hearts devise, and whose hands execute liberal things.

If God should enable me, satisfactorily, to answer any of these questions; to throw but a little light upon the path of duty, and to excite proper dispositions towards the poor, in your minds and my own, I shall not have labored in vain.

In the further prosecution of my design, I shall

I. Consider the fact, specified by our Lord in the text. Ye have the poor with you always.

II. Point out some of the most common and alarming causes of poverty, in this country, particularly among ourselves.

III. Propose various methods of mitigating these evils, or of bettering the condition of the poor. And,

IV. Suggest motives and encouragements for a speedy, united and persevering course of measures, for the accomplishment of this great object.

I. Let us attend to the fact stated in our text, Ye have the poor with you always. This is a matter of universal experience and observation. It has been so from the beginning. History furnishes not a solitary exception, in any age or quarter of the world. Neither fertility of soil, nor healthfulness of climate, nor profusion of wealth, nor progress of science, nor encouragements to industry, nor legal provisions, nor penal statutes, nor charitable institutions, nor private munificence, have been found adequate to banish the evils and miseries of pauperism, from any country. On the contrary, poverty has sometimes made the most alarming progress, where the rewards of industry have been most liberal, and where the amplest provision has been made for its relief. The adventurous and enterprising spirit of modern voyagers and travelers has discovered new Islands and strange people, but which of them has found the Utopia, where poverty has no dwelling-place, where want claims no relief?

Look where you will, at the present moment, and you will find pauperism in many of its distressful and appalling forms. The great empires of the east, swarm with a degraded and beggarly population. Most of the large cities, on the continent of Europe, are filled with paupers, and besieged by squalid and clamorous hordes of mendicants. Ireland is overrun by the same unhappy description of human beings. And in England, it is estimated, that one million, five hundred forty-eight thousand four hundred, or more than one ninth of the whole population, are entirely, or partly supported by the poor rates. Nor can we, in this highly favoured land of liberty and plenty, boast of our exemption from the miseries and claims of poverty. Increasing multitudes, in our cities and large towns, are miserably dependent on the aids of charity, for their daily subsistence; and even in the country, we have the poor always with us. We meet them every where in our little excursions, and are almost every day besieged by their importunities.

Of the number and wants of the poor in this town, I can form no comparative estimate, between the present and former years: but it is agreed, on all hands, that the increase of pauperism, in our country at large, far out runs its increasing population; and I have reason to believe, that Pittsfield cannot be excepted from this remark. The expenses of supporting the poor in this place, are said to be steadily advancing.

Now what, my brethren, is the conclusion to which these alarming facts should lead us? Not surely to this, that the poor are to be utterly forsaken and forgotten. Nor to this, that every thing that is contributed for their relief, is worse than thrown away. Much less, are we to sit down in despair, concluding that poverty is a sort of malignant epidemic, which must and will continue to spread, in spite of every effort and precaution, till the great mass of our people shall become incurably diseased. Much may be done to alleviate present sufferings, and to mitigate, if we cannot wholly cure the distemper. With this hope and this purpose in view, it is our present business,

II. To ascertain, if we can, the causes of a calamity, at once so distressful and so threatening, that we may the better judge what remedies and preventives are necessary.

It might, on some accounts, be an interesting speculation, to go over the ground, with those English and Scotch writers, who have, within a few years past, discussed this subject with singular ability, in reference to their own country. But many of their wisest and profoundest speculations are irrelevant to our circumstances. The alarming increase of the evil in question, among ourselves, cannot, as in Great-Britain, be ascribed to the decay of manufactures; to the enormous burdens of taxation; nor to the want of sufficient territory, to afford scope for the enterprise of an increasing population. Leaving these points, therefore, to be settled by those foreign champions, who may choose to range themselves on the one side or the other, let us confine our attention to this rising western empire, the legitimate field of our present inquiries. In pursuing this course, however, let us not refuse to be instructed, by the operation of those general laws and principles, which have had time for a more ample development, on the other side of the Atlantic.

Were I called to address an audience, in one of our great cities, on the subject before us, I should not hesitate to number among the causes of this mighty drawback upon their prosperity, lewdness, in all its fearful and horrible resorts; and gambling, in all its forms, of cards, dice, billiards, wheels of fortune, lotteries and pawnbrokers. Nor should I think it right to pass unnoticed those packed cargoes of human flesh and blood, under the name of emigrants, which the cupidity of unprincipled men has lured from foreign countries, and disgorged upon our shores, without a shilling to support them in a strange land.

Happily, the wasting operation of these causes is chiefly confined within comparatively narrow limits. That they operate with some effect, more or less obviously, to a great extent, cannot indeed be questioned; but they are not the great and prominent causes of pauperism in New-England. It is our present business to inquire what these causes are. And,

1. In this highly favoured section of the United States of America, some are placed upon the list of paupers by unavoidable necessity. In this class we may reckon, from time to time, a considerable number of sober, prudent, temperate, industrious men, who, in the course of business; by the fluctuations of trade; by the failure or dishonesty of debtors; by the ravages of floods and fire, and by storms at sea, have been reduced, with large and helpless families, to extreme indigence.

Other persons, belonging to the same class are reduced by long continued and expensive sickness; by lameness, blindness, palsy, or other adverse providences.—While they had strength and ability to labour, they were industrious, frugal and comfortable. But every means of self-support is now cut off. What they had, in better days, laid up of their hard earnings, they have been obliged to expend, and now they must look to the opening hand of charity, as their only earthly resource.

Others again, who were barely able, by industry and good management, to keep themselves off from the town, while their strength lasted, unavoidably become chargeable in their old age. While some look to their children for support, in similar circumstances, alas! Nor sons nor daughters have they. These props have fallen one after another, and mingled with their native dust. The aged and desolate widow, struggled hard and struggled long, and suffered much, before a whisper of complaint escaped from her lips. But the decays of nature, the progress of infirmities, could not be hindered nor retarded. She was constrained to yield, and is now an interesting and helpless pensioner upon public or private bounty.

Now all those, who belong to the class which has been mentioned, I call the virtuous and respectable poor. To such, poverty is no disgrace. They have done what they could. They are still willing to do every thing in their power, for their own support. They have, therefore, the strongest claims upon the public, and upon our private charities. To let them suffer for want of necessaries, is cruel; and if this neglect should at any time be chargeable upon us, God will not hold us guiltless.

2. A partial want of capacity is, in some cases, the cause of extreme indigence. Men are not formed alike. While the calculations of some are always sagacious and profitable, others have not what is called the faculty of setting themselves to work, or of turning any thing to advantage. Every step they take is in a down-hill course. Their intentions are good, and they improve their talent as well, perhaps as their prosperous neighbours. But their talent is small. They are always in a state of dependence. Now, we may lament this. We may complain of these people. We may insist that they might do better. But it becomes us to pause a moment, and answer the Apostle’s question, “Who maketh thee to differ from another, and what hast thou which thou hast not received?” Surely those who are thus deficient in natural capacity, are objects of universal compassion, and are entitled to a comfortable maintenance, when from this cause alone, they are reduced to want.

3. Many, in the providence of God, are rendered incapable of labour, and even of self-preservation, by insanity. Of all human calamities, this is the most dreadful, the most appalling. Hunger, cold, watching; the distress of a fever; the pain of a broken bone; the loss of limbs, of sight, of hearing; the persecution of enemies; the treachery of friends; the walls and fetters of a prison: any, or all of these sufferings taken together, are not worthy to be compared with the loss of reason.—“The spirit of a man will sustain his infirmity; but a wounded spirit, and may it not be added, a distracted mind, who can bear?” Have you ever, my friends, heard the ravings of a maniac, and the clanking of his chains? Have you seen the distortions of his countenance; the hurried wildness of his eye; the frightful disorder of an immortal mind in ruins? What would you not rather be, than that object of terror and compassion, even if the wealth of the kingdoms was pledged for your support, and the humane efforts of thousands were constantly employed in your behalf?

What, then, think you, must be the condition of the distracted, who have no parents, or children, or brothers, or sisters, or friends, to watch over them, or even to supply them with food and raiment! O, what yearnings of compassion should we feel for such? How freely should we contribute for their support! What pains should we take to render their situation, in all respects, as comfortable as the nature of the case will permit. Let us, for a moment, if we can endure the thought, place our souls in their souls’ stead. What are the duties which we feel that our fellow-men would owe to us, if God should take away our reason, and cast us poor, friendless, distracted, upon their charity? “All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets.”

4. Some are reduced to extreme want, by their prodigality. They might have saved enough from their patrimony, or from their earnings, to have defrayed the expenses of sickness, and to have made them comfortable, if not independent, in old age. But having enough for the present, they were regardless of the future. They spent their substance in riotous living. They wasted the bounties of providence, fondly imagining, that “to-morrow should be as this day, and still more abundant.” But their resources were soon exhausted. While they were eating, and drinking, and making merry, and saying “soul, thou hast much goods laid up for many years,” poverty stood watching at the door. The sheriff was not far behind. Suddenly, houses, lands, goods, every thing passed into other hands; and the late prodigal possessors are now upon the town, supported in part, by those whose property they have wasted; by creditors, whom their prodigality has cruelly defrauded.

5. Pride sends its thousands to the alms-house every year. The foolish desire of imitating the wealthy, in their dress, in their entertainments, in their equipage, in their pleasures, proves the ruin of multitudes, who might always have enough and to spare, by living within their means. Their destruction is, that they cannot bear to be out-done. They must have as many parties, and as many dishes, and as costly apparel, as their more opulent neighbours. And to support all this, they are obliged to live beyond their income. They encroach upon their capital. They run themselves in debt. They mortgage their estates. Bankruptcy stares them in the face. Still, perhaps, they might retrieve their affairs. But their pride will not permit them to retrench their expences. Appearances must be kept up, as long as possible. At length the baseless fabric falls, or rather vanishes. There is nothing left of all this magnificence. Dreadful a the thought is, the poor-house must, in many cases, be their refuge, their only refuge.

Nor let it be supposed, that this destructive emulation is confined to the class immediately below the most wealthy. It prevails among all classes. Those who are sensible that they can never rival the first, are apt still to aim higher than they can afford; and in this way, not a few of the lower classes ar added to the list of paupers.

6. Idleness covers multitudes with rags, and reduces hem to extreme poverty. God has put the means of competency within their reach: he has given them health and strength. By the sweat of their brow they might eat their bread; but they set themselves to counteract the decree of heaven. They are the sluggards who will not plough by reason of the cold. What they possess is wasted for want of care. Every thing indicates neglect, and presages ruin.

“I went by the field of the slothful and by the vineyard of the man void of understanding; and lo! It was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered the face thereof, and the stone wall thereof was broken down. Then I saw and considered it well, I looked upon it and received instruction. Yet a little sleep, a little slumber, a little folding of the hands to sleep: So shall thy poverty come as one that travelleth, and thy want as an armed man.” But,

7. Intemperance is by far the greatest and the most horrible of all the causes of pauperism, in this country. If other vices slay their thousands, this slays its tens of thousands. It is the overflowing source of that mighty flood, or rather it is that fiery deluge itself, which threatens to sweep away all that is valuable to man. There can be no question, that it sends crowds to hell every year, while it also consigns an incredible multitude of bloated masses of pollution, and of broken-hearted wives and helpless children, to rags and beggary. The extent of its ravages would exceed all credence, were we not furnished with facts and estimates, which cannot be controverted. I have room only to exhibit the following.

In the fore part of 1816, it was stated in the report of the Moral Society of Portland, that out of 85 persons, supported at the work-house, in that town, 71 became paupers, in consequence of intemperance; being five-sixths of the whole number: and that out of 118, who were supplied at their own houses, more than half were of that character.

Again: In the winter of 1817, alarmed by the rapid increase of pauperism, the citizens of New-York appointed a very respectable committee, to inquire into the state of want and misery among the poor in that city, and to devise some plan to prevent, as far as possible, a recurrence and increase of these evils. A part of the report of this committee, is in the following words.

“If we recur to the state of the poor, from year to year, for ten years past, we find that they have yearly increased, greatly beyond the regular increase of population. At the present period, there is reason to believe, from information received from the visiting committees in the several wards, that 15,000 men, women and children, equal to one-seventh of the whole population of our city, have been supported by public or private bounty and munificence.

“In viewing this deplorable state of human misery, the committee have diligently attended to an examination of the causes which have produced such dire effects. And after the most mature and deliberate reflection, they are satisfied, that the most prominent and alarming cause, is the free and inordinate use of spirituous liquors. To this cause alone, may be fairly attributed seven eighths of the misery and distress among the poor the present winter; one sixteenth to the want of employment, owing to the present distressing state of trade and commerce; and the remaining portion, to circumstances difficult to enumerate, and which possibly could not be avoided.” Think of this!

But one sixteenth part of the poverty of a great commercial city, and that, too, during a period of peculiar embarrassment, owing to want of employment, and seven eighths to intemperate drinking! What a picture! And what would be the probable result, if similar inquiries were made in all our great cities and towns; if they were extended to every section of our country; prosecuted through all the wards of our alms-houses, and carried into all those abodes of poverty, whose tenants are partially dependant upon charity for their subsistence? Would not the result be calculated to fill the hardest heart with pity, and the stoutest heart with dismay? Let the inquiry, my brethren, be made among yourselves. I am a stranger to most of those, who are maintained at the public expense, or who depend on your private bounty. I am ignorant of their history, and of the causes by which they have been reduced. But I strongly suspect, that intemperance has contributed far more than any other single cause, to crowd your poor-house, and to multiply objects of suffering and compassion around you. I am now,

III. To propose remedies, to point out ways and means of bettering the condition of the poor. This is, by far, the most difficult part of our subject. It is incomparably easier to trace the calamities of human life back to their causes, than to cure them. Thus a neighbor is desperately sick, and we are at no loss, perhaps, to account for it; but the disease may baffle all the skill of the ablest physicians. Thus a man has kindled a slow fire in his own vitals, and we know when and where he did it; but how shall it be extinguished, and how shall others be most effectually guarded against this horrible species of self-murder? Thus, also, we see the poor; they are with us always; we hear their complaints; we know their wants; we can trace their downward progress from competency, perhaps from independence, to forsaken grey hairs and helpless infirmity.

But of all the problems which have exercised the ingenuity of great statesmen and distinguished philanthropists, in modern times, this appears to be the most intricate:—What are the best means of managing existing poverty, and what the surest preventives of pauperism? Human industry, and genius, and perseverance, have accomplished a thousand wonders. The circumference of this great globe has been measured. The phenomena of tides, and of winds also, to a great extend, have been explained. The great law of gravitation, which binds the Universe together, is now well understood. The distances, magnitudes and motions of the sun and his attendant worlds, have been ascertained, by the infallible rules of Geometry. Fire, and air, and water, and light, have been decomposed. A mild and certain preventive of the small pox, that terrible scourge of former ages, has been discovered. But who, after all the alarm that the increasing demands of poverty have recently produced, both in Great-Britain and our own country; who, after all the anxious thought which has been bestowed on the problem, and with the help of all that has been written up to this moment; who can pretend to be a perfect master of the subject? Who can point us, with a sure and steady aim, to the cheapest and most benevolent means of relieving present want, and of saving future generations from the burdens and sufferings of pauperism?

Have we then nothing further to do, in this great cause of humanity? Must we sit down in despair? Must all the fond desires and hopes of Christian philanthropy be given to the winds?

God forbid, that we should yield to this unchristian despondency. If we cannot accomplish all that is desirable , we may yet do something. If we should fail of satisfying our own minds, on every point, we may possibly gain more than we anticipate, and more than enough to pay for our trouble. Though we should not be able to strike out a single new path, who knows but we may improve some of the old ones? Let us do what we can, though much should be left for more enlightened minds to finish. Let us proceed as far as possible, and while we rest there, to gain new strength, let us “thank God and take courage.”

In theorizing on the subject before us, even wise and good men have often mistaken first principles; and hence the disappointment of their fondest hopes; hence the failure of their best endeavours to mitigate the evils of pauperism. They have not taken man as he is, a fallen depraved creature; naturally proud, indolent, evil and unthankful; but as he should be, holy, humble, industrious, conscientiously disposed to do every thing in his power to maintain himself, and thankful for the smallest favours.

It was once pretty generally supposed, and is still believed by many, that the existing ills of poverty might be cured, and the increase of it prevented, by generously and promptly feeding and clothing it. On this subject, men reason thus:—Here is a certain number of paupers and vagrant beggars, to be wholly maintained; and here are so many other poor people, to be supported, in part, out of the funds of charity. Now let us make our estimates accordingly, and then promptly follow them, with the necessary public and private appropriations. Let us generously feed and clothe the destitute, without discrimination. In this way we shall at once make up a given deficiency. We shall excite the gratitude of all whom we relieve. Our bounty will doubtless operate as a stimulus to future industry, by which many, who are now dependant, will hereafter maintain themselves; or, upon the most unfavourable calculation, should a burden equal to the present still remain, it will not, in the ordinary course of things, be augmented.

Such is the theory: but what is the testimony of facts? This seemingly benevolent plan has been tried, for a long course of years, and upon a great scale, in one of the most enlightened portions of the globe. It has also been tried, effectually, in many other places. But it has utterly disappointed the hopes and doings of charity. Many a well-fed beggar has, by proclaiming his success in the ears of the idle and unprincipled, induced ten men to embark in the same nefarious speculation. Many a charitable fund has operated as a premium upon improvidence and vice.

Many a soup-house has, to the sore disappointment of benevolence, proved a most efficient recruiting post for pauperism. The demands of poverty, in the city and in the country, have steadily increased. To meet these demands, charity has opened her hand wider, and still wider; and thus has she gone on, giving and hoping, till the poor rates in England, alone, amount to the enormous sum of seven millions of pounds, besides all her immense public and private charities: and till, within the space of eleven years, no less than 5000,000 of her citizens were added to the list of paupers!

The same result, though not so alarming in extent, has been experienced in many parts of our own country. It is now pretty well agreed, both at home and abroad, that benevolence has been all this while employed in a feeding a consumption; in throwing oil upon the fire which she would fain extinguish; and that if other means of cure cannot be found out, the case is hopeless.

Now, in this lamentable failure, there is nothing but what may be accounted for upon obvious principles.—Man, by the fall, lost the image of his Maker. He is totally depraved. Reason and conscience are dethroned and enslaved by passion and appetite. Restless as he is, labour and business are extremely irksome. Indolence and vice are his favourite elements. If he can gain a subsistence, however scanty and precarious, without the sweat of his brow, he will not work. It requires strong motives, and even pressing necessities, to rouse him to action; to make him industrious and frugal. I lay it down as a well established maxim, that no part of human industry is spontaneous. It is all the effect of habit, principle and necessity. Take any number of human beings you please, in a state of nature, and not one of them will betake himself to any regular and laborious employment, so long as he an subsist without it. Who ever heard of an industrious savage?

If you would raise up a generation of sots, and beggars, and banditti, try the experiment in your own families. Leave them to the impulse of their inclinations. Let them do as much and as little as they please. Ply them with no motives; employ m=no means to make them industrious. Let them never feel the stimulus of necessity; and where, a few years hence, would be your enterprising young men; your highly cultivated and productive fields; your trade, your domestic peace, you schools and your religion? Alas! How soon would idleness, profligacy, ignorance and barbarism demolish and sweep away all the memorials of virtue, intelligence and general prosperity. Take, then, but this single view of human nature along with you in the present investigation. Apply the remarks which have just been made, to the case in hand. First, make every allowance for the power of habit, the sense of shame and the influence of principle upon the minds of men, and how many still, if they find they can be maintained, or but half maintained, in idleness and tippling, will deliberately throw themselves and families upon your hands. Nor will the evil stop here. Make the poverty of such people honourable, or even tolerable, by your benefactions, and multitudes, who have hitherto supported themselves, will follow an example so congenial to human depravity.

Increase your charities, augment your gifts, and you add fuel to the fire. The calls of real distress will multiply faster around you, than you can possibly furnish means to relieve them. Establish a permanent charitable fund, to any amount; put half the property of the town into that fund to-morrow, and you will soon find more than enough, of an intemperate, starving and ragged population, to swallow up the income.

Such, my brethren, is human nature; and in all our plans for ameliorating the condition of the poor, we must take men as they are, and try to make them what they should be. A raging fever is not to be cured by stimulants. Poverty is not to be bribed away by costly and repeated presents. If you would cure the disease, you must have recourse to other means. You must purge out the morbid humors, and impart a new tone to the system. If you would prevent the further spread of pauperism, you must remove the causes of contagion.

With these things in view, let your attention be directed first, to the adult poor; secondly, to their children; and thirdly, to those great religious and moral preventives of needless poverty, which alone can stay the plague.

1. Let your humane attention be diverted to the adult poor. They are with you always, and whensoever ye will ye may do them good. Study to fulfill this duty in the largest sense. Endeavour to lay the foundation for their future comfort and usefulness, as well as to supply their present necessities; to make them respect themselves; to do good to their souls, as well as to their bodies.

The adult poor may be divided into three classes, viz. vagrant beggars, resident paupers, or persons who have formally thrown themselves upon the public, and a large class, who depend much on the occasional aids of charity.

It is a subject of general complaint in most of our towns, that they are exceedingly infested with vagrant beggars; most of whom are excessively filthy, clamorous, impudent and unthankful; and the question is, How ought these miserable objects to be treated? My answer is, generally, with frowns and a flat denial. This may sound harsh; but it is deliberately, and I hope kindly spoken. Experience has proved, over and over, a thousand times, that most of these disgusting fragments of humanity are arrant impostors. It is their trade to deceive the credulous, and to subsist upon the earnings of industry. They “will not work,” and therefore, “neither should they eat.” By feeding and clothing, and occasionally giving them money, you not only encourage them to continue their depredations upon society; but you inflict a lasting injury upon themselves. Where a beggar happens to have some shame and conscience still lingering about him, at the commencement of his career, these uncomfortable companions will soon be wholly discarded. And when all self-respect, when all regard for character is gone, what can you look for, from a depraved creature like man? What, but that he will “wax worse and worse,” will soon become the vilest of the vile?

Taking human nature as it is, we might safely pronounce vagrant beggary to be one of the most effective schools of immorality that ever was encouraged, even if experience and observation had not taught mankind a syllable on the subject. But a thousand facts, drawn from the history of mendacity, in various countries, might be adduced, to prove more than it could otherwise have entered into the heart of man to conceive. A few only will be given, as specimens, chiefly from Count Rumford’s interesting view of street-beggary, as it existed, about thirty years ago, in the principality of Bavaria.

“The number of itinerant beggars,” he says, “of both sexes, and all ages, as well foreigners as natives, who strolled about the country in all directions, levying contributions from the industrious inhabitants; stealing and robbing, and leading a life of indolence and the most shameless debauchery, was quite incredible. So numerous were the swarms of beggars in all the great towns, and particularly in the capital; so great their impudence, and so persevering their importunity, that it was almost impossible to cross the streets, without being attacked and absolutely forced to satisfy their clamorous demands.—These beggars not only infested all the streets, public walks and public places; but they even made a practice of going into private houses, where they never failed to steal whatever fell in their way.

“In short, these detestable vermin swarmed every where; and not only their impudence and clamorous importunity were without any bounds; but they had recourse to the most diabolical arts, and the most horrid crimes, in the prosecution of their infamous trade. Young children were stolen from their parents by these wretches, and their eyes put out, or their tender limbs broken and distorted, in order, by exposing them thus maimed, to excite the pity and commiseration of the public.

“Some of these monsters were so void of all feeling, as to expose even their own children, naked and almost starved, in the streets, in order that by their cries and unaffected expressions of distress, they might move those who passed by to pity and relieve them; and in order to make them act their part more naturally, they were unmercifully beaten when they came home, by their inhuman parents, if they did not bring with them a certain sum, which they were ordered to collect.”

Similar impositions and cruelties, we may well suppose, have elsewhere marked the ravages of this “overflowing scourge,” on the continent of Europe. To a most astonishing length has the predatory system of which I am now complaining, been carried in England, especially in and about the metropolis. To an amazing height has the audacity of the vilest miscreants proceeded, under the cloak of extreme poverty. It appears, from the report of a select Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to investigate the causes and extent of pauperism, that hundreds of hale and sturdy beggars, infest the streets of the capital, and occupy all the approaches to it by day; and that they have places of rendezvous in the environs, to which they repair at night, to make their report, and to riot and fatten on their ill-gotten spoils. Can the demoralizing tendency of practices like these, admit of a single doubt? If the grand object were to furnish victims for the gallows and tenants for the state-prisons; to train men to theft, robbery, murder, rape and blasphemy, could any more promising school of violence, pollution and blood be countenanced and patronized in any community?

I trust, brethren, that scourging and maiming helpless children, have not, as yet, attended the progress of mendacity in this enlightened and highly favoured country. But who can pronounce, with confidence, that these horrible enormities have not been practiced even here? Human nature is every where the same; and there is no philosophical truth more firmly established than this, that like causes produce like effects. If the system has not yet had time to develop all its haggard and diabolical features, in the United States, it is surely and steadily tending to the fullest maturity of sin and suffering.

Who does not know, that most of those loathsome, strolling wretches who infest our towns, are addicted to lying, swearing, drunkenness and theft. How many of them seem to take it for granted, that whatever you possess is theirs, and most outrageously abuse you, in your own houses, if you venture to deny them. How many of these insufferable drones and impostors have you found intoxicated, with the very money which you had given them to procure a night’s lodging at the public house. How often have they profanely assailed you with quotations from scripture, and dreadful imprecations of divine vengeance, when you have thought it your duty to send them away empty. Which of you would trust one of them alone, for a moment, in a room where you have any thing valuable that can be taken away? And are such impositions and abuses as these to be tolerated? Can we justify ourselves before God, in squandering upon these impious vagabonds what ought to be given away in real charity? No; let the harpies find, that what they get costs much more than it is worth. Make their nefarious trade as disgraceful and unprofitable as possible, and you will soon be freed from their impertinence. Let the same course be pursued every where, and I hesitate not to say, that it must produce a great blessing to the vagrants themselves. It will drive most of them to labour for their own support; and thus, while their best good is promoted, the public will be relieved from a most unreasonable burden. In the mean time, the few who are really incapable of self-support, will find their way to almshouses and other asylums, where they will, in general, be made far more comfortable than they are, or can be, in their present vagrant course of life.

Upon the whole, I am constrained, brethren, to give it as my deliberate opinion, that more than nine tenths of all that is bestowed upon itinerant beggars, in the shape of charity, is far worse than thrown away. It goes to feed a nest of vipers. It fearfully increases the evil which it is intended to relieve.

But here, benevolence may ask, what then ought to be done? Shall all these miserable beings be spurned from every door, and left to starve in the streets? No, my brethren, far from it. Your laws have made ample provision for their support; and under some of the best regulations, I believe, that human wisdom has ever devised. They have, in the first place, ordered to be built, in every county, “a house of correction, to be used and employed for the keeping, correcting and setting to work of rogues, vagabonds, common beggars, and other idle, disorderly and lewd persons.” To carry the provisions of the statute into effect, every justice of the peace is expressly authorized “to commit to the said houses of correction, all rogues, vagabonds and idle persons, going about in any town, or place, begging; also, common drunkards, and such as neglect their calling or employment; misspend what they earn, and do not provide for themselves and for the support of their families.”

Let every vagrant beggar, then, be reported to the nearest justice of the peace, and sent away immediately to the house of correction, where, if able, he may be compelled to labour for his own support. This course might be attended with some little inconvenience at first; but it would, I am persuaded, be the most effectual, and, in its operation, the most benevolent course that can be taken with common beggars. If any doubt, however, should arise in your minds, whether the stranger applying for charitable aid, ought to be ranked with such, direct him to the Selectmen of the town; and if, upon inquiry, they find him a proper object of their attention, let him be provided for as a state pauper. This would have a surprising effect. Not one in twenty would ever apply to the fathers of the town; for vagrants, of all men, hate the trouble of substantiating their claims, by any higher evidence, than their own declarations. Few of them are deficient in natural sagacity; and many are gifted with extraordinary shrewdness. They soon learn where they can prosecute their trade to the best advantage, and with the fewest embarrassments. Let half a dozen of them find that nothing can be obtained with an application to the Selectmen, and nearly the whole tribe will soon abandon any town, as a theatre wholly unfit for their operations.

2. The claims and wants of that class of the adult poor which I call resident paupers, next demand your attention. These, it is agreed on all hands, must be taken care of. They must be sheltered, and fed, and clothed. But how, where and under what regulations, are questions of considerable moment. The laws of this Commonwealth hold all the rateable property of each town solemnly pledged for the support of its own poor. Whether this is the best mode of providing the necessary funds, I shall not stop to inquire. It has, I am aware, recently been questioned by some very able writers. But we must take the law as it is; and perhaps it could not be altered for the better. It certainly manifests a very benevolent concern for those who cannot maintain themselves.

In providing for adult paupers, you should endeavour, as far as practicable, to make a distinction between the virtuous poor, and those of a contrary character; and to unite comfort, economy, reformation and prevention in your system.

There is no where, perhaps, a greater difference of character, than among paupers. The dependence of some, or rather the cause of it, is their deepest guilt and shame. They are self-destroyed. They have, in a sense, cut off their own hands. They have thrown their property into the fire, or what is far worse, have cast it into the bottomless gulf of intemperance. Now reason and religion seem alike to require, that a difference should be made between the precious and the vile. I think, my brethren, you will feel no hesitation in saying, that the sober and the virtuous are entitled to more aid, and deeper commiseration, than the victims of prodigality, idleness and still more shameful vices.

It may be difficult, perhaps, to hit upon the best mode of making those discriminations, at which I have just hinted; and it may be found more difficult to unite comfort, economy, reformation and prevention, in the management of pauperism. But I shall venture to suggest a few thoughts, for your serious consideration. And here my views accord so entirely with the provisions of admirable statute of this Commonwealth, passed in January, 1789, that I shall offer no apology, for making it the basis of my present remarks.

The act, in question, begins by empowering towns, either separately or conjointly, as may be most convenient, to erect work-houses within their respective limits, and to appoint overseers, whose duty it shall be, to order and manage these establishments, by making all reasonable and necessary by-laws, appointing masters, and committing all such persons as the law contemplates. The persons so liable, are thus described in the seventh section of the act. “All poor and indigent persons, that are maintained by, or receive alms from the town; also all persons, able of body to work, and not having estate, or means, otherwise to maintain themselves, who refuse, or neglect so to do, live a dissolute and vagrant life, and exercise no ordinary calling, or lawful business, sufficient to gain an honest livelihood, and such as spend their time and property in public houses, to the neglect of their proper business, or by otherwise misspending what they earn, to the impoverishment of themselves and their families.”

The statute then proceeds to enjoin the providing of all the requisite materials, tools and implements, for the use of those who may be sent to these work-houses; and explicitly requires, that all who are able to work, shall be kept diligently employed in labour, during their continuance there.

Here then, brethren, is a system prepared to your hands, and can you frame a better? If not, let a convenient house, with a small farm attached to the premises, be built, or purchased, at the expence of the town. Let every thing about the establishment be neat and comfortable. Let economy be studied, in the construction of rooms, stoves and fire-places. Let materials and implements be provided, so that all who have strength to do any thing, may be employed, either within doors or out. Let the establishment be placed under the immediate care of a discreet, humane, and if possible, religious man, with a liberal and definite compensation. Let him be instructed to take particular care of the sick, the aged and the infirm; and to require every person to do what he can for his own support. This is an essential part of the system. It is no kindness to the poor, to maintain them in idleness. It is injustice to the public; and is, moreover, a toleration which will inevitably increase your burdens, by inviting idlers to your alms-house, as a refuge from the sweat of industry.

In order to save all unnecessary expence, let the strictest economy reign through the whole establishment.—Let it be practiced in the purchase of provisions and fuel; in various experiments, to ascertain how the greatest quantity of nutritious and palatable food can be furnished, at the lowest price, and how it can be prepared at the smallest expence of fuel. This, you must be sensible, is not the place for more particular details. Let those who wish to pursue these hints, consult Count Rumford’s admirable economical essays, which are replete with entertainment and instruction.

Let the industrious and well disposed in your alms-house, receive every encouragement that the institution will permit: let all means of intoxication be religiously withheld from the intemperate. Let your establishment be a house of correction and restraint for the bad, while it affords a comfortable asylum for the deserving. Let it, also, as far as practicable, be made a school of moral and religious improvement. Fail not to furnish every apartment with bibles and tracts. Require all who are able, regularly to attend public worship. Let your clergyman consider them as a part of his charge; let him visit them often, and give them such religious instructions and advice as may be suited to their characters and circumstances. Let private Christians, also, as they have opportunity, labour for the spiritual good of these their indigent neighbours and acquaintance.

Perhaps the expences of such an establishment, including purchase money, might, for a few of the first years, be greater, than if the poor were annually and publicly cheapened under the hammer; though even this is questionable. But sure I am, that within a moderate period, the system would commend itself to the public, as the cheapest, and in all respects the best, that has yet been tried. It has been adopted, in all its essential parts, by many towns in this and a neighbouring State, and has been productive of the best effects. Let the example be followed here; let this admirable system have time to display its happy results, and I am persuaded it would effect a clear annual saving to this town of more than one thousand dollars.

The third class of adult poor, is made up of such as are not nominally upon the list of paupers; but still depend, more or less, upon charity for subsistence. With respect to these, the question of duty is oftentimes exceedingly perplexing. That some of them are real objects of charity, cannot be doubted. But why you, my brethren, should be required, or expected, to maintain the idle and the intemperate out of your sober earnings, is more than I can comprehend. It is true, that many of these wretches, (I cannot employ a milder term,) have families, which must not be left to starve. Of their children, I shall speak more particularly under the next head. But how shall we get over the present necessity? Shall we give, or shall we not give, to these next door neighbours to the poor-house? What are the duties which we owe them? An outline of my views, on this part of our subject, is contained in the following brief observations. It is a fundamental principle with me, that nothing should be done, which has a known tendency to encourage indolence or improvidence. It is of the first importance, that you should acquaint yourselves fully with the habits, character and circumstances of those whom you are called upon to relieve. In this way, you will find, that some evidently prefer charity to the rewards of industry. A strong, healthy person, well known in the town where I once resided, used unblushingly to give this reason for spending her time in begging, that she could get more by it, than by her labour. Many, I doubt not, secretly act upon the same principle; and from such persons every thing ought to be withheld, till stern necessity drives them to some honest calling for a living. The rule of the Apostle, already quoted, is plain and peremptory. “If any man will not work, neither should he eat.” Now if the idle have no right to eat, I have no right to feed them; for in so doing, I shall become, in some degree at least, accessory to their guilt.

Your aid, my brethren, to the necessitous around you, should, as far as possible, be afforded in the shape of encouragement to industry. This is the true way of doing good to the poor, who have any ability left of helping themselves. He that encourages and assists them to earn five dollars, is a greater benefactor, than if he had given them fifty out of his own pocket. By turning your attention to the subject, you will easily find various expedients for the encouragement of industry among that class of the poor of whom I am now speaking.

Sometimes employ them, even when you could do without their labour. Pay them generously and promptly for every thing they do, and frequently add some small gratuity. If they cannot go abroad, furnish them with the materials of industry at their own houses. If you find them faithful and honest, make interest for them with your friends. Strive to gain their confidence. Enter into their feelings. Assist them in laying out their money to the best advantage. Teach them how to make the most of a little. Inculcate the importance of cleanliness, economy and sobriety. Fail not to check the first symptoms of pride, or unnecessary expence in their own or their children’s dress. Hold up this before them continually, that if they expect help from you, they must help themselves; that they must not look to you for succor in sickness, unless they are diligent and saving in time of health. When the feeble try to walk, and cannot support themselves, reach them a helping hand. When their contrivance fails, contrive for them. Labour to inspire them with confidence in their own resources and efforts. Teach them to rely, under Providence, as much as possible upon themselves. Employ that ascendency, which their dependence upon your bounty and friendship can hardly fail to give you, for promoting their moral and religious improvement. Earnestly inculcate the duties of temperance, frugality, honesty, thankfulness to God for all his benefits, contentment under the allotments of Providence, and universal holiness of heart and life.

Let this course be judiciously and perseveringly pursued, and great good might certainly be done, with small means. By the blessing of God, not a few of the vicious might be reclaimed. To the hopes and exertions of the desponding, a new spring might be given, which would soon release them from dependence on their neighbours; and thus, instead of multiplying, this class of the poor would be diminished from year to year.

There may be some, indeed, on whom no salutary impressions can be made; men, with whom the abuse of your beneficence is a matter of calculation; men, who either earn nothing, or squander what they earn, under the impression, that when their families come to want, they will be supported by the hand of charity, and that they themselves shall enjoy a large share of their neighbour’s bounty. In the meantime, others of the same character, standing by and witnessing the success of this diabolical experiment, are induced to embark in the same speculation upon your sympathies, and in this way, the indiscreet bestowment of charity upon one undeserving object, may prove the indirect cause of impoverishing many families.

In cases like these, where human shapes are utterly lost to honour, and shame, and gratitude, and conscience, I can think of no remedy, but the strong arm of the law. Let not that corrective, then, sleep an hour in your statute-book. Let those worse than infidel husbands and fathers, who will not provide for their own households, be visited with the heaviest legal penalties, which the wisdom of your ancestors has provided, as a just retribution upon their heads, and a solemn warning to others.

From the preceding sketch of what is due to the adult poor, we pass,

2. To consider what can be done for their children.—Here, I think, the general course which ought to be pursued is plain. The children of the poor should be regarded equally with others, as rational, accountable and immortal beings; as equally with others, as rational, accountable and immortal beings; as equally capable of improvement in knowledge, in virtue, in holiness; as no unlikely candidates, under wise management, for wealth, and power, and influence. If your first object, therefore, should be to clothe their nakedness and satisfy the cravings of hunger, your ultimate views should be directed to more important and durable benefits. Upon your wisdom, union and perseverance, in regard to their education, using the term in its largest sense, almost every thing must depend. By proper management, they may become useful members of society, and even ornaments of the next generation. But should their education be neglected, what can you expect from them hereafter, but ignorance, vice and poverty? Let them all, then, be sent early to school. Let them be faithfully instructed in common learning, at the public expence. Let them, as early as possible, be placed in good families, where they may be well fed and clothed; where they may be trained up in habits of industry and sobriety, and where their minds may be early imbued with the principles of sound morality and true religion. Your laws have very wisely devolved this duty upon the selectmen, as overseers of the poor, and have constituted them the guardians and protectors of such children. But these overseers ought to be assisted in finding suitable places, by all who wish well to the poor, and who have a desire to promote the best interests of society. In order to give full effect to this benevolent provision, the pious and charitable must sometimes make a trifling sacrifice of present interest, by receiving poor children into their families, before they are old enough to earn their living.

I have no time, brethren, to fill up the outline of this plan. You will easily do it at your leisure. It has no claim to originality. Time was, when it was extensively pursued in New-England, and was productive of the best effects. O may that bright sun of better days speedily shine again upon the sons of the pilgrims!

It now only remains,

3. Under this head, that we direct our inquiries to those great moral and religious preventives of poverty, which alone can stay the plague. Without derogating, in the smallest degree, from the importance of foregoing topics, this must confessedly stand pre-eminent. It is always better, and generally much easier, to prevent evils, than to cure them. He who visits the sick, and administers consolation to the dying, when the yellow-fever is spreading desolation over a great city, does well; but he who effectually guards against the introduction of this terrible disease, or prevents it, by a timely removal of the causes of contagion, does better. If we have not been unprofitably employed, in contriving how to check the growth, and lop off the branches of a baleful stock, it is not, after all, like “laying the axe unto the root of the tree. It is not enough to show how needless pauperism may be kept within its present limits, or even very much contracted; we must, if possible, dry up the sources of this turbid and turbulent stream. Happily, all the requisite means are placed, by a kind Providence, within our reach. If we ultimately fail, it will be our own fault, and the fault of those who ought to co-operate with us, in this benevolent enterprise. The causes of poverty have been enumerated, and to these we must direct our earnest attention. We must raise a warning voice against prodigality, which, like a pitiless whirlpool, has ingulfed thousands of our countrymen, ere they saw or suspected the danger. We must do every thing in our power, both by precept and example, to discountenance pride and extravagance of every kind, as prominent causes of numberless attachments and sales at auction, followed by a long and melancholy train of houseless, supperless, broken-hearted families. It is especially incumbent on the wealthy, not to be extravagant in their dress, or their entertainments; as every thing of this sort has an extremely mischievous influence upon society. What though you may be able, without seriously feeling the expence, to entertain large parties, and feast them upon all the delicacies that can be purchased with money; your guests, your intimate friends, perhaps, can ill afford to return the civility. And must it not be unkind in you, (I have selected the mildest term) to raise the style of this kind of social intercourse so much above their reach, that they must either impoverish their families, to emulate your profusion, or receive you with a mortifying consciousness of the striking contrast between their tables and yours? What a mighty influence would plainness and frugality, in the higher walks of life, have, to check the growth of extravagance among all classes of men, and in this way, by removing the cause, to prevent much of the shame and many of the sufferings of poverty.

Again: As idleness is known to clothe such multitudes with rags, we must use every proper argument, and employ all suitable measures, to promote industry. As intemperance is seen to be the great cause of causes, by which humanity is disgraced and our poor-houses are crowded, we must direct our most strenuous efforts against this crying sin, this sweeping curse, this raging pestilence, this devouring conflagration, this horrible reproach of our land! We must consider whence we are fallen; must revert to first principles; must begin at the foundation. If all men were honest, sober, industrious, frugal and virtuous; if none were addicted to expensive and ruinous vices, it is certain there would be no unnecessary poverty. Whatever, then, has a tendency to prevent vice and immorality; to form good habits and good principles, must be a preventive of pauperism.

Education, (especially that part of it which is denominated moral and religious;) education is the great instrument by which, with a divine blessing, the next generation may be freed from most of the burdens and miseries which we now feel and witness. Yes, my brethren, God has put into our hands a more potent lever than Archimedes ever dreamed of; and the bible has discovered to us that other world, which he could never find, where we may place our machinery for moving this!

We must, then, unite our exertions, our prayers, and our influence, in the grand business of education. The infant mind is wonderfully susceptible. Moral impressions, either good or bad, will it receive, much earlier than is generally supposed; and it is our business, while we guard against wrong impressions, to sow the seeds of virtue and religion.

Childhood is the prime of spring. It is a short and critical period. It is the true golden age, which never returns. Government and subordination, moral and religious instruction, must commence in families. Parents must teach their children diligently, and must enforce their precepts by a corresponding example. Schools must be cheerfully and liberally patronized. Great care must be exercised in the choice of instructers; and they must be encouraged and supported in all their measures. Every teacher must be required to inculcate good principles upon the minds of his pupils, to make his school, if possible, a nursery of piety, as well as literature. The bible and the catechism must be restored to their place and use, both in the school-room and family. Children must be taught, from their infancy, to abhor falsehood, profaneness, drinking, gaming and every other evil habit. They must be faithfully trained up in habits of industry and economy. Idleness, at any age, is vice, and vice is ruin. Children must be taught to despise every mean and sordid action. They must be warned against associating with wicked companions; must be kept as far as possible from all the haunts of vice, and must be accustomed to seek enjoyment in that kind of society, where their minds may be improved, and every virtuous habit strengthened. Above all, they must be brought up in the fear of God. They must be taught to look up to him as their Creator, Preserver and Judge; to humble themselves before him as sinners; to believe on the name of his Son Jesus Christ; to take his word for their rule; to love their neighbours as themselves, and to lay up their treasures in heaven.

Let this course be pursued, my brethren, with the rising generation; let the preceding outline be filled up by parents, guardians, school-masters and ministers, and you will hereafter have very few candidates for the poor-house. Take this plain course, and by God’s blessing, your children will be sober, industrious and comfortable, in their worldly circumstances. Your sons will walk with the wise men and will be wise, and not with fools, whose “end is destruction, whose God is their belly, who glory in their shame.”

They will shun and abhor the dram-shop, as they would the mouth of the lion, or the embraces of a serpent. They will be the “crown of your gray hairs,” instead of “bringing them down with sorrow to the grave.” They will be “eyes, and feet, and hands to you, when those that look out of the windows are darkened, and the strong men bow themselves.” In the time of sickness, they will watch over you with filial affection; will support your heads and close your eyes in the hour of death; will bedew your clay with no ambiguous tears, and will bless your memory.

Think not, my brethren, that this is the baseless fabric of a vision. It is but a plain, unvarnished sketch of the blessed effects of a virtuous and pious education. “Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old, he will not depart from it.”

But chiefly owing to former neglects, one thing further is necessary, to remove the existing causes of pauperism, and save our children from the contamination to which they are now exposed. The laws against vice and immorality must be executed upon such, if any such there are, as will not be reformed by milder means. There are evil habits which must be corrected; bad examples which must not be tolerated; inroads upon our moral and religious institutions which must no longer be winked at. The laws against tippling, swearing, gaming and Sabbath breaking, must be executed, with a prudent, but steady and determined hand. Against intemperance especially, every friend of God and man must boldly lift up his voice, and exert all his influence.

The cries of starving and shivering families against dram-shops, and other similar resorts, in every part of our land, have long since gone up to heaven; and they must no longer die away unheeded, upon human ears. These gates of hell must be closed, locked, bolted, barred and covered with death’s heads, flames and furies!

I say, my brethren, there must be one grand and united effort, for the support of all that is dear in society, and to prevent the increase of those intolerable burdens, which idleness and profligacy have everywhere, almost, imposed upon virtue and industry. Let the excellent laws of this Commonwealth be awaked, if they have been left to fall asleep: Let them rise in their majesty and their might, and your poor rates will soon be diminished more than one half; and in the place of rags, and dirt, and hunger, and cold, you will find cleanliness, sobriety and competence. Yes, my brethren, every moral, religious and legal preventive of poverty, which has been named, or omitted, must be employed, with a humble reliance on the blessing of God, and the work will soon be done.

It is no new system, which I have proposed for the prevention of pauperism. I plead for no dubious experiments. I only request that you will “stand in the way, and ask for the old paths.” It is not left for us to digest a system of education, adapted to the genius of a free government, and calculated to diffuse the blessings of science, virtue and religion through the whole community. Such a system was matured and in successful operation, long before we were born.

Our ancestors have not devolved upon us the difficult task of framing, in a degenerate age, all the necessary laws for the punishment of evil doers, the prevention of crimes, the encouragement of sobriety and industry; and whatever else is essential to the well-being of society. Almost every thing is prepared to our hands, and has come down to us from our ancestors, the pious fathers of New-England. I need not say, how much those illustrious founders of our happy republic have been ridiculed and vilified, as weak, and bigoted, and fanatical, by some of their puny and degenerate offspring. But I will say, without fear of contradiction, that they were higher from their shoulders and upward, than their tallest revilers: that there were men among them, who, for rectitude of principle, soundness of judgment, largeness of views, and piety of heart, would not suffer in comparison with the wisest and best legislators of any age or country. The whole world may be challenged to produce a code of laws, which, for the government of a free and enlightened people, can be compared, for one moment, with those which they bequeathed to posterity.

It is wonderful to observe, in their early statutes and institutions, with what prospective, I had almost said prophetic sagacity, they guarded against almost every danger, civil, political, moral and religious, which might menace the security and prosperity of their descendants. Had the laws which they framed been faithfully executed; had their noble spirit proved hereditary; had their “mantle” fallen upon their children, and then upon their children’s children, vice would never have gained its present alarming ascendency. The evils and sufferings of poverty would have been comparatively few and light. It is by degeneracy that we have brought upon ourselves these heavy burdens, and that we stand exposed to still greater evils. We have stood by, with our arms folded, and permitted the enemy to make wide breaches in our walls; to drive our sentinels before them, and to overawe the whole garrison. Let us now, at length, arise, expel these “armies of the aliens;” build up these breaches; adhere steadily to the principles and measures of our forefathers, and we shall reap a rich harvest of public and private blessings.

We have only to repair the machinery which our ancestors have bequeathed us; to brush away the cobwebs and rub off the rust, which have accumulated through disuse; to put and keep the wheels and springs in motion, and the reformation, which every good man prays for, will follow almost of course. It now only remains,

IV. To suggest motives and encouragements for a speedy, united and persevering course of measures, for accomplishing so important and benevolent a design. But what shall I say? I have scarcely room left for a bare enumeration of these interesting topics. They present themselves in every view which can be taken of the subject, and press upon the considerate mind, with an urgency, which admits of no delay. They appeal to your interest, to your philanthropy, to your “bowels and mercies,” to your consciences, to your affections, and indeed, to every feeling, to every principle, which ought to govern a rational and benevolent mind.

If the means which have been pointed out for bettering the condition of the poor; for stimulating them to exertion, by the honours and substantial rewards of industry; for affording prompt and adequate relief to the helpless; for clearing our streets of profligate beggars; for compelling the idle and intemperate to maintain themselves; for educating poor children and placing them in good families: if these means are all brought, by a kind Providence, within your reach, then you cannot neglect them,, without incurring the guilt of outraging both humanity and benevolence. If you have it in your power to dry up so many sorrows, to remove so many causes of pauperism, by your exertions and example; if the moral and religious preventives of this wasting and spreading disease are placed, by a merciful God, in your hands, will you not hold yourselves solemnly bound to unite in every proper measure for warding off evils so many and so terrible, and for the attainment of blessings so desirable to the present generation, and so important in their future consequences.

Think of the difference between a sober, industrious, moral, religious, well-educated and prosperous people, and an ignorant, unprincipled, unpolished, drinking, quarrelsome, stupid, idle and beggarly population. Consider what it is that makes this immense difference, and surely you cannot fail of being impressed with the overwhelming importance of our subject. Do you, then, my brethren, pity the poor? Have you any compassion for those who are past feeling for themselves; who are eagerly sacrificing their food and raiment, their reputation, their health, their consciences, their bodies and their souls on the altars of Bacchus? Have you any feeling for their broken-hearted wives and suffering children? Are your hearts affected with what your eyes see and your ears hear? Does the love of Christ constrain you? Has the bible any influence upon your minds? Then you will not be “forgetful hearers, but doers of the word.” You will unite heart and hand, in persevering exertions to better the condition of those who are now dependent upon the aids of charity, and to bring into full operation those moral and religious preventives, which have been pointed out in this discourse. “Blessed is he that considereth the poor: the Lord will deliver him in time of trouble. The Lord will preserve him and keep him alive, and he shall be blessed upon the earth: and thou wilt not deliver him unto the will of his enemies. The Lord will strengthen him upon the bed of languishing; thou wilt make all his bed in his sickness.”

What shall I say more? Look a moment, brethren, at the heavy bearing of this subject upon taxation. This is one of the smallest evils attendant upon the alarming prevalence and rapid increase of needless pauperism. But even this, I think you will say, is no trifle. See how it affects your property. Fifteen hundred, or two thousand dollars annually, is no small sum for a town, containing 2600 inhabitants, to pay for the support of its poor. Possibly one third of this sum is necessary, to maintain such as have been reduced to want by sickness, derangement, unavoidable losses, and other adverse circumstances. What becomes of the other two thirds; of one thousand dollars, at least, paid every year out of your hard earnings? I need not stop to answer so plain a question. Go to the poor-house, and ask from the beginning to the end of the alphabet, How came you here? Go to the grog-shop, and if you can hold your breath long enough, count up the mysterious marks upon the walls and the shelves.

And will you continue to pay this enormous tax? If you suffer things to go on in their present course, you must pay it, with ten or fifteen per cent. In addition, every twelve months. You may remonstrate and put off, but there is no relief. The day of settlement will come, and the collector must be satisfied.

Have you seriously thought of the subject in this light? Do you consider, that almost every idler and drunkard in the community, is a public pensioner? Are you sensible, when you see men reducing their families to want, by tippling and its attendant vices, that you have got to be four-folded, for all this waste of health, and time, and property? Do you know, that while a man is drinking up his own estate, he is every day lessening the value of yours? That while you stand by and calmly look on, he is actually laying a mortgage upon every foot of your lands, which neither you nor your children can ever pay off? This whether you realize it or not, is capable of mathematical demonstration. Dram-shops are kept up at your expence. The revenue of those who subsist by dealing out ardent spirits to hard drinkers, is indirectly drawn from your pockets. You will find it charged to you, with heavy interest, in the rote-book. The intemperate are constantly running you in debt without your consent. They are doing it from day to day, when you are at work, and from night to night, while you are asleep. And are you willing to be taxed in this way, for that which does you no good; and to have these accumulating burdens entailed upon your posterity? I know you are not, and I have pointed out the means of relief.

“Choose ye this day” what you will do; whether you will endeavour to “make the tree good, that its fruit may be good;” whether you will go to work in earnest, to lessen the evils and expences of existing poverty; whether you will faithfully test the efficacy of those preventives on which I have insisted, or whether, “despairing of the Commonwealth,” you will flee before increasing swarms of foreign beggars and resident paupers; and thus exchange the blessings of industry, competence, education, social enjoyment and religious order, for hunger and nakedness, ignorance and profligacy, idleness and ruin.

I do not say, that you can banish poverty from your borders, or that you ought to attempt it. “Ye have the poor with you always;” and this is wisely ordered, no doubt, that you may have opportunity to show your gratitude to God, and your compassion for suffering humanity, by giving to him that needeth. Sickness, and other adversities, will bring their well substantiated claims to your doors; but these, presented in behalf of the virtuous and deserving poor, will be few, in comparison with those which are now arrogantly preferred, by lying vagrancy and resident improvidence.

Thus, brethren, have I deliberately given you my sentiments, “without partiality and without hypocrisy,” on a subject which I conscientiously regard, as immensely important to this community. You will judge how far the views which I have expressed, and the arguments which I have adduced, are worthy of your consideration. I am aware, that ingenuity, stimulated by jealousy, and sharpened by privations, may easily misconstrue some parts of this discourse. Idleness and intemperance will most certainly complain of the preacher, as unfriendly to Christian liberality. But I am sure no just occasion has been given for such a charge. God forbid, that I should utter a syllable, to discourage real charity; to close a single hand against the deserving poor. I have, on the contrary, appeared, in the integrity of my heart, as their friend and advocate, upon the broadest principles of justice, humanity and religion. I have pointed out a course of measures, the adoption of which, I firmly believe, would at once prove signal blessings to the poor, and relieve the community from a heavy and most unreasonable burden.

Sermon – Ordination – 1817


Lyman Beecher (1775-1863) graduated from Yale in 1797, having studied theology with Timothy Dwight (the president of Yale). He was ordained in 1798. He preached at: the Presbyterian Church in East Hampton (1799-1810), the Congregational Church in Litchfield, CN (1810-1826), the Hanover Street Church in Boston (1826-1832), and the Second Presbyterian Church in Cincinnati (1832-1842). Beecher also served as president of Lane Seminary in Cincinnati (1832-1852).

This sermon was preached by Lyman Beecher in 1817 in Boston on the Bible as a law book.


sermon-ordination-1817

The Bible a code of Laws;

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED IN PARK STREET CHURCH, BOSTON,

SEPT. 3, 1817,

AT THE ORDINATION OF

MR. SERENO EDWARDS DWIGHT,

AS PASTOR OF THAT CHURCH;

AND OF

MESSRS. ELISHA P. SWIFT, ALLEN GRAVES, JOHN NICHOLS, LEVI PRSONS, & DANIEL BUTTRICK,

As Missionaries to the Heathen.

BY LYMAN BEECHER, A.M.
Pastor of a Church of Christ in Litchfield, Conn.

 

“There are many of the prevailing errors of the present day, which I cannot with any patience see maintained to the utter subversion of the Gospel of Christ, with so high a hand, and so long continued a triumph, when it appears so evident to me that there is no foundation for any of this glorying and insult.” Edwards.

 

SERMON.
 

PSALM XIX. 7, 8, 9, 10.—“THE LAW OF THE LORD IS PERFECT, CONVERTING THE SOUL: THE TESTIMONY OF THE LORD IS SURE, MAKING WISE THE SIMPLE: THE STATUTES OF THE LORD ARE RIGHT, REJOICING THE HEART: THE COMMANDMENT OF THE LORD IS PURE, ENLIGHTENING THE EYES: THE FEAR OF THE LORD IS CLEAN, ENDURING FOREVER: THE JUDGMENTS OF THE LORD ARE TRUE, AND RIGHTEOUS, ALTOGETHER. MORE TO BE DESIRED ARE THEY THAN GOLD, YEA, THAN MUCH FINE GOLD; SWEETER, ALSO, THAN HONEY, AND THE HONEY-COMB.”

We have, in this Psalm, a concise account of the discovery made of the glory of God, by his works and by his word. “The heavens declare his glory, and the firmament sheweth his handy work.” But these disclosures of the heavens, “whose line is gone out through all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world,” though they illustrate the glory of Jehovah, and create obligation, and discover guilt; are not sufficient to restrain the depravity of man, nor to disclose an atonement for him, nor to announce terms of pardon, nor to sanctify the soul.

But the Law of the Lord is perfect. Adapted to the exigencies of the lost world, it speaks on all those subjects, on which no speech is heard from the heavens, and is attended with glorious efficacy. It converts the soul; it makes wise the simple; it rejoices the heart; it produces a fear of the Lord, which endures forever; and to all who have felt its sanctifying power, it is more precious than gold, and sweeter than honey.

The text, then, teaches us to regard the word of God as containing the laws of a moral government revealed for the illustration of his glory in the salvation of man.

In discoursing upon this subject, it is proposed

I. To illustrate the nature of moral government; and,

II. To show that the Scriptures are to be regarded as containing a system of moral Laws, revealed to illustrate the glory of God, in the salvation of man.

A moral government is the influence of law upon accountable creatures. It includes a law-giver: accountable subjects: and laws intelligibly revealed, and administered with reference to reward and punishment. To accountability in the subjects are requisite, understanding to perceive the rule of action; conscience to feel moral obligation; and the faculty of choice in the view of motives. Understanding to perceive the rule of action does not constitute accountable agency. Choice without the capacity of feeling obligation, does not constitute accountable agency.—But the faculty of understanding, and conscience, and choice, united, do constitute an accountable agent. The laws of God and man recognize these properties of mind, as the foundation of accountability.—A statue is not accountable; for it has no faculty of perception or choice: an idiot is not; for, thou he may have the faculty of choice, he has no competent understanding to perceive a moral rule, nor conscience to feel moral obligation; and a lunatic is not; because, though he may have choice and conscience he has not the unperverted exercise of his understanding.

The faculties, then, of understanding, conscience, and choice, constitute an accountable agent. Their existence is as decisive evidence of free agency, as the five senses are of the existence of the body; and nothing is inconsistent with free agency, or annihilates the evidence of its existence, which does not destroy one or more of these faculties of mind.

Law, as the medium of moral government, includes precepts and sanctions intelligibly revealed. The precept is directory; it discloses what is to be done.—The sanctions are influential; they present the motives to obedience included in the comprehensive terms of reward, and punishment. But, to have influence, the precepts and the motives must be presented to the mind. The law in all its parts must be intelligible; otherwise it is not a law. A law may be unknown, and yet be obligatory, when the ignorance is voluntary; but never, when it is unavoidable. The influence of law, as the medium of moral government, is the influence of motives upon accountable creatures; and the effect of this influence is always the actual exercise of free-agency in choice or action. The influence of motives cannot destroy free-agency; for it is always the influence only of persuasion, and results only in choice, which in the presence of understanding and conscience, is free-agency. If there were no objects of preference or aversion exhibited to the mind; there could no more be choice or free-agency, than there could be vision without external objects of sight. Direct irresistible impulse, moving the mind to action, would not be moral government; and if motives, in the view of which the mind chooses and acts, were incompatible with free agency, accountability and moral government would be impossible.

The administration of a moral government includes whatever may be necessary to give efficacy to its laws. Its chief influence is felt in the cognizance it takes of the conduct of subjects, and the evidence it affords of certain retribution according to their deeds. I some points, there is a coincidence between natural and moral government; and in others, a difference. They agree in this fact, that the subjects of each are influenced to act, as they would not without government. To suppose complete exemption from any kind or degree of influence from without, to be indispensable to free-agency, is at war with common sense, and daily observation, and every man’s own consciousness. What is family government; what is civil government; what is temptation, exhortation or persuasion; and what are the influences of the Holy Spirit; but the means, and the effectual means, of influencing the exercises of the human heart, and the conduct of human life? To deny the possibility of control by motives, without destroying free-agency, annihilates the moral government of God, and is atheism. It shuts him out of the world, and out of the universe, as moral governor. It blots out his laws as nugatory; emancipates every subject from his moral influence; and leaves him not an inch of territory on earth or in heaven, over which to sway the scepter of legislation. He must sit upon his throne as an idle spectator of all moral exercise and action; receiving no praise for what he has done for saint or angel. “By the grace of God I am what I am,” was a falsehood upon earth, and a lie that can never be repeated in heaven.

Natural and moral government may agree, also, as to the certainty of their influence. It may be as certain that an honest man will not steal, as if he was loaded with chains and could not move a finger; and it may be as certain that an intemperate man will drink to excess, when he has opportunity, as if the liquid were poured down his throat by irresistible power. But they differ entirely as to their subjects, and the manner of producing their results. Natural government is direct, irresistible impulse. Moral government is persuasion, and the result of it is voluntary action in the view of motives.

Free-agency cannot be conceived to exist, and probably cannot exist, in any other manner, than by the exhibition of motives to voluntary agents, the result of which shall be choice and action. The precise idea of moral government, then, is the influence of law upon the affections and conduct of intelligent accountable creatures.

II. I am to show that the scriptures are to be regarded as containing the laws of a moral government, revealed to illustrate the glory of God, in the salvation of man.

The glory of God is his whole character. The illustration of his glory, is the exhibition of that character to intelligent beings, as the object of supreme complacency and enjoyment. The plan of Redemption is the particular system of action, which the most high has chosen as the medium of illustration; and this plan is the system of moral laws contained in the Bible. That the Bible is to be regarded as revealing a system of moral laws, is evident from many considerations. The Most High has there revealed himself as a law-giver. His power, wisdom, and goodness, his justice, mercy, and truth, are exhibited not as abstract qualities, but as attributes illustrated by the laws and administration of a moral government. Man, the subject of these laws, possesses indisputably all the properties of an accountable agent, understanding, conscience, and the faculty of choice; and in the Scriptures, is recognized as accountable. Did the Most High create all things to illustrate his glory? It is a glory, which can be displayed only in the administration of a moral government. How can justice be manifested where there are no laws, and no accountable subjects? How can mercy be displayed where there is no transgression; or truth be illustrated where there is no intelligent mind to witness the accordance of declaration with fact, or of conduct with promises? The Most High is expressly denominated king, law-giver, and judge. The legislative, judicial, and executive power are in the same hands; and the Scriptures are denominated the law of the Lord, his statutes, his commandments.

The contents of the Bible illustrate its character as a revealed system of precepts and motives. There is the moral law in ten commandments; and its summary import comprised in two; and there is the gospel, no less than the law, composed of precepts enforced by sanctions. As a rule of life, it adopts the moral law; but as a system of salvation, it prescribes its own specific duties of repentance and faith, enforced by its own most glorious and fearful sanctions. Whatever instruction is contained in the Scriptures, historical or biographical, it is all directory, as a precept, or influential, as a motive to obedience. All the institutions of the Bible have for their object the preservation of truth in the mind, or the impression of it upon the heart as the means of restoring men from sin to holiness. The day of Judgment, as described by our Saviour, consummates the evidence that the Bible is to be regarded as embodying the laws of the divine moral government below. On that day, the graves open, and the dead, small and great, stand before God, and are judged according to the rule of action disclosed in the Bible, and the deeds done in the body.

INFERENCES.
I. If the Scriptures are to be regarded as containing the laws of a moral government, revealed to illustrate the glory of God in the salvation of man; then undoubtedly they have, on all subjects on which they speak, a determinate meaning. It is the peculiar property of laws to be precise in their requirements and sanctions. A law, which requires nothing specific, is not a law. If it may mean, and does mean many things, and yet no one thing in particular, it has no being.

If the Bible does not contain, in its precepts and doctrines, a distinct and precise meaning; it contains no meaning; it gives no illustration of the glory of God, no account of his will, of the state of man, of the character of the Saviour, or of the terms of life. A blank book of as many pages might as well have been sent down from heaven, for reason to scrawl its varied conjectures upon, as a bible whose pages are occupied with unmeaning or equivocal declarations.

II. If the Bible contain the laws of a moral government in the manner explained; then it is possible to ascertain, and to know that we have ascertained, its real meaning. It not only contains a precise meaning, but one, which being understood, carries with it the evidence of its own correctness. It is often alleged, that there are so many opinions concerning the doctrines of the Bible, that no man can know that his own belief is the true belief; and, on the ground of this supposed inevitable uncertainty, is founded the plea of universal charity and liberality:–sweet sounding words for universal indifference or universal skepticism! For who can be ardently attached to uncertainty; or who can believe any revealed truth with confidence, when his cardinal maxim is, that the doctrines of the Bible are obscure and uncertain?

But who is this, that libels his Maker as the author of an obscure and useless system of legislation, which no subject can understand, or, if he does, can have competent evidence of the fact?—so obscure, that they who discard it wholly are little incommoded by the loss, and entitled to little less complacency than those who grope in vain after its bewildered dictates;–so obscure, that those who err, are more entitled to pity than to condemnation, and afford as indubitable evidence of fidelity in examination, and sincerity, in believing wrong; as those do, who by mere accident have stumbled on the truth without the possibility of knowing it.

This is indeed a kind hearted system in its aspect upon man; but how tremendous its reaction upon the character of God. Why are his revealed Statutes with their sanctions so obscure? Because he could not make them intelligible? You impeach his wisdom. Why then are they so obscure? Because he would not make them plain? You impeach his justice; for he commands his truth to be loved and obeyed;–an unjust demand, if its obscurity prevent the possibility of understanding it.

But it is demanded; How can you know that your opinion, among various conflicting opinions, is exclusively correct? You may believe that you are right, but your neighbour believes that he is right; and you are both equally confident and both appeal to the Bible. If the question were, how can I cause my neighbour to know that his opinion is incorrect and mine true; I should admit, that the difficulty, in given cases, may be utterly insurmountable. But to suppose, because I cannot make others perceive evidence which I perceive, that, therefore, my perception brings with it to me, no evidence of truth, implies, that there is no such thing as moral certainty derived from evidence; and that the man, who believes a fact upon evidence, has in himself no better ground of certainty than the man, who believes a fact without evidence, or even against evidence: that a reality, actually seen and felt to be such, affords to him who either sees or feels, no higher evidence of its existence, than a fiction, supposed to be a reality, affords of its actual existence. That is, a non-existence, without any evidence of being, may possess as high claims to be recognized as a reality, as a real existence, supported by evidence: for error in competition with truth is in fact a non-existence opposed to a reality.

Now the man, who holds an erroneous opinion, may be as confident of its truth, as the man who believes the truth; but is there, in the nature of things, the same foundation for his confidence? Has not the man, who sees the truth and its evidence, knowledge, which the deceived man has not? If you deny it, you deny first principles; you annihilate the efficacy of evidence as the basis of knowledge, and introduce universal skepticism. Every vagary of the imagination and every prejudice of the heart are as likely to be true without evidence, as points most clearly proved.

But if the confidence in truth and falsehood be the same, how can you be sure that you do see what you think you do; and that what you think you do; and that your opinion is not the mental deception? It is the same question repeated, and I return the same answer—I can know, if my opinion be correct, that it is so; because evidence seen and felt creates a moral certainty; because reality affords evidence above fiction, and existence affords evidence above non-existence. What has fiction to do to annihilate realities; and what has deception to do to cancel the perceived evidence of truth?

If you would witness the folly of the maxim, that truth and evidence afford no certainty amid conflicting opinions, reduce it to practice. The man who dreams is as confident that he is awake, as I who in reality am awake. Is it then doubtful which is awake; and utterly impossible for me to decide whether I dream, or my neighbour? The lunatic feels as confident that he is a king, as the occupant of the throne. The royal personage then must hold his thoughts in equilibrio; for here is belief opposed to belief, and confidence opposed to confidence. Do you say that the man is insane; but he believes all except himself to be insane; and who can tell that any man is in his right mind, so long as there is a lunatic upon earth to question it?

Godwin taught, and many a robber has professed to believe, that private property is an encroachment upon the rights of man. If your purse, then, should be demanded upon the highway, you may not refuse; for the robber believes his opinion about liberty and equality to be true, and you believe yours to be true, and both are equally confident. It is also a speculative opinion about which you differ, and one concerning which great men have differed, and perhaps always will differ. You need not reason with him; for, since you cannot be sure that you are right, how an you expect to make him know what you cannot know yourself? And, as to the law of the land, it would be persecution for a mere matter of opinion to appeal to that, even if you could. Besides, how could a court and jury decide what is true amid conflicting opinions on the subject? And what right have they authoritatively to decide, and bind others by their decisions, upon matters of mere speculation?

But how shall a man help himself, who really and confidently believes falsehood to be truth? Just as other men in other cases help themselves, who by folly or crime have brought calamities upon themselves. How shall a man help himself, who has wasted his property?—Perhaps he never will, but will die a beggar. How shall a man help himself, who through negligence or crime has taken poison and fallen into a lethargy? He may never awake. Believing falsehood to be truth may be a calamity irretrievable. The man must perish, if the error be a fundamental one, unless he renounce it and embrace the truth; and his case, in many instances, may be nearly hopeless. Instead of its being a trivial matter what our opinions are;–it is easy by the belief of error to place ourselves almost beyond the hope of heaven, in the very region of the shadow of death. What a man may do and ought to do, is one thing; and what he will do may be fatally a different thing. “Their eyes have they closed, lest at any time they should see and be converted, and I should heal them.”

III. If the Bible contain a system of Divine Laws, it is easy to perceive the high importance of revealed truth. It exhibits the divine character as the great object of religious affection. It embodies the precepts of the divine moral government; prescribes the affections to be exercised, their nature, object, and degree, and the actions by which they are to be expressed. It embodies all the motives by which God restrains his subjects from transgression, and excites them to obedience. It exhibits the character of man as depraved and lost; and discloses by whom, and by what means, an atonement has been made, and upon what terms pardon may be obtained. It is the means employed by the Spirit of God to awaken the sinner to a sense of his danger, and to bring home to his heart a deep conviction of his guilt and just condemnation. It is by the Truth, that the Spirit of God converts the soul, and sanctifies the heart, and sheds abroad the love of God, and awakens hope, and diffuses peace and joy.

The truths of revelation are as important as the illustration of the glory of God, and as the happiness of the holy universe, caused and perpetuated by their instrumentality through all his dominions, and through eternity. In the view of this subject, how irreverent the maxim. “No matter what a man believes, provided his life be correct:” a maxim, which abrogates the law of God in its claims upon the heart; annihilates the doctrine that intention decides the moral nature of actions, and the doctrine that motives are the means of moral government; and reduces all obedience to the mere mechanical movements of the body. No matter whether a man believe or disbelieve in the divine existence; whether he love or hate the Lord; whether he trust in or despise the Saviour; whether he repent of his sins or remain incorrigible; whether his motives to action be good or bad. If the mere motion of his lip, hand, and foot, be according to rule, all is well. Is not this breaking the bands of Christ, and casting away his cords? Is it not saying to Jehovah, “Depart from us, for we desire not the knowledge of thy ways?” With equal irreverence, it is alleged to be of little consequence what a man believes, provided he be sincere. But what is sincerity? It is simply believing as we profess to believe; and the unblushing avowal is, that the Bible is a worthless book, no better than the Alcoran, or the fictions of Paganism, or the superstitions of Popery. “No matter what a man believes, provided he does believe it!” Falsehood, then, believed to be true is just as pleasing to God, and just as salutary in its influence upon man, as the combined wisdom and goodness of God, disclosed in his own most holy code of revealed laws.

The merest fictions of the brain, or the most malignant suggestions of a depraved heart, are as salutary as the laws of God. What authority have you for this opinion? Where have you learned that Jehovah is regardless of his honour, and the manifestation of his glory; is regardless of his laws, and their sanctions; is regardless of man, and the object of his affections, and the means of his salvation? You have not learned this from the Bible. You are an infidel, if you believe the maxim that it is no matter what a man believes provided he be sincere; and if you believe in no God but such an one as this maxim supposes, you are an atheist. The great end of all the works of Jehovah, according to the Bible, is the manifestation of his true character to created intelligences as the source of everlasting love, and confidence, and joy, and praise. But this glory is not an object of direct vision: It is manifested glory; and the system of manifestation is the plan of Redemption disclosed in the Bible, and carried into effect by the Spirit of God in giving efficacy to revealed truth in the sanctification and salvation of man. It is by the church, that he makes known to principalities and powers, in heavenly places, the manifold wisdom of God. Without just conceptions, then, of revealed truth, the true character of God is not manifested, and cannot of course become an object of affection, or source of joy. Erroneous conceptions of revealed truth, eclipse the glory of God, in its progress to enlighten and enrapture the universe. They propagate falsehood concerning God through all parts of his dominions where they prevail, undermine confidence, annihilate affection, and extinguish joy. They arrest the work of redemption; for moral influence is the influence by which God redeems from sin, and revealed truth embodies that influence. When that light has been wantonly extinguished, God will not sanctify men by the sparks of their own kindling; or hold those guiltless who have perpetrated the deed. The most High is not regardless of the opinions his subjects form concerning Him. He has given them the means of forming just conceptions of his character; and if they wantonly libel their Maker to their own minds, or to others, He will punish them. He is not indifferent what objects we regard with supreme affection, and as our supreme good. He has exhibited his true character, and commanded us to love Him; and, if we pervert his character and worship other gods, He will punish the idolatry. He is not regardless of his own laws, nor of the moral influence by which He restrains and sanctifies. He has made them plain; and it is at our peril, if we falsify them, and break their force upon our own minds, or the minds of others. “Woe unto them that call evil good, and good evil, that put darkness for light, and light for darkness, that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter.” “As they did not like to retain God in their knowledge, God gave them over to a reprobate mind.”—“Whose coming is after the working of Satan, with all deceivableness of unrighteousness in them that perish, because they received not the love of the truth, that they might be saved:–And for this cause, God shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe a lie, that they all might be damned who believe not the truth, but have pleasure in unrighteousness.” Do these passages teach, that it is of no consequence what a man believes, provided he is sincere?

IV. If the Scriptures contain a system of Divine Laws; then, in expounding their meaning, their supposed reasonableness or unreasonableness is not the rule of interpretation.

It is the opinion of some, that the Scriptures were not infallibly revealed in the beginning; and that they have since been modified by art and man’s device, until what is divine can be decided, only by an appeal to reason. What is reasonable on each page is to be received, and what is unreasonable is to be rejected. The obvious meaning of the text, according to the established rules of expounding other books, is not to be regarded; but what is reasonable, what the text ought to say, is the rule of interpretation. Every passage must be tortured into a supposed conformity with reason; or, if too incorrigible to be thus accommodated, must be expunged as an interpolation.

It is admitted that without the aid of reason the Bible could not be known to be the will of God, and could not be understood. Reason is the faculty by which we perceive and weigh the evidence of its inspiration, and by which we perceive and expound its meaning. Reason is the judge of evidence, whether the Bible be the word of God; but that point decided, it is the judge of its meaning only according to the common rules of exposition.

Deciding whether a law be reasonable or not, and deciding what the law is, are things entirely distinct; and the process of mind in each case is equally distinct;–The one is the business of the legislator, the other is the business of the judge.

In making laws, their adaptation to public utility, their expediency, and equity, are the subjects of inquiry; and here the reasonableness or unreasonableness of a rule must decide whether it shall become a law or not. But when the Judge on the bench is to expound this law, he has nothing to do with its policy, or utility, or justice. He may not look abroad to ascertain its adaptation to the public good, or admit evidence as to its effects. He is bound down rigidly to the duty of exposition. His eye is confined to the letter, and the obvious meaning of the terms, according to the usages of language.

But what is meant by the terms reasonable, and unreasonable, as the criterion of truth and falsehood? It cannot be what we should naturally expect God would do; for who, beforehand, would have expected, under the reign of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, a world like this; a world full of sin and misery. It cannot be what is agreeable to our feelings or coincident with our wishes; for we are depraved; and the feelings of traitors may as well be the criterion of rectitude concerning human governments, as the feelings of the human heart respecting the divine.

The appropriate meaning of the term reasonable, in its application to the Laws of God, is the accordance of his laws and administration with what is proper for God to do, in order to display his glory to created minds, and secure from everlasting to everlasting the greatest amount of created good.

But who is competent, with finite mind and depraved heart, to test the revealed Laws and Administration of Jehovah by this rule? To decide upon this vast scale whether the doctrines and duties of the Bible, and the facts it discloses of divine administration are reasonable or not, the premises must be comprehended. God must be comprehended; the treasures of his power, the depths of his wisdom, the infinity of his benevolence, his dominions must be comprehended; the greatest good must be known, and the most appropriate means for its attainment. All his plans must be open and naked to the inspection of reason, the whole chain of causes and effects throughout the universe and through eternity, with the effect of each alone, and of all combined. Reason must ascend the throne of God; and, from that high eminence, dart its vision through eternity, and pervade with steadfast view immensity, to decide whether the precepts, and doctrines, revealed in the Bible come in their proper place, and are wise and good in their connection with the whole; whether they will best illustrate the glory of God and secure the greatest amount of created good in a Government which is to endure forever. But is man competent to analyze such premises, to make such comparisons, to draw such conclusions?

If God has not revealed intelligibly and infallibly the laws of his government below; man cannot supply the defect. If holy men of old spake not as the Holy Ghost gave them utterance, but as their own fallible understandings dictated; and if, since that time, the sacred page has been so corrupted, that exposition according to the ordinary import of language fails to give the sense, then it cannot be disclosed; and the infidel is correct in his opinion that the light of nature is man’s only guide. The laws of God are lost, the Bible is gone irrecoverably until God himself shall give us a new edition, purified by his own scrutiny, and stamped by his own infallibility.

Apply these maxims concerning the fallibility of revelation, and the rule of interpretation to the laws of this commonwealth. The wisdom of your ablest men has been concentrated in a code of laws: But these laws, though perfect in the conception of those who made them, were committed to writing by scribes incompetent to the duty of making an exact record, and the publication was entrusted without superintendence to incompetent workmen, who by their blunders, honest indeed, but many and great, defaced and marred the volume: to which add, that at each new edition every criminal in the state had access at each new edition every criminal in the state had access to the press and modified the types unwatched, to suit his sinister designs. What now is your civil code?—You have none.—The law is so blended with defect and corruption, that no principles of legal exposition will extricate the truth. What then shall be done? Your wise men consult, and come to the profound conclusion, that such parts only of the statute book as are reasonable, shall be received as law; that what is reasonable, each subject of the commonwealth, being a reasonable creature, must decide for himself; that the judges, in the dispensation of justice, shall first decide what the law ought to be, and thence what it is; and that such parts of the statute book, as by critical torture, cannot be conformed to these decisions, shall be expunged as the errata of the press, or the interpolation of fraud. And thus the book is purified, and every subject, and every judge is invested with complete legislative power. Every man makes the law for himself, and regulates the statute book by his own enactments.

But is this the state of God’s government below? Is the statute book of Jehovah annihilated, and every man constituted his own lawgiver? The man who is competent to decide, in this extended view, what is reasonable, and how, in relation to the interests of the universe, the Bible ought to be understood, is competent without help from God to make a Bible. His intelligence is commensurate with that of Jehovah; and, but for deficiency of power, he might sit on the throne of the universe, and legislate and administer as well as He.

The mariner who can rectify his disordered compass by his intuitive knowledge of the polar direction, need not first rectify his compass, and then obey its direction; he may throw it overboard, and without a luminary of heaven, amid storms, and waves, and darkness, may plough the ocean, guided only by the light within.

V. From the account given of the scriptures, as containing a system of moral laws, it appears that a mystery may be an object of faith, and a motive to obedience. The idea of a mystery in legislation has been treated with contempt, and the belief of a mystery has been treated with contempt, and the belief of a mystery has been pronounced impossible. No man, it is alleged, can be truly said to believe a proposition, the terms of which he cannot comprehend. Hence has emanated the proud determination to subject every doctrine of Revelation to the scrutiny of reason, and to believe nothing which exceeds the limits of individual comprehension. Now it is conceded, that in the precept of a law, mystery can have no place; it must be definite and plain. It is also conceded, that no man can believe a proposition, the terms of which he does not comprehend. But the mysteries of revelation are not found among its precepts; and the proposition which is the precise object of faith is never unintelligible, but is always definite and plain.

A mystery is a fact, whose general nature is in some respects declared intelligibly; but whose particular manner of existence is not declared, and cannot be comprehended. The proposition which declares the mystery has respect always to the general intelligible fact, and never to the unrevealed, incomprehensible mode of its existence. A mystery, then, is an intelligible fact, always involving unintelligible circumstances, which cannot of course be objects of faith, in any definite form.

Allow me to illustrate the subject by a few examples. God is omnipresent. This proposition announces a mystery. The general intelligible fact declared is, that there is no place where God is not. The mystery is, how can a spirit pervade immensity.

That the dead are raised, is an intelligible proposition; but “how are the dead raised up, and with what bodies do they come” are the attendant mysteries; “It is raised a spiritual body.” The intelligible proposition here is, that the materials of the natural body are reorganized at the resurrection, in a manner wholly new, and better adapted to the exigencies of mind; but in what manner the spiritual body is organized, and how it differs from the natural body, are the attendant unexplained circumstances.

Take one more example; the doctrine of the Trinity. The Scriptures revel that there is but one God. They also reveal a distinction in the manner of the divine existence, which lays a foundation for mutual stipulations and distinct agencies in the work of redemption: which distinction is expressed by the names Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.

Now the proposition that there is but one God is intelligible. The proposition, that there is a deviation in the manner of the divine existence from the exact unity of created minds, is as intelligible as if the nature of this deviation were subjected to the analysis of reason, and brought within the limits of human comprehension. That this deviation from the exact pattern of unity, as exhibited in the human mind, is such as lays a foundation for ascribing distinct names, attributes, exercises and actions to the Father, to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, according to the obvious language of the Bible, is as intelligible a proposition, as if the precise nature of this distinction was unveiled to the scrutiny of the human understanding.

Will it be alleged, that, where distinction approaches so nearly to absolute distinctness and independency of mind, there can be no union that shall constitute them one God? To know this, you must be Omniscient, and comprehend the mode of the divine existence, and all possible modes of the existence of spirit. You must ascertain that there is but one possible mode of intelligent existence, and that, the precise mode of unity which appertains to the mind of man.

You must not only be unable to see how any other mode can be, but you must be able to prove that it cannot be. But are you competent to do this? How then do you know that the divine Spirit does not exist; and why undertake to decide that he cannot exist, in such a manner as illustrates all that is declared of his unity, as one God and all that is implied in the distinction of names, and in the intellectual and social intercourse, stipulations, and distinct agencies recognized in the plan of redemption.

The whole force of the objection against the resurrection of the body was, how decomposed matter could be reorganized in a different manner, and yet be the same body. The Apostle’s answer is, “thou fool,” cannot he who organized the body at first, organize it again? And after all that heaven and earth and sea have disclosed of his skill in the diversified organization of matter, do you presume to say that the materials cannot be reorganized, in a manner wholly new, and better adapted to the exigencies of spirit? And to every one who demands how the Supreme Intellect can be One, and in any sense Three, according to plain scriptural declaration, the same answer may be given. “Thou fool,” art thou Omniscient? Dost thou comprehend all possible and all actual modes of spiritual existence? Can there be no mind but after the exact pattern of human intellect, and dost thou see it, and canst thou prove it? Why then dost thou array thine ignorance against Omniscience, and exalt thy pride of reason above all that is called God?—There is no alternative but to claim the infallibility of Omniscience, and deny the possibility of any distinction in the manner of the divine existence, which shall lay a foundation for the language employed in the Scriptures: or to take the ground that no fact can be conceived to exist, or be proved to be a fact, whose mode of existence is incomprehensible, a position which destroys the use of testimony, and the possibility of faith. For the use of testimony is to establish the existence of facts, without reference to their mode of existence. But, according to this maxim, the fact itself cannot be conceived to exist in any form, unless the specific mode of existence be also comprehended. The evidence of its existence, therefore, is not testimony, but some intuitive comprehension of the manner how the fact exists; and the assent of the mind, that the fact does exist, is not faith, but intuition. Apply the maxim, and it will blot out the universe; for who can comprehend the fact of eternal uncaused existence. The fact then is not to be admitted, and thus we set aside the divine existence. Or if we admit a single mystery, and recognize the being of God; still we cannot take another step; for how can spirit create or move matter, or govern mind, and not destroy free-agency? It is a mystery; therefore there is no created world and no moral government. The sun formed by chance, placed himself in the centre, and the surrounding orbs, self-moved, began their ceaseless course. But how can this be? It is a mystery:–and therefore there is no sun and no revolving system. A mystery then may be an objet of faith; for the proposition which is the precise object of faith is always intelligible, though always implying the existence of unintelligible circumstances.

Nor are mysteries useless in legislation as motives to obedience. The Divine Omnipresence, though a mystery, is among the most powerful motives to circumspect conduct. And the resurrection of the body, and its mysterious change are urged by the Apostles as motives always to abound in the work of the Lord.

The doctrine of the Trinity pours upon the world a flood of light. The peculiar mode of the divine existence lies at the foundation of the plan of redemption, as unfolded in the Bible, and brings to view, as a motive to obedience, an activity of benevolence on the part of God, a strength of compassion, a depth of condescension, and a profusion of mercy and grace, in alliance with justice and truth, which no other exhibition of the mode of the divine existence can give. It illustrates the riches of the goodness of God, and awakens that love which is the fulfilling of the law, and that repentance, and gratitude, and active obedience, which the goodness of God, thus manifested, could alone inspire.

VI. If the Bible contain a system of divine laws, revealed and administered with reference to the salvation of man; then it is practicable to decide what are fundamental doctrines.

Those doctrines are fundamental which are essential to the influence of law as the means of moral government, and without which God does not ordinarily renew and sanctify the soul.

The following have been usually denominated fundamental doctrines.

The being of God; the accountability of man; a future state of reward and punishment without end; and a particular providence taking cognizance of human conduct in reference to a future retribution. Are not these fundamental? Could the laws of God have any proper influence without them? Take away the lawgiver, or the accountability of the subject, or the cognizance of crimes by the Judge, or future eternal punishment, and what influence would the Scriptures have as a Code of Laws?

To allege that the remorse and natural evil attendant upon sinning are the adequate and only punishment of transgression, is most absurd. Do the natural evil and remorse attendant upon the transgression of human laws supersede the necessity of any other penalty? Is the impure desire suppressed, or intemperate thirst allayed, or covetousness dismayed, or the hand of violence arrested, by the appalling influence of remorse? It is always a sanction inadequate, which the frequency of crime diminishes, and the consummation of guilt annihilates.

The idea that gratitude will restrain without fear of punishment, where the confidence of pardon precedes sanctification, is at war with common sense. Try the experiment. Open your prison doors, and turn out your convicts to illustrate the reforming influence of gratitude, without coercion or fear of punishment. The idea that future discipline, for the good of the offender, constitutes the only future suffering, regards sin as a disease, instead of a crime, and hell as a merciful hospital, instead of a place of punishment. But how suffering in a prison with convicts old in sin shall work a reformation, no past analogy seems to show. Prisons have never been famed in human governments for their reforming influence.

The eternity of future punishment, considering the invisibility and imagined distance of the retribution, and the stupidity and madness of man, is indispensable. If the certain fearful looking-for of fiery indignation without end, exert an influence so feeble, to restrain from sin; the prospect of a limited, salutary discipline will have comparatively no influence. Nor is eternal punishment unjust or disproportionate to the crime. If the violation of the law in time, deserves punishment; it will no less deserve it, though the crime be perpetrated in another world; for probation and hope are not essential to free-agency or accountability, and the incorrigible obstinacy of the rebel will not cancel the obligation of the law. Endless wickedness will deserve, and will experience endless punishment. The deeds done in the body will determine the character, and shut out the hope of sanctification. But the rebellion will hold on its course unsubdued by suffering, and will be the meritorious cause of eternal punishment.

The above truths are essential to the moral influence of legislation generally. There are others which are no less essential to the Gospel, as a system of moral influence, for the restoration of man from sin to holiness. These are indicated by the peculiar ends to be obtained by the Gospel. If overt action and continuance in well-doing were all; simple reward and punishment might suffice. But man is a sinner; his heart is unholy; and new affections are demanded. Those truths, then, are fundamental, without which the specific, evangelical affections can have no being. To fear, the exhibition of danger is necessary: to repentance, the disclosure of guilt: to humility, of unworthiness: to faith, of guilt and helplessness, on the part of man, and divine sufficiency and excellence, on the part of the Saviour. There is a uniformity of action in the natural and moral world, from which the Most High does not depart, and which is the foundation of experimental knowledge, and teaches the adaptation of means to ends. Fire does not drown; and water does not burn; and fear is not excited by sentiments which exclude danger; nor repentance, by those which preclude guilt; nor affectionate confidence, by those which preclude guilt; nor affectionate confidence, by those which exclude dependence or the reality of excellence in the object.

To secure evangelical affections, the following truths are as essential, according to the nature of the human mind, as fire is essential to heat, or any natural cause to its appropriate effect; the doctrines of the Trinity, and the atonement, the entire unholiness of the human heart, the necessity of a moral change by the special agency of the Holy Spirit, and justification by the merits of Christ, through faith. The entire unholiness of the heart is necessary to beget just conceptions of guilt and danger; the necessity of a moral change to extinguish self-righteous hopes, and occasion a sense of helplessness which shall render an Almighty Saviour necessary; the doctrine of the Trinity, as disclosing a Saviour, able to save, and altogether lovely; the doctrine of the atonement, to reconcile pardon with the moral influence of legislation; and justification by faith instead of works, because justification by works cancels the penalty of law, blotting out past crimes by subsequent good deeds, giving the transgressor a license to sin with impunity to day, if he will obey tomorrow, provided his acts of obedience shall equal his acts of disobedience.

That these doctrines are fundamental, is evident from the violence with which they have always been assailed. The enemies of God know what most annoys them in his government; and the points assailed clearly indicate what is most essential. The whole diversified assault has always been directed against one or another of the doctrines, which have been named in this discourse as fundamental; and has had for its object to set aside either the precept or the sanction of Law, and reconcile transgression with impunity.

One denies the being of the Lawgiver: another discards the Statute Book as a forgery: a third subjects the Laws of Jehovah to the censorship of reason, and adds and expunges till he can believe without humility, obey without self-denial, and disobey without fear of punishment: a fourth saves himself the trouble of criticism, by a catholic belief of all the Bible contains, without the presumption or fatigue of deciding what the precise meaning is: a fifth pleads the coercion of the decrees of God, and denies accountability, and hopes for impunity in sin. Some however deem it most expedient to explain away the precept of the law. To love the Lord our God does not imply any sensible affection, any complacency or emotion of the heart, but the rational religion of perception and intellectual admiration; and by the heart is intended not the heart, but the head. Others assail, with critical acumen, the penalty of the law. Punishment does not mean punishment, but the greatest possible blessing which Almighty God in the riches of his grace can bestow, considering the omnipotence and perverseness of man’s free-agency: and eternal punishment means a number of years, more or less, of most merciful torment, as the disease shall prove more or less obstinate.

In like manner, the attributes of God are regarded in the abstract, dissociated from every idea of legislation and administration, by reward or punishment. Goodness is good nature even to weakness; justice is bestowing on men all the good they deserve, without inflicting any punishment; and mercy is the indiscriminate pardon of those, whom it would be malignant and unjust to condemn. The goodness of God as a lawgiver, promoting the happiness of his subjects by holy laws and an efficient administration of rewards and punishments, is kept out of view. His character of Lawgiver is annihilated, and his glory as Moral Governor is shut out from the world, that man may sin without fear.

All representations of the character of man, at variance with the scripture account of his entire depravity, have for their object the evasion, in some way, of the precept or penalty of law. One does it by pleading his inability to obey the law of God; and takes his refuge from punishment in the justice of God while he continues in sin. Another pleads not guilty in manner and form as the scriptures allege. He denies the necessary coincidence of holiness in the heart with overt deeds, to constitute obedience, and pleads his good actions in arrest of God’s decision that “there is none that doeth good, no one one.” He denies that the heart is desperately wicked. If it were true of Adam a short space; the promise of a Saviour made his heart better, and has made all hearts better: and, if not yet very good, they are so good as not to need a special change; so good, that attention to the constituted forms of religion duly administered will, by God’s blessing, make them good enough, without farther care or perception of change, as sun and rain cause vegetation and harvest, when the seed is sown while the husbandman sleeps.

No supreme and perceptible love to God is recognized as obligatory, no deep sense of guilt, no painful solicitude about futurity, no immediate repentance or faith including holiness, and no sin as being committed; while repentance and faith are deferred for the slow operation of forms, in making the sinner better, by the unperceived grace of God. The Law with its high claims upon the heart, and the Gospel with its holy requisitions, are made to stand aloof; while the sinner, without holiness, by dilatory effort, prepares himself to repent, or by lip service and hypocrisy, prevails on the Most High to give him repentance unto life. The whole law and Gospel are thrown aside, and the whole duty of man is epitomized in the short sentence. Thou shalt sincerely use the means of grace as faithfully as thou art willing to use them; and, by the grace of God through the merits of Christ and thine own well-doing, thou shalt be saved.

In the same manner, are the terms of pardon divested of holiness to accommodate unholy hearts, reluctant to obey, and fearful of punishment.

Faith is intellectual assent to revealed truth, without holiness, and too often without good works; or it is believing that one is pardoned when he is not, and knows he is not, in order that he may be pardoned. It is anything but the affectionate confidence of the heart in the Saviour, and the unconditional surrendry of the soul to Him. The rapid river in its haste to the sea, is not more violent to sweep away obstructions or evade them, than the heart of man to remove or evade the humbling demand of immediate love, repentance and faith, as the terms of pardon.

But who are those who most bitterly inveigh against these doctrines which we regard as fundamental? Is it the most serious, the most devout, temperate, chaste, and circumspect class of men. Is it, judging from their lives, according to the Bible, the righteous, or the wicked, the church of God, or the world. For the righteous, according to the Scriptures, love the truth, and the wicked are opposed to it.

Now, if we find the most holy men, the most sedate, prayerful, and exemplary people, leaguing against these fundamental doctrines, grieving at their prevalence, and trembling at their effect in revivals of religion, and praying to God with tears to check their prevalence; we must abandon our confidence in these doctrines as the true system.

But if the Atheist, the Deist, the profligate, the votary of pleasure, and the sons of violence and lies, regard them with a common and almost instinctive aversion; then we must cleave to them as receiving from the world the distinctive evidence of their truth. They have always been charged with embodying blasphemy, and leading to licentiousness; and, if the charge be well founded, doubtless the blasphemer and impure have always been their advocates. But what is the fact? Are the irreligious and profane, the licentious, the worldly, and the vain, the advocates for the doctrines of total depravity, regeneration by special grace, justification by faith, and eternal punishment? With scarce an exception, they have been open-mouthed and bitter in their opposition, reviling both these doctrines and those who preach them. From age to age, they have been the song of the drunkard, and the standing topic of profane cavil and vulgar abuse. If good men, through misapprehension, have sometimes seemed to be opposed to them, they have given evidence that the opposition was only a seeming one; while in reality their hearts were in sweet accordance with them. But there are, it must be confessed, some, whose moral conduct may not have been profligate, who have given unquestionable evidence that the feelings of their hearts, as to these doctrines, were in exact accordance with those of the blasphemer and the profligate. These conclusions concerning the doctrines which are fundamental, are however controverted; we therefore appeal to a tribunal more infallible than our own judgment.

Those doctrines are fundamental, then, without whose instrumentality God does not renew and sanctify the hearts of men.

That man is unholy and unfit for heaven, without sanctification, is certain. That God is the agent, and truth the means of sanctification, is equally manifest; and the fact that some men do experience a change in the affections, both as to their moral nature and object, is as certain as any fact can be made by testimony. The witness testify to their own consciousness of such a change. Of this, they are as competent judges as of anything appertaining to their own experience. The fact alleged is, that once they loved the world more than God, and that from a given aera, more or less determinate, they have regarded the Lord their God with an interest and affection, wholly new in kind, and superior in degree, to their love for any other object. That they regard him with a good will, and complacency, and confidence, and gratitude, and joy, entirely unknown to them, until they became the subjects of this special change.

The number of the witnesses is overwhelming. To the testimony of the three thousand, renewed on the day of Pentecost, may be added the accumulated testimony of every intervening age, to this day; for there never was a time, even in the dark ages, when the doctrine of regeneration by the special agency of the Spirit was not confirmed, by the testimony of those who professed to have experienced this change.

The capacity of the witnesses for judging correctly allows nothing to be subtracted from the weight of their testimony, for it has not been the feebler sex only, and children, nor the poor and the ignorant; but men, aged, middle aged and young; men of affluence, of refined manners, of strong powers of intellect, of cool judgment, of firm fibre and undaunted courage, of extended knowledge and cultivated taste, of antecedent moral and immoral habits, who have united their testimony, with multitudes of every other class of society, and with the poor Hottentot and Esquimaux, and have declared that with them, old things had passed away, and all things become new.

The credibility of the witnesses as persons of veracity, would not be questioned on any other subject. To this we may add, that most of them conducted, before the alleged change, as if they did not love supremely the Lord their God; and afterwards, to their dying day, and in the hour of death, conducted in many respects, in a manner inexplicable upon any other supposition than the reality of the alleged change. It is surprising, that men as philosophers do not believe in the doctrine of regeneration, even though they had no confidence in the testimony of the Bible; for no fact in natural philosophy, no phenomenon of mind is established by evidence more satisfactory in its nature, than that which establishes the reality of a change of heart. No fact was ever proved in a court of justice, by a thousandth part of the evidence, which concentrates the testimony of millions to the fact of the actual renovation of the heart.

But do not the professed subjects of this change oftentimes apostatize? Sometimes they do; but more than ninety in one hundred do not apostatize. If the apostacy of ten be allowed in evidence against the reality of the change, the perseverance of ten balances the unfavorable evidence, and leaves the unimpeached testimony of eighty competent witnesses in favour of the blessed reality of the change. Upon testimony thus circumstanced, what would be the decision in a court of justice?

But it is alleged by some, that they have experienced all that appertains to this change of heart, and know it to be vain. That they may have experienced fear and trembling, such as the faith of devils inspires; and that these fears may have been succeeded by composure and joy, such as the hope of the hypocrite affords; may be admitted. But “what is the chaff to the wheat, saith the Lord?” What is the blade without root that withereth, to that which beareth fruit; the plant, which our heavenly Father has planted, to that which he taketh away because it is unfruitful; the lamp without oil that goeth out, to that, which is replenished and shines with growing light to the perfect day? It is incredible, that a heart, “deceitful above all things,” should be deceived; or that a heart, “desperately wicked,” should find no abiding pleasure in a religion, which it professed, but did not feel? “They went out from us, but they were not of us; for, if they had been of us, doubtless they would have continued with us.” It is not a new thing to resist the Holy Ghost; nor an impossible, nor (we fear) a rare event, by stigmatizing the work of the Spirit, to commit a sin, which shall never be forgiven. May God grant that the lightness, with which some men treat their past convictions of sin, and fears of punishment, do not prove at last the too sure indications of that hardness of heart and blindness of mind, to which, in his most tremendous displeasure, the blasphemed Spirit gives up the incorrigible sinner.

This moral change then, an indubitable fact, and indispensable to salvation, is, according to the Scriptures, accomplished by the power of God giving efficacy to truth.” Men are begotten again by the Gospel, born of incorruptible seed, which is the word of God, and sanctified by the truth. These blessed operations of the Spirit are experienced sometimes in solitary instances, like single drops of rain in a land of drought; and sometimes multitudes, almost contemporaneously, become the subject, first, of solicitude and conscious guilt, and afterwards of love, joy, and peace.

But it is also a matter of fact, and a tremendous fact it is, that, so far as these glorious displays of the renovating grace of God are accomplished by the instrumentality of preaching, they are exclusively confined to the exhibitions of these doctrines, which we have enumerated as fundamental. Where these are faithfully preached, the arm of the Lord is not always revealed in revivals of religion; though few ministers, in that case, spend their days without cheering interpositions of divine grace giving seals to their ministry. But where the doctrines of the Trinity, the entire unholiness of man, the necessity of regeneration by special grace, of the atonement, justification by faith, and future eternal punishment are not preached, or are denounced and ridiculed, there the phenomena of revivals of religion never exist, and solitary instances of regeneration are comparatively unknown; and where they do exist, they are regarded as the effect of delusion, or as proofs of a disordered intellect, rather than as indications of a merciful, divine interposition. The fact is unquestionable; and the statement of it is not invidious, because it is a subject of exultation on the part of those unhappy ministers, who discard the above doctrines, and whose people are the subjects of this melancholy exemption from the convincing and renewing operations of the Holy Spirit. In such places, the light does not even shine into darkness; but all is as the valley of the shadow of death. No jubilee trumpet is heard announcing a release from the bondage of corruption, and calling the slaves of sin into the glorious liberty of the sons of God. Such places are not the hill of Zion, upon which descend the rain and the dew of heaven; but they are the mountains of Gilboa, upon which there is no rain, neither any dew. They are the valley of vision, in which the bones are very many and very dry, and no voice is heard proclaiming, “O ye dry bones, hear the word of the Lord;” and no prayer is made, “Come, O breath, and breathe upon these slain, that they may live.” No voice announces a spiritual resurrection; and no influence from above begins it. All is silent as the grave, and motionless as death.

VII. If the Scriptures contain a system of divine Laws, then the doctrine of the entire depravity of man is not inconsistent with free-agency and accountability; for depravity is the voluntary transgression of the law; and the law is, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart;” and entire depravity is the constant refusal to love, in this manner, the Lord our God. It implies, not that men’s hearts have no kind sympathies, no social affections, or that these are sinful, or that their actions are all contrary to rule; but only, that they have no holiness, no supreme love to God, and therefore, do not with the heart obey, but do, with the heart, voluntarily and constantly, disobey the law. The principle assumed in the objection is, that if men will with the heart obey the law of God in part, then they are free-agents, and blameable for not obeying perfectly. But if they violate the law willfully and wholly, so as not to love at all, then they are not to blame. If a man regulates his temper according to the gospel one day, and the next indulges malignant dispositions, he is a free-agent, and liable to punishment; but if he exercise no right affections, and every imagination of his heart be only evil, then the wrath of heaven must sleep, for the man has become too wicked to be the subject of blame. If a subject violate one half the laws of the land, he may be justly punished; but if he should press on and tread them all under foot, his accountability expires, and he may bid defiance to retribution.

VIII. The view we have taken of the Scriptures as containing a system of divine Laws, illustrates the obligation to believe correctly and cordially, the fundamental doctrines of the Bible, and the criminality of error on these subjects.

It is a favorite maxim of some, that men are not accountable for their opinions, with respect to the doctrines of revelation:–Because there is no specific command that this or that doctrine shall be believed:–Because they are so obscurely revealed that no blame can attach to misunderstanding them:–Because no one doctrine is absolutely indispensable to salvation:–Because the doctrines of the Bible are subjects of mere theoretical speculation, of no practical influence:–and, Because belief and disbelief are not voluntary, but the mechanical and unavoidable result of evidence, or want of evidence.

It is admitted, that there is no specific and formal command, that the doctrine by the Trinity, or total depravity, or regeneration of special grace, or justification by faith, or eternal future punishment, shall be believed; for these come under the head of motives or sanctions; and who ever heard of a special enactment requiring subjects to believe the declarations of a lawgiver, with respect to the sanctions of law? The obligation to understand and believe the doctrines of the Bible, is involved in the nature of the Bible as a book of law. The subjects of Jehovah are bound to understand the laws of his government, under which they live, and to believe his declarations, without a special enactment, and a subjoined penalty. They are bound to understand the character of God, the great Object of religious affection, and Foundation of moral obligation, and to act with such a temper, and under the influence of such motives, as God has required. But a law is never understood, whose precepts only are recognized, and whose sanctions are unknown. The character of God is not correctly and adequately disclosed by the precepts only of his Law; and the motives to obedience, and the principles of holy action are found no where but in the doctrines of revelation. If men, as accountable creatures, are bound to act as God commands; they are bound to understand those doctrines, which disclose the principles and motives of action; and this the Scriptures, in general terms, do command expressly and often. The command is reiterated in various forms to know the truth, a term comprehending the whole revealed system: to love the truth, not a part, but the whole truth, which is the Word of God: and to obey the truth, which is to believe what God has revealed, and to do what God has commanded, with the temper, and under the influence of the motives, which He has disclosed as principles of holy action.

To say, that the doctrines of the Bible are so obscurely revealed, as to supersede the possibility and the obligation of understanding them, is blasphemy. It is ascribing to Jehovah folly, or injustice, or both. It is annihilating the Bible, as a system of moral law; for precepts, without intelligible sanctions, are not moral government. Government lies in the motives revealed; and, if these cannot be understood, they are not revealed, and God does not administer a moral government except by the feeble impulse of the light of nature. And thus we land in infidelity.

The maxim, that no one doctrine of the Bible is absolutely indispensable to salvation, and the inference, thence drawn, that truth is useless and error innocent, is a sophism. It is drawing general conclusions, from particular premises. For suppose, that no one doctrine subtracted from the system, all the rest remaining and being cordially believed, would exile the soul from heaven. What then? Does it follow, that the disbelief and rejection of the whole system would not be fatal? What if it be true, that no one kind of nutriment is absolutely indispensable to human life; does it thence follow, that all nutrition may be safely dispensed with? What if no one poison be so active, but that a very little may be received into the system consistently with life? Does it thence follow, that poisons are harmless, are nutritious, and may be safely employed as a substitute for bread? The fact is, that those, who discard the doctrine of the Trinity, discard usually every other fundamental doctrine. Their system is not merely different from, but opposite to that denominated orthodox; so that if one be true, the other is false; if one be sincere milk, the other is poison. Nor does it follow that, provided a real Christian might, without believing some particular doctrine, possibly attain to heaven, he could therefore dispense with it without injury. Much less does it follow, that because a Christian may not be absolutely destroyed, by some erroneous opinion, that therefore an impenitent sinner may safely adopt it. An error which may not suffice to destroy spiritual life in a believer, may be decisive to prevent the commencement of it, in the heart of an impenitent sinner. Thousands may die a death eternal, by the influence of an error, under the operation of which, a Christian may possibly drag out a meager spiritual existence.

The opinion, that the doctrines of revelation are matters of mere speculation, of trivial practical influence, is a position at variance with the principles of law, with the constitution of the human mind, and with universal fact. It is not true of the principles of natural science, that they are mere matters of speculation, and of no practical influence on man. It is the practical influence of the sciences, which constitutes their utility. They exert a powerful influence, in the formation of the human character, and the regulation of human conduct. The whole course of the daily business of the world moves on by the illumination and potent energy of the sciences.

Much less is it a fact, that truth, contained in moral laws, has no influence. It is here, that the kind of truth is precisely that, which is most adapted to move free agents, and comes to the understanding, and conscience, and heart, with a designed concentration of influence, surpassing all other influence but that of direct physical impulse. The whole motive in legislation lies in the sanctions of law; and these have their influence through the medium of opinion. The motive to obedience is, as the opinion concerning it is. If that be correct, the true motive is presented to the mind; if incorrect, the intended motive is thrust aside, and another substituted. To say, that the doctrines of the Bible embodying and presenting to the mind of man that moral influence, by which God governs him as a free agent, and an accountable creature, are mere abstract speculations, of no moral influence or practical effect; is charging God with incompetency, in legislation; and disrobing him of his character of Moral Governor; and destroying the accountability of man; and blotting out the light of the glory of God, as it would otherwise be displayed in his works of providence and grace. But upon what authority is it alleged, that the doctrines of the Bible have no practical influence? Does opinion in human governments, concerning the lawgiver and the sanctions of law, exert no influence upon the character and conduct of man? Why then should the laws and sanctions of the government of Jehovah exert no influence, so that believing or not believing its fundamental truths shall have no effect? Doctrines in religion do exert a powerful influence. Have the doctrines of the Alcoran proved themselves idle theories, of no practical influence; or the doctrines of Paganism; or the doctrines of Popery? Have the doctrines of Calvin and Arminius no effect, or precisely the same effect? Why then oppose the one and eulogize the other, when both are equally good, or equally useless?

No truth in legislation, human or divine, is merely speculative; however it may appear such. What can be apparently more exclusively speculative than the opinion of the Gnostics, that all moral impurity lies in matter? But from this opinion, as a fountain, flowed the denial of the human nature and death of Christ, of the resurrection of the body, the celibacy of the clergy, the doctrine of penance and purgatory, and the host of cruelties and fooleries, which have taxed and tormented the world. Travel over benighted Asia, and witness the operation of the same opinion in the ablutions of the Ganges, and the self-inflicted torture of devotees to subdue the sin, which is in matter, and render the spirit pure and acceptable to the gods.

That Mahomet is the true prophet is a speculative opinion; but it has carried fire and sword in its course, and ruled the nations with a rod of iron, and dashed them in pieces as a potter’s vessel.

That the Pope is the successor of Peter, and universal and infallible bishop, is a matter of mere opinion; but it is an opinion, which has immured the nations of Europe in a dungeon, and bound them in chains, and almost extinguished the human intellect.

They are mere opinions, that there is no God; that the end sanctions the means; and that death is an eternal sleep: but fire, and blood, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth, have attended their march over desolated Europe. Considering man as an animal, the atheists of the French revolution destroyed his life with as little ceremony, as they would crush an insect. The fact is, that among moral agents, opinions respecting law and the sanctions of law, are principles of action; and no great aberration from rectitude in practice can be named, with respect to public bodies or individuals, which is not caused or justified by some false opinion. The opinion, that belief and disbelief are mechanical, to the exclusion of all influence of the heart, of interest, passion, and prejudice, is the consummation of folly.—Evidence may be so powerful, as to render incredulity impossible; and so feeble, as to render belief impossible. But an entire temperate zone lies between these two extremes, in which inclination and aversion, passion and prejudice, exert as decisive an influence upon the understanding, as evidence itself. If not, whence the maxim, that no man may judge in his own cause? Is it because all men are dishonest? Or is it because interest is known to pervert the judgment even of honest men? Whence all the unmeaning talk about sincerity, and prejudice, and candour? Who ever heard of a sincere, unprejudiced, candid pair of balances? If the mind decides by scruples and grains of evidence, as the scales are balanced by weights; why may not the honest judge decide in his own cause? Can interest vary the weights in the balance? How can he help himself without perjury, though the weight of evidence should be against his interest? The fact is notorious, that inclination possesses a powerful influence over the judgment. Examination may be neglected on one side, and pushed on the other. The evidence in favour of our choice may be dwelt upon, and the eye be turned away from that which would prove an unpleasant fact.

It is practicable to suspend a decision; to resist conviction; to pervert arguments, which prove unwelcome truths; and even to forget them; and to treasure up for use those, which favour conclusions which we love.

The demonstrations of Euclid, if their result had been the doctrine of the Trinity, the total depravity of man, the necessity of regeneration, and future eternal punishments, would have produced as much diversity of opinion, and brought upon his positions as much contempt, and upon his book as much critical violence, as has been experienced by the Bible.

Erroneous opinions are criminal, because they falsify the divine character, and destroy the moral influence of the divine law; because they are always voluntary, the result of criminal negligence to obtain correct knowledge, or of a criminal resistance of evidence, or perversion of the understanding through the depravity of the heart; and because the belief of error is always associated with moral and criminal affections. It is never a mere act of the understanding; the heart decides, and is never neutral. If a truth be rejected, it is also hated; if an error be embraced, it is also loved. It is because men have no pleasure in the truth, but have pleasure in righteousness, that they are given over to believe a lie, and are punished for believing it, with everlasting destruction. The propagation of error is criminal, of course, because it is destructive to the souls of men, annihilating the influence of the divine moral government, and the means by which God is accustomed to renew the soul, and without which he does not ordinarily exert his sanctifying power.

IX. In the view of what has been said, how momentous is the responsibility of ministers of the gospel; and how aggravated the destruction of those, who keep back the truth, or inculcate falsehood. It is, as if a man, not content with his own destruction by famine, should extend the desolation, by withholding nutrition from all around him; or not content with poisoning himself, should cast poison into all the fountains, putting in motion around him the waters of death. If there be a place in the world of despair, of tenfold darkness, where the wrath of the Almighty glows with augmented fury, and whence, through eternity, are heard the loudest wailings, ascending with the smoke of their torment:–in that place I shall expect to dwell, and there, my brethren, to lift up my cry with yours, should we believe lies, and propagate deceits, and avert from our people the sanctifying influence of the Holy Spirit.—And if there be a class of men, upon whom the fiercest malignity of the damned will be turned, and upon whose heads universal imprecations will mingle with the wrath of the Lamb, it will doubtless, my brethren, be ourselves; if, blind guides, we lead to perdition our deluded hearers.

The present occasion requires that a more particular application of this discourse be made to the Pastor Elect, and to the Missionaries, who are about to be ordained to preach the unsearchable riches of Christ among the Gentiles.

Sermon – Election – 1817, Massachusetts


Thomas Snell (1774-1862) graduated from Dartmouth in 1795. He briefly taught in Haverhill (1795). Snell was pastor of the 2nd Congregational Church in North Brookfield, MA (1798-1862). This election sermon was preached by Snell in Massachusetts on May 28, 1817.


sermon-election-1817-massachusetts

A

Sermon,

Preached Before

His Excellency JOHN BROOKS, Esq.
Governor;

His Honor WILLIAM PHILLIPS, Esq.
Lieutenant Governor,

The Honorable Council,

And The

Two Houses Composing The Legislature

Of The

Commonwealth Of Massachusetts,

May 28, 1817

Being The Anniversary Election.

By Thomas Snell
Pastor Of The Church In North-Brookfield

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

IN SENATE, May 28, 1817.

Ordered, that the HONORABLE OLIVER CROSBY, SAMUEL PORTER, and WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON, Esquires, be a Committee to wait upon the REVEREND THOMAS SNELL, and in the name of the Senate, to thank him, for the Sermon, delivered this day, before his Excellency The Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two branches of the Legislature; and to request a copy thereof, for the press.

Attest,
Samuel F. McCleary, Clerk.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
ISAIAH, IV. 5.

For upon all the Glory shall be a Defense.

ISRAEL, though a favored nation, was subject to many reverses of fortune. Their prosperity, depending upon the pleasure of God, ebbed and flowed much according to their national character, which received a completion from their kings and priests. When a deceived heart had turned them aside from the safe and pleasant paths of wisdom, they found by sad experience, that it was an evil and bitter thing to forsake the God of their fathers. Withdrawing the protecting wing of his Providence and removing the hedge he had built around them and all they had, God left them weak and defenseless as other nations, and delivered them into the hand of their enemies, whose tender mercies were cruelty. Of such unwelcome events were they seasonably apprized to make their escape by repentance. While seeing the storm, which had long been gathering, actually bursting upon the nation; or viewing its awful desolations around them, their hearts were often cheered with a gracious message from Heaven, inspiring the hope that a brighter day would arise, even a morning without clouds. An instance of the kind is to be seen in the Prophet Isaiah’s address to his nation: “Thy men shall fall by the sword, and thy mighty in the war. Jerusalem is ruined and Judah is fallen; because their tongue and their doings are against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory.” [Isaiah 3:25, Isaiah 3:8] But a happy day is to succeed this scene of national distress and desolation. “The branch of the Lord shall be beautiful and glorious and the fruit of the earth shall be excellent and comely for them that are escaped of Israel. He that is left in Zion, and he that remaineth in Jerusalem shall be called holy, even every one that is written among the living in Jerusalem: when the Lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion, and shall have purged the blood of Jerusalem from the midst thereof, by the spirit of judgment, and by the spirit of burning. – And the Lord will create upon every dwelling place of Mount Zion, and upon her assemblies, a cloud and smoke by day, and he shining of a flaming fire by night; FOR UPON ALL THE GLORY SHALL BE A DEFENSE.” [Isaiah 4]

The truth suggested by these words for our consideration is this: The glory of a nation ensures their safety.

We may inquire in what the glory of a nation consists, and how this glory ensures their safety.

FIRST. In what does the glory of a nation essentially consist? As many are the streams which serve to swell the majestic river in its way to the ocean, so, many are the circumstances that may sub serve the glory of a state in which, however, it does not principally consist. That which forms the essential glory of one rational being, would be the glory of every other. The essential glory of God is his holiness. With his infinite majesty, God would have no glory, if he were not holy. “God is love.” [1 John 4:8] All his moral attributes are but different branches of this holy affection, denominated according to existing circumstances, and the different objects toward which it is exercised. The Lord is good, and his tender mercies are over all his works. When he would show Moses his glory, he made all his goodness pass before him. The blessed throng that surrounded the throne of Jehovah, are ever crying in transports of joy and praise, “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty,” [Revelation 4:8] as though his holiness formed his chief glory and laid the foundation of all their ascriptions of praise. To ascribe perfect moral purity to the living God with corresponding feelings and practice, is to do him the highest honor. Because the sovereign of the universe is glorious in holiness. HE is fearful in praises, and worthy the undivided affection and unlimited confidence of angels and men. Contemplate God as no longer dwelling in that light not to be approached unto and full of glory; and you strip him of every perfection that challenges the first love of his creatures. Having inculcated indiscriminate love to men, and enforced it by the divine example in the dispensations of a kind Providence, our Savior exhorted his followers, “Be ye perfect as your Father which is in Heaven is perfect.” [Matthew 5:48] Inculcating the same duty, God said to Israel, “Be ye holy, for I the Lord your God am holy.” [Leviticus 19:2] By holy love, men become the children of their Father who is I Heaven.

If the glory of the ever living God, consist in the moral purity of his nature, which is displayed in his works, then holiness forms the highest glory of man. What can be so honorable for a rational creature as to bear the moral likeness of his Creator, in which the resplendent glories of his character are alone to be found! Does holiness form the excellence of God? And must it not also form the excellence of man? Can that be no glory in the creature, which renders God infinitely amiable, demands the adoring love of his rational offspring, and secures the affectionate homage of all the good? The nearer man approximates to God in his moral feelings, and the more perfectly he bears his image of love, the greater his excellence and the brighter do his glories shine.

Man was made after the image of God that created him, in righteousness and true holiness. In this consisted the excellence of his character. This crown of righteousness constantly emitted beams of glory. But when he offended by sin, all this glory departed, and shame covered the fallen, debased creature. The revolted angles, while remaining in their primitive state of moral purity, united to God by holy love and satisfied with the place assigned them by divine wisdom, possessed a true glory of character. But when they rebelled against the Lord their King, all their glory was lost, in which they had shone with so much splendor as morning stars and as the sons of God.

The adorable Messiah is ‘the brightness of the Father’s glory and the express image of his person.’ [Hebrews 1:3] His whole life was but on bright display of a benevolent and holy heart. To the pollutions of the world he was ever a stranger, and the unhallowed passions which war in the human breast, and, like conflicting winds upon the great deep, cast up mire and dirt, found no place in his bosom. Clad in the robes of spotless innocence and love, how resplendent were the glories that beamed through the veil of his flesh! Christ is both our pattern and example to conduct us to true glory.

IF the spotless purity and love of Jesus – if the perfect holiness of the eternal God, form the highest glory of his nature, nothing can give so much excellence to man, as that moral goodness which assimilates him to his God and Savior. What is the glory of man individually considered, must be the glory of men in their national character. If man has no true glory without Christian virtue, how can a nation have? The mass partakes of the nature of its component parts. If these be precious, the body they compose will possess a proportionable excellence and value. If one gem glitter in a crown, how glorious must be the crown filled with gems? If Christian virtue give worth to man as an individual, how great is the sum of glory in a nation of righteous men! This is the glory to which the prophet alludes in the text. “He that is left in Zion, and he that remaineth in Jerusalem, shall be called holy, even every one that is written among the living in Jerusalem: When the Lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion, and shall have purged the blood of Jerusalem from the midst thereof, by the spirit of judgment and by the spirit of burning.” [Isaiah 4:3-4]

Sin is a reproach to any people. The moral pollution of Israel was a stigma upon their national character; and their unprovoked abuse of God’s messengers and groundless disaffection to his truth were to their lasting disgrace. But here is a period foretold in which they are convinced of their sin, with godly sorrow look upon the Lord of glory whom they have pierced, their moral pollution is purged away by the Spirit of God, their dross consumed as by fire, they are a holy nation, and the Lord remembers their sin and iniquity no more. All the people becoming righteous, the nation is glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and God himself is their glory. When he led them out of the house of their bondage, the token of his presence was with them in the pillar of cloud by day and in the pillar of fire by night. So when they should again be purged from their sin and turn to God, from whom they had deeply revolted, the tokens of his gracious presence would be equally conspicuous, as if he should again appear in the pillar of cloud and of fire. Upon this pillar, the symbol of God’s presence, is it written as in capital of gold, ye are my people, and I am you God. A righteous nation is to him a peculiar people. They have not only the glory of national righteousness; but the honor of Jehovah’s presence. The throne of God and the Lamb is among them; as his servants, they serve him; they see his face and behold his glory, while his name is inscribed on their foreheads. In the midst of a holy nation God sheds forth the mild glories of his love, and renders them a praise and an excellency in the earth.

A righteous nation has the glory of just rulers. If the government be hereditary, God in His all controlling providence, will prepare good men for the throne, in mercy to a willing people. But if it be elective, where power immediately emanates from the will of the people, a righteous nation will delight to honor righteous men, while they are securing their best interest and adding luster to their crown of glory. Under a republican government, the people are responsible for the character of their rulers; and with them the error begins, which often terminates in their misery.

But when all our children are taught of God, our sons grow up as plants of righteousness in their youth, and become as polished pillars in the state. Instead of the fathers are the children, who become princes in all the land. The reflected glory of good rulers and a good people is reciprocal. The God of Israel said,He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth, even a morning without clouds.[2 Samuel 23:3-4] With what majestic glory does the rising sun beam upon the earth in a cloudless morning! With no less glory does the wise and good man sway the scepter over a virtuous people. When civil rulers magnify their office by a display of righteousness, truth, and mercy, how much glory is reflected upon the state they govern. Their administration is as refreshing as the vernal showers, and as pleasant as the sun after the rain. A ruler of this description, raised to a place of eminence, is as a city set upon a hill, whose glory is seen from afar – he is to the nation, what the sun is to our system, when shining in his strength. While it was a glory to Israel to have the symbol of God’s presence in their camp, it was an honor to have Moses, the just, the meek, the prayerful, for their guide. It was a glory to that nation to be conducted into the land of promise, by one who was not ashamed to say to Israel and the world, As for me and my house, we will serve the Lord. [Joshua 24:15] How much glory accrued to the kingdom from having a man after God’s own heart to fill the throne, who fed them according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them by the skillfulness of his hands! Had ever Athens greater glory, than that derived from Aristides the just? And how much luster was reflected upon the American name, when Washington, the wise and good, presided over the destinies of our country! And would it be more than a just tribute of respect, while the feelings of a grateful community would accord with the sentiment, to say, that glory has been reflected upon this Commonwealth from that venerable patriot, of tried virtue and a long course of eminent services, who has lately withdrawn from public life to enjoy the sweets of retirement!

A righteous nation has the glory of a pious and faithful ministry, well instructed into the things of the kingdom. A course of degeneracy is natural to fallen men. They quicken their pace in the downward road, when corrupt and false teachers guide their faith and form their manners. “My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge. Because thou hast rejected knowledge, I will reject the, that thou shalt be no priest to me: – As they were increased, so they sinned against me: therefore will I change their glory into shame. – And there shall be like people like priest.” [Hosea 4:6-7,9] Would you know the state of the people, you must look to the state of the temple: – From the sons of a righteous people, God will raise up men to minister at the altar, who will be burning and shining lights in the church. Trembling for the ark of God, they will not, like Hophni and Phinehas [sons of Eli], convey it to the camp and expose it to the uncircumcised Philistines; but labor to protect this glory of their Israel. While Moses was in the cabinet dispensing righteousness to his people, Aaron was a glory to his nation by ministered in the temple. When the ark of God was taken, it was said that the glory had departed from Israel. – But while the ark was still amongst them, their glory was awfully tarnished by the profaneness of the priesthood. Equal to the disgrace of an unholy ministry is the glory of pious an faithful teachers. Contemplate the dishonor upon Israel, when Jereboam took the lowest of the people, the ignorant and immoral, and made them the ministers of the sanctuary. Their character well corresponded with the stupid nature of the gods they worshipped. But the holy God of Israel, the Eternal Spirit, must have a holy ministry before the altar, to present spiritual sacrifices. And the people who have the Lord for their God – who are washed from their moral defilement by the spirit of judgment – who put a difference between the holy and profane, will be satisfied with no other ministry to present their spiritual offerings. The sin and scandal of an unholy priesthood will be attached to the state; while the glory of an Elijah, and of an Elisha upon whom his mantle fell, is reflected upon the people to whom they statedly minister. The adorable Savior Himself is an high priest, a minister of the sanctuary, and of the true tabernacle which the Lord pitched, and not man. Being holy, harmless, undefiled, and separate from sinners, he is an everlasting glory to the church which he has redeemed by his blood, instructed by his truth, and guided by his example. All his ambassadors who have imbibed his spirit and embraced his truth – who tread in his steps and faithfully deliver his message, are a crown of glory to the people whom they serve in the Lord.

A righteous nation has the glory of active usefulness and of being a blessing to the world. The views and efforts of real goodness are not circumscribed within the narrow sphere of self-interest or personal connections. Christian love is not an inert, but a living and active principle, which finds a pleasure in communicating happiness and is never satisfied while any good remains to be done. Nor are her views of usefulness bounded by the narrow limits of one generation, or even of time; but embrace an endless hereafter – not confined to the alleviation of man’s outward miseries, but extended to his emancipation from sin and death, that he may reign in life by one, Jesus Christ. Benevolence in good men is of the same diffusive nature with the love of God in extending his tender mercies over all his works; and the same with that of the glorious Emmanuel in dying for the redemption of the guilty.

A righteous people then, animated with holy love, while they regard the happiness of those that are near, will not be forgetful of those that are afar off they will be diving plans for doing good both at home and abroad. The state of their own country and the necessities of their own citizens will demand and engage their first attention. They pity the unfortunate and relieve them, solace the afflicted who have no comforter in their sorrows, and deliver those who have no helper in their distress.

Vice and impiety being the principal source and immediate occasion of human woes, will be vigorously assailed by a virtuous people, in their individual and associated capacity, countenanced by legislative influence and authority. Under the impression that those who have grown old in vice are rarely reformed, the greatest exertions are made with the young, and with the greatest encouragement. Barriers are formed to secure their virtuous habits and the sacred institutions of the gospel from the insidious influence and unhallowed violence of the profane and dissolute. – Inspired with benevolent affections, a people combine their efforts to disseminate the word of life and give moral and religious instruction to the neglected portion of the rising generation training up for mischief and ruin in ignorance of God and their duty. These efforts are extended to the suppression of profaneness and impiety which are followed with a train of evils; and intemperance, that monster, which has been stalking through the earth scattering misery and death around him; together with those haunts of men of the baser sort, where vice is taught with alarming success. Good men unite their influence to render virtue honorable and predominant and to brand vice and impiety with lasting disgrace; while their individual and associated strength opposes the spread of their desolating floods.

While fired with patriotism, righteous men extend their sympathy beyond the limits of their country to the distressed and perishing objects abroad in the earth, and with corresponding efforts commiserate the suffering nations groping in darkness and enslaved by sin. Touched with the feeling of their miseries whose ears were never saluted with the calls of grace and whose minds were never illumed by the gospel of peace, they will cherish every institution that looks to the mitigation of human sorrows for its object and promises lasting good to the world. While the blessing of many ready to perish will come upon them, they will attach a glory to their national character that will never fade. Such a land is more glorious than the mountains of prey. The triumphs of love vastly transcend the triumphs of power: The first is attended with peace and salvation, the last with violence and misery. The glory of Alexander in his bloody career of ambition and conquest, the military achievements of Caesar in crushing his foes and conquering the world, and the brilliant feats of the modern tyrants of Europe are unworthy to be named with the glory of attempting to conquer the world by truth and love. How is the luster of these military characters absorbed in the superior glory of the Christian prince in the north of Europe, who has adopted the principles of our holy religion for the basis of his administration, and is lending his personal influence and wealth to extend the blessings of the gospel through his empire? Were the benevolent spirit of a Swartz and a Howard to inspire a whole nation, would any wretched portion of the human family be forgotten? Would any measure of zeal be thought enthusiasm, or any schemes for their relief, too expensive? Would not the millions now wasted in dissipation and extravagance, or expended in war, be cheerfully devoted to relieve the miserable and make a happy world! Would the light and blessings of the gospel be long confined to the smaller portion of the human family? Would such a nation relax their exertions until the clouds of ignorance and sin were dispelled and the sun of righteousness had arisen upon every land?

Having Shown what constitutes national glory, viz. a virtuous people, with just rulers, a pious ministry, and active benevolence; let us enquire.

SECONDLY, how this glory ensures a nation’s safety. By a nation’s safety, we are to understand its security against anarchy, oppression, and violence within; the designs of enemies without, and the distressing judgments of Heaven. This safety involves the permanent union, order, and tranquility of a State.

The enquiry before us is this, How does the glory of a nation, as now described, ensure their safety?

First, By its natural influence upon the state of society, and secondly, by securing the favor of God.

By its natural influence upon the state of society. The benevolence of God is impressively exhibited in connecting the duty of man with his happiness. The religion taught us in his word calls man from the ways of sorrow and ruin to those of peace and life. It demands no service unconnected with reward, no duty without a promise, no sacrifice without a greater gain. While righteousness leads to ineffable glory in another world, it carries its own reward with it in this, by its happy influence upon society.

(1) A righteous nation enjoys internal tranquility.

The prophet observes, when speaking of a time, in which the spirit should be poured from on high to turn away ungodliness from men, Then judgment shall dwell in the wilderness, and righteousness remain in the fruitful field. And the work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteousness quietness and assurance forever. And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, and in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting places.[Isaiah 32:16-18] In the reign and triumphs of Emmanuel, The mountains shall bring peace to the people, and the little hills by righteousness. In his days shall the righteous flourish; [Psalms 72:3, 7] and abundance of peace so long as the moon endureth. Civil dissentions ripening into enmity and open violence, have a most threatening aspect upon the existence of a State, while they destroy the sweetest pleasures of social life, and fill the minds of the virtuous with fear and trembling, as they await the issue. Such unhappy dissentions usually result from men of corrupt minds, or from those nominal patriots who hold themselves in readiness to immolate everything sacred and precious, even their country itself, upon the polluted altar of their ambition. One active and insidious enemy in the bosom of a State, who has access to the feelings of his fellow citizens, and knows how to strengthen their prejudices and inflame their passions, can do more to sap the foundations of the government, disturb the tranquility and overturn the liberties of a nations, than a host of avowed enemies without. Aspiring men of talents and subtlety, but void of religious principle, are ever dangerous characters. But a virtuous nation – a nation made up of men whose hearts are warmed with charity that seeketh not her own – men who esteem others better than themselves; of retiring feelings, rather than aspiring views, will cherish no such dangerous foes in her bosom. Men of Christian benevolence, whose objects is usefulness, rather than gain, are unshaken friends of the Commonwealth. Nor will they attempt to cast able and just men of tried virtue and unsullied character into the back ground, to make room for themselves; nor to distract the State with dissentions, tarnish her glory, and endanger her liberties for the sake of personal advantage. A prevalent spirit of righteousness and love will never suffer the seeks of anarchy and revolt to sprout and mature under a wise and impartial administration. Christian virtue is not the soil in which unprincipled ambition will generate, and grow with dangerous luxuriance; nor will it be found congenial to the spirit of party. Where non are disposed to make the passions of the populace a stepping-stone to power, party spirit will die: the axe is laid at the root of the tree.

Mutual love produces mutual condescension and forbearance. If the fire of party begin its destructive work, it can make no serious progress, so long as this fountain is pouring in its water to extinguish it. Unhallowed affections subdued, reason and grace enthroned, man could not proceed in this work of national destruction, but would rather sacrifice individual interests and party feelings for the common safety. The following questions are from an inspire pen, Whence come wars and fightings among you? Come they not hence, even of you lusts that war in your members?[James 4:1] Subdue the unholy passions of malice, pride, envy and avarice, and a nation would exhibit no unhappy scenes of animosity, contention and violence; but its citizens dwell together in unity, as brethren.

Since a righteous nation has the happiness and glory of just rulers, there is no reasonable occasion of rebellion or complaint – no pretext for attempting a revolution to the hazard of their liberties. Wise and good men may unintentionally err; a good people will view such errors with lenity. When there are none to misrepresent and exaggerate through prejudice or envy, or to spread abroad an evil report to inflame the passions of the populace, or alarm their fears, good and able men will still enjoy the confidence of a grateful people – a confidence, neither misplaced nor unmerited, since the measures of their administration result from their united wisdom, rectitude and love.

(2) A virtuous nation will enjoy the blessings of good government. To many have rested their hopes of national happiness upon the distinctive form of government they have adopted, without a due regard to the character of their rulers. Every conceivable form has, in succession, been devised and established with the hope of avoiding the evils incident to all other anarchy and the want of energy on the one hand, and the abuse of power on the other. But where power is delegated in a degree sufficient to give energy to government, it is always liable to gross abuse. But good men at the head of state – men solemnly impressed with their trust and responsibility, will ensure the blessings of good government, even if the form be not so eligible. But a constitution the most wisely framed, dividing and balancing power with the greatest precaution, affords no security to our rights and liberties, when the vilest of men are exalted. But personal distinction and emolument are not the governing motive of those who rule in the fear of God. The happiness of the public is increased by the confidence that just men inspire, that the affairs of state will be well conducted. They are ministers of God for good to the people. Their first object is the general and permanent good of the Commonwealth. They are the rulers of the State, and not of a party. As an affectionate parent regards every branch of his numerous household, so in tenderness and love, they watch over the concerns of the whole community. Civil government under a wise administration, extends its protecting and fostering hand over the person, reputation, substance, and liberties of every peaceable citizen.

The sword of the Lord is committed to the hand of the civil magistrate to protect the innocent and punish the guilty: Nor does he wield it in vain. He is a terror to the wicked, and a praise to them that do well. He rules for God, as well as for man; suppressing iniquity, so baneful to national prosperity; and encouraging religion, peace, and truth. The path to justice is made as plain and easy as possible, that all may have their wrongs redressed, without consuming their life and sacrificing their fortune in a fruitless attempt. When the officers of a state are peace and her exacters righteousness, the virtuous are countenanced in their attempts to effect a reform, profaneness is checked, vice suppressed, and judgment runs down her streets as a stream and righteousness as an overflowing flood.

(3) A righteous nation enjoys a high degree of happiness through the influence of active benevolence. Much of our enjoyment is of a social nature, or results from a state of society, cemented by love and endeared by mutual kindness. Society without friendship, or any happy bond of union, and, especially, with feelings of disaffected and hostility expressed by acts of violence, is far more intolerable than the solitude of an hermitage. But when no man goeth beyond or defraudeth his brother, when the law of kindness is in his lips and governs his life, when all the members of the community are bound together by the cords of love, and vie with each other in promoting general and individual happiness, when all are regulated by the great law of love, ‘Do to others as ye would that other should do unto you,’ how manifold the blessings that flow in upon society, to improve its state and enhance its enjoyment! What miseries of the human family would not be mitigated? How many avenues of sin and woe would be closed! The hand of the extortioner would no more be felt, nor the cry of the oppressed reach our ears. Violence would no longer be heard in the land, nor wasting and destruction within her borders. The obstinacy of men would yield to their interest, and a sense of duty and a desire for usefulness control their headstrong passions, and excite them to becoming efforts for the common good.- Beneficence would flow in ten thousand streams for the comfort of the unfortunate, while every charitable institution directed to the best interests of man would find numerous and powerful patrons. When the holy affection exemplified by our Lord rules in the heart, the lion in human shape, loses his ferocity and love of carnage, becomes the helper of the helpless and a guardian of the common interests. When each on becomes the promoter of others joys, the tide of national happiness and prosperity swells and flows like a mighty stream. “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity! It is as the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion: For there the Lord commanded the blessing.”

(4) Christian virtue, the health of a state, is perpetuated in a righteous nation by means of a pious ministry. Ministers of the sanctuary inspired with the true spirit of their office, and drawing all their instruction from the sacred stores of revealed truth, teach for doctrine the will of God and not the commandments of men. This is the appointed means of making men good and happy – the sword which the Mighty Redeemer girds upon his thigh when riding forth to the victories his grace. A divine influence descends as the dew of Heaven to refresh the ground that receives the word. The grace of God sways the heart to obedience, and men being converted to the wisdom of the just, are a people prepared for the Lord. While the fathers are ripening for glory and congregating with the dead, the children are springing up as willows by the water courses, and become plants of renown.- The pure instructions and sacred precepts of the gospel, enforced by its commanding motives, and in prospect of an eternal state of rewards, curb the restive passions of men, while they yet remain unattempted with Christian love. A holy people and pious ministry surrounding the mercy-seat in humble supplications, have power with God and prevail. “Even before they call, God will answer: and while they are speaking he will hear.”

(5) A virtuous people will escape the dangers of needless contests. The misery and ruin of nations often result from their unwarrantable attacks upon others, and intermeddling with contentions in which they have no concern. Prompted by a thirst for conquest and renown, rather than by a sense of duty and regard to righteousness, they too often enlist in contests questionable in their nature and long doubtful in their issue, as well as destructive in their progress and fatal in their effects. Nations have long rued the day in which they publicly declared their purpose to unsheathe the sword. The desolating progress of war has reared around them lasting monuments of their folly, to warn succeeding generations of the troubled sea, in which they have foundered.

The treatment which all nations will receive from a righteous people, will rather conciliate their favor and secure their confidence, than excite their jealousy and arouse their passions. Virtuous men are the sons of peace – the master they service is the Prince of peace – the Gospel they embrace is a message of peace – the Heaven they expect is a world of peace – and as much as in them lieth, will they not live peaceably with all men? Their war is not with mankind, but with sin and misery; and in this war, Christ is the captain they follow. And is it not time that Christian nations adopt the mid principles of their holy religion and carry them into the administration of their government and their national intercourse – that by common consent they shut the temple of war and forever secure its gates with bars of iron?

A nation inspired with the peaceable spirit of the Gospel, while ready to defend their soil and liberties, will reluctantly stain their garments with blood. The equity, expedience, and necessity of war must be unquestionable before they will enter the field of death, and hurry thoughtless mortals of their last account. – The Lord of love, who came not to destroy men’s lives but to save them, has no where taught his disciples to thirst for blood, but to subdue those lusts whence come wars and fighting’s. And when a people has imbibed, his spirit, neither the prospect of conquest, no, nor all the glory of a splendid triumph, will induce them to unsheathe the sword. In respect to the controlling influence of the Gospel over the hearts of men and the reign of righteousness and love, it stands recorded in the oracle of truth, They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain: for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.

(6) It is further to be observed, that if a nation be compelled to draw the sword in self-defense, the Christina spirit will give them strength, by creating union. As to the success of war, nations have calculated upon their physical strength. But circumstances occasion a vast disparity between their physical and their real strength. The first is principally determined by numbers, the second by union. A nation of the greatest physical strength, agitated by party and torn by dissentions, may sink under its own weight, or become an easy prey to the first daring assailant; while a small state becomes formidable by union. This union is ensured by love and righteousness. These are a cement which binds together virtuous men and forms them into one solid mass in defense of their common rights. Pervading the whole community, it forbids ruinous dissentions and fatal treachery, while it renders abortive the influence of artful emissaries. A state, thus united and faithful to the vows of allegiance, abides the dreadful blast of war, like the deep-rooted mountain against which storms and tempests beat in vain. Enfeebled by luxury and rent by divisions, the Roman empire, with its vast extent, had no strength against the hardy tribes of the north: While the union of the small states of Greece enabled them to withstand the mighty kingdom of Persia. “A kingdom divided against itself cannot stand:” but by virtuous union, “a little one becomes a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.”

But still “the race is not the swift nor the battle to the strong.” If a people have not Israel’s God for their defense, they cannot dwell in safety. Which leads me to observe,

II. “Promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge; he putteth down one and setteth up another.” The counsels of the wise he turns into foolishness and blasts the towering hopes they have built upon their mighty schemes of ambition. – He comes forth from his place arraying the elements for the defense of his people, against the mighty. – “He that stretcheth out the Heavens alone; that spreadeth abroad the earth by himself: – that turneth wise men backward and maketh their knowledge foolish; that confirmeth the word of his servant and performeth the counsel of his messengers,” can bless a people and they shall be blessed; “for there is no enchantment against Jacob.”

While the God of Heaven dispenses his blessings with a sovereign hand, they are pledged to a willing people by gracious promise. “Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.” A holy nation is God’s peculiar people, whom he places as a seal upon his heart, and keeps as the apple of the eye. Israel’s calamities are all traced up to their unrighteousness, while they were uniformly assured that it should be well with them and their children, if they would sanctify the Lord of Hosts and let him be their fear and their dread. “At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation – to pluck up, and pull down, and to destroy it: If that nation turn from his evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them.” It is a general principle of the Divine government tot treat nations much according to their national character. A virtuous people may rely upon God’s safe and holy keeping. “As an eagle stirreth up her nest, fluttereth over her young, spreadeth abroad her wings, taketh them, beareth them on her wings;” so the Lord doth lead and protect the people serve him. He giveth peace in their borders, plenty in their streets, and health in their habitations. His work appears unto his servants and his glory unto their children, whilst his everlasting arms of mercy are around them. Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

In the light of this subject it appears, that many, both in public and private life, have formed incorrect ideas of national glory. Objects may have an external splendor which dazzles the eye and excites the admiration of the multitude, while they possess no real excellence. And in circumstances of minor importance has the glory of nations been thought to consist: indeed, some have even gloried in their shame. Vast extent of territory, whether by purchase or conquest – an immense population, whether by natural increase or an influx of foreigners escaping from justice – exhaustless stores of wealth, whether gained by honest industry or lawless plunder – mighty armies crimsoned with blood and crowned with victory, whether in self defense or in destroying the innocent – and triumphant navies scouring the ocean and scattering death and ruin around the earth, have been considered separately and unitedly, as forming the true glory of nations, while they have been the servants of corruption. Such was the glory of Babylon when Nebuchadnezzar was filling her with spoil and treading down the nations as the mire of the streets. Alexander thought it the glory of Greece that he should conquer the world, and Hannibal the glory of Carthage, that he should vanquish the armies and carry war to the gates of Rome. The Romans made it their glory to conquer the surrounding provinces and widely extend their dominion; and no greater glory did the modern usurper seek for France, than to crush and plunder the nations and give laws to the world. But things of this nature remain to be told at another day, before the impartial tribunal of Jesus, where a different, but just estimate will be formed of the deeds of men, and of what constitutes their true glory. The considerations before names are insufficient of themselves to render a nation either happy or glorious. At best, they are fading laurels, unproductive of peace and enjoyment. How lamentably have the great men of the earth, with all their wisdom, mistaken their own, and their country’s glory. May the Lord by whom kings reign and princes decree judgment, give wisdom to our wise men, and knowledge to our men of understanding, that they may discern and pursue what pertains to the true glory of the State and our common country.

This subject addresses itself to civil rulers. The great object of government is to render the community safe and happy. This object tis not to be secured without national glory, which essentially consists in that moral goodness which assimilated man to his God. It then becomes the imperious duty of those who rule over men, to adopt every wise and judicious measure for the promotion and predominant influence of righteousness and truth. This they may do both by their authority and example.

Corresponding with the general principles of the constitution, the charter of our rights, legislators are to establish laws promotive of the best interest of society – laws, to deter evil-doers from crimes against piety – laws, that will hedge up the path of the wicked and make the way of transgressors hard. Vie and profaneness are not only a reproach to men, but lead to disorder, violence, and misery as their natural fruits; while they awaken the displeasure of a holy God, and arm against themselves, their posterity, and their precious interests, the judgments of his Providence. While civil statutes should never aim to control man’s faith and conscience, they should stand as a sacred enclosure around every religious institution of divine appointment, and secure the friends of order, religion, and their country, in the quiet enjoyment of the precious gifts of Heaven.

Protecting the Christian Sabbath by civil statutes from open violation, is not to be considered an infringement on the rights of any man’s conscience; but only a wholesome restraint upon lawless men who neither fear God, nor regard the peace and safety of their country. Do we encroach upon any man’s rights by restraining him from crimes injurious to individuals or to the commonwealth? How then are the rights of men infringed when they are restrained form treading down an institution most precious to fathers, most conducive to civilization and Christian virtue, necessary to maintain a sense of God, of moral obligation, and personal responsibility, and on whose support and sacred observance, essentially depend the safety to glory of the state? Be entreated, ye guardians of our rights, to consider the sacredness of the Sabbath, its gracious design, its public utility, its solemn bearing upon the best interests of man for time and eternity, and leave no the hopes of the virtuous to be disappointed; nor their exertions for its support to be paralyzed by any defect of law.

But what are laws if unsupported? What better than a dead weight to sink the majesty of civil authority and bring it into contempt? When laws are suffered to sleep transgressors are awake; and collecting new courage and strength, become daringly bold. Having long since silenced the voice of conscience and put the enteral judgment out of sight, they now imagine their triumph complete, when the sword of justice no longer awakes against them. In times of degeneracy, laws can have no force, if magistrates have no conscience.

Ye ministers of justice, has not the public, and the generation ye to be born, a solemn claim to your fidelity? Is not the oath, the oath of God upon you? We look to our Legislators as the guardians of our rights, to you, as the life and guardians of our laws. Bear not the sword of the Lord in vain. But remembering that you judge for God and stand amenable at his bar, rise superior to the controlling influence of popular motives, exercise your authority with wisdom and moderation, and still with firmness. You love your country, you wish her safe and happy. Then labor to advance her glory by suppressing vice and supporting the sacred institutions of Christianity, those pillars on which this glory must rise. See the many thousands of our Israel, who have confided their important concerns to your hands, feel the awful responsibility of your station, and betray not your trust.

But what will laws avail if ruler be the first to break them? How can Christian virtue appear so honorable, if not practiced by those who move in the higher spheres of life? If our civil fathers themselves respect not the institutions of religion and the laws designed for their support, will not others take encouragement to treat them with sovereign contempt? The example of those who enjoy the honorable and confidence of the public, has a secret, but powerful influence in forming the characters o four young men who are looking forward for promotion? When they see virtue and piety in places of honor, vice and irreligion excluded, it will be a powerful inducement to maintain an unsullied reputation, and respect the sacred institutions of our holy religion. In the conspicuous stations you fill, your example cannot be hidden, and its influence will be commanding. Then let it shine with all the glory it can derive form Christian piety, inspiring our youth with an awe of God and winning them to the practice of every virtue.

And ye ministers of the sanctuary, set for the defense of the truth and for the light of the land, he not forgetful that you may detract from the honor of the state and expose it to the frowns of Heaven. Let not he light that is in you be darkness. A pious ministry is a glory to a people, but a faithless priesthood a disgrace. By the purity of your morals, the fervency of your piety, the humble sincerity of your prayers, your unshaken attachment to the truth, and your fidelity in delivering the message of God, add a luster to the glory of the State, while you are training up a people for the glories of Heaven.

We would congratulate his Excellency the Governor on his re-election to the first magistracy of the Commonwealth with such evident tokens of the increasing confidence of the pubic in his administration. It is fondly hoped that the will continue to give unequivocal evidence that his mind is solemnly impressed with the sentiments, that a state has neither safety nor glory without religion. May he long live both to enjoy, and, by his personal services, to perpetuate the independence and liberties which he labored to achieve.

His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, will accept a tribute of grateful respect for his past services to the Commonwealth in the honorable station to which, with pleasure, we once more see him called by the unsolicited suffrages of a free people. We would remember the example of munificence which he has set to others in public life, and in which we see a practical illustration of the sentiment, that active benevolence, while its ministers to individual enjoyment, contributes to national glory.

The Honorable Legislature, to whom we tender our respects, will never forget that he State can be neither happy nor glorious without virtue and piety – that these can live and flourish only by the aid Christian institutions. These, they will ever feel it the imperious duty to support and foster with sacred and paternal care, and faithfully defend against the unhallowed violence of the profane.

And now, ye men of state, whom the people have delighted to honor, and whom it is no less my pleasure than my duty to respect, allow the preacher to express this one fervent desire, that you may, individually and conjointly, both in your public and private stations, be a glory and defense of the state; and having been faithful in promoting the righteousness that exalteth a nation, with the blessing of a grateful people upon your memory in the favor of your God, may you shine in glory as the stars forever.

Thou land of our birth! Once the asylum of our Fathers from oppression, now the land of their sepulchers, and dear to us their children, washed from thy pollutions and purged from thy blood, may the Lord create upon all thy dwelling places and upon thy civil and sacred assemblies, a pillar of cloud by day and the shining of a flaming fire by night; and upon all this glory may there be an everlasting defense.

Sermon – Election – 1817, Connecticut


The following sermon was preached by Rev. Abel McEwen on May 8, 1817.


A

SERMON

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

HARTFORD,

MAY 8, 1817.

BY

ABEL McEWEN,

PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN NEW-LONDON

HARTFORD:

GEORGE GOODWIN & SONS…PRINTERS.

1817.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, Anno Domini 1817.

ORDERED, That the Honourable Henry Champion and Christopher Manwaring, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Abel McEwen, for his Sermon delivered before this Assembly on the 8th instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
THOMAS DAY, Secretary.
 

ELECTION SERMON.
ROMANS XIII. 1.

LET EVERY SOUL BE SUBJECT UNTO THE HIGHER POWERS: FOR THERE IS NO POWER BUT OF GOD: THE POWERS THAT BE ARE ORDAINED OF GOD.

 

The strength of civil government, and the good order and happiness of civil communities result much, from a knowledge of duty and a sense of responsibility in the people. Christians ought to be examples to the world. In discretion, and meekness, and subordination, they should surpass all other men. Actuated by the fear of the Lord; taught his will on the subject of civil obedience; protected in their dearest interests, by authorities of his appointment; they owe to human rulers a signal tribute of reverence and fidelity. Their profession should be the pledge of a quiet and peaceable life. Before them are the precepts and example of their Lord Jesus Christ. As God he was the lawgiver of the universe: nevertheless, having become man; and having taken upon him the form of a servant he obeyed; and he taught his followers to obey, the injunctions of civil rulers.

As a man, and as a teacher of Christianity, Paul had powerful reasons for walking in the footsteps of his Lord. The evils which Christ foresaw, in an abuse of Christian liberty, became more threatening in the day of the apostle.

The Jews, after their subjection to a foreign scepter, had many scruples about obeying heathen magistrates. Instructed and directed by prophets of the Lord, they were prone to plead the authority of these guides; as an excuse from a conscientious submission to the injunctions of the Roman government. If in this spirit of revolt and independence they embraced Christianity; they would be in danger of pleading the authority of Christ as paramount to that of their human conquerors. An expectation of deliverance from temporal bondage, by the Messiah, was their national delusion.

If Jews and proselytes to Christianity from the Jewish nation were beset with this factious spirit, it might be contagious. Rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft. All Christians; even Roman and those of other nations; under, either the pretence, or apprehension of allegiance to a distinct kingdom, of more than earthly importance, might be disposed to rebel against their civil rulers. Over the Jews God had, in fact, reigned King on earth. Christ Jesus, according to his own profession, supported by miracles of divine power; and, agreeably, to the faith of his people; was King, and Lord Supreme, in that kingdom which is over all, and above all. No titled mortal on the mighty throne of the Caesars could boast of authority and power which could vie with that, which had calmed the raging of the sea, had raised the dead, and had cast out devils. A mistaking zeal for God, and a contempt of human greatness, might very naturally have degenerated into a licentious disregard of legitimate and salutary civil government. Christ had appointed religious rulers over his church; to whom all its members were commanded to be strictly and affectionately subordinate. Human nature is inclined to pervert the best institutions. It would have been but the natural result of human pride, for these rulers; after having been clothed, by Christ, with ecclesiastical authority; to seat themselves in the chair of state: and it would have been grateful to the selfishness of Christians to limit their responsibility to rulers of their own profession. It should not be forgotten that the Roman government was at this time tyrannical and oppressive; nor, that Nero, who was upon the throne, was a monster of malice, caprice and cruelty.

Most seasonably then did the apostle, impressed with the attitude of existing circumstances, and with the prospect of future scenes open to his prophetic eye, say; “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers: for there is no power but of God; for the powers that be are ordained of God.” A universal application of this injunction is made to mankind, under the gospel, by the emphatic expression; “let every soul be subject.” Rulers and ruled in the church; and all, in every Christian community, of whatever office or dignity, must yield due reverence and prompt obedience to the constituted authorities of civil government. An exemption would prostrate the authority of the gospel.

This duty is not only inculcated; and the extent of it fixed; but the propriety of it is explained. “The powers that be are ordained of God.” Invert the order in which these things are presented in the text; and it may be said that civil government is of divine institution—and consequently, that obedience to its existing authorities, is a duty, which every man owes to God.

I. Civil government is of divine institution.

On this subject a diversity of opinions has prevailed amongst mankind. Atheists have conceived and have endeavoured to prosecute a design of rendering a citizen amenable, only to his fellow men. Many of better religious creed, have inadvertently fallen in with this impious and demoralizing project. Much ingenuity, and more zeal have been displayed in defence of the scheme. Still it is easy to be understood that the authority which civil rulers possess is derived, from God alone; that to him, and not to men, they are primarily accountable; and consequently, that the transgressor of civil law is guilty, in the most affecting sense, before God.

Those who deny that civil government is of divine institution, pretend to find its origin, in what they term a social compact; whence they would derive all the authority which may be exercised by civil rulers. By a social compact, they understand, an agreement, into which the people of a country enter; and in which, they convey away the control of their personal liberties and privileges to men restricted, or not restricted, in the exercise of their civil functions, according to the provisions of the compact. Such an original act of the people is said to be what alone, in any age or place, clothes men with authority to rule.

Such covenants, it is conceded, have been made, in many ages and countries; many still exist and are known, as constitutions of civil government. They are also acknowledged to be useful, and requisite to a proper exercise of that right of government which God hath given to men. Nevertheless, it is contended, that no people, of any age, or country, would have a warrant to form such a compact, were it not given them by God; and that rulers would have no authority over their fellow men, after such an act of the people, had it not been given them by the Sovereign of the universe.

To perceive that civil government, derived solely from a social compact, is unwarrantable, we are to look at the nature of this source of authority. The consent of the governed is said to invest governors with a right to rule—a consent which must be obtained; but which, when obtained, is an ample warrant for governmental transactions. Contemplate then a nation without any government, where the people enter into an agreement, by virtue of which, they give to a man, or to a number of men, authority to dispose of the lives, and property, and liberties of their community. The questions now are; have these people a right to convey away the disposal, for instance, of their lives? And have these rulers a right to dispose of these lives, without an express warrant from God? It will not be denied that the great Author of human life hath revealed a prohibition on this subject, which is to be regarded. “Thou shalt not kill,” is the high and unlimited command. Were not provision made by the Judge of all the earth, for the exercise of civil authority, in taking away the lives of transgressors, this prohibition would restrain civil rulers, as much as murderers, from putting men to death; and it would as clearly forbid all mankind to put their lives into the hands of civil rulers, as it does from putting them into the hands of murderers; or from committing suicide. The right which civil government has to kill malefactors is derived, not from the consent of the governed; but from the decree of God; “Whosoever sheddeth man’s blood; by man shall his blood be shed.” God alone has a right to qualify and limit his own prohibitions. But for any man, or any combination of men, to assume this prerogative, is stern rebellion. Life is to men an unalienable blessing from the hand of their Maker: to commit it to the disposal of their fellow-men, without a warrant from the giver, would be a license for murder, given to rulers, in contempt of the express prohibition of God. To maintain civil authority, derived from a social compact, would be as impracticable, as it would have been unwarrantable to originate it from this source. The right of government would not outlive the preservation of the compact. How long this could be preserved, may from the nature of it be satisfactorily calculated. The people of a nation consent to be ruled, agreeably to principles, or grand regulations, specified in the covenant, made between themselves and the constituted authorities. What preserves inviolate this covenant, and prolongs its binding force? Obviously, an exact compliance of the rulers, with those fundamental principles of government, which are specified in the compact. Should they swerve in the least degree from these principles, they would fail to fulfill their engagements; the other party in the contract could not be holden; the compact would be null and void: the people would be absolved from all obligation to submit to the authority of their rulers. Such are the ignorance, the inadvertency, and the imperfect integrity incident to all men; that it is impossible, for the ablest, and most honest rulers, strictly to comply with the provisions of any civil constitution. So frail, therefore, is that civil government, whose authority is sustained on the tenor of a social compact, that an error of administration would be a national failure; the mistake of a ruler would be the loss of an empire. The wisdom of the world could not construct a government on these principles which could sustain a legitimate right to rule, for a year, or a month.

The practicability of maintaining it, is not to be contemplated, simply, in the fallibility of publick men. A government, of such an origin, is carried to hasty destruction, by an intrinsic fatality. It has, in its nature, the seeds of death. The generation which makes a compact soon goes off the stage. A youth succeeds to the place of his father; enters into his possessions and business; affirms that he does not approve of the compact, into which his father entered; that he will not consent to have his life, family and property under the control of the existing government. Upon such an inconvenient character, no principle of coercion can be brought to operate. From the nature of the compact, all the authority of the government rests upon the consent of the governed. This youth has not consented; and he never will consent, that this government shall have any authority. He, therefore, must be permitted to exist in his native country, as an independent power; or by force, must be driven into exile. If the whole of a rising generation be actuated by the same spirit; if none consent to be governed; all authority constitutionally terminates.

Upon such a government, refractory foreigners might bring a fatal embarrassment. They enter the country; proclaim their dislike of the government; their determination, never to consent to the compact. But one measure can be adopted. These intruders may be driven from the land; and all foreign emigration may, by law, be prohibited. Even the raveling of foreigners through the country could not be safely tolerated; for without their consent to the authority of the government, even the debts, which they might contract, could not be collected; nor could redress he had for the abuses which they might practice.

Let it not be said, that people who come by birth or immigration into a country, where such a government is in operation, do, by tacit consent, bind themselves to submit to all the conditions of the compact, and to all the civil authority derived from it. This argument supposes, that this rising generation, and these foreigners, enter, by tacit consent, into the original agreement, to all intents and purposes, as completely, as the original framers of it did. But we cannot bind ourselves, by a bargain, without knowledge and design in what we do. Certain it is, that the great mass of people who are born and grow up under civil governments, never are conscious; never have a thought of bequeathing to the constituted authorities, the control of their property, lives and other privileges. How then do they make a compact? Should they, beginning to feel the weight of civil power, complain of its violence and burdens; and object to its authority; could rulers say, we rule by your consent; we dispose of you by your consent. If the subjects of civil government are responsible “to the powers that be,” in consequence of what they themselves have done; of that voluntary act, by which they are bound, they must have been conscious. But no voluntary act is requisite; no consciousness of a consent given, or of a compact made, is necessary to render man responsible to a divine institution. The very law of his existence peremptorily dictates accountability to authority which is from a commission of his Maker.

On this point, a question of moment is; at what age does this tacit consent become of binding force? If no objection have been urged against the existing government, at the age of ten, or fifteen, or twenty, shall the youth have committed himself to subjection? No advantage ought to be taken of incapacity, ignorance, or inexperience. To make the obligation derived from consent, reasonable, and valid, this consent should be given under a full knowledge of what the government is, of what it may demand, and of what it will probably do. The Chinese, Persian and Hindoo sovereigns rule according to their own will. To be at their control is to be exposed to all the caprice of men, whose pride, and pleasure, and convenience, and malice may give law to their empires. If the youth within their dominions might; until a given age; by a solemn declaration, save themselves from allegiance and submission to those despots; and were they conscious of their privilege; who has the credulity to believe, that by a known, tacit consent, they would commit themselves, their fortunes, their prospects and their hopes, to the mercy of arbitrary power? Indeed, were this liberty given to youth who live under governments of the mildest form, and of the most happy influence; such is the licentiousness of the human mind, that almost all would be cautious, how they gave their consent to irrevocable obligations. If all civil authority rest on the consent of the governed; in every social compact made for a civil constitution; provision ought to be made for successive generations to give, or to withhold their consent. To say that a future generation is bound to yield either tacit or express consent, is no less than to say that it shall have no opportunity to consent or refuse. The inevitable conclusion is, that if all legitimate authority rest upon a social compact; every government, which survives the original contractors, must maintain its right and prerogatives, by the ignorance of their posterity, who know not, that they bind themselves, by tacit consent, to lasting subjection.

“There is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God.” Here every honest mind finds relief: Here every peaceful citizen finds a rule of action: Here civil government finds a foundation. The design of the Apostle was, to teach subjects of civil government, the duty of submission; and to show the origin of the obligation, which bound them to this duty. Before they obeyed an established government, he would not have them go into an enquiry, whether the government were a usurpation; because, the learned often cannot settle this question; much less, the common people. Neither need they, previous to subjection, be assured that governmental measures were not oppressive; for, if they were, resistance would be rebellion, and by rebellion, they would commit themselves to the horrors of anarchy. How a government came into existence; whence it sprang; how it obtained its power; are not the questions. The simple consideration that it exists, and is in actual operation, is a warrant for obedience; an obligation to submission. If it exist, God gave it existence; if it operate, God gives it power, means, and opportunity. To resist the ordinance, would be, to resist his providence.

When a revolution in any country has taken place, and a new government is once established; though the people at large may be incompetent to decide, whether the scepter were rightly gained; this is a question, with which those who have come into power are usually better acquainted; and it is one, in which their responsibility is intimately involved. Had Paul, instead of inculcating the duty of subjects, been consulted by Nero concerning his duty; he would, perhaps, have reasoned upon righteousness, as he did with Felix; or have administered reproof, as John did to Herod.

If God have given no warrant for men, in any circumstances to exercise authority over nations; he hath manifested an indifference, whether the people of this world live in anarchy, or enjoy the blessing of civil order. Whatever may be the conclusion of atheists; we who believe the Bible, have not so learned the will of God. For the Jewish nation; the people whom he chose; he framed a constitution of civil government; in which he revealed to the world, the grand principles of jurisprudence. In the revelation of his will, he hath bound mankind to the discharge of many duties; which can be performed only by a civil government. Murderers, for instance, are to be put to death; still to execute the divine decree, would be a crime, in any one, not clothed with public authority. Having, in his word, instituted many and important duties for civil rulers; in his minute and constant providence, he brings rulers, in every nation into existence and authority, to do his will. Hence, in language which should fill the world with reverence, he says, “by me kings reign, and princes decree justice; by me, princes rule; and nobles; even all the judges of the earth.”

Much, on this subject, has been said, by theorists, about a state of nature, in which no civil government existed. Of such a state we find no account in history; nor even in the legends of romance. On the flights of a distempered imagination men may go back in vain for such an opportunity; for the origin of civil blessings, from a social compact. But with the Bible in our hand, we will go back to Adam, made, not by a compact with his family, but by God, a ruler over his household. Down the current of time we may come; noticing the progress of government in the hands of Noah, and Nimrod, and Abraham, and various patriarchs, ruling either by a use or an abuse of those instructions which God originally gave mankind. Such was the tenure of civil power; until Moses the great lawgiver was sent by God to the Hebrews. From the creation, until that event; and from that, until this hour, we may perceive that men have been set in authority by the hand of Divine Providence. “God standeth in the congregation of the mighty; he judgeth among the gods.”

II. Obedience to the existing authorities of civil government is a duty which every man owes to God.

It is the pride and policy of men, who cast off the fear of God, to make everything depend upon their will. An elective government is one of a very happy form. But it is one thing for a nation to elect rulers to rule over them, by the authority of a warrant from God; and according to revealed principles of righteousness; and another to choose men into office, who are to be responsible and subservient to the lusts and caprice of the community which they nominally rule. The Bible teaches men to regard their rulers as ministers of God; a maxim of later currency makes them servants of the people. Were they such; their first accountability would be to God. Servants of the public communities surely ought not to be holden in a more degrading servility to their employers; than the servants of individuals and families are to their masters. Even menials of this description are primarily to regard God: They are to serve their masters; “not with eye service as men-pleasers; but as the servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the heart.” Until people hail their rulers as dignified servants of God, authorized, and bound by the most solemn obligations to execute righteousness in the earth; they will be restless and querulous; licentious and violent. While they look at a civil office merely as a place of emolument or distinction, which many for their private advantage are to share; it will be the perpetual sport of some of the vilest passions of human nature. Let them in their estimation exalt a civil office to the dignity of a divine ordinance; then their conclusion will be that “whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves condemnation.”

From legislators, judges, and executive magistrates who sustain the honour and responsibility of acting under a warrant from God; much will be expected which shall directly fulfill his revealed pleasure. They will not be approved, nor even excused, by the public sentiment; unless they effectually protect the sacred name and day of God from profanity; unless by laws scrupulously framed and faithfully administered, they suppress, as much as is practicable, the sins of drunkenness and impurity; of fraud and violence; and give every possible accommodation to the progress of that salvation which God, for his principal glory, executes upon earth.

When such a public demand is made of rulers; subjects will be prompt and conscientious in their obedience. Every law emanating from the laws of God; every one coincident with his requirements; will be reverenced as a delineation of his will. Transgression of it will be regarded as rebellion against him.

Conscientious subjects will go farther. Every civil injunction, which is not a violation of some divine rule or doctrine, they will honour, by a scrupulous compliance. Their opinions concerning the expediency of some governmental acts may vary from the opinion of their rulers. On questions of policy, the judgment of rulers is, by divine appointment, to prevail. For the consequences of their decisions they are responsible. No consideration of expediency can be a warrant for a violation of the commands; “let every soul be subject to the higher powers—Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man; expediency justify an act of rebellion; for the consequences of obedience to an injunction, which is simply impolitic, cannot be so deplorable as anarchy, the legitimate offspring of rebellion.

There is a limit, however, beyond which, subjection to civil magistrates becomes a crime. When it is forbidden, not by expediency; but by the express will of God. The Author of the Holy Scriptures never intended that obedience, of one of his precepts, should be a violation of another. To every ordinance of man, we are to submit; to the higher powers we are to be subject; but not when we are commanded to violate a revealed law of God. Before we refuse to obey “the powers that be,” we must not merely suspect; but must be convinced that their commands are subversive of those of God; for his injunction to civil obedience is clear and positive.

To mankind at large, God has given reason, conscience, and revelation; that as individuals; as moral agents; they may give up a final account of their deeds, done here in the body, at his bar. They are not to risk the momentous interests which depend on their doing right, or wrong, on the infallibility of public men. To say that the responsibility of a ruler, in every case, supersedes the responsibility of his subjects; is no less than to assert, the will of the civil magistrate, to be the origin of all moral obligation. This is one of the grossest impositions of infidelity. It sunders the moral relation between the great mass of mankind and their God; supposes divine revelation to be made exclusively for rulers; gives them power to bind and to unbind the conscience; and to convert whatever God hath called a crime, into a virtue. If, in one instance, a law is to be obeyed, simply because it has become a law of the government established over us; then in every instance, obedience, though it be an horrid impiety, must be rendered. This doctrine, fraught with the deadliest poison of infidelity, conveying death to the vitals of religious liberty, should be watched, by every man, with a trembling jealousy, for his own soul, and for God. Let it have free course among us; let it control our conduct; let it be publicly conceded, that in all things rulers must be obeyed; whatever may be the incompatible requirements and prohibitions of God; and there is an end of conscience toward him; and an end of civil privilege.

Revive the law of Egypt, requiring the slaughter of the first born: then, if responsibility belong only to rulers, fathers and mothers, without scruple or remorse, are to give up their children to the executioner. Dissolve, by law, every marriage covenant: then, every endearment and every duty of domestic life would be justly disregarded. There is nothing sacred to humanity, nothing sacred to religion, which a nation might not only be doomed to give up; there is nothing but what, with violent hands, they might be commanded to destroy. The Bible, the Sabbath, the church, it might become their duty to annihilate.

Men and brethren; it is our happiness, that we have no such lengths to go. The same Bible, which inculcates civil obedience, bounds the exercise of public authority: It presents to the eyes of rulers and ruled a common God and Judge, before whom every individual is, for himself, to stand or fall. It gives to the man whose well instructed mind and tender conscience forbid him to act, a precedent for saying, to rulers who demand known sin, “whether it be right, in the sight of God, to hearken unto you, more than unto God, judge ye.”

To this lamentable alternative the people of this state have not been driven. From it, past experience declares, they may still be saved. Let counsel still be taken of God; and the laws of the state, and the laws of God will continue to coincide. “Provide out of all the people, able men; such as fear God; men of truth; hating covetousness; and place such over them;” and the people will have a common path of civil obedience and of piety.

If civil offices be of divine appointment; if God have ordained the powers that be; if knowing this the people of this state, under the indulgence of heaven be permitted to fill these places with men of their choice; a most affecting forfeiture will be made of all the kindness of God; if men, after his own heart, be not elevated to that power, by which his purposes are to be accomplished.

The assembled magistrates and rulers of this commonwealth will, from our subject, at once, perceive the honour, and feel the delicacy of their stations.

Respected leaders: the hand of our God has placed you over us. His will you are to perform. What we should be in morals; what we should be in religion; whatever of public and relative duty we should do; whatever of liberty we should enjoy; whatever of restraint we need; think, we pray you, on these things; and let your influence be our glory and defence. We see you blessed, we trust, that you may be blessings to us and to our children. May that mind which God so kindly gave to Moses, to Joshua, and to David be given to you; that the world, seeing us under your authority, may say “happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

Fathers and brethren in the ministry; our primary sphere of action is in a kingdom which is not of this world; yet we have something to do in the kingdoms of men. It is our business and our glory to preach a crucified Saviour to perishing sinners; but we have the example of Paul, the aged, the learned, the pious, the chosen of Christ, for inculcating the duty of a quiet and peaceable life, under the government of our country. It is not our task, to plead for reverence to a Nero and his menial court: to teach submission and patience under a public scourge. Had God given us a king, in his wrath, our lot would have been to teach righteousness under the severe rebuke. If we have turned the public eye to powers ordained over us; we have not pointed out “a terror to good works; but to the evil.” With boldness we have been able to say, “do that which is good; and thou shalt have praise of the same.”

To the God of our forefathers let us come, confiding in him to preserve the foundations, in which the righteous trust.

While we labour for the quietude, and order of the state, let us “pray for the peace of Jerusalem.” After all the prosperity of our churches; after all which the government, and people of the state have done, in works of benevolence; after times of refreshing from the presence of the Lord, which should be rehearsed, in our most public praise; much remains to be accomplished for the salvation of men; and for the edification of the churches. The time is short. Events of the past year have left us to prosecute the great work, of our calling, with diminished numbers. Our fathers; the distinguished among our fathers! Where are they? How much of talents; how much of learning; how much of piety; how much of usefulness has the grave swallowed up. We trust that heaven has had its share of the vast loss which we have sustained; and that grave has found a triumph, in those faithful men, in whom it found its most conspicuous instruments. The gloom of this house, the bereavement of our seminary of science, and other remembrances of death tell us, that what is ripe for heaven God takes to himself. To prayer, to watchfulness, to fidelity, to labours, let us be quickened; that we may severally say “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith: henceforth, there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me, at that day; and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing.

Sermon – Election – 1816, Vermont


Samuel Austin (1760-1830) graduate from Yale in 1783. He was President of the University of Vermont (1815-1821). The following sermon was preached by Rev. Austin on October 10, 1816.


In General Assembly of Vermont, Oct. 11, 1816.
Resolved that at the thanks of this House be presented to the Rev. Samuel Austin, for his Election Sermon, and that he be requested to furnish a copy for publication.

W. D. SMITH, Clerk.
RELIGION THE GLORY OF A COMMUNITY.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF GENERAL

ELECTION,

AT MONTPELIER, OCTOBER 10, 1816,

BEFORE THE HONORABLE

LEGISLATURE OF VERMONT.

BY SAMUEL AUSTIN, D. D.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VERMONT.

MONTPELIER, Vt.
PRINTED BY WALTON AND GOSS, OCTOBER,
1816.

An

ELECTION SERMON.

 

ISAIAH lx. 19.

“THY GOD, THY GLORY.”

 

These words are a part of a discourse in which the prophet presents a predictive description of the future prosperity of Israel, as a community. The foundation of this prosperity was to be laid in the universal influence of religion. The cause and the effect are concurrently displayed in the animated address which introduces, and is continued quite through the chapter. The closing passages are these; “Thy sun shall no more go down, neither shall thy moon withdraw itself; for the Lord shall be thy everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended. Thy people also shall be all righteous, they shall inherit the land forever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified. A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation; I, the Lord, will hasten it in his time.”

It is true, in distinction from every false religion, whose diffusion and effects are here described. A sincere subjection to religion in the individual secures the unfailing covenant favor of God. And his favor is life. God is the portion of the religious man. It is his glory to know, love, and serve him; to be like him in his views and affections, and to be under his protection. What is true of the religious individual must be true of a community, yielding itself to be governed in all things by the counsel of God; and the words relate more especially to a common religious character.—And the effects of religion, when it becomes a general character, as presented in the context, are common, and respect principally the present world.

The words then warrant and invite our attention to this position,

Religion, embraced in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, is the proper glory of a community.

To illustrate and establish this position, it will seem requisite for me,

I. To shew, by a brief statement, what religion is.

II. That a real subjection to religion, comprehending the adoption of its principles and obedience to its precepts, is absolutely necessary to its producing its legitimate effect. And,

III. To point out the leading particulars, which constitute the true glory of a community, and which must be secured upon a universal subjection to religion.

I. We are to shew, by a brief statement, what religion is. Religion may be considered as a personal character. In that view it is moral rectitude. The man who should be entirely actuated by religion, as sinless spirits are in heaven, would be perfect as God is perfect. “Whatsoever thing are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there e any praise,” they are all comprehended in religion.

We have a perfect exemplification of religion, as a personal character, in Him, and in Him only, who is the light and the life of the world. In Him were hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge; and, in temper and conversation, he was “holy, harmless, undefiled, and separate from sinners.” In him we see all conceivable moral excellence, without being obscured by weakness or enthusiasm, and unpolluted by policy and an over-weening attachment to ceremonies and forms.

Religion may be considered as a system, and it is in this light especially that we now speak of it. In this view it comprehends all truth and all righteousness. It is a dispensation of light, of law, and of grace. Religion regards the duty and the highest felicity of man. It respects all beings between whom and us there are moral relations, and everything which we can employ to a useful end. It relates to the understanding, the heart, and the practice. It relates to the understanding, as it enriches it with knowledge, particularly the knowledge of God, his government and salvation, and our duty and highest interest. It relates to the heart, as it enjoins and produces right affections towards all objects of good will, of esteem, and of displeasure. It relates to practice, as it not only purifies the spring, but sanctifies the powers and the instruments of action; and extends its control over the affections, and over the whole of a man’s behavior. It prescribes a uniform course, according to that perfect law, which requires us to love God with all our heart, and our neighbors as ourselves. The love, which is its great practical principle, is not such in its nature as depraved men are actuated by, terminating in self; but is disinterested or impartial. It is an authoritative law, giving to conscience its proper efficacy, effectually guarding against the commission of moral wrong, and impelling to the worship of God, and all works of charity towards men.

To estimate religion rightly, we must consider it in its simplicity; not in the fantastic attire with which many persons have thought they could adorn it; not spoiled with inter-mixtures; not as the Shibboleth of a sect; not as a mere subject of speculation and controversy; or an instrument which crafty statesmen can employ to accomplish their designs.—Many objections made to it would vanish in a moment, if the distinction were candidly made between what it is, and what it is injuriously made to be, by those who wish to shape it to their own humours.

Let us now consider,

II. The necessity that religion be embraced in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, in order to its producing its legitimate effect. By principles I mean those truths, which, as they come to us by the testimony of God, are objects of faith. They may be other ways called doctrines, to a specification of which I have not time to descend. By precepts is meant the entire sacred code of the Bible; all the requirements, and all the prohibitions affecting us, which it contains. The principles and the precepts are inseparable. They mutually illustrate and establish each other. They have the same origin, advance their claims with the same authority, and are equally at agreement with goodness of heart. We are not excused from embracing the principles on the pretence that they are involved in mystery, and are subjects of altercation. There would be no dispute respecting them if all men were duly humble and teachable. They are distinctly set before us, “and the meek will he guide in his way.” We are not excused from obeying the precepts on the pretence of their strictness or our depravity. For “the commandment is holy, and just, and good.” The principles must be embraced cordially; and it is impossible to obey the precepts, but in this way. If we embrace them, we accord with them in our belief, feelings, and practice. We possess the holiness they require. If we receive them not, they fail in their spiritual design, and their salutary influence is lost. “For if any be a hearer of the word, and not a doer, he is like unto a man beholding his natural face in a glass; for he beholdeth himself, and goeth his way, and straightway forgetteth what manner of man he was. But whoso looketh into the perfect law of liberty, and continueth therein, he being not a forgetful hearer, but a doer of the work, this man shall be blessed in his deed.”

Religion cannot have its proper effect, if it merely float in our imagination, or hang upon us as a dead profession; if we substitute opinion for faith, and an imperfect exterior morality for strict obedience.

We will now turn our attention,

III. To the leading things in which the true glory of a community consists, and which, it is evident, must be effected, supposing religion to have a universal influence.

1. The universal influence of religion must extirpate and preclude all idolatry, and all utopian systems of philosophy, tending directly to the subversion of social order.

It is no small part of the glory of a community to be exempt from whatever is the debasement of nations, and contributes, by an irresistible fatality, to their overthrow. Mankind have been, in all ages, addicted to idolatry, and it has sunk them into an extreme moral degradation. It has made them ignorant, ferocious, and cruel. Even the favored people of God were perpetually and strongly inclined to it. The greatest of their abominations were the idols they imported from the nations around them: and their frequent apostacies to idolatrous worship were the causes of the wasting judgments, which, in succession, fell upon them. Idolatry is a base usurpation of the rights and honors of Jehovah, and leads to the remorseless and unblushing perpetration of all manner of sin. It ever assimilates its votaries, in temper and practice, to the objects of its worship. Some of these are creatures of mere sentient and instinctive powers. Some of them the product of mechanical art, and presented to the eye of the beholder, in shapes, and by associations, directly adapted to excite vicious inclinations. Some of them, as the Moloch of ancient times, and the ghastly god of Jugernaut, in modern, are honored chiefly by human sacrifices. Some of them are patrons of fraud, lust, and rapine. In their number we find a God of war, a God of drunkenness, and a Goddess of licentious love. Even the Jupiter optimus maximus of the Greeks and Romans, was addicted to flagitious crimes. Hence the horrid scenes of sensuality and cruelty which are presented in the pages of history, and in nearly all countries. Idolatry is forbidden in the two first laws of the Decalogue, and is reprobated throughout the scripture, as singularly offensive to God. True religion, consisting essentially in the knowledge, love, and worship of Jehovah, cannot have any agreement with this false worship, or with the crimes it generates. There is an eternal repugnance between them. It is the avowed object of the former to extirpate the latter; and the latter is ever hostile and rigorous towards the former. They do not admit of society, at any time, or under any circumstance. “What fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness? And what communion hath light with darkness? And what concord hath Christ with Belial? And what agreement hath the temple of God with idols?” If the former universally triumphs, the latter, with its train of evils, must be banished.

A philosophy, falsely so called, and but another name for that wisdom which is from beneath, which is earthly, sensual, and devilish, has coexisted with idolatry. It is wholly deceptive and ruinous. It has appeared recently in a combined and formidable effort to overturn Christianity, and to substitute in its place, the worship of Reason, or rather, to support an unqualified atheism. In this effort it has made an imposing display of talent, and learning. It has professed a strong attachment to civil liberty, and an universal philanthropy. But has produced just the opposite of its promises. It has spread usurpation and blood. Experiment has torn off its vizard, and exposed its malignity. Religion rescues and preserves from this philosophy, which, the more a man has of it, the more a victim of delusion he is. Instead of raising expectations but to disappoint them, religion begets a blessed hope, which is an anchor to the soul, sure and stedfast, entering to that within the vail. Instead of training up men to a singular adroitness in works of mischief, it makes them wise unto salvation. It would be a great point indeed, gained by a community, to be completely rid of this false philosophy, and to have those insurmountable barriers raised against its reentrance, which the universal prevalence of religion must form.

2. Religion, embraced by a community, as has been stated, would produce a very thorough, and most salutary reformation of morals. Moral disorders, may, and do often, prevail, extensively, to the exposure of property, chastity and life, where infidelity is not acknowledged, and where a false philosophy is not known. Comparatively pure as we are, they are prevalent in our own country. They agitate neighborhoods, and sometimes convulse family society. They mislead, betray, impoverish, and destroy. Laws are enacted, courts are instituted, and moral societies are organized, to restrain these disorders. But they refuse to be checked.—The end is only partially gained. The Sabbath will continue to be broken; the name of God will be profaned; perjuries will find their way into tribunals of justice; chastity will be assaulted and sacrificed; frauds will be practiced; intemperance will be indulged. Health and property will be wasted upon vicious enjoyment. Religion is the effectually reforming principle. It lays the axe at the root of the tree. The individual who embraces it, becomes at once, and finally, more than moral. He puts on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and true holiness. “And such were some of you, but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified, in the name of the Lord Jesus, and by the spirit of our God.” As a visible reformation is ever co-extensive with the prevalence of religion, a universal spread of it, will certainly be accompanied with a universal and thorough reformation of the public morals. “Violence shall no more be heard in thee, wasting nor destruction within thy borders; but thou shalt call thy walls salvation, and thy gates praise.”

3. Religion, universally embraced in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, would exclude party collisions, and extend a grateful reciprocity of affection and kindness among all classes of the people.

Divide and conquer, was the maxim of Caesar; and it has been the practical maxim of all the Caesars of the world. If party animosity can be spread among a people, they are easily dissipated and wasted. Their own hands will probably be employed in the work of self-destruction. Recollect the extinction of the Grecian States, following, by a terrible and inevitable consequence, their divisions. See Jerusalem sacked by the troops of Titus, and laid in ashes, as the effect of the intestine feuds of its inhabitants. Look at that mass of embodied war, the Roman Republic, and mark how it is perpetually convulsed, and at last subverted, by the contests of opposing parties and rival chiefs. Nor is it to be forgotten how a late revolution on the Continent of Europe, which promised much, at the outset, in behalf of humanity, has had an abortive issue, through the divisions which rent asunder its most forward promoters.

Party animosity is a Pandora’s box. It scatters plagues of every description, and of fearful malignity. Is there no cure for this disease? In my opinion there is but one; and, blessed be God! This is sovereign. In no case can recourse be had to it in vain. It is the balm of Gilead. And religion is this balm. Religion is the cement of minds. It converts embittered enemies into cordial friends. It retreats from the scene where injuries are done, and blood is shed, to the kinder office of binding up the wounds, which wrong has made. It is the principle of a true equality, not ambitious of distinction, nor envious of the honors which others receive; holding office, and discharging its duties, merely for the public welfare. It inspires the magistrate with the feelings of an affectionate father, and the subject with a disposition to yield a prompt obedience to law. It forgets sinister ends, and heeds not the buzz of party murmur, in the grand effort of doing right and promoting good. It sweetens the intercourse of neighborhoods, and in everything is conciliating. Such was the affection which warmed thy heart, O Howard, philanthropist indeed, friend and benefactor of man, in whatever country he was found, or under whatever due he appeared. Religion was the holy fire which expanded thy mind till it embraced all thy fellows, and stimulated thee to deeds of self-denial, which have made thee the admiration of all the wise and the good!

What is the Jerusalem of our God? It is a city which is compact together. What is it that brings it into this compact state? It is the attractive power of that love which is the fulfilling of the law. Let religion then be spread among all the members of a community, party collision will perish. The governors and the governed, will make one affectionate family; their union will be more and more perfected by the goodness they practice, and they will be perpetually cheered with the prospect of dwelling together forever in heaven.

4. Religion, embraced as has been stated, would banish ignorance, and facilitate the progress of useful knowledge. Knowledge is the proper aliment of mind. It is essential to moral action and felicity. It sets before men the end they should pursue, and the means; the objects which ought to attract their hearts, and the principles which ought to rule their conduct. It is to degradation that ignorance is destined. Respectability, usefulness and enjoyment are connected with knowledge. Religion has hardly received the honors that are due to it, for the influence it has had in banishing ignorance from the world, and increasing its stock of valuable information. Christianity presents the only correct system of theology. And if we will trace the progress of science in its several branches, we shall find that it has flourished incomparably most, in Christian countries and in Christian schools.

Religion is friendly to the increase of knowledge, because it brings the possessor of it into the midst of its objects. It teaches him its value. It makes him give to mind its due superiority to matter. It makes him impartial in his enquiries, and industrious in his pursuits. It spurns indolence, and refuses to yield up the precious moments of life to self-indulgence. Was not the revival of letters cotemporaneous with that memorable event, which is commonly termed the Reformation? Do not the most valuable literary establishments of Europe owe their existence to the influence of Religion? And are not the most liberal and efficient promoters of true knowledge, now acting their parts on the theatre of life, to be found among the friends of Christianity? Then let religion pervade a community, ignorance will retire from it; facilities for the attainment of knowledge will be multiplied; and “knowledge and wisdom will be the stability of its times, and strength of salvation.”

No country in the world has felt the benign influence of religion in this respect more than our own. The first fathers of New-England, were distinguished for their piety. And, to preserve, to spread, and to perpetuate, through succeeding generations, useful knowledge, was, with them, a primary object. In pursuit of this object, they founded and endowed colleges and schools. In consequence of which, knowledge is more diffused through this section of the country, than through any other portion of the globe. We do not pretend to vie with Europe in philosophic and classical learning. Our opportunities and means, and indeed the excitements which most powerfully operate upon the human mind, as they exist with us, are not equal to theirs. But our progress has been honorable to us; and every year adds something to our elevation. Religion has certainly had a primary influence in raising us to that measure of literary eminence to which we have arrived. Nor has this influence been inconsiderable upon this State. Its legislative fathers have not forgotten the interests of letters. Besides the provision they have made for instruction in schools and academies, they have consulted the progress of education in its higher walks. We assure ourselves that this most important interest will not be suffered to languish, since the conviction must remain, and be strengthened by daily proofs, that, as religion excites to the pursuit of knowledge, the advancement of knowledge is friendly, and even essential to the interests of civil liberty.

5. Religion, universally embraced, would avert the judgments of God, and secure, in the ordinary course of things, and by a particular blessing, an abundance of all the comforts of life. “The earth mourneth and fadeth away, the haughty people of the earth do languish, the earth also is defiled under the inhabitants thereof, because they have transgressed the laws, changed the ordinances, broken the everlasting covenant.” God is known, in every age, by the judgments he executeth. He is governor among the nations, and asserts his authority and rights, as such, by rebuking those who despise him. He commissions the sword to devour. He denies the requisite heat of the sun, and the vivifying rain of heaven. “Who can stand before his cold?” The expectations of the husbandman are disappointed. “The children ask for bread, and their soul is poured out into their mother’s bosom.” By such dispensations God stretcheth out his hand, and smiteth a rebellious people. Over us his indignation has passed. New-England has not probably seen a more gloomy appearance on the face of nature for a century, than that which has excited alarm since this year commenced. The partial prevalence of religion in a measure reverses these melancholy scenes. What they would the universal prevalence of it produce? “Bring ye all the tithes into the storehouse, that there may be meat in mind house, and prove me now herewith, saith the Lord of Hosts, if I will not open you the windows of heaven and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it.” It would produce peace, health, and plenty. It would give a propitious course to the seasons. It would spread fertility and beauty over the face of nature. These temporal blessings are confessedly great. Their value may be enhanced in our esteem, by the most cogent kind of instruction, distressing experience.

6. The universal acceptation and practice of religion would secure the wisest form and administration of civil government. “For forms of government,” said Pope, “let fools contest! That which is best administered is best.” This is partly wise, and partly foolish. Unquestionably very much indeed depends on the administration of government. But can there be no guards against male administration, in the constitution or fundamental laws of a government? Be it so, that a government in theory despotic, as by a singularly merciful disposal of Providence, it may fall into the hands of a very benevolent and upright man, one of a thousand, is so managed as in the best manner to promote the happiness of the people; can we warrantably act upon the expectation of the frequent recurrence of such a disposal? Is anything more common in this world than the abuse of confidence and authority? Then, should not, must not, a wise people, (and a religious, will be a wise people,) set up every possible guard, in the very texture of their government, against abuse in the administration of it? But if the members of a community were universally religious, would they need such a guard? In some measure they would. For virtuous men are preserved in their virtue by means.

Supposing a community, unawed by foreign power, deliberately to institute a constitution of government, as has been the fact in this country, a fact almost singular in the history of the world, arising partially, I dare not say wholly, from a religious influence, what would religion, acting universally, effect in regard to the administration of it? We may safely say, that its administration would be very kind. It would certainly manifest economy in the public expenditures, equity in the apportionment of taxes, a careful management of revenue, a satisfaction with moderate salaries, impartiality in the decisions of courts, promptitude and fidelity in the discharge of every official duty, and liberal plans for secular improvement.

7. Religion thus embraced, would unite a community to God, by covenant bonds, and place it under his paternal and infallible protection. Such is the relation which the church actually sustains, and such is the protection which it enjoys. In this view, God is emphatically its glory. Allied by grace and promise on the one part, and love and subjection on the other, the Church is in the bosom of God, as his peculiar treasure. He keeps it as the apple of his eye. It cannot sink, for underneath are the everlasting arms. It cannot be diminished, it cannot fail of a perpetual increase, for the engagement is, “A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.” It cannot want either light or security. For God is both a sun and shield. While the nations who know not God are wasted by their follies and their crimes, as the effect of the wars they wage, and the indignation from above which they provoke, the Church proceeds, lengthening her cords and strengthening her stakes. Let religion, then, pervade throughout a civil community, and it will become at once an integral portion of the church, united to God by covenant bonds, and enjoying his protection. This protection would be the munition of rocks. It would be a better defence than the greatest number of ships of war, or veteran armies. It would banish all the solicitudes which commonly grow out of the insecurity attached to human affairs.

Finally, such a universal influence of religion would make a civil state most useful in its influence upon the whole human family; especially, as it would act in subserviency to that kingdom, which is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. All its proceedings would be useful upon the broadest scale. Its power and its means would be employed, not to ravage and destroy, but to diffuse the knowledge of the Redeemer, to propagate the word of life, to send heralds of salvation to the ends of the earth. It would act on this benevolent scale with great effect. For effects are commonly proportionate to their causes. In the grand struggle for the universal emancipation of mankind from sin and the curse, it would move indeed, like an army with banners. A new phenomenon would appear in the moral world, admirably indicating the near approach of that eventful period, when a nation shall be born in a day.

Let us now collect into one general view what has been said upon this last, and leading part of my subject. Religion as taught and enjoyed in our Bibles, believed in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, would constitute the proper glory of a community, as it would extirpate and preclude all idolatry and false philosophy—it would produce a very thorough and most salutary reformation of morals—it would exclude party collisions, and extend a grateful reciprocity of affection and kindness among all classes of the people—it would banish ignorance and facilitate the progress of useful knowledge—it would avert the judgments of God, and secure, in the course of things, and by a particular blessing, an abundance of all the comforts of life—it would secure the wisest form, and the most beneficial administration of civil government—it would place the state under God’s infallible protection; God would be in the midst of it, so that it could not be moved—and it would make the state most useful in its influence upon the whole human family, especially as it would act, by one impulse and a powerful concert, in the promotion of that kingdom, which is to survive all other kingdoms, and last forever.

These remarks will lead to a few useful conclusions.

1. To cherish the religion of the Bible, by a wise direction of legislative influence, is not only a sacred duty, but a dictate of the soundest policy. What is the end of legislation? Is it the aggrandizement of a few, or the highest benefit of the whole? The latter certainly. What is the end of a sound and vigorous policy? Is it to wheedle other nations into a coincidence with our plans, and to wrest from them their rights, or to advance a substantial, internal good? The latter surely. But ordinary expedients have hitherto failed.—Government, law, civilization, and science, however necessary, are found to be, in their best state, but partially productive of this end. In some cases they seem rather to minister to infidelity. After the labors and sufferings of a long series of years, the dismal story still is “So I returned, and considered all the oppressions that are done under the sun, and beheld the tears of such as are oppressed, and they had no comforter, and on the side of their oppressors there was power, but they had no comforter.” Religion is the effectual relief. It is a remedy of easy application, and always at our command. It solicits our acceptance, and ever exceeds our largest interpretation of its promises. It is infallibly productive of the effect even upon the foolish hypothesis that the Bible originated in imposture. The most intelligent deists have been constrained to acknowledge its salutary efficacy, and have been forced to it to supply the great lack of other expedients. Our rock is better than theirs, our enemies themselves being judges. Let religion, then, be honored according to its most evident claims; and let not the suggestions of those misguided adversaries, those monstrously miscalculating politicians, who imagine that religion is a mere load upon the human intellect and upon civil society, be regarded a moment.

2. If religion, universally embraced, and holding its due authority over the hearts and lives of men, is the proper glory of a community, irreligion, which is its opposite, must be its deep dishonor and its bane. Thus we are told in the scripture, that while righteousness exalteth a nation, sin is the reproach of any people; and that when the wicked bear rule the people mourn. Facts, in the whole history of the world, and as they are perpetually presenting themselves to our view, are in perfect agreement with this testimony. Whether then those who are impious in their principles and vicious in their practice, are to be considered as faithfully attached to the community, and seeking its best prosperity, by a pure patriotism, judge ye.

3. If religion, embraced universally in its principles, and obeyed in its precepts, is the glory of a community, legislators and magistrates ought to be amiable examples of it.—This obligation devolves upon them, not only as men, as creatures of God, and pensioners on his bounty, under his law, and necessarily accountable to him; but by virtue of the rank they hold. “The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds, as the tender grass, springing out of the earth, by clear shining, after rain.” The name of one king of Israel is transmitted to us under the dishonor of having employed his authority and example to make Israel to sin. And under this infamy he must forever lie. The name of another is transmitted to us under the singular honor of being an efficient reformer in a time of extreme degeneracy. “Moreover the workers with familiar spirits, and the wizards, and the images, and the idols, and all the abominations that were spied in the land of Judah, and in Jerusalem, did Josiah put away, that he might perform the words of the law. And like unto him was there no king before him that turned to the Lord with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his might, according to the law of Moses, neither after him arose there any like him.” Indeed there cannot be too much of so excellent a thing. It was therefore peculiarly honorable to Josiah that he turned to the Lord with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his might. The memory of the magistrate, who possesses his spirit, and imitates his examples, shall be blessed.

4. The subject is adapted to correct some prevalent, and very pernicious errors respecting glory, as an object of pursuit. Glory, that glory which the scripture properly denominates vain glory, and of which it admonishes us not to be desirous; consisting, in personal elevation and fame; in national aggrandizement; in an extensive territory gained by conquests; in a successful commerce, through it be prosecuted in a disregard of the principles of equality and justice; in fleets and armies; in martial triumphs by sea and by land; in a dictating preeminence and celebrity; is a leading object with mankind. It is unhappily made estimable by opinions and maxims, which a correct understanding cannot justify. In dereliction of the wholesome instructions of God’s word, which our forefathers respected with conscientious reverence, there has been a systematic effort, in our own country, to put the love of this glory into action as the grand stimulus to heroism. This glory is most expensively acquired, and, when possessed, is an unsubstantial enjoyment. It is destructive in proportion as it is fascinating. It is indeed a demon, under whose iron dominion, humanity sighs, and before whose altars, thousands of victims continually bleed. It is high time to denounce this image of jealousy, grind it to powder, and scatter its dust to the four winds. Let us see the detestable nature of vain glory, and prefer that more excellent way which is shown to us in the oracles of God.

5. The subject calls the benevolent to high congratulations, that the Christian religion, is at this moment spreading in the world with unparalleled success, and that we have a sure word of prophecy, certifying us of its speedy universal triumph. It is a fact that the religion of the Gospel never had, since the days of the Apostles, so commanding an attitude as it now has. It is embraced by millions of sincere professors. Revivals, remarkably free from error and enthusiasm, are multiplied. Numerous societies have been formed, since the memorable epoch of the rise of the London missionary society—for the extension of the missionary interest—for the circulation of the scriptures—for the reformation of morals—for the spread of religious instruction by tracts—for the abolition of slavery—to give language to the dumb and hearing to the deaf—to relieve the needy, and to wipe the tear from the eye of sorrow. Recently powerful monarchs have united, in the form of a treaty, and by mutual pledges of fidelity, to promote, by a special care, Christianity, in their respective dominions, and to make its holy precepts the rule of their policy. Thus, by a course of events entirely beyond expectation, and perpetually exciting surprise, the schemes of infidelity are defeated, and the Church advances, with speed, to her destined elevation.

Undoubtedly this work will go on. As it proceeds, great and glorious effects will be realized. The idols will be utterly abolished. Crimes will cease. Discord will yield to vows of amity. Knowledge will be extensively diffused.—Government will be mild and friendly to human happiness. Equal, and a chastened liberty, will succeed oppression. Peace, with her full horn, will force the bloody, ghastly, insatiate demon of war to the place where hell and horror reign. The tabernacle of God will be with men; he will dwell among them and be their God, and wipe away all tears from their eyes. In these assured prospects let us felicitate ourselves, and join the chorus of all benevolent dependent intelligents, and say, “Alleluia, for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth.”

We meet this day upon a joyous occasion. It is a pleasing spectacle to behold the representatives of a free people, unawed by power, assembling to legislate for the public benefit. But the occasion is the more joyful, as it is, in the devotional forms of it, a recognition of the truth and claims of our religion. We are in the presence of the Majesty of heaven and earth. We owe our being and powers, our liberties and hopes, to his goodness. Every passage of our lives adds to the aggregate of motives to persuade us to devote ourselves most promptly and faithfully to his service. His service is a great reward. There is none like the God of Jeshurun, who rideth in the heavens for our help, and in his excellency on the sky. Let us then come into his presence with thanksgiving, and into his courts with praise. Let us be thankful unto him and bless his name.

HIS EXCELLENCY

Will be pleased to permit the preacher, as an organ of the community, on this occasion, to present a tribute of respect to him, and a cordial felicitation, in view of passing events. A pure conscience, and the unconstrained suffrage of an enlightened people, preclude the necessity of individual attestation to personal merit. The former is the best source of consolation. The latter is all the homage that a true patriot can covet. Your Excellency has the pleasure of possessing the executive authority of the state in a time of national repose. Enjoying, you cannot but duly appreciate, the blessings of tranquility. All the means of perpetuating them will undoubtedly be cherished by you with paternal care. Deeply must your mind be impressed with the truth, that civil magistrates are on a level with their constituents, as creatures of God, as under the obligations of his law, as dependent on his grace, as responsible to his bar. It is a maxim of infallible authority that, “He who walketh uprightly walketh surely.” Your Excellency’s official course will be precisely this. May the duties which it involves, as they cannot be neglected, be made easy, by the consolations of religion, and the prompt co-operation of all your coadjutors in government. May your advancing years be full of piety and honor. And when it shall please the Sovereign of the world to terminate your labors here below, may you be admitted into the mansions of the blessed.

HIS HONOR

The Lieutenant Governor, the Members of the Honorable Council, and the Legislative Body, will allow us to express our congratulations on the occasions of this day, and our devout wishes, that their proceedings, in their legislative capacity, may be honorable to themselves, and contribute to raise the State to an eminence, worthy of it, as an integral part of the nation. It cannot be expected that one who has so recently become an inhabitant of the State, should enter minutely into its local and relative concerns. But it is obvious to say, that you are legislators of a Republic, Gentlemen, advancing in agricultural improvements, in population, in knowledge, and in regard to the infinitely superior interests of religion, and this is our common joy. Legislation, in such a community, must have nearly a uniform character. It can hardly fail to be directed by public spirit, and to consult the general weal.

I have insisted on a subject, Gentlemen, not new, but ever claiming the most serious regards. Multitudes there have been, of late years, and legislators have been found in their ranks, who have thought religion to be an imposition, and that it was time to discard it. But they rebel against evidence. Their wisdom is foolishness. Their doctrine leads directly to political suicide. Religion is as far as possible from being an imposition. Instead of enchaining the human mind, by mystical dogmas, and a vain superstition, it vindicates it into a spiritual liberty. It enriches the mind with sublime conceptions, and fills it with celestial joys. I flatter myself that the remarks that have been made, have gone to strengthen a conviction, which you already possessed, on this subject. Let me ask you then, citizen legislators, to rise, in all the majesty of Christian virtue, and, by such means as are at your command, give to religion its best possible effect. Unite with its ministers in this labor of wisdom, and give to its children your blessing. May your measures and your lives be such as reflection can approve; and as those who are relatively and officially gods, must die like men; may your exit from these abodes of infirmity and sin, be such as angels can behold with pleasure.

And let every individual of this assembly immediately, and cordially submit to Him, in whom the beauties of religion, have a full display, and who is exalted at the head of principalities and powers, that in all things, he might have the preeminence. To Him be glory and dominion forever….

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1816, New Hampshire

sermon-election-1816-new-hampshire

A

Sermon,

Preached
at Concord, Before His
Excellency the Governor,

The Honorable Council, The
Honorable Senate, and House of

Representatives, of the State
of New Hampshire,

June 6
1816.

Being
the Anniversary Election.

By
Pliny Dickinson,

Pastor
of the Church in Walpole.

State of New Hampshire, In the
House of Representatives, June 6th, 1816.

Voted, that Messrs. Appleton,
Healey and Brown, of Alstead, with such as the Senate may appoint, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Dickinson and present him with the thanks of the Legislature for his ingenious, elegant and interesting discourse delivered this day before his Excellency the Governor, the Honorable Council and both branches of the Legislature, and request a copy for the press. Sent up for concurrence. D.L. Morril, Speaker.

II
Chron. XXIV. 2.

And
Joash did that which was right in the sight of the Lord all the days of Jehoida
the priest.

This Joash was the son of Ahaziah , king of Judah, who was slain by Jehu. After his death, the mother Atheliah, usurped the throne; and to perpetuate her possession of it, she destroyed all the seed royal of the house of Judah, except Joash; who, being then an infant, was secretly conveyed away by his aunt, the wife of Jehoida the priest, and was hidden in the house of God, and there preserved under the care of the priest, six years. It now being difficult to conceal him longer, Jehoida determined to place him on the throne; and he concerted his measures with such prudence and caution, that he effected his design without opposition: The usurper was at once deserted and given up to justice; and the young king was universally acknowledged, and the revolution diffused a general joy. Joash, at this time, was about seven years old: The times were exceedingly difficult; there had within a few years, been frequent changes in the government, and such as were not for the better: some partook of political oppression, and some tended to the extermination of true religion. Idolatry had been established in its grossest forms; the house of God had been broken up, and the sacred utensils had been carried away, and bestowed on the temple of Baal; so that the young king had much to do, and a difficult part to perform in a critical time:But it is remarked much to his honor, that he did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, all the days wherein Jehoida the priest instructed him; he chose him for his counselor, and acted by his advice. Educated in the temple of God, and under the care of this aged and godly priest, he seems to have entertained just sentiments of the divine character, and of the nature and importance of religion; especially as connected with a mild administration of government, and the prosperity of a nation. When he was raised to the throne, far from being intoxicated with his elevation, or inflated with pride, with a modesty becoming his youth, he sought the counsel of the wise; listened to the speech of the trusty, and leaned to the understanding of the aged. He did not, like Rehoboam, choose the young for his counselors; he prudently retained near his person the man whose wisdom and fidelity had been proved in his personal preservation and political promotion. He early discovered a zeal for the pure worship of God, while witnessing the deplorable declension of it. He had seen the ruinous state to which the house of God had been reduced by his idolatrous predecessors, and he was desirous to repair it. He called together the priests and Levites, and gave them orders to make that collection of money from the people which the law of Moses required, and to apply it when collected to this sacred purpose. When he saw them apparently slack in executing his orders. He expostulated even with Jehoida, and endeavored to animate him in the work. The zeal for religion which glowed in the young king soon spread through all ranks, civil and ecclesiastical. Both priests and princes, and all the people united and vied with each other in the great design. A collection was soon made more than sufficient to repair the house. With the surplus they restored its utensils and provided for its daily services. It is said, they set the house of God in its state and strengthened it; and of the rest of the money were made vessels for the house of the Lord, to minister and to offer withal, and spoons and vessels of gold and silver; and they offered burnt offerings in the house of the Lord continually all the days of Jehoida: And this undoubtedly was for a considerable length of time; for Jehoida lived till he was an hundred and thirty years old; and Joash continued on the throne forty years.

From a man, and especially from a ruler, who had so early discovered a zeal for true religion; had done so much to promote it, and had all along paid so much regard to the advice of the wise and good, we should have expected a constancy in a religious course, a perseverance in it to the end of life. If, when he was but a youth, he used his influence and authority so wisely, what might not be hoped from him, when arrived to maturity. But alas! we now find him quite another man. Though the worship of the true God was maintained in the nation, yet there were many, even among the leading men, who were friends to idolatry and infidelity: These, as soon as Jehoida was dead, and his restraining influence had ceased, came to the king, and by their insinuating address gained such an ascendancy over him, that he entirely renounced the good principles which he had received in his youth; and at the suggestion of his new counselors, established the worship of idols: And the people soon left the house of the Lord God of their fathers, and served groves and idols, till the divine displeasure kindled into wrath and consumed them.

In this time of alarming degeneracy and threatening calamity, there were some faithful prophets who testified against the apostasy of the people and labored to bring them back to the Lord; but, were unsuccessful: Among others, Zechariah, a son of the late priest, publicly expostulated, warned and entreated: Why transgress ye the commandments of the Lord that ye cannot prosper? because ye have forsaken him, he hath forsaken you: And they conspired against him, at the commandment of the king, and stoned him to death in the court of the Lord’s house. Thus Joash the king, the historian subjoins, remembered not the kindness, which Jehoida had done him, but slew his son, who, when he was dying, foretold that the Lord would look upon it and require it; which was fulfilled in a most memorable, melancholy manner.

This in substance is the history of Joash; and it may lead us to some profitable reflections.

1. We are reminded of the beneficial effects of a religious education. Although, it does not always prove as successful as might be hoped, yet there is always some benefit resulting from it; if not to those who are the immediate subjects of it, yet to others around them; and it is usually beneficial to the subjects. It operates, at least, as a restraint from vice and an aid to virtue, if it does not permanently improve the heart.

2. We see, in connection with the case before us, the fatal effects of listening to the advice of the wicked. Good beginnings are often defeated by corrupt counsel. Few youth ever enjoyed greater advantages, or seemed to make a better use of them, for a time, than king Joash. But as soon as his late instructor was laid in the grave, all his promising beginnings were blasted at once by the advice of wicked men.

3. Another thing observable, in view of the character before us, is the happy influence of religion in a ruler. As our observations upon this head will be predicated upon the character of Joash, we may here premise, that our deductions or references will respect him as he appeared in the days of Jehoida; not as he in heart may have been: We shall not stop to enquire, whether he acted solely under the influence of this pious priest; or whether his own feelings then cordially acquiesced; or in what sense, or to what degree, he, destitute as he was of a permanent principle of holiness, is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord: It is sufficient for our present purpose to consider the religious part of his reign, and recommend it to others in authority.

Great good was done and much evil prevented under this part of administration. The nation, from the grossest idolatry, was raised to the rank of revealed rational religion. The king’s zeal provoked many; he led the way to this general reformation; his subjects fell in and followed of course. A ruler, who possesses the confidence of the people, and administers under influence of religion, as every one ought to, becomes a minister of God to the people for good, and may do wonders; may not only preserve the civil privileges, and promote the temporal prosperity of his subjects, but also enhance their spiritual happiness. Not that he can renew or sanctify a sinful heart, which is God’s prerogative; but he may honor, advocate and support the institutions by which God usually effects these ends. He may enact laws for promoting the observance, and for preventing the profanation of the Sabbath; for the encouragement of virtue and for the suppression of vice; for the distribution of justice, and for staying oppression; and having made, he will urge a prompt obedience to them. The former is useless without the latter. What is there, terrific, or restraining in a law which shrinks at the touch of the transgressor, or approaches him with a sluggish pace? While judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, the wicked walk on every side, the enemy rush in like a flood, and perilous times appear: Shall I not visit for these things, shall I not be avenged on such a people, saith the Lord? But let a magistrate, as he would avoid perjury, act agreeably to his oath, put on judgment as a robe, clothe himself with righteousness as he is clothed with authority; gird on his armor, and become a terror to evil doers: Let him mingle mildness and mercy with justice; but while slow to condemn, be ready to protect; let him confirm the maxim, that the certainty rather than the frequency of punishments prevents crimes. Ah, rather let the transgressor pity the magistrate, and not challenge him to extremities; or have compassion upon himself, regard his own interest, refrain from his violations, reform, and consign the law to oblivion.

Is it not a little surprising, that men should lay violent hands upon any, and especially upon the principal pillar of civil, social and religious order, and tear down the edifice upon their own heads? And yet nothing less than this is the tendency of every breach of the Sabbath. Strike off from your calendar, this sacred day, or profane it which is the same thing, and you drive away with it the appalling presence of God; the sense of man’s accountability; the solemnity of an oath; the thought of a judgment to come, and all the influence of morality and virtue; and where is your safety for your persons, or your property, to say nothing of your spiritual prospects?

In renewing our remarks upon the influence of religion in rulers, we may observe, that many will always form their opinion of a government from what they know of the characters of the men who administer it. They are better judges of the private characters of men, with whom they are conversant, than they are of the constitutionality, tendency or propriety of their political measures. When a government is administered by men of acknowledged wisdom and rectitude, it will have the confidence, attachment and support of good men. When it is administered by the irreligious and vile, it will be dreaded and despised.

A sound judgment and a general knowledge of the public interest are necessary qualifications in rulers; but these, useful as they are, will not ensure them the respect and confidence of an enlightened and virtuous people, unless they themselves are so. The greater their abilities and acquirements, if they are believed to be destitute of moral principle, the more they will be objects of fear and distrust. The servile and corrupt will seek and secure their favor, by co- operating with them in their nefarious designs; but good men, alarmed and discouraged at the degeneracy of the times, will, like Aristides the just, give way to the ambitious; submit to the Ostracism; retire into the shade, accounting, in such a state of things, a private station the most honorable post. It is expected of the ministers of the gospel, that they be fearers of God and haters of covetousness, patriotic and pious, not seekers of their own emolument and promotion, but of the welfare of their people. And why may not the same be reasonably expected of the ministers of state; and if essential to the former, why not to the latter? And alike endowed, and united in their exertions, how much may they strengthen each others hands; how much promote the public weal; purify the morals, correct the principles, perpetuate the peace and enhance the happiness of community?

The examples and exertions of men in places of public trust, are generally more influential and effectual, and more likely to be imitated, than those of other classes, who move in the lower walks of life. Their elevation renders them conspicuous, and attracts the public attention. Besides, there is a general disposition in people to pattern after their superiors; but unfortunately, they more easily learn to imitate their vices than their virtues. For this reason, men who are clothed with power, or raised by their wealth above their neighbors, ought to feel themselves in a degree responsible for the behavior of those around them.

While speaking upon the influence of example, we may observe, that good example acts with the greater effect, because it reproves without upbraiding; and teaches us to correct our faults, without giving us the mortification of knowing, that any but ourselves have observed them. We feel the force of counsel or authority, in proportion to the degree in which it is exemplified by the one from whom it proceeds. The best counsel from one who obeys not his own precepts, nor practices upon the principles of his own statute or creed, will generally be but little regarded.

“Would you, your public laws should sacred stand,

Lead first the way, and act what you command:

The crowd grow mild and tractable, to see

The author governed by his own decree:

The world turns round, as its great matter draws,

And princes’ lives bind stronger than their laws.”

4. The subject naturally leads us to consider more particularly the connection and mutual dependence of civil and religious institutions. They are the principal pillars of the same edifice; the protection, the temporal and spiritual happiness of man. Impairing this connection is exposing the whole superstructure; is putting asunder what God has joined together; joined and connected, we say, not blended. They are distinct establishments, but mutually dependant, and may be mutual assistants. The connection between them we can trace back to the civil administration of Moses and to the priesthood of Aaron. Though they were appointed to different offices, and in some respects officiated separately; yet in their mission to the children of Israel, they were sent forth together; to walk hand in hand; to speak alternately; to co- operate; to receive and enforce both the civil and sacred law. Under all the primitive dispensations, we find this connection recognized; particularly in the law that required the people to contribute a certain part of their annual income to the support of the services in the temple. Indeed, this connection is explicitly acknowledged in our own State constitution; particularly in the article, which, after specifying that morality and piety give the best and greatest security to government, empowers the legislature to authorize towns and societies to make provision, at their own expense, for the support of public Protestant teachers of religion.

And again: What less than a sense of this connection, is expressed by the oaths of initiation into office? Nay, what less is the intention of our present assembling, but to implore a blessing upon the several branches of our government; thus acknowledging the necessity of religion to a wise administration; and, of course, a readiness to reciprocate the influence it may receive; a readiness to observe and uphold those religious institutions which are the life of rational liberty; the foundation of a free government; and which, in their full, restraining, pacific influence, would be a complete substitute for it. The great use an design of civil government is to enforce the same duties; to restrain men within the same bounds; and to keep them from the same danger; and, in a measure to accomplish the same ends, to which the gospel and its ordinances are directed. The latter, therefore, are a mighty aid to the former; and might supersede the necessity of it; leaving nothing for the ruler to do, but simply to regulate the prudentials of society.

And even the present partial influence of religion, where it is acknowledged and maintained, greatly facilitates and strengthens civil government, and befriends and meliorates the conditions of man. But let it once decline; let its authenticity be doubted and its institutions neglected; imagine, if you can, the fatal effects that would follow! Look at those places, both ancient and modern, where the experiment has been tried; at Jerusalem, after Joash’s apostasy from the worship of the true God, and his establishing idolatry; witness the outpourings of the wrath of God upon him and his subjects. Consider the unparalleled prosperity of Israel, during the administration of King David and that of his son Solomon: and again, the melancholy contrast, the national calamities that followed, as soon as Jeroboam and Rehoboam, in turn, took the reins of government, adopted new political measures, and especially, forsook, and drave their subjects from following the Lord. Oppression, embarrassments and war immediately ensued. But were these special judgments of heaven? Consider, then, the natural political effect.

Let a nation assume the purest republicanism, and work into their constitution the most refined principles of liberty, and then discard the doctrines and crush the institutions of religion, and their fine wrought threads will be wiped away, like a cobweb, and chains will supply the place.

Where there is no influence of religion, of course no inherent principle to govern men, they must be held under restraint and kept in order and awe by the fear of punishment. Republicanism, divested of the influence of religion, sinks into despotism. Not aware of all this, but charmed at the name of the one, and frightened at the sound of the other, nations, not a few, have felt the iron rod and the scorpion’s sting, before they were even apprehensive of danger. The Romans were not only amused, but really made vain, by the boast of their liberty, while they sweated and trembled under the despotism of emperors, the most odious monsters that ever infested the earth. We have heard a more modern people prattle about their rights, shouting liberty and equality, even while tyranny was loading them with chains, dragging them to the scaffold, and deluging their streets with blood. Men frequently start at the name, and at the same moment, greedily grasp the nature of the some thing: frequently in fleeing from the shadow, rush upon the substance.

The soil and atmosphere of Turkey are probably no more adapted to the spontaneous production of despotism, than those of America: Let the latter be divested of the influence of religion, equally with the former, and you probably would see a despotic sway, equally prevalent in both. To improve upon the various systems of government, much has been written upon the balance of power; particularly as to the point where it should be placed. Some have fixed it in an individual; some in a few; and some in a popular government. But after all, unless the scales of legislation and jurisprudence are held by hands sanctified, and steadied by wisdom that cometh from above, they will tremble and waver and give you fraudulent weight. Every government, of whatever form, without the influence of the one thing needful, degenerates into oppression and anarchy: Every ruler, of whatever name, whether king, emperor, governor, legislator, judge or magistrate, without the fear of God before his eyes, without a sense of his accountability, without feeling an interest and a responsibility for the persons and privileges of his fellow men, all which is among the first requisitions of religion, he will become an oppressor to all within his power. As the tyranny of a single despot is more tolerable than that of many, the oppression of a popular government, unchecked, uninfluenced by virtue, may be the greatest of all. The rage of one man, even that of a Tiberius, a Nero, or a Caligula, may be eluded by art or flight; or like a gust, may soon be expended, after having uprooted the trees that overtop the forest; but the frenzy, the fire of the people, once excited to action, by the friction of licentiousness, is universal, unavoidable and irresistible; it sweeps, deadens and demolishes every thing before it. It is a Briareus, with an hundred hands, each bearing a dagger: It is a Cerberus, a Hydra with ten thousand throats, all parched and thirsting for blood. The power of a single despot, like the scorching summer’s sun, dries up the grass, but the roots remain in the soil. But a popular despotism, if I may use the expression, like an Indian tornado, instantly strews the fruitful earth with promiscuous ruins, and turns the sky yellow with pestilence. To approach its atmosphere, is to perish in the attempt. Men inhale a vapor like the Sirocco, or like the effluvia of the Upas, and die in the open air for want of respiration: “It is a winged curse that envelopes the obscure as well as the distinguished, and is wafted into the lurking places of the fugitives.” Indeed the revolutions and consequences of a licentious popular government, are as dangerous and destructive as the irruptions of Vesuvius. They are an earthquake that loosens its foundations, lifts them to the skies, and buries, in an hour, the accumulated wealth and wisdom of ages. Those, who after the calamity, would reconstruct the edifice of the public liberty, will scarcely be able to collect enough of the scattered fragments; to rake out enough from the ruins, to make even a model of the former magnificence. “Mountains have split and filled the fertile vallies; rivers have changed their beds; populous towns have sunk, leaving only frightful chasms, out of which are creeping the remnant of living wretches, the monuments and victims of despair.”

This is no exaggerated description. A review of the history of nations, presents a cloud of witnesses to the melancholy facts. It shows us rulers and governments of every description, when unrestrained by virtue and led on by licentiousness, trampling on the necks, rioting on the spoils, and sporting with the miseries of their subjects. Subjects, falling before them with impious homage, or rescuing themselves from oppression, to run mad with the frenzy of anarchy, and to wanton in plunder and blood. Nations, of this character, as if in love with misery, and unsatisfied to see their sufferings so small, have reached out an eager hand to grasp at woe. Hence war has become a profession for man, and dexterously to wield the weapons of death an honorable achievement. Of course, conquest, like a roaring lion, has stalked around the desolated globe, seeking whom might devour. In his train, ambition has smoked with slaughter; avarice has ground the poor into dust; and pollution, like the messenger of death to the army of Sennacherib, has changed the host of men into putrid corpses: fiends have looked on and triumphed; angels have wondered and wept; and heaven, as if discouraged from efforts, has given up its work to waste & destruction.

God forbid that we should ever see this dismal group, but upon yonder heights of history; yet, let it not be doubted, that every step of degeneracy lessens the distance between us; and tends to bring the whole train to our doors; to lay waste our heritage, and to subject us to all the calamities incident to national apostasy. As it is easier preventing than remedying an evil, let the state, the nation, that thinketh it standeth, take heed lest it fall. Let her know, and attend to the things that belong to her peace and prosperity, before they are hidden from her eyes. Strong as our mountain appears, it may be moved. Those, as strong, and perhaps stronger, have been shaken to the centre. Witness the republics of ancient Greece, and modern Europe; particularly those of Italy, which sickened and died as it were in a day: while virtue was their basis, they stood; when infidelity touched and contaminated them, they fell. “The turnpike road of history is white with the tombstones of such republics.”

Hence we are cautiously to adopt the opinion, that our political probation is ended; that a republican constitution, when “once fairly engrossed in parchment, is prepared for perpetual practice, is a bridge over chaos that defies the discord of all its elements.”

Believe not, my brethren, that these remarks are made to excite false alarm; to weaken your confidence in the state or national constitution, or in those who administer agreeably to their true intent, and the sure standard of righteousness; God forbid, nothing can be further from my heart; but they are designed the more indelibly to impress the doctrine before us, that virtue and religion are essential to the establishment, administration and continuance of a good governmentI would therefore that these suggestions stand as beacons to point out the rocks and whirlpools to which you are exposed, and by which you may, as others have been, be dashed in pieces and swallowed up. I would that they correct, or qualify the prevalent impression, that true republicanism is commensurate with, and inseparable from the American soil; that the genius of genuine liberty has here erected a permanent asylum for oppressed humanity.

Do we open our arms and extend our embrace to every wayfaring foreigner? No matter in what land or language his birth was announced; no matter of what country or complexion incompatible with freedom; whether an Indian, or an African sun may have burnt upon him; whether the sands of Arabia or the snows of Switzerland may have beaten upon him; whether he be from Ceylon or England, from Bombay or France; from the barbarous and impoverished, or from the civilized and improved parts of the world; from heathen or Christian climes; whether he have been consecrated at the pagan altar, or at the baptismal font; “The first moment he touches the soil of America he breathes a new air; he rises in the ranks of rational beings; he stands redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation.”

Do we hold out such alluring encouragements to emigration; let us not deceive, or be deceived; present is not perpetual possession. If we have privileges, let us take care to preserve them. And in respect to the present, particularly, remember, that righteousness exalteth a nation; that it is the life, the substance of a good government; detach it, and you leave nothing but the caput mortuum. They who imagine, says an eminent divine, that if religion and government, in the present state of things, were wholly separated, both would be more perfect; may as well go a little farther, and say, If in such a world as this, body and soul were separated, both would live much betterthe soul would labor better without a body, and the body would reason better without a soul. If a separation be made, the soul indeed will live; but it will pass away, and carry with it all that is rational; and the body will be left a mass of corruption, the food of worms. If from government, you banish religion, the latter will live; but it will take with it all that is amiable and excellent; and government will be like that putrid carcass. It may breed and nourish some odious vermin, but to those who have their senses, it will be an object of disgust and horror. Religion is connected with government by the principles of morality, as the soul is connected with the body by the principles of animation; and in both cases, a separation, though it will not extinguish the former, yet will be death to the latter.

As in point, I will here introduce the familiar remarks of another illustrious Sage, who, though dead, yet speaketh:

“Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness; these firmest props of men and citizens.The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them: A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it be simply asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.” Thus spake the man, whose maxims we delight to repeat, whose memory we delight to honor; thus declared he, the inseparable connection between religious influence and political prosperity.

5. We may next observe, in connection with the character and subject before us, the intoxicating influence of popular favor; and the not less fatal effects of the fear of man that bringeth a snare. Joash, while under the influence of Jehoida and the principles of piety, did that which was right in the sight of the Lord. But after good Jehoida was dead and gone, the subtle princes went and made obeisance to him, and flattered him to renounce Jehoida’s system of religion and government, and try experiments; strike out a new course. He complied; but woeful was the effect. As soon as he forsook the Lord, the Lord forsook him; suffered his servants to assassinate him; and sent an enemy and slew all the princes of the people. Saint John speaks of the rulers of his day, who did not confess Christ, because they were afraid of the Pharisees; loved the praise of men more than the praise of God. Aaron was overawed by the clamors of the Israelites, when he consented to make them an image to worship. Pilate condemned our Savior and sentenced him to be crucified, not because he found him guilty of any crime, but to please the people. Herod, the king, stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the church; killed James, and because he saw it pleased the Jews, proceeded further to take Peter also. Felix, Festus and Agrippa conducted in the same manner, and were actuated by the same motives in the arrest and trial of Paul. And even Peter, if I may mention him in this connection denied his Lord, through the fear of man that bringeth a snare. But the sequel is very different from the other cases: “The blush of dishonest shame had hardly time to tinge his cheek, ere the tears of contrition washed away the stain. The tempter dropt his prey as soon as he had grasped it; the moment of his fall coincided with the moment of his repentance.”

6. We further infer the importance of firmness and stability, particularly to a man in a public station. To these, among other directions, he will do well to take heed: Be not carried about with every wind of doctrine, and cunning craftiness of men, whereby they lie in wait to deceive; but be steadfast and unmovable, always abounding in the work of the Lord. The man in whom I see these exemplified; who, unmoved by the seducing charms of promised promotion on the one hand, or by threatening deposition on the other, conscientiously and self- collected, proceeds to the independent and faithful discharge of his duty; who, like the magnanimous Mansfield, chooses rather to merit and precede, than to run after popularity; who can say, with Paul, “None of these things move me:” such a character, whether in the principal chair of State, in the Senate, at the altar, the bar, or the bench, I venerate; I view him as a minister of God sent to the people for good. Dazzled with his angelic appearance, I almost forget that he is a mortal. Like the polar star, he remains fixed, while the inflated, self- promoted patriots, chase each other, like meteors across the galaxy; they appear, blaze, dash and dissolve.

In connection with the subject, I may, in the next place, respectfully remind His Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, the Senate and House of Representatives, of the high responsibility attached to their respective offices.

 

Gentlemen-

Your appearance here is a proof that you possess the confidence of your constituents, and warrants a belief that you will not disappoint their reasonable expectations. For them you are to legislate; not only so, but for posterity also; future generations, long after you are in the grave, will feel the effect of what you do: were we to predicate your legislative proceedings upon the past, or upon wisdom and prudence, we should predict favorably. Notwithstanding the conflict of political parties, and the several changes of administration incident to popular governments, we are happy to believe that a sacred regard has ever been had to ancient establishments, both civil and religious; and particularly a readiness uniformly shown, to recognize and cherish, rather than to deny and exterminate, their mutual connection and reciprocal influence. And we confidently hope that the same respect will continue to be conspicuous; to be a prominent feature in the government of New- Hampshire.

Any particulars wherein your predecessors may have erred, you will avoid; wherein they have done well, you will go and do likewise. It is presumed that a pacific, tranquilizing spirit will pervade all your measures. You have many motives to moderation and fidelity; but none that ought so deeply to impress you as thisthat you are accountable for all your conduct to the King of kings and Lord of lords; who standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the nations. Your public and private conduct now will have a permanent influence on your future state. You will consider, therefore, that though you are rulers over men, you are God’s servants; and his approbation is of more importance than all other interests. May you have his benediction here, and be thus addressed by him hereafter: “Well done, good and faithful servant; enter into the joy of your Lord.”

As to our late Chief- Magistrate, who for several years held a conspicuous office under the old Constitution, and that of Governor fourteen years under the present, eleven in succession; few have had stronger and more repeated expressions of public confidence; but, as he has done; has closed his political course, and is retiring to private life. we wish him a calm retreat; hoping that the evening of his days will be passed in as much pleasantness, as the meridian has in usefulness; that the gloomy thought of his leaving none in office whom he found there, the most of them having gone to the grave, and that he must soon draw after them, may be cheered by an assurance, that he has not forsaken the faith of his fathers, but has fought a good fight and kept the faith; and that there is laid up for him a crown of glory which fadeth not away.

Men and brethren, rulers and subjects!

Though ye be gods on earth, know that ye must die as men. You have an affecting proof of this, in the recent removal of the amiable and eminent Judge Ellis. While you lament his loss, embalm his memory upon your hearts.

Finally; one thought more, and I have done. My friends and fellow- mortals!

The impression that I shall see your faces, collectively, no more; that this solemn assembly will, identically, meet no more, till they meet at the bar of God, chills my heart, and checks the current in my veins. In taking leave of you, permit me to urge the importance of living in reference to you accountability, and to the consummation of all things. Look forward to your dying day; to the awful era, when time shall be no longer; when these visible heavens shall depart as a scroll; when the elements shall melt with fervent heat; when the earth, and the works that are therein, shall be burnt up; when the Judge shall descend and every eye shall see him; when the last trumpet shall sound, and the dead in Christ shall rise first; then they who are alive and remain, shall be caught up with them to meet the Lord in the air, and so shall they be forever with the Lord. Wherefore comfort one another with these words.