The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Christian Love – 1773


Charles Chauncy (1705-1787) was a minister from Boston. He attended Harvard, graduating in 1721. Chauncy preached at the First Church in Boston for sixty years (1727-1787). Below is his 1773 sermon on Christian charity to the poor. The text of this sermon has been changed to reflect modern spelling.


sermon-christian-love-1773


Christian Love, as exemplified by the first Christian church in their HAVING ALL THINGS IN COMMON, placed in its true and just point of light.

In A

SERMON,

Preached at the Thursday-Lecture, in
Boston, August 3d. 1773.

 

From ACTS 4. 32.

WHEREIN it is shown, that Christian churches, in their character as such, are strongly obliged to evidence the reality of their Christian love, though not by having all things in common, yet by making such provision, according to their ability, for their members in a state of penury, as that none of them may suffer through want of the things needful of the body; and that DEACONS are officers appointed by Christ to take care of His poor saints, making all proper distributions to them in His name, and as enabled hereto by the churches to which they respectively belong.

BY CHARLES CHAUNCY, D. D.

Having all things in Common, explained and improved.

ACTS 4. 32.
“And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart, and of one soul: neither said any of them, that ought of the things which he possessed were his own; but they had all things in common.”
THERE is no need, in order to introduce a discourse on these words, to take into previous consideration either the preceding, or following context. They are in independent sentence, containing an account of the temper and conduct of the Christian Church at Jerusalem, in the beginning of the apostolic times. Says the inspired writer, they “were of one heart, and of one soul, and had all things in common.”

What I propose is, to dilate [expand] upon these words, that we may be let in a clear and just understanding of them; and, as I go along, to make the proper reflections upon what may be exhibited as their real truth.

They begin, “and the multitude of them that believed.” – The persons here spoken of were “believers;” that is, converts to the Christian faith. And they were converts from Judaism. For the Gospel had not as yet been preached to the Gentile nations. The apostles, it is true, had, before this time, been commissioned by their Lord “to preach, in his name, repentance, and remission of sins, among ALL NATIONS,” as we read in Luk. 24. 47: But they were expressly ordered, in the words that immediately follow, to begin their ministry, in execution of their commission, “at Jerusalem; and to tarry there until they had been endued with power from on high;” [Luke 24:47-49] that is, with miraculous power from the Holy Ghost.

Why our Lord confined the labors of his apostles, for a while, within so narrow a compass as the city of Jerusalem, after he had commissioned them to preach the Gospel to all the world, may be difficult to say. But could nothing else be said, it would be abundantly sufficient, at least to us who call ourselves Christians, to say, “So it seemed good in his sight.” [Matthew 11:26]

I may, with propriety, add here, it was an honor, a signal honor, to the city of Jerusalem, and to the Jewish nation in common, that the first Christian church should consist of Jews, and be gathered at Jerusalem. And, at the same time, it illustrates that interrogatory appeal of the apostle Paul, in the first verse of the 11th chapter of his epistle to the Romans, “hath God cast away his people?” Upon which he adds, “God forbid!” As if he had said, God hath not wholly “cast away his people.” No; a number of them were believers in Christ, the promised Messiah, and so considerable a number, that they might be called “a multitude.” So speaks the text.

“The multitude of them that believed,” And it is with great propriety that they are thus denominated. “About and hundred and twenty” only, it is true, was the number at first, as we read in the 1st chapter in Acts; but after the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the apostles, in miraculous gifts, they were greatly increased. “Three thousand were added to them” in consequence of one sermon, preached by the apostle Peter, the record of which we have in the 2d chapter of Acts. In the chapter in which is my text, ver. 4, their number is said to be “ about five thousand.” And in the next chapter, v. 14, we read, that “believers were added to the Lord, multitudes both of men and women.” This increase of believers was at Jerusalem, and of those who were converted from Judaism.

I may properly take occasion here to reflect with grief upon the state of the church of Christ at present, with respect to the additions that are made to it of those that “believe,” so believe as that they “shall be saved.” It cannot be now said, as in my text, “the multitude of them that believed.” Blessed be God, there is yet a church of Christ, and there are in it believers in truth, believers unto life; and this, whether we consider the church in general, or as constituted of particular individual churches. But the increase of converts is not now as it was when the apostles went forth in the power of the Spirit of Jesus Christ. There is at this day, and has been for a long time, yea for ages, an awful withdraw of that success, which, in the apostolic days, attended the preaching of the cross of Christ. Notwithstanding the revivals of the spirit of Christianity at particular times, and in some particular places, the cause, in general, has been long languishing, and is, at present, in a sad, decaying, and almost dead condition.

It certainly is so in this Town and Land. – How small is the number of those, who give themselves up to God in Jesus Christ, to walk in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord, with a becoming care of being blameless? We are visibly under great decays as to the life of religion. With what little success are the means of grace accompanied? What an awful un-concernedness does there appear in all sorts of persons about their souls, and the concerns of another world? How great is the lukewarmness and indifferency, even of Christian professors? How general their spiritual sloth and negligence? And how many, what vast multitudes among us, are secure in their sins, unmindful of God, thoughtless of Christ, allowing themselves to “walk in the way of their own heart, and in the sight of their eyes?” [Ecclesiastes 11:9] Let us not be insensible of the lamentably bad state of religion among us. Let us be humble herefor, and seek to God to “pour out his spirit” [Acts 2:17] upon us, to “revive the things that remain, and are ready to die.” [Revelation 3:2] We cannot unite in a more seasonable, pertinent prayer to the God of all grace than that, “Turn thou us again, O Lord God of hosts, cause thy face to shine, and we shall be saved.” [Psalm 80:19]

The text does on, “they were of one heart, and of one soul.” This may respect their unity in sentiment as well as affection. Such was their faith and such their love, that it might be said, they, had, as it were, “one soul.” There were no disputings among them, no strife, no animosity. And, instead of hatred, they were filled with good will towards each other, showing its reality in all the genuine exercises of Christian kindness. They were in judgment, and affection, the same as if they had been animated with one common spirit.

They were one in sentiment, that is, with respect to the divine mission of Jesus Christ, His being the Messiah, and the only Savior of men. This was the grand truth the apostles insisted on in their preaching, particularly in my context; and this, accordingly, was the great object of the faith of this “multitude.” They embraced it as a sure truth, that Jesus who “had been crucified, and was raised from the dead,” [Acts 4:10] was “the Son of God;” [Mark 1:1, John 20:31, Acts 9:20] and they were as “one” in this faith.

Happy this first Christian church, so united in that faith which is the grand foundation of the religion of Jesus Christ! Happy, that they should, as “one” build, as the language of my context is, upon “the stone set at nought” [Acts 4:11] by so many of the Jewish builders, and that God had made the head of the corner; in whom there “is salvation, and in on other.” [Acts 4:12]

This is the great band of Christian union, that “unity in faith,” [Ephesians 4;13] which is recommended in the New Testament writing, and which was exemplified by the first Christians.

It were to be wished, those who profess themselves Christians, would preserve this unity in the bond of peace. Then would they cease from forming themselves into separate communities, on account of those differences in opinion which enter not into the essence of Christianity, but are rather points of doubtful disputation. Then would the church of Christ be no longer a collection of contending sects, and party combinations, but “one body,” cemented together, and united, not in the same sentiments about tithing mint, anise, and cumin, or any other matters of comparatively small importance; but in that faith without which no man can be a Christian, a Christian in such a sense as that he may have good hope of entering into life eternal. This is the unity in sentiment, the oneness in faith, that is worthy to be desired, prayed for, and sought after, by all that are the friends of Christ, and the interest of his religion.

Multitude of primitive believers, were not only “one” in sentiment, but “one” in affection also. With respect to love, it might be said of them, they had, as it were, but “one heart, and one soul.” They loved one another as they loved themselves; “yea, as Christ loved them.” [Ephesians 5:25] Their love was without dissimulation. It was not a pretense only, a mere empty verbal compliment; but a noble reality, appearing to be so by its operation in all the fruits of true Christian benevolence. They “walked in love, even as Christ Jesus also walked.” [Ephesians 5:2] They “abounded in love,” [1 Thessalonians 3:12] both as an inward affection, and in all those outward acts that are the proper discoveries of such affection. And it was eminently in this way that these first believers, and others also in after days, drew the attention, and excited the admiration, even of those who were unbelievers: for they have been heard to say, as their words are recorded by one and another of the ancient writers, “Behold, how the Christians love one another! How cheerfully, how liberally, they do good to one another!” [Tertullian: c. 160-c. 225, an early Christian theologian from Carthage.]

An example this, highly worthy of the imitation of all who would be owned, another day, as the followers of those who inherited that spirit, which was the peculiar glory of our common Master and Savior. The law of love is eminently the law of Jesus Christ; and we are obliged as Christians to nothing, if we are not under solemn bonds to love one another. Love, in the first times of the Gospel, was wrought into the very frame of the souls of believers; and this they evidenced by their readiness to all the offices of Christian kindness towards each other. – How different are most Christians now from what they were then! Can it be said, even of those of the same communion, that they are as “one” in affection? May we not rather take to ourselves words, and lament the flight of that spirit of love, which was once the distinguishing mark of those who were believers in Christ!

It is further added in my text, “neither said any of them that ought of the things which he possessed was his own; but they had all things in common.” The things here said to be “had in common” must not be understood as extending to a community in everything. Such an explanation of the words would be an absurdity in reason, and a direct contradiction to the precepts of revelation. They ought therefore to be limited to such things only as might, in consistency with the rule of duty, be possessed and enjoyed in common. The inspired writer of my text has accordingly taken care to specify particularly “the things they had in common.” Says he, in the following 34th and 35th verses, “as many as were possessed of lands, or houses, sold them, and brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them down at the apostles feet; and distribution was made to every man according as he had need.” To the like purpose, having said, in the 2d chapter of this same book of the Acts, ver. 4, “all that believed had all things in common,” he goes on, in the next ver. to give us a distinct and full account of “the thing” he had said “believers had in common.” His words are, “and sold their possessions and goods; and parted them to all men, as every man had need.” It was therefore the worldly estate, the possessed houses and lands, of these believers, turned into money, that they all had the benefit of in common. There is nothing said, from whence it can be collected, that these believers enjoyed, or countenanced the enjoyment of anything in common, that would infer a violation of the bonds those are under, who, as the Scripture speaks, are no longer “twain, but mystically one in the Lord.” [Mark 10:8] Some may have interpreted this example of these first Christians in such a latitude. But it may, without the least hesitation, be said, it was never so interpreted, unless by those, whose eyes were blinded by the rise of impure mists from a grossly carnalized heart.

The only question of any importance here is, were Christians, from the beginning, and all along to this day, obliged, in virtue of this example of the believers at Jerusalem, to sell their possessions, and put all in one stock for the common benefit of all? Some have imagined, that an affirmative answer to this question is the true one; but upon insufficient reason. And this I shall endeavor, in as concise a manner as I can, to make evident to you. In order whereto let it be observed,

These believers, constituting the church at Jerusalem, were not obliged, in consequence of any apostolic command, to make sale of their possessions, that they might have all things in common. We have no account of such a command. And should any affirm there was one, they would only declare their own imagination, not what is anywhere wrote in the inspired books. Nay, instead of being divinely taught, that these believers were commanded to sell their estates, that they might all live in common upon one stock, we are obviously led to think, that they were everyone left a liberty to do in this matter as they judged to be right and fit. To this purpose are those words of the apostle Peter, in the chapter following my test, ver. 4, which he spoke to Ananias with a direct reference to the sale he had made of his possession; “while it remained, was it not thine own? And after it was sold, was it not in thy own power”? Surely, he would not have said this, he could not have said it with propriety, or truth, if Ananias had been under the obligation of a command from Christ, conveyed by his apostles, to part with his possession, and put the price into the common stock. Upon this supposition, how could his possession be so called “his own” as that he might not have sold it? And when he had sold it, how could the price of it be said to have been “in his own power?” It should seem demonstrable, from this application of the apostle Peter to Ananias that the sale which these believers at Jerusalem made of their possessions was a matter of their own free choice, not what they were absolutely bound to do in virtue of any requirement of Jesus Christ.

And we may the rather be satisfied of this, as we nowhere read, in the New Testament, of any Christian church, who “had all things in common,” conformable to the example of the church at Jerusalem. And what is more, we no where, in the inspired books, find a command, directed to any Christian church, or to any member belonging to it, obliging them to sell their possessions, that the whole community might be supported out of one common stock; which cannot be accounted for, had it been the will of Christ, that no one of his disciples should possess, as his own property, either house or land; but that everyone, who professed faith in him, should, without the exception of a single person, sell his estate for the advantage of all in common.

It may be further worthy of notice, the New Testament writers are so far from reducing all Christians to a level, by putting them upon having all things in common, that they obviously suppose there actually was, and would be, a difference between them in point of outward circumstances. Hence they often speak of the members of this, and the other Christian church under the characters of rich and poor; which would have been altogether improper, if Christianity had destroyed this distinction, by obliging all that were believers to have all things in common. And not only do the apostolic writers speak of rich and poor in the Christian church, but graft many of their instructions upon this difference there was in the worldly circumstances of its members. The rich, particularly, are applied to as such, and minded of the duty they are obliged to in this capacity. Says the apostle Paul, directing Timothy how to manage in his office as a Gospel minister, 1 Tim. 6. 17, “charge them that are rich in this world that they trust not in certain riches, but in the living God – that they do good, and be rich in good works.” Where would be the pertinency of this change to Timothy, if the supposition of rich men in the church of Christ was contradiction to the Gospel establishment? In this case, the direction to him must have been, say to such as are rich, sell your possessions, and cease being rich. But not a word to this purpose do we meet with here, or in any passage of Scripture, in what is said to them that were rich.

It is still further observable, the apostle Paul, in writing to the Corinthian church, as “touching the ministering to the saints,” [2 Corinthians 9:1] gives them this instruction, 2 Cor. 9. 7, “Every man according as he professed in his heart, so let him give; not grudgingly, or of necessity; for God loves a cheerful giver.” Is this an injunction that will, in the least, comport with the supposition, that the individuals of this church had nothing of their own, but had all things in common? Every man, you see, is left to give according to the free purpose of his own heart: Only he is instructed to give with cheerfulness, and liberality; and upon the encouragement mentioned in the foregoing verse, “This I say, he that soweth sparingly, shall reap sparingly; and he that soweth bountifully shall reap bountifully.” But there would be no room for sowing sparingly, or bountifully, if no member of this church had anything he could call his own, but whatever he possessed, more or less, must be thrown into one common stock for the benefit of all. Had this been the truth of fact, or an apostolic establishment, the direction, in this passage of Scripture, is altogether unintelligible.

You will, perhaps, ask, if the practice of this first Christian church at Jerusalem, in selling their possessions, and having all things in common, was not intended as an example obligatory on all other Christian societies, why was it recorded? And why so recorded to lead us into an opinion of their conduct as truly noble and benevolent?

The answer is at once obvious, and I hope satisfactory. It is as follows. This first church, at the time when they came into this practice, were peculiarly situated. Perhaps, no church, from that day to this, has been in like circumstances. For it is to be observed, though, from the evidence that had been held out to their view, they admitted it into their hearts as a truth, that Jesus was the Son of God, and Savior of the world, that he died, rose again, ascended up to heaven, and will come in the end of time to confer eternal life upon all his faithful followers; and though, in the esteem of the apostles, they were qualified, in consequence of this faith, and a profession of it, for baptism, and fellowship with believers in all acts of Christian communion; yet it cannot be supposed, but that, in this beginning of their faith, they should be imperfectly instructed in the nature, doctrines, and precepts of the gospel kingdom. Further teaching; yea, a series of it was yet needful. They needed particularly to be guarded against the prejudices, errors, and corruptions of their former unconverted state, and to be more fully indoctrinated in the things pertaining to the kingdom of God, and Jesus Christ. And this, until a more regular state of things could be accomplished, it is at once evident, would take time, and bear hard upon those who had nothing to depend upon for a subsistence but the labor of their hands. Now, in such a situation of things, what more nobly benevolent than this conduct of the first believers, in having all things in common? Especially, if it be remembered, as it ought to be; that this church was constituted chiefly of Jews that were not inhabitants at Jerusalem, but occasional comers there from a great variety of distant places. Hence we read, in the forecited 2d of the Acts, that, among the three thousand Jews, who were added to the church, at this time, there were Parthians, Medes, Elamites, dwellers in Mesopotamia, Judea, Pontus, Asia, and other places. And being thus occasionally at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost, when the holy Ghost made his descent on the apostles, they were eye-witnesses of its marvelous effects, and had the opportunity of hearing the sermon then preached by the apostle Peter, under the inspiration of the Spirit; upon which they were struck with conviction, professed faith in Christ, and were admitted, to fellowship, as disciples, in all acts of Christian communion. But being at a great distance from their proper homes, they were incapable of providing for their own support, should they continue at Jerusalem; and yet, it cannot be supposed but their becoming converts to the faith of Christ, they should be desirous of tarrying here, as it was highly proper, if not absolutely necessary, they should, that they might be more fully instructed in the way of salvation through Jesus who was crucified. Besides, they might, by direction from the Holy Ghost, be influenced to continue here, that, being under the tuition of the apostles, and enjoying the advantage of Christian communion in Gospel ordinances, they might be formed for preachers to carry the glad tidings of salvation to the several nations from whence they came, and in this way be instrumental in propagating the religion of Jesus. In this situation of things, wherein could the believers at Jerusalem have more nobly manifested the warmth of their love to Christ, and the greatness of their affection for each other, than by saying, as in my text, that “nought of the things which they possessed were their own, but that all things should be had in common?” In like circumstances, the like conduct would be generous and noble, and would be the conduct of Christians, if actuated by that benevolent principle, which reigned in these first believers, making them all of “one heart, and of one soul.” But for any to plead, that this practice of those primitive Christians should form a law, an established rule, obligatory upon all Christians, in all ages, however differently circumstanced, would be highly absurd, and greatly hurtful in its tendency and operation.

Nevertheless, this example of their unfeigned generous love is very instructive to Christians, considered both individually, and as united in particular societies. It is in this latter view of Christians, only I shall consider the example in my text, as eminently instructive.

And the instruction they are taught from it is, to take all due care, that such among them as are in necessitous circumstances, may be so far provided for, as to be preserved from suffering through want. Though no particular societies of Christians are obliged, after the pattern of the church at Jerusalem, to sell what they possess, and throw all into one stock for the common support; yet they are, without all doubt, bound by their example to do their utmost, that none of their brethren in Christ, especially of the same community with themselves, may be suffered to drag on life unrelieved under the straits, distresses, and miseries of unavoidable poverty. And the obligation, from this example, is the more binding, as it coincides with the known practice of all Christian churches in apostolic times. 1 It was their constant care to provide, by their charitable distributions, for the relief of their brethren in Christ under distressing circumstances, whether through poverty, or the unjust treatment of a wicked and unbelieving world. And they did this under apostolic guidance; yea, by express order from these inspired teachers of the will of Christ. The practice of these primitive churches, thus circumstanced, is therefore obligatory upon all after churches; and while they copy after it, they may be assured, they will fall in with the mind of Christ, as their practice was founded on apostolic direction, which was infallibly right; because they were under the immediate guidance of the Spirit of truth.

The churches of Christ, it is acknowledged, were differently situated in that day from what they are in this. They were then the objects of the hatred and contempt of the civil magistrate, not of his paternal care and protection: Whereas the civil powers, in many places at least, are now on the side of Christian communities, and profess a regard for them, and readiness to afford them their help.

This difference between the state of Christians now, and in the times of the apostles, it must be owned, is a very great one in favor of Christian churches at this day. But what is the natural, obvious deduction herefrom? Surely, it will not follow, that Christian churches, because they are under a Christian civil magistracy, are discharged from their obligations to Christian charity. As our Savior has said, Mat. 26. 11, “The poor ye have always with you,” that is, to furnish occasions for the exercise of charity, and to call to it. The necessities of those, who are of “the household of faith,” may not at all times, and in all places, so loudly call for equally large distributions in order to their relief: But in all ages, and in all the churches of the saints, there will be a number, more or less, of helpless orphans, widows, and poor people, who must be provided for, or subjected to all the miseries of a destitute condition in life.

Besides what has been offered, it may be worthy of special notice, the apostles of our Lord, under the extraordinary guidance of the Holy Ghost, appointed officers in the Christian churches they founded, whose special business it was to take care of the charity of the churches they were respectively related to, and to make distribution of it according to the various wants of their several members. These officers are called, in the apostolic writings, DEACONS, and they have been distinguished by this name from that day to this.

The first deacons were constituted at Jerusalem, and the work assigned them was in part extraordinary, being adjusted to the extraordinary circumstances of the church there. This church, at this time, had one common stock, out of which they were all supplied. Deacons were accordingly appointed to “serve tables” 2 or, in other words, to make use of the churches money, which was deposited in their hands, not only in providing for the Lord’s table, but such other tables as were necessary for the common support: A work that required great wisdom, impartiality, candor, as well as labor, in order to a right and commendable discharge of it.

That which was extraordinary in the work of these deacons, the support of all out of one common stock, soon ceased; but taking care of the helpless poor members of Christ still continued the duty of every church, and will continue to be their duty to the end of the world. And, upon this foundation, the deacon’s office became a perpetual one in the church. All the churches, in apostolic times, that were set in order, were furnished with Deacons, as well as Pastors. Hence the apostle Paul inscribes his epistle to the Philippians in that style, “to all the saints in Christ Jesus, with the Bishops, or Pastors, and Deacons.” And in his first epistle to Timothy, which was intended for the direction of all churches, in all ages, he particularly specifies the qualifications of those who are fit to be Deacons, and gives direction that such only should be put into office.

It is from hence evident, that the Deacon’s office is a perpetual one, and that all the churches of Christ, in succession thro’ all ages, should be furnished with them. And why? Principally, and above all, that, as trustees of the churches, and as officers of Jesus Christ, they might employ themselves in ministering to the poor saints. But how should they do this, unless they be enabled to it? And how should they be enabled, but from the charitable distributions of the churches whose officers they respectively are, under Christ, the great head over all? The appointment of Deacons to take care, that the poor saints be relieved and helped, is, in true construction, a solemn law of Christ, obliging the churches who choose them to put it in their power, as God shall give ability, to answer this charitable intention of their office. Surely, this office in the church would not have been constituted, if it had been a needless, useless one! And useless, as to the main end of its institution, it must certainly be, if the churches are not bound, by the authority of Christ, to a due care to fill their hands for distribution to charitable and pious purposes. 3

In short, either the Deacon’s office is an ordinance of Jesus Christ, or it is not. If it is not, why do our churches, in solemn form, choose men out of their number to take upon them this office? They must be supposed to esteem Deacons, officers of divine appointment, or they profanely mock God when they elect them as such. If they are officers of Christ’s appointment, the churches who choose them are most certainly obliged to acknowledge them in this character, by enabling them, as they have ability, to afford all needed help to “the saints that are in Christ Jesus.” [Philippians 4:21] This is the great end of their appointment; this is the business in special they are set over: And for churches to elect them to manage this business, and carry into execution this great and good end of their office, and, at the same time, to take little or no care to furnish them with ability herefor, is an inconsistency in conduct that cannot easily be accounted for. And yet, this inconsistency most of our churches are justly chargeable with.

It is I suppose, the truth, in regard of all our churches, that they have Deacons, and of their own election; and this, when solemnly met together in the name of the Lord. And is it not as real a truth, with respect to the most of them, that their Deacons sustain rather the name of their office, than the thing itself; having little or nothing to do that is proper to the principal end of their institution by Christ? May it not be justly said, that too generally, throughout the land, their main business is to provide for, and serve at, the sacramental table? As for Christ’s poor, they are no more enabled, by the churches they are related to, to make distributions for their relief, than if they sustained no office in the church of God. Is this as it ought to be? May it not rather be said, that such churches are grossly wanting in those discoveries of Christian affection, which were so conspicuous in the church at Jerusalem, and all the other churches we read of in the New Testament books.

It will, perhaps, be pleaded here, our civil rulers have empowered the several Towns, within their jurisdiction, to raise such moneys as may be judged necessary for the support of the poor, and to appoint persons to take care, that these moneys be disposed of, so as to answer the good end for which they are raised; in consideration whereof, the churches are excused from the those charities, which would enable their Deacons to do that which is done in other ways.

The answer is at once obvious. The laws empowering our several towns to provide for the support of the poor, respect the poor in common, of whatever denomination, be their character as it may; not distinguishing any on account of their membership in the church of Christ: Whereas, it is the requirement of the Gospel of the blessed God, that Christians churches particularly regard the poor saints; taking all due care, that those, who are members of the same mystical body with themselves, should be so far helped as not to live in suffering circumstances, through want of the things that are needful for the body. And, if any of their members are in real necessity, their charitable assistance is what they are as certainly obliged to, as Christians were in the first, or any other, period of the Christian church. Their living in a Christian country, where provision is made by law for the relief of poor people in general, may make a difference as to the quantum of the charity, that may be proper and suitable; but it makes none at all as to the thing itself, where there is real need of it. And, indeed, is the provision that is made by the law in any place for the support of the poor, in common, cancels the obligations of the churches to make provision for those of their own body, who are in necessitous circumstances, it totally sets aside the Deacon’s office, though an apostolic appointment in the name of Jesus Christ. What need of Deacons in the church of God, if Christ’s poor are not to be the special objects of their care? Why should the churches choose them into office, if they are excused from putting anything into their hands for a distribution for the relief of the saints? The plain truth is, no civil constitution can vacate an institution of Jesus Christ. And as Deacons are officers of his appointment, and chosen by the churches as such, they are solemnly bound, and by their own choice too, in compliance with what they professedly esteem the will of Christ, to own them in the business they are called to, and set over, namely, that of ministering to the wants of those, in special, who are of “the household of faith.” And that they may be properly supplied, as officers in the kingdom of Christ, and in His name, for the execution of the benevolent trust reposed in them, it is, without all doubt, the incumbent duty of the churches of which they are respectively Deacons, to endeavor, as they have ability, to put it in their power to relieve their poor members, as there may be occasion for, and calls to it, in the all-wise, righteous government of Providence.

Some of our churches, thanks be to God, have something of a stock, or fund, owing to the pious and charitable legacies of those, who were concerned that the poor disciples of Christ might, in His name, and by His officers in the church, be taken care of. But it will not be pretended, that any fund, in any of our churches, will afford that which is sufficient for the relief of all belonging to them, that are needy and destitute: And what is lacking, this way, ought to be made up in some other; or even these churches will fall greatly short of their duty, and leave their Deacons unable to answer, in a commendable measure, the good intention of their office.

What some individuals in our churches have done, or may still do, in charities to the poor in general, or the poor of those Christian communities of which they themselves are a part, is known to God, and their own consciences. But may it not be justly questioned, whether any of our churches, as such, have taken that care to enable their Deacons, as Christ’s officers, and in His behalf, to make those communications to His needy disciples, as they had ability to do, and ought to have done? Had the constituent members of our several churches been as ready to communicate, that their brethren in Christ, conflicting with the miseries of poverty, might be relieved and helped, as they have been to expend their money for that which profiteth not, would so many of them have so often been pinched with hunger, and cold, and suffered to groan under distress, through want, I do not say of the conveniences and comforts, but of even the necessaries of life? Should I not speak the truth, if I should affirm, that no visible saint, no member in any of our churches, would suffer for want of what is needful for the body, if we spared for their relief a small part only of that which is laid out for rich furniture for our houses, in costly apparel to deck our bodies, and in luxurious variety to cover our tables? Should each one that is a member of the church of Christ lay his hand upon his heart, and declare the genuine dictates of conscience, would he not be obliged to own, that he had needlessly, might I not say sinfully, spent that, which, if he had laid up in store for the purposes of charity and piety, would have made the hearts of many to sing for joy, who have been oppressed, and over-burdened with the weight of difficulties and straits, arising from the poverty of their condition? Our churches, my brethren, have lost, in a great measure, the spirit of the primitive churches of Christ; their spirit of love, operating in all the offices of charitable goodness, which distinguished them from other men, and were as a mark, or badge, by which they were known to be believers in him whom God has sent to be the Savior of the world. We are too generally become lovers of ourselves, lovers of the gaieties, the vanities, the amusements, and fashionable follies of the degenerate age we live in. The very best of us are too much conformed to this present evil world, and suffer it so to engross our affection, as that we have but little, very little, left to show itself in Christian acts of kindness and beneficence to the saints that are in Christ Jesus.

It were to be wished our churches were now, as they were in the apostles days, “one in heart and affection,” churches towards each other, and every church towards every member belonging to it. And that we may be “provoked” to this union in love, evidencing its reality its reality in works of kindness and charity, as there may be occasion, I shall briefly propose to you consideration the following things, with the mentioning of which I shall conclude the present discourse.

The first thing worthy of special notice is, that the faith which constitute men Christians in truth, and love to their fellow-brethren in Christ, not the pretense of love, but its reality, are so far connected together in the Sacred Books, as to lead us most obviously into the thought, that they are, and ought always to be, inseparable concomitants. Turn to what Paul says to the church in Ephesus, 1st chap. 15 ver. To the like purpose he writes to the church at Coloss, 1st chap. 4th ver. The same connection of love we find, in his 1st Epis. to the Thessalonians 1st chap. 3d ver. So in his 2d Epist. 1 chap. 3d ver. I might refer you to a great number of other texts, in which faith in Christ, and love to the brethren, the saints, the household of faith, are linked together, as though they could not be disjoined, but would ever accompany each other. And, in truth, it is of the very essence of faith, that faith by which “the just do live,” [Habakkuk 2:4] to show itself in love, not only to God, and Christ, but to the Christian brotherhood, not in word only, but in true genuine deeds of unfeigned hearty affection; insomuch, that we may assure ourselves, if our faith is not accompanied with this practical love, it is nothing better than that empty dead faith, of which the apostle James says, “it profiteth not.” [James 2:16]

It may be again worthy of consideration, the apostolical writers present to the view of believers in Christ Jesus, such an idea of their relation to each other as must powerfully tend to excite and draw forth their love to one another, if their faith is of the right sort, and in exercise. As the apostle Paul, in the 2nd chap, of his epist. to the Ephes. represents the matter, we have “one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and Father of all, who is above all, and thro’ all, and in all” that are disciples in truth. We have all been “called to one hope,” we are “one mystical body,” and are actuated by one and the same spirit, the Spirit of Jesus Christ. We are all “heirs according to the hope of eternal life, heirs of God, and joint heirs with Christ to the incorruptible inheritance in heaven.” [Romans 8:17] We expect to be associated in another world, and to live there, in one grand community, united in love to one another; and eternally joining as one in “ascribing blessing and honor to him that sitteth on the throne, and to the Lamb.” [Revelation 5:13] Can we have a realizing faith in these truths of God, as we must have to denominate us Christians, and not feel in our hearts the working of affection towards each other; affection that will show itself in all Christian offices of charitable kindness? It is impossible.

It may be said yet farther, the Gospel motives to Christian love, in practice, as well as principle, are such as cannot easily be withstood, where there is the exercise of faith in a suitable degree. We are called to no act of love and goodness to the Disciples of Christ, but what we shall be abundantly rewarded for in the coming world. A cup of cold water only given to a disciple, in the name of a disciple, and from love to Christ, and in obedience to Him, shall in no wise lose its reward. The more bountifully we sow, the more bountifully we shall reap. – What better use, what higher interest, can we put our money to, than by lending it to the Lord, for the use of His poor? It is the entire want of faith, or the weakness of it, or the not allowing it its proper exercise, that shuts our hands from the most liberal distributions to the purposes of Christian charity. Could we be wanting upon this head, if we really and fully believed that the good God would amply repay us whatever we should advance for the help of the saints, if not in this world, most assuredly in that which is to come.

Another most powerfully affecting consideration to engage out practical love towards our brethren in Christ is, that He will esteem what we do to them as is done to Himself. For they are members of that very body of which He is the Head; they are mystically one with Him. It is in consideration of this union, that He says, as in the 24th of Matthew, “inasmuch as ye have done it to one of the least of these my brethren ye have done it to me.” Do we really believe, that, if we charitably relieve a brother in Christ, He will accept the kindness as done to Himself? It is difficult to conceive, how we should, in this case, refrain ourselves herefrom. Our faith in this amazing truth must be weak, or rather not in present exercise, or it would open both our hearts and hands in communications of Christian kindness.

I shall only say further, deeds of charitable goodness to the poor suffering members of the church of Christ, are mentioned by name in the account the Scripture gives us of the process of the great and general judgment; and those only are pronounced “blessed, and bid to inherit the kingdom prepared before the foundation of the world, who have given meat to the hungry, and drink to the thirsty, clothes to the naked, and help to the sick, and distressed.” [Matthew 25:34-36] If then we would hope to be acquitted at the bar of the future judgment, and have entrance ministered to us into the kingdom of Christ that is above, we must put on bowels of mercy, be kind to one another, tender-hearted, ever being in readiness, according to our ability, to do good to “the household of faith”: So shall we, of the mercy of God, through Jesus Christ, be crowned with immortality and honor in the coming world.

AMEN.
 


Endnotes

1. Vid. Rom. 15, 25, 26. 1 Cor. 26. 1,2. 2 Cor. 8. I, 2, 3. Heb. 6, 10.

2. See the account at large in the 6th Chapter of the Acts.

3. My late worthy colleague, the Rev. Mr. Foxcroft, in his sermon preached at the ordination of a Deacon, though dead yet speaks to you, in the following very pertinent words.
“This officer (meaning the Deacon) stands in the house of God a constant monitor to the assembly, of their duty to honor the Lord with their substance. And the church, that elect him, do hereby practically contract with him, that they will own him in the execution of his office, find him suitable employment in his station, and supply him, as they are able, for a liberal distribution to the necessities of saints. I cannot but look on it a gross incongruity, not to say a trifling formality, and mockery of a divine institution, to put men, by a solemn church-vote, in the name of God, under the character of Deacons, and yet not ‘appoint them over their proper business,’ nor take the necessary methods to furnish them for ‘using their office well’.” – He adds a little onwards, “If the church did their duty ‘concerning the collection for the saints, every one contributing as God hath prospered them,’ there would be sufficiently of work for the officers Christ has instituted to ‘serve tables.’ None methinks, could then with any color of reason, scruple the propriety of a solemn ordination of them. And as for them, how would it encourage their hearts, to see the churches, they respectively serve, taking a proper care, that they may be ‘thoroughly furnished unto all good works’ for the house of their God, and the offices thereof! How gladly would they receive the gift, and take them the fellowship of ministering unto the saints!”

Sermon – Election – 1771, Connecticut


This election sermon was preached by James Cogswell (1720-1807) in Connecticut on May 9, 1771.


sermon-election-1771-connecticut

A

S E R M O N,

Preached before the

General Assembly

Of the Colony of CONNECTICUT,

At Hartford,

On The Day of Their

Anniversary Election

May 9th, 1771.

By JAMES COGSWELL, A. M.
Pastor of the First Church of Christ in Canterbury.

 

At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the Colony of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the Second Thursday of May, A. D. 1771.

Ordered, That Shubael Conant, Esq; and Mr. John Curtiss, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Mr. James Cogswell, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 9th Instant, and desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

GEORGE WYLLYS, Secr.

 

An Election S E R M O N.
 

Jeremiah xviii. 7, 8, 9, 10.

At what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it:

If that Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.

And at what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom to build and to plant it:

If it do Evil in my Sight, that it obey not my Voice, then I will repent of the Good wherewith I said I would Benefit them.

 

The Attention of Americans has of late been uncommonly roused, and deeply engag’d about the public Good. We have look’d on our invaluable Liberties, and important Privileges to be in Danger. And such a general Concern relative to these Things, and Zeal for their Preservation, has prevailed among us, as Regard for Liberty is wont to inspire a free People with—In such an alarming Situation, many invincible Reasons have been offered in support of our just and important Rights; many Expedients of a political and prudential Nature have been urg’d with great Force, and press’d upon us by very weighty Motives: And may they have their Effect—The Design of them is certainly Noble and Important.

But there are doubtless Considerations of a moral and religious Nature, which ought to command our Attention, and which are really of far greater Importance, both to our present and future Happiness, than any Thing merely civil or political can be.—Indeed the chief and ultimate Design of Religion, as it respects Mankind, is to deliver us from the fatal Effects of the Apostacy, and to fit us for a State of perfect Holiness and Happiness in the coming World. But this is not all; Godliness has the Promise of the Life that now is, as well as of that which is to come. And it tends to the present Happiness not only of Individuals, but the Love and Practice of it has a most friendly Aspect on public Weal; and the neglect of it the most direct Tendency to the Misery and Destruction of a State.—-Several Considerations of this Nature, and of great Importance, are suggested to us from our Text and Context.

The Jews were become a very wicked and abandoned People, at the Time when God sent this Message to them by the Prophet. Many Threatenings, and of fore Calamities had been frequently denounced against them, which had as yet, very little, or rather no Effect to reform them. The Prophet Jeremiah is directed therefore to go to the Place where the Potter fashioned his Vessels of Clay: There he observed that the Potter had an uncontrolled Power to form these Vessels as he pleased: If they would not serve for one Purpose he could very easily turn them to another. From this lively Similitude, the Prophet is ordered to represent to the Jews God’s sovereign Power over the most formidable States and extensive Empires: And with how much Ease God either exalts or depresses them, prospers or afflicts, increases or diminishes, or in a Word, preserves or destroys them. And God has certainly a greater Right to do this, than the Potter has to new Mould the Clay of which he is not the absolute Proprietor.

This was true in Jeremiah’s Time, and is equally true now; and really it is a Truth of very great Importance to be considered and realized; for it shews us that we are absolutely dependent on God for our all:–Prosperity or Adversity, whether private or public, is entirely from God.

But God gives us to understand in our (Text, that whatever his Power and Sovereignty might enable him to do,) he conducts not only according to the invariable Rules of Justice and Equity, which gives us the greatest Assurance that he never will wrong any People, or bring any Evil upon them, merely to shew himself Sovereign, but farther that he is disposed to treat Mankind according to the Rules of Clemency and Kindness: So that when a Nation or Kingdom have been guilty of a Conduct criminal to that Degree, that they have greatly provoked God, and which would justify him in proceeding to the last Extremities with them; yea, if God had proceeded so far as to threaten them with utter Ruin, if after all this, they should even then repent, and turn from their evil Ways to God, he would avert the Tokens of his Displeasure, recall the Threatnings, prosper and establish them.

On the other Hand, God lets them know that whatever Encouragement he had given of granting Enlargement and Prosperity to any State; if they after this degenerate and backslide, to that Degree, that their Character becomes that of Evil Doers, an unrighteous, ungodly People, they forfeit his Promise and Protection; and if they continue irreclaimable, he will not build them up, but destroy them.

It is worthy of Observation, that the Declarations made in our Text relative to God’s providential Dispensations, are not confined to the Jews; they are of a general Nature, and published in an indefinite Manner: Whence it appears that God Almighty designs here to exhibit a general Rule of his Conduct towards public Bodies or Communities.

It is indeed true that we have no Reason to expect an exact Correspondence between God’s providential Dispensations towards the Jews and other Kingdoms or civil Communities. Yet as God is the moral Governor of the World, and approves of Virtue and Holiness wherever it appears, and always hates Sin and Wickedness among all Nations; so it is reasonable to believe he will shew his Approbation, Favour and Protection to the one, and frown upon and punish the other. The State of the Case is very different (as to the Time of Rewards and Punishments) between Individuals and public Bodies of Men. The future State is the Time of Retribution to Individuals.—Though therefore many among the godly may suffer very grievous Things in this present State, they shall be abundantly Rewarded hereafter: In that happy World Light is sown for the Righteous, and gladness for the upright in Heart. And however the wicked may flourish and prosper here, their triumphing is short, for it is that they may be cut off and destroyed. But the Case is very different with regard to civil Communities. Whatever Forms of Administration they assume, they are the Creatures of Time. They have no Existence but in this World—All their Bands of Society, as Bodies-Politic, are dissolved, and have no Existence in a future State. If therefore they are not rewarded or punished in some Proportion to their Character as righteous or sinful in this World, they never are at all. It appears therefore agreeable to the Divine Perfections, that God should shew visible Marks of Approbation of public Virtue, and frown upon and punish a sinful People, as in our Text he has expressly declared he will do.

It appears then that God speaks to us in these Days as really, tho’ not in the same Manner as he did to Nations and Kingdoms in ancient Times. To them he spake by immediate and particular Messages from Heaven, pointing out their Sins, and the particular and special Judgments which they might assuredly expect if they continued Incorrigible. To us he speaks by his written Word and his Providence. In his Word he shews us what is the Character of such a People as have Encouragement to hope for his Favour, or Reason to fear his Displeasure;–and what he justly expects from such a People as have wickedly departed from him, that they may be restored to Favour, and enjoy his Smiles. Many Examples are left us in sacred Scripture for our Instruction and Admonition. Thus God speaks to us now, and surely the Man of Wisdom will hear what God speaketh to the City and to the Country. We must carefully examine into our real Character, and compare it to that of other Communities, and then consider how God has declared he would treat them, and what Treatment they have in fact met with and from thence collect what we have to hope for, or to fear from the Hand of God.

That which may be further attempted, by Divine Assistance, will be to shew,

I. That the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour; and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.

II. That the prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to their Destruction; And,

III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation will be the surest and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the Divine Favour.

I. The first Thing proposed is to show, that the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour, and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.

This is implied in the Text. ‘Tis indeed taken for granted, that God will bless and prosper a People who continue holy and obedient. Such who do not Evil in his Sight, but obey his Voice. These are Phrases to decipher true Religion. But we must always remember that a right Temper of Heart is always included in this Obedience to the Voice of God: otherwise it is destitute of the most essential Property of Obedience.—A supreme Love to God, on Account of his transcendent Excellence and absolute Perfection: an ultimate Regard to his Honour, and a Disposition to be subject to his Will, are essential Ingredients in Obedience to the Voice of God. This Voice of God is no other than his Word, and when we have such a Temper of Mind as the Word of God requires; when we believe and live as God requires we should do in his Word, then are we religious.

“All the great Truths and Duties of Morality are adopted by Christ, and incorporated into his Laws, are refined and purified, and set in the fairest and strongest Point of Light, and raised to their highest Perfection in the Christian Institution.” This Word or Voice of God discovers his glorious Nature and amiable Perfections, in Conformity to which, the Happiness of all intelligent Beings consists.—It shews that Mankind, tho’ originally created in the Image of God, have fallen from him, and are become both guilty and polluted by Sin.—The surprising Method of Redemption by Jesus Christ, the great Mediator; and the Recovery to a holy Temper and Life, which (thro’ Divine Influence) always takes Place in all who are by Faith in him, made partakers of the great Salvation. All these glorious Truths in one connected View, all that Holiness that is required, and those Duties which are directed to in God’s Word, tend to promote the Happiness of civil Communities; for God has most plainly shewn in his Word.

That, Religion, and this only, will recommend to his Favour.

That, the Religion which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it, to have a tendency to promote the public Good.

And this Word of God points out many Duties to Men, in all Characters, Relations and Circumstances, which directly and immediately tend to promote the best Good of the State.

1. God has most plainly shewn in his Word, that Religion, and only this will recommend to his Favour. Very many are the Pomises of this Kind. God promised the Israelites, 1 that if they would hearken diligently to the Voice of the Lord their God, to do all his Commandments, the Lord their God would set them on High, above all the Nations of the Earth. And thus also said the Lord to them by the Prophet Azariah, 2 “Hear me Asa and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.” Many other Promises of this Kind, taken in connection with our Text, are so plain as to put this Matter beyond all Doubt; for they are made not only to particular Persons, but to civil Communities as such.

I proceed therefore to say,

2. That Religion, which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it to have a tendency to promote the public Good. It might easily be shewn, (were there Time) that the more general Requisitions and Prohibitions contained in that Religion which is described and required in the Word of God, have all a tendency to promote the Good of civil Society: But what I would especially insist on under this Head is, that the Religion of Jesus Christ forms Men to such a Temper as powerfully inclines them to promote the Interest of the Public.

The Depravity of humane Nature, the corrupted and vitiated Temper of Mens Minds, is the real original Source of all those wicked Practices, which are prejudicial both to their private and public Interests. Hence proceed all those open, bold Violations of God’s Law, those enormous Crimes and Debaucheries, which tend to the Ruin and Dissolution of a State. This Fountain must be cleansed, or putrid Streams will continue to flow. And when this Temper is changed, the Heart renew’d and made holy, the Man will be strongly and vigorously engaged in all the Duties of Holiness; and consequently to promote the public Tranquility.

Now, (as one says) 3 “the Gospel and Religion of Jesus is admirably design’d and calculated to produce this blessed Effect; and this blessed Effect it does and will actually produce, wherever it is cordially and sincerely entertained and submitted to. Hence we are said to be sanctified by the Word; to be born again, not of corruptible Seed, but of Incorruptible, by the Word of God, which liveth and abideth forever. The Gospel of Christ, attended by the sacred Influences of the Divine Spirit, is the powerful Means of rectifying the sinful Nature of Man, and forming it to Purity and Holiness, and a governing Disposition to please and obey God in all Things. As the Laws of Religion require the universal Practice of Virtue & Holiness; they that are truly Religious, choose to obey God and live holy Lives; there is a blessed Agreement & Harmony, tho’ not a perfect one between the Temper of their Minds, and the sacred Laws of Religion; they are not only aw’d and influenced by the Authority and Command of God, but they find an inward Propensity and Disposition to devote and approve themselves to God, not only in the Duties of Piety and Godliness, but in the Performance of all relative and social Duties, and to exert themselves in their Places, to promote the Welfare of Mankind, and the Tranquility and Happiness of the State.”

I proceed to say

3. Religion requires and implies many Duties in the various Characters, Relations and Circumstances of Life, which tend immediately to the Good of the State. And an inward Principle of Piety will prompt Men readily to perform them. A hint of the principal of these Duties as they respect Rulers and Subjects, will be all I have Time now to mention. And,

Under the Influence of Religion, Rulers will discharge the Duties of their important Trust with strict Fidelity. In the height of Elevation, they will not forget they have a Master in Heaven, to whom they are accountable, before whom they must shortly stand, strip’d of all the Robes of State and Ensigns of Grandeus, to give an Account of their Stewardship. They know God requires them, while they rule over Men, to serve the Lord, to serve him with Fear & to rejoice with Trembling.—Religion will influence and embolden them to distribute Justice with Impartiality and Intrepidity; knowing that it is an Ordinance of Him that ruleth among the Gods, That he that ruleth over Men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. In Obedience to this great Lord, they will endeavour to let Judgment run down as Waters, and Righteousness as a mighty Stream, as an irresistible Torrent, bearing down all Opposition, and sweeping away Wickedness, Oppression and Injustice from the Earth.—Religion, in the Life and Spirit of it, would dispose Rulers to be so far from any Aims after arbitrary Power, as to be zealous Guardians of the just and important Rights of the Subject. It would greatly Influence, not only by making them afraid to set themselves against the Lord, and against his Anointed; but would temper the Thoughts of Dignity, cure a godless Thirst for Despotism, and so keep them back from all guilty Reaches after arbitrary Power, and teach them to conduct as the Ministers of God for the good of their Subjects.—Religion would, above all other Things inspire them with paternal Tenderness, & engage them to act as Fathers of the People. There is no other Principle of true Patriotism equal to that of Religion. Men have indeed sometimes from lower Principles than those of Christianity done well for the Public: But certainly no other Principles can actuate them with equal Force and Alacrity to pursue the public Good. A Principle of Holiness is of a divine Original, and not only fills the Mind with Veneration and Awe of the Divine Majesty, but inspires the Heart with Love to God and Man. Such a Principle will enlarge the Ruler’s Heart, and engage him with unrestrained Benevolence to pursue the Good of all. Such Rulers would therefore willingly exert all their Powers, and employ their whole Time for the Interest of their Country. And no doubt their greatest and most valuable Interests will proportionably excite the generous Concern of such Rulers.—The Regulation of Commerce—The Encouragement of Agriculture and Manufactures—The Promotion of Learning—The Preservation or Restoration of Liberty—But above all, Religion will meet with their warmest Encouragement, be patronized by their Example, and their Hearts will bleed for their People when under the Rebukes of Heaven, or dreadfully exposed to the Frowns of an angry God for their Apostacy from him.—In a Word, what like Religion will be a source of Magnanimity and Fortitude in Seasons of Special Danger?

When nothing but the Testimony of an unreproaching Conscience, and the plaudit of the Omniscient Judge can yield Support, what but this will support them when repay’d with Ingratitude for their noble and Self-denying Exertions for the Good of their Country? What but Religion will inspirit them with Resolution to persist with unremitted Vigour and unabated Diligence, tho’ the more abundantly they Love the less they are beloved? What like Religion will arm those in Power against the Temptations to Pride and Luxury, Venality and Oppression which an elevated Station peculiarly exposes to? In fine; Religion and this only will Influence them to exhibit such an Example as shall have the greatest Tendency to reform a degenerate and backsliding People. As they are Gods by Office, Religion will render them God-like in the Temper of their Minds, in their public Administrations, and in private Life. Such an Example as this would have a peculiar Tendency to give Charms to Virtue, to make Religion appear reputable and amiable, and to reform a vicious Age.

From these particulars it appears that Religion in Rulers, not only in Speculation, but in Love and Practice; not only protected by wholesome Laws, but appearing in real Life, and in high Life, would have a Tendency directly to promote public Felicity.

And no less would it do so with Regard to Subjects. The Religion of Christ directs Mankind in general to many Duties which have the most direct Tendency to render a State prosperous at home, and respectable abroad; and, when it is cordially embraced, will effectually incline them to such a Conduct: For Righteousness, i. e. Holiness exalteth a Nation. The Word of God strictly enjoins that Deference and Submission to Rulers, which is absolutely necessary for the public Peace and Happiness; and severely threatens and condemns a disobedient, mutinous and unruly Temper and Conduct. In this Word God commands, 4 “Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers.” “Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of Man,” 5 (viz. which is agreeable to the Ordinance of Heaven) “for the Lord’s sake.” He that resists the just Commands of lawful Authority is threatened with no less Punishment than Damnation.—Religion, in the Power of it, would engage Men conscienciously to adhere to the Rules of strict Justice.—To speak the Truth in Love.—It would sweetly, yet powerfully incline them to lead quiet and peaceable Lives, in all Honesty as well as Godliness.—It would banish Luxury and Intemperance from the Earth; for the Grace of God teacheth to live soberly as well as righteously and godly.—These Things most manifestly tend directly and greatly to increase the public Tranquility.—But beside and above all this, the noble and generous benevolent Spirit which real Christianity does not fail to inspire the Mind with, would have an unfailing Tendency (if generally imbibed) to promote general Good, and diffuse Happiness all around—A selfish, narrow, contracted Temper is very inimical to the State. When Men are wholly intent on private Advantage, grudge every Farthing which goes beside their own Coffers, “and coil themselves up in the narrow and dirty Shell of private Interest,” the Public will be neglected—The State cannot prosper. Religion is calculated in the highest Degree to cure this Distemper. It enlarges the Heart, greatens and sublimates the Views of the Mind. That Benevolence which is the very Life and Soul of the Religion of the Gospel, embraces the whole System of Beings, thro’ the Universe, in the Arms of disinterested Love. This then will be the noblest Principle of public Spirit: ‘Twill engage and dispose us to love our Neighbour as ourselves, to pursue the public Happiness as our own, and greatly to deny ourselves, from a generous and ardent Desire to promote the Good of Mankind.

This brings me to the Second general Head, viz.

II. The prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to the Destruction of a People: As Righteousness exalts a Nation, so Sin is a reproach to any People. The general Practice of Wickedness, necessarily diminishes and weakens a State, and if Impenitently persisted in will terminate in their final ruin.—If such Persons as are promoted to Places of Power and Trust, and fill the Seats of Government, are destitute of Principles of Piety, void of Integrity and Honor, it will have a baleful Influence on the State of the People whom they govern. Whatever Talents or Accomplishments they are Masters of, while destitute of these, there can be no sufficient Security of their proving public Blessings: Most probably the noblest Talents will be abused and prostituted to serve the vile Purposes of Ambition, Avarice or Luxury, as their leading Passion chances to direct. And what can be expected under such Rulers but a perpetual Series of Distresses and Judgments? What but Scenes of Oppression, Violence, Corruption and Effeminacy?

The Examples of such Men will be very fatal. “If Magistrates have the Characters of Rulers of Sodom, it may be expected that their Subjects will be the People of Gomorrah.” The wise King of Israel observes, If a Ruler hearken to lies, all the People are wicked. When therefore Rulers take no Care to make and execute such Laws as are calculated to suppress Vice and Wickedness, and to encourage Virtue and Religion, much more if Oppression, Venality or any Kind of Iniquity is encouraged; or if by their evil Example they enervate the force of Laws, and put it out of their own Power to execute them to Advantage; they give a public Invitation to their Subjects to shake off all Restraints to Sin, and to commit Iniquity with Greediness. Such Rulers have brought infinite Mischief on the State. “They have” (as one says) “like baleful Comets, spread Plagues and Desolation through a Land, by their malignant Influences. But,

However virtuous, wise, faithful and exemplary Rulers are, if Vice and Irreligion prevail among the People, so that their governing Character is that of a sinful People, they have awful Reason to Tremble at God’s Displeasure: Indeed, according to that Degree in which Sin prevails, it naturally weakens and injures the public Interest, as plainly appears from what has been already observed. For in the same Proportion that Religion tends to the public Emolument, Irreligion tends to the Damage of the State—God, the moral and righteous Governor of the World, has so constituted the Nature of Things, and ordered the general Course of his Providence, that the Consequences of Sin in general, should be very pernicious to the Temporal as well as the future and eternal Interests of Men. Nothing is more obvious than that many Sins tend to bring Misery, and indeed swiftly to hasten Ruin and Destruction on that People among whom they prevail.

Thus Pride and Luxury, Venality, Injustice and Oppression, Intemperance and Debauchery will have a most fatal Influence and swiftly hasten on every Kind of Misery. Dissipation, Indigence and Beggary tread on the Heels of Luxury, Pride and Prodigality. Men of this Character, thus reduced by their evil Courses, often betake themselves to Practices pernicious and ruinous to their Country, such as Robbery, Theft, Counterfeiting, or if not to these, to others, if not so scandalous, yet very hurtful and pernicious; such as sharping, over-reaching, and the like.—Idleness often cloaths a Man with Rags, and reduces whole Families to the most forlorn and pitiable Circumstances. How often do the slothful and indolent plunge deep into some of the above-mentioned Vices? Or into Intemperance, which is a Vice which may properly be more particularly mentioned and insisted on, as it contains in Embrio all other Vices. Riot, Excess, Debauchery, Gaming, Prophaneness, neglect and contempt of all Religion; these all are the common Attendants on Intemperance: The Person who wallows in this worse than brutal Vice, invites every Temptation, enfeebles and emasculates himself, and is therefore in the high Road to Ruin. And with Regard to States and Kingdoms, all History Witnesses, that when such Sins have prevailed so as to become the general Character, they have been on the very Brink of Destruction. Those mighty Empires of the World, which had for Ages been growing respectable and happy, by Industry, Temperance, Oeconomy and public Virtue, whenever these Vices prevailed, have sunk by swift Degrees into total Dissolution.

There are other Sins, such as Idolatry, Prophaneness, contempt of the Grace of God, Incorrigibleness under Chastisements and the various Means which God is using for the Recovery of a backsliding People, which are daring Affronts and aggravated Provocations to Almighty God, and more direct and immediate Insults upon his Honor; and therefore that People who are and continue Guilty of them, may expect severe Frowns and special Judgments from Heaven.—The God who governs universal Nature will often interpose to distress and punish such a People.—When therefore these Kinds of Iniquity prevail and abound among a People, natural and moral Causes concur to render their Situation gloomy and dismal. God severely threatens them; he says of such a People, “Shall I not visit for these Things? And shall not my Soul be avenged on such a Nation as this?” 6 His Treatment of the Jews, (to wave all other Instances) may serve for a just Comment on his Promises and Threatnings of this Nature. By viewing their Circumstances at any given Time, a pretty exact Judgment might have been drawn up of the State of Religion among them: And that complete Destruction which they finally suffered for obstinate Perseverance in Sin and Rejection of Grace, when God overthrew them, even as he overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah, is left on sacred Record, as a monitory Example to all other Nations.

This brings me to the last Observation;

III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation are the most certain and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the divine Favour. Indeed these are the only Things mentioned in the Text. It is true, when a People by their own Folly and Prodigality are reduced into low Circumstances, or are threatened with fore Judgments and heavy Calamities, they are to use all proper Means of a civil and prudential Nature, as well as those which more strictly speaking are of a religious Kind. Frugality, a prudent Regulation of civil and commercial Affairs, a vigorous Exertion to preserve their just Rights, are all highly reasonable and necessary; they are no ways inconsistent with Religion or contrary to Repentance. But all these are insufficient without Repentance. They cannot ensure Success; they have no Promise from God. In a Word, whatever be their Struggles and Exertions; whatever the Expedients they use, yet if they leave Repentance out of the Question, they are very far from any certainty of Success; rather they have Reason to fear that the best concerted Plans will prove abortive, and that God will teach them by Experience, that the Race is not to the swift, nor the Battle to the strong, that their own Strength is Weakness, and that Salvation is only from the Lord.

It is allowed that in some extraordinary Cases God has for some Time spared a very sinful People from immediate and impending Ruin upon the Intercession of eminently godly Men. Thus he spared Israel at the request of Moses on their Behalf. But in this Case God took sufficient Care to secure the honour of his Law, by the signal Punishment which he inflicted on them who were most guilty, tho’ he did not destroy the whole People. Notwithstanding he heard the Prayer of Moses, he says; 7 “But as truly as I live, all the Earth shall be filled with the Glory of the Lord.” This threatening God accomplished when he shut those murmuring, stiff necked Israelites out of the Land of Canaan, and their Carcases perished in the Wilderness.

But tho’ God has in his great Clemency spared a People for some Time, whose general Character was very bad, on Account of the godly living with them, and especially when with Fervency and Importunity they have interceded for them; or tho’ he may have suspended the immediate Execution of Punishment on the Account of a partial or merely external Reformation, I believe Repentance attended with Reformation as the general Character of a People, has the only certain Encouragement of the divine Forgiveness and Favour. Such Repentance as is sincere, universal and evangelical; as implies an inwrought godly Sorrow for Sin, as against a God of infinite Purity, Righteousness and Goodness; as produces an inward, real aversion to all Sin, and endeavours against it. Such a Repentance, wherein the Soul taking its whole Encouragements from the Mercy of God revealed and manifested in the divine Redeemer, returns to God by a glorious Christ, as its rightful, original Sovereign and only Happiness; in a Word, such a Repentance wherein every Sin is forsaken. Reformation from all evil Ways, and a Practice of all moral and Christian Duties will accompany true Repentance.

And where such a Repentance takes Place, though among a People who have been very wicked, and whose backslidings have been attended with the most crimson Aggravations, it will be a Means of averting the divine Displeasure. God will return in Mercy to them, and build them up. The many clear and positive Declarations which God has made in his Word, that Repentance and Reformation are agreeable to him, are indispensibly required by him, and are the only Terms on which he will turn away from his Displeasure and be reconciled; and the undoubted Evidence which we have that these have been frequently the Means of averting impending Danger, and saving from deserved Ruin; are sufficient to put this Matter out of all doubt; and therefore should be an effectual Inducement to a People, however sinful and degenerate, however afflicted, or however threatened, though on the very Borders of Extermination, to turn to God, through Christ, by unfeigned Repentance. The kind Declarations and Promises which God made to the Jews, of this Nature, are very many and express; and they were continued even to the last; when they were on the Brink of Ruin. Such was their Degeneracy that God says of them, 8 “Ah sinful Nation! A People laden with Iniquity! A Seed of evil-doers! The whole Head is sick: The whole Heart is faint.” In fine, such was their Degeneracy, such they Obstinacy, that the Threatnings of Almighty God are leveled directly against them; threatnings not merely of paternal Chastisement, as in the eaerlier Days of their State, but of the entire Destruction of the Kingdom. The Measure of their Sins was full, and God seems to be bringing Evil on them, even to the uttermost. He was just about to pluck up, to pull down and to destroy.—The Nation is here compared to a Vineyard; the Similitude is pertinent, and the threatened Destruction complete. If the Fences be thrown down which surrounded the Vineyard, the Vines plucked up by the Roots, and the Beasts of the Field let in and suffered to lay it waste, and to tread it down so that it should grow up no more, the Vineyard is completely destroyed. Further God says, 9 “Thou shalt say unto them, Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, even so will I break this People and this City as one breaketh a Potter’s Vessel that cannot be made whole again.” But behold the Clemency of God, “If that People against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil, I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.” Again, God says, 10 “Wash ye, make you clean, put away the evil of your Doings from before mine Eyes; Cease to do evil, Learn to do well.—Come now and let us Reason together saith the Lord, though your Sins be as Scarlet, they shall be as white as Snow, though they be red like Crimson, they shall be as Wool. If ye be willing and obedient ye shall eat the good of the Land.”

I MIGHT also shew many Instances in which God has appeared in his providence, & signally delivered a penitent People from multiplied Distresses: but it is needless to recite particular Facts for the Purpose, since everyone acquainted with sacred History especially cannot be at a Loss for them. Many a Time 11 when they rebelled against the Words of God, and contemned the Counsel of the Most High; so that he brought down their Heart with Labor, they fell down and there was none to help. Then they cried unto the Lord in their Trouble, and he saved them out of their Distresses.

From what has been said may be inferred the superlative Excellency of Religion, which is calculated to promote the noblest Ends, viz. to form Men in every Character and relation to love and honour God, and to pursue and promote the highest Interest and truest Happiness of Mankind.

We may also infer the inexcusable Folly of wicked Men, who while they are inordinately pursuing their present and private Interest, in the neglect and contempt of Religion, act in direct Opposition to both, and so expose themselves to everlasting Destruction, for less, for worse than nothing.

We learn further, that it is a Thing of the last Importance to a People who are under the evident Frowns of Heaven, critically to examine what is their real Character: And if it should appear that they have done Evil in God’s Sight, and have not obeyed his Voice: If it should appear especially that they have gone away backward, and forsaken the Lord, that they speedily hearken to the Warnings of God’s Word, and repent and reform what is amiss.—It appears of indispensible Necessity that every Order of Men in their various Capacities, exert themselves vigorously to promote a Work of such Difficulty and Importance. And as in this critical Day this is the Duty of all, so it is in many Respects, eminently the Duty of Rulers.

As therefore in Obedience to his Honor’s Command I stand in this Place on the present Occasion, may I be allowed, with all due Deference and Respect, yet with a Freedom becoming the ministerial Office, to address the honored Legislative Body of this Government, present in the general Assembly this Day.

Worthy and renowned Fathers,

I TRUST it is the ardent wish of many in this Government, that you may have Success equal to your Desires and Endeavours for the public Good; and that you may be long continued in your important Posts of Government, to exert your well known Abilities in defending our invaluable Privileges, watching for the public Peace, and at the same Time protecting, encouraging and promoting Religion.

It is signal Honor to you, (revered Senators) that by the Sufferings of a People, who still enjoy and highly prize Freedom, you have been betrusted with the important Affairs of Government in a Season so peculiarly Dangerous and critical as this. The Confidence reposed in you is indeed great, and we trust and have Reason to hope, your Vigilance, Firmness, Zeal, Prudence and Exertion will be answerable to our Expectations and to the Exigencies of the State.

What Expedients of a political Nature are requisite at this Day to guard our just Rights, to regulate Commerce, to encourage Manufacturers, Agriculture and Oeconomy, we leave to your Wisdom, not doubting your Care. These Things have been frequently and most pertinently urged, especially of late.—My Subject leads me to Considerations of another Nature, however not less important.

That we are involved in great Calamities, and have Reason to fear still greater, in this Day of perplexing Uncertainty and doubtful Expectation, is so Obvious that it is needless to enlarge on the disagreeable Theme. And whatever are the immediate Sources of these Distresses, our Sins are no Doubt the procuring Cause. Our Iniquities have separated between us and our God. That Prophaneness, Impiety and Sensuality which have prevailed, and do still prevail among us, (may I be allowed to say) with too much Impunity; “Our stupid Forgetfulness of God, and our general neglect (under all our Struggles and Concern) of the only effectual Way of Deliverance, from all the Calamities we feel or fear,” these things point to us in a striking Light the Necessity of Repentance and Reformation.

Under God, our Eyes are unto you, our Dependence is upon you, to exert yourselves in your Places of Dignity and Authority, with yet greater Spirit and Vigilance, that you may not bear the Sword in vain, but be a Terror to evil doers, and a Praise and Encouragement to them that do well. We hope for the Continuance of your friendly Care to the Seminary of Learning in this Government, that you will promote Learning, and encourage a learned Ministry, between which and Religion there is so close a Connection. We also trust you will with Firmness support our religious Constitution in this Government, as being well calculated to subserve the Interests of Religion. And if it be possible, either by enacting other Laws, or more punctually executing the many good and wholesome Laws now in being, to suppress the growing Prophaneness, Intemperance, Contempt of Worship and Prophanation of the Sabbath, which are visible and awfully increasing among us, it would have a happy Tendency to promote Reformation.

One very honorary and expressive Character given to Rulers in God’s Word, is that of Gods; this implies that they should be God-like, and (as far as humane Infirmities will permit) imitate the God of Gods. And what a glorious Pattern is held up to the Rulers View in this particular? What boundless Compassion God has shewn to a guilty apostate World? What has he left undone to reduce guilty Rebels to Repentance, Love and Obedience? We trust you will imitate this glorious Example. That you “will sympathize with your People in their Difficulties and Sorrows, and sensibly resent all the Evils they groan under, even when they suffer by their own Default: That your Bowels of Compassion will peculiarly move towards them, when they are under deep Apostacies from God, and under terrible Impressions of his Wrath, both in Temporal Judgments and Spiritual Plagues. As the Head in the natural Body sees the uneasy State of the whole and each Member, so you will have a most sensible Share, in all the Losses, Reproaches, Burdens and Dangers, that are among this People; and your Tenderness will be expres’d, in taking the best Measures for their Relief and Comfort.”

Such Rulers as have been Friends to God and to Religion, who have been nursing Fathers to the Church, have mourn’d for her Afflictions, critically observ’d her Declensions, and nobly exerted themselves to bring about a Reformation, have embalmed their Memories with Posterity, and their Names have been transmitted to future Generations, with peculiar Honors. Much more precious are their Memories than those of the most renowned Heroes, or Men of the most exalted Geniuses, who were yet destitute of and paid no regard to Religion.

Such a Ruler was Moses, a Man mighty in Faith and Prayer, eminent for Patience and Meekness, willing to relinquish Fame, and even to lay down his Life for the good of God’s chosen People.

How glorious is the Character of Nehemiah and of Hezekiah and Josiah Kings of Judah, as Reformers and lovers of Religion? Such have been many of our Rulers in this Government. Such in an eminent Degree was out late Governor. And was not he 12 in some good Degree also deserving of the same Character by whose Decease a Breach is made in the honorable Council-Board? He who had with strict Fidelity and to universal Approbation executed the various Important Trusts which were reposed in him, and might have been serviceable to the State yet for many Years, had God seen fit to have spared him to us. But Rulers as well as others must die. Though Gods by Office, they are Men by Constitution, and must in this Regard stand on a level with their Subjects. Animating Thought! How uncertain the Term of Life and Opportunity of Usefulness! And how glorious and incomprehensible the future Reward and Happiness of faithful and religious Rulers?

May you (honored Fathers) be the happy Instruments of promoting Religion, of effecting Reformation; may you be indeed Fathers to this People, the imitators of God, and late be received to those distinguishing Honors which await them who have served their Generation by the Will of God.

So great a part of the special Business of the Ministers of Christ, is to inculcate Repentance, and promote Reformation; and such is the general Character of this Order of Men in this Government, that I cannot doubt of their cordial Concurrence and sincere Endeavours to promote a Work so Important and necessary at this Day.

Reverend Fathers and Brethren,

In this apostate and sinful World it has ever been the Errand on which God has sent forth his Ambassadors to preach Repentance, and Reconciliation to God, through a Mediator; and at special Seasons to give Warning of impending Danger, and inculcate Repentance and Reformation, by all possible Motives.

13 Noah warned the antediluvian World of imminent Destruction, and inculcated Repentance for a long Space. This was the great Errand on which the Prophets were sent to the Jews. The Burden of all their Messages was, Turn now unto the Lord with all your Hearts. And as their Sins increased and God’s Judgments were more numerous and awful, and especially when the impending Storm thickened, and seem’d ready to burst on their guilty and defenceless Heads, the Prophets were ordered to redouble heir Efforts, and with an honest Freedom and pious Zeal, point out their Danger, and the Reasons of it. Thus Isaiah is directed to 14 cry aloud and spare not, to lift up his Voice like a Trupet, and to shew unto God’s People their Transgression.—The weeping Prophet is sent with many such Messages as that in our Text.—When John, the immediate Fore-runner of Christ appear’d, he cried, 15 “Repent, for the Kingdom of Heaven is at Hand.”—And our blessed Saviour, as the first of all his Messages, proclaimed, 16 “Repent, and believe the Gospel.” And to add no more Instances, St. Paul in few Words tells us what was the main Business and Practice of the first Preachers of the Gospel, (and which no doubt we should imitate them in) 17 “Now then we are Ambassadors of God, as tho’ God did beseech you by us, we pray you in Christ’s stead, be ye reconciled to God.” And does not the Providence of God point out to us many peculiar Motives and loud Warnings, to be very earnest, vigilant and diligent in pressing Repentance and Reformation, on the People of this Government? Perhaps never in this Land was there greater need of Reformation, or louder calls to it. God expects we should join with our worthy Rulers in this most important Work, and not only faithfully shew this People their Sins and Deserts, but sincerely bewail their and our own Sins, and deprecate God’s Judgments. In this Day of Darkness and Distress, ought not the Priests, the Ministers of the Lord, above all others, to weep and to say, “Spare thy People, O Lord, and give not up thine Heritage to Reproach.” In brief, it appears clearly that Repentance and Reformation are that one Thing needful at this Day, on which our political and temporal Salvation, as well as our eternal depends; and that God justly expects that we, above all others, should be sensible of it, and endeavour to promote them. This then should engross our Thoughts, engage our Solicitude, and employ our Time.

And I would humbly suggest, that as we would succeed in our Endeavours, we must hold fast the Form of sound Words, and adhere inviolably to the Doctrines of Grace, those great Important Doctrines, which our pious Ancestors held, and for which they suffered: ‘Tis the plain, faithful preaching of these which is like to be attended with Success. It was observed by 18 a worthy Gentleman some Years ago, on this Occasion, that, “’Tis the plain, serious, affectionate preaching of Christ crucified, and his unsearchable Riches, the merit of his Cross, the Prevalence of his Intercession, and the Power of his Grace, and the other peculiar Doctrines of the Gospel, that are nearly connected therewith, God has been wont especially to own and bless, to the producing of Faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and Repentance from dead Works, and all the excellent Fruits of Righteousness in Life and Conversation.”

May I be allowed just to add, that Union among ourselves is greatly necessary, that we may be successful in our Endeavours to promote the Interest of Religion among others.

Scarce any Thing has given a greater Advantage to the Enemies of the Church, than that Discord which has prevailed among Christians; or any Thing stab’d the Cause of Religion with deeper Wounds than those Contentions and unchristian Alienations which have took Place among the Clergy; may they never prevail among us; may we let alone Contention before it is any further meddled with. While we contend for the Faith, may we take heed that it is indeed the Faith of the Gospel, and those plain, great, important Truths which have a Tendency to promote practical Godliness, and not subtil Speculations and Niceties: And while we look upon ourselves obliged to contend earnestly, let us also contend meekly, and not loose Sight of Charity, in the Defense of Orthodoxy. Should not this thought, that there are cruel Foes enough abroad, watching for our halting, and rejoicing in our Divisions, cement us in the closest Union to one another? Should we not, as Servants of the meek and lowly Jesus, forbear one another in Love, and unite in this Day of great Degeneracy and Calamity, in every probably, suitable and prudent Method to promote the common Good:–Above all, are we not under the most sacred Obligations to join in humble fervent Supplications, to that God who heareth Prayer, who loves Unity and Fervency in our Requests, who has never said to the House of Jacob, Seek ye me in vain; who has often in answer to the united, humble Petitions of his Servants, appeared for Zion, and for New-England in particular. In this therefore I trust there will not be a dissenting Voice, or a disuniting thought among us.

This brings me to conclude with Address to this numerous Assembly.

You have been often told, my Brethren, that this is the important Day which will probably decide the Fate of America: That to be unconcern’d therefore in this Conjuncture of Affairs must be the Effect of the most stupid Dullness, or unaccountable Frenzy: And that we are under indispensible Obligations to use the most vigorous Efforts, and practice much of Self-denial (if call’d to it) for the good of our Country. All this is undoubtedly true: And God’s Word directs us to the only certain and effectual Expedient to obtain Help in our Troubles, and Deliverance from our Dangers. In one Word, this is Repentance. This would be very reasonable and important were we in no peculiar Circumstances of Danger, or under no special Frowns from Heaven: But as the Case now stands with us, ‘tis necessary, in every View necessary to our civil and religious Interests, necessary to the Preservation of the State, as well as to the Salvation of our Souls. Is not God now in his Providence directing that same pathetic Exhortation to us which he did once to the Church of Ephesus; 19 “Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first Works.” This Land, New-England in particular, was planted a noble Vine. We have the Honour to be descended from Ancestors who really deserved the Name which was given to them in Derision, I mean that of Puritans.—They were indeed fast Friends of Liberty, but abhorred Licentiousness.—They were inviolably attached to Purity and strictness in Faith, in Worship and Conversation. God’s Promise in our Text was fulfilled to them. He spake Good concerning them, and performed it to them. He marvelously preserved them from surrounding Savages, when they were few in Number.—He increased them almost to a Prodigy—Defended them from powerful Enemies abroad, and rendered abortive many deep-laid Plots for their Ruin.—The time would fail, tho’ in the briefest Manner, to recount the signal Appearances of God’s Providence for them and us; or to describe the distinguishing Privileges, civil and religious, which we have enjoyed. Is there a Spot upon the Globe, happier in these Regards than the British Subjects in America have been? Or a Government on the Continent which has exceeded Connecticut? But we have evilly departed away from the God of our Fathers, and are in many Respects become the degenerate Plants of a strange Vine. How inexcusable is our Ingratitude herein? And now when God is holding the Rod of Correction over us, let us not continue Incorrigible, and give Occasion for the mournful Complaint of the Prophet, “O Lord when thy Hand is lifted up they will not see:” Lest God should put in Execution the threatening annexed to the fore-mention’d Exhortation: In these awful Words, “Or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy Candlestick out of his Place, except thou repent.” May God mercifully grant that this dreadful Threatning may never be executed against us, as it has been long since, on all those renowned Churches in Asia. Who that has the smallest Degree of Love to God, or Regard to the Kingdom of Christ? Who that wishes well to his Country? Or who tht has not put off all the Bowels of a Parent, or has any feelings of Humanity in his Breast, but must shudder at the Thought of New-England’s ever sharing the dreadful Fate of those Churches?

But unless we repent, have we not awful Reason to fear this will be our Case? Should we plead that notwithstanding our general Declensions, we have many good Men who are mourning for our abounding Sins, and the visible Decays of Godliness; fervently praying for Zion, and willing as it were to thrust themselves into the Gap and stop the Plague? This is no doubt true; but could not all this and more be said in favour of some of those Churches, and of the Church of Ephesus in particular. Hear his Testimony, whose Eyes are as a Flame of Fire: 20 “I know thy Works and thy Labour and thy Patience, and how thou canst not bear them which are Evil, and hast born, and hast Patience, and for my Name sake hast labored and hast not fainted.” All this notwithstanding, Christ threatens to dissolve their Church state, and to take his Gospel from them except they repent. The Reason was, because they had left their first Love, were declining in their Affections and Regard to God and Christ, his Worship, Ordinances and Ways. Now we must be sensible that this is our fad Condition, unless we are still in a more lamentable Situation: That of Israel (I mean) when grey Hairs were here and there upon him, and he knew it not.

And now behold God is waiting to be gracious: He says, “Turn ye, why will ye die?” How shall I give thee up, O New-England! O that my People would hearken to my Voice:–May we then to Day hear his Voice, and not harden our Hearts.

May we hear the faithful Warnings of the Compassionate Redeemer, and flee for Refuge.

 


Endnotes

1. Deut. 28: 1.

2. 2 Chron. 15:2.

3. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon for 1754.

4. Rom. 13.

5. I Pet. 2. 13.

6. Jere. 5. 9.

7. Num. 14. 21.

8. Isai. I. 5.

9. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.

10. Isa. I. 16, 17, 18, 19.

11. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.

12. The Honorable Zebulon West, of Tolland, who was a great Promoter of Peace and good Order in the Town and Church where he belonged; for many Years a Justice of the Peace, one of the Judges of the County Court, a Judge of the Probates, a Member and Speaker in the Lower House of the general Assembly, and elected into the Honorable Upper House in May last.

13. I Pet. 3. 19, 20.

14. Isai. 58. 1.

15. Mat. 3. 2.

16. Mark 1. 15.

17. 2 Cor. 5. 20.

18. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon, 1754.

19. Rev. 2. 5.

20. Rev. 2. 2, 3.

Sermon – Execution – 1770


sermon-execution-1770


THE UNGODLY CONDEMNED IN JUDGMENT.
A
S E R M O N

Preached at Springfield,
December 13th 1770.

On Occasion of the Execution of
WILLIAM SHAW,
For Murder.
By Moses Baldwin, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in PALMER.

The Third Edition.

“Whoso sheds man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed.”  Gen. ix. 6.
“Woe unto the wicked, it shall be ill with him: “For the reward of his hands shall be given him.” Is. iii. II.

BOSTON: Printed and Sold by Kneeland and Adams, next to the Treasurer’s Office in Milk-Street.
Mdcclxxi.

PSALM i. 5. First Clause.
Therefore the Ungodly shall not stand in the Judgment.

The sacred Penman of this Psalm sets forth the way and end of the righteous and wicked:  The happiness of the one, and the misery of the other:  The great difference in the temper of their minds and conduct in the world, and the great difference, which will be made between them in the future judgment.  The godly and ungodly, the righteous and unrighteous, are in sacred writ  opposed to each other.  Godliness signifies piety towards God; and righteousness, equity towards man.  But godliness and righteousness, being so often put for one and the same thing, they may, separately taken, hold forth the two branches of the good man’s character, piety towards God, and equity towards man: So the ungodly and unrighteous, being often used for one and the same person, separately taken, may signify men impious towards God, and unrighteous towards man; the real character of the wicked.

By the ungodly then, we may understand a sinner under the guilt and power of sin; disobedient and rebellious against the sovereign authority and righteous law of a holy God, and unrighteous towards man.  This is the man, who, among others, must die and come to judgment.  Being a sinner, death must be his inevitable portion; and as death leaves him, so judgment will find him!  Being found in judgment ungodly, impious towards God, and unrighteous towards man, he cannot stand in judgment.  By his character, it must appear before the righteous and impartial Judge, that he is an unbeliever, out of Christ; that he has not hence a righteousness which will answer the law:  When therefore he appears in the judgment, not only without the righteousness of the law, but without so much as a personal righteousness, and his deeds produced before the judgment-feat as witnesses to prove him ungodly, he cannot in justice be justified and acquitted, but must fall, and be justly condemned.  The ungodly shall not stand in the judgment.  The propositions suggested, and to be illustrated, upon this solemn occasion, are

I.  There will be a future Judgment.

II.  The ungodly shall not stand in Judgment.

1.  There will be a future Judgment.  The certainty of this I shall endeavor to establish, and then give a brief account of the nature and design of it.  May the attention of all be serious and solemn, and every heart be affected with truth, as the weight and importance of it require!

The certainty of a future judgment is sufficiently established in the divine word: “For God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good or evil.” Eccl. Xii. 14.  He has “appointed a day, in which he will “judge the world in righteousness.”  Act. Xvii. 31.  “We must all appear before the judgment-seat of Christ.” 2 Cor. V. 10.  That there is therefore a day appointed for a future judgment, and that all men must appear before the judgment-seat for judgment, is as true as the word of God.  No man then, unless he be a profane and impious Deist, or a Rebel-infidel, will presume to call the truth of it in question.  Besides, as God is a Being infinitely righteous and holy, both in himself and in all his proceedings with his creatures, it appears rational that there must be a judgment-day to justify the innocent, or to manifest their innocence, and to punish the wicked; this not being fully and always done in the present state.  Though God at times overthrows the ungodly for their ungodly deeds; yet this being not a state of retribution, but of trial, he often forbears to execute sentence against evil works, and does not “punish the wicked according to their deserts.

” Eccl. viii. II.  The ungodly are often, in the course of providence, exalted, and the godly cast down.  A wicked Dives fares sumptuously every day, and a godly Lazarus lies full of sores; distressed with poverty, and is denied the crumbs that fall from the rich man’s table.  And is there not often wickedness in the place of judgment?  Iniquity  in human Courts of Judicature?  The innocent condemned, and the guilty go free?  The Son of God was wickedly arraigned, accused, condemned, and executed.  Many, of whom the world is not worthy, suffer cruel bonds and imprisonment, and are persecuted unto death.  The hearts of many are “fully set in them to do evil.”  The ungodly will trample upon the laws of God; despite his authority; reject the gospel with contempt, and “crucify the Son of God.” “God afresh.”  Shall such things lie in eternal silence?  Nay, these things show that God will judge the righteous and the wicked: “For the Judge of all the earth will do right.”  The holiness and justice of God call for a day of judgment, when his righteous government of the world shall be fully vindicated, and rightfully take place. – Again,

The voice of conscience gives its testimony to the certainty of a future judgment.  The consciences of men with, and without, a revealed law, excuse or accuse, according as they do good or evil, and that in reference to a future state of rewards and punishments.  To this purpose, when St. Paul reasoned before Felix, “of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come,” we find he trembled.  This arose from a conscience convinced of a future judgment, when he must account for his unrighteousness and intemperance.  Upon the same principle, many, when they have been best prepared to judge of truth, have professed their belief, and dread of a future judgment.  How many, who have put far away the evil day, and braved it out against death, and the terrors of God’s holy law, have at length, with horror, professed that they were going to that dreadful judgment of the great God, which they had neglected to prepare for?  How many Atheists, Deists and Apostates, who have braved it out in a day of prosperity, have found in a day of distress, that they could stupefy conscience no longer, but have been obliged to fall before God, and acknowledge not only his being and word, but a future and terrible judgment?  Great then is the force and evidence of this truth, and it shall prevail.

The account we have of the nature of this future judgment, is this, viz. that it will be a solemn, righteous, exact and critical, universal and final judgment.  Must it not be the most solemn day, that ever angels or men have known, when the supreme Judge shall come forth with a shout!  With the voice of the Archangel, and trump of God!  The dead are raised!  The judgment-seat is made ready, and the Judge hath took his feat!  A countless multitude stand before this feat for justice: The sentence of absolution with a “come ye blessed of my Father,” is pronounced upon the godly in accents of inconceivable grace; and the sentence of condemnation is passed in accents of inconceivable wrath, and executed upon the ungodly!  This will be a righteous and an impartial judgment.  God will judge the world in righteousness by Jesus Christ.

No partial favor will be shown here.  The persons of princes will not be accepted for their grandeur; nor will the rich be regarded for their riches; nor will the poor be despised for their poverty: but with righteousness, and without partiality, will the just Judge distribute rewards and punishments to high and low, rich and poor.  This will be a judgment most exact and critical: secret things are all to be laid open, tried and judged!  The weighty matters of the eternal judgment are not to be hurried over.  Some think the day of judgment will take up as long a time, as the world will stand: let this be as it will; the searcher of hearts will let no case escape, without the most exact and critical examination and trial.  This will be a universal judgment: “We must all appear before the judgment-seat of Christ;” righteous and unrighteous, men and devils must obey the universal summons, and come to trial.  This will be the final judgment.  No appeal from the judgment-seat of Christ; the final sentence is there given.  This sentence is, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, unalterable: it is a sentence for eternity, and the execution of it is unavoidable.

The great ends and designs of this future, final and eternal judgment are, for the manifestation of the honor and glory of the great Judge, and for the vindication of his righteous providence and government of the world; for the manifestation of his mercy and grace, in the complete salvation of the saints, and for the display of his justice, in the full destruction of the ungodly.  I now proceed to day,

2.  That the ungodly shall not stand in judgment.  The proposition is fairly proved in the test.  Peter gives us another proof, 2 Pet. Iii.7.  “The heavens and earth – are reserved unto fire against the day of judgment, and perdition of ungodly men.”  Jude another, 4, 15, verses, “The Lord cometh to execute judgment upon all, and to convince all that are ungodly of their ungodly deeds, which they have ungodly committed.”  These are threatening of God, founded on the unchangeable perfections of his nature: As God therefore is not man that he should lie, nor the son of man that he should repent; so sure he will fulfill the threatening of his word: Nothing then can be more plain, than that the ungodly shall not stand in judgment.  But further, to confirm and set home a truth so interesting and important, let me observe,
I.  The ungodly shall not stand in judgment, because they have not the righteousness of the law; and so being found guilty in the eye of the law, strict and impartial justice will not acquit, but will condemn them in judgment.

The divine law is what God hath stated as the rule of proceeding towards man.  “Christ came not to destroy, but to fulfill the law.”  That man therefore may stand in judgment, be acquitted, and find acceptance unto eternal life, he must have a righteousness, which the law requires, and will accept.  What is the saints security, that they shall stand in judgment?  They have the righteousness of the law.  Not, that they imperfect sinful men ever did, or ever can in their own persons, answer the demands of the law: Nay, but this hath been fulfilled for them in the person of Christ their surety; which law-fulfilling righteousness hath been received by faith, placed to, and accepted on their account.  So though they are saved by a new covenant, and by grace; yet they have a righteousness, which will answer the law; justice will not then condemn, but will acquit them upon trial.  Can any ungodly sinner have any just pretence to this righteousness?  He is an unbeliever, and without Christ:  he hath then no part in him, nor his righteousness.  This is the only righteousness, that will be accepted in judgment.

When therefore it is found upon fair trial, that the ungodly hath not this, must he not, when weighed in the balance, be found wanting?  Yea, guilty in the eye of the law?  Will not God then mark iniquity against him?  How then shall he stand?  Strict and impartial justice will require his blood.  This is a reason, why men cannot stand in human Courts of Judgment.  They are not, upon a fair trial, found righteous and innocent, but guilty in the eye of the law.  This being the café, a righteous Jury cannot, in conscience, justify the guilty, and declare them innocent, but must bring in their verdict guilty; and a just Judge must acquiesce in their report, and pass the sentence accordingly.  Let me observe,

II.  That the ungodly shall not stand in judgment, because the grand evidence improved before the judgment-seat of God, will be their own practice or works; according to which evidence their state will be determined.  These evidences will not be made use of to settle a determination in the mind of God, what the eternal state of the ungodly ought to be; but such a procedure will demonstrate to men’s own consciences, and to the world, the righteousness and equity of the final judgment.  Though there may be many witnesses in the day of judgment, in order to enhance the condemnation of the ungodly, yet there will not need a train of witnesses; for facts themselves will be produced as evidences for or against men, and there is no room left to dispute plain matters of fact.  This is according to the representation which the Judge gives of his proceeding in the last judgment, Matt. 25., latter end, where the sentence is passed on the saints according to, though not for, their works; and the sentence passed upon the ungodly, is according to their works.  We have also a representation of the last judgment, Rev. xx. 12, &c.  The dead are here said “to be judged out of those things, which are written in the books, according to their works.”

It is evident by this, that the deeds of the ungodly are all upon record in the book of God’s omniscience; that he will reveal them in the day of judgment, and make them revive in the book of the sinners own conscience, as well as manifest them before the assembled world.  When this is done, and by their deeds they are proven ungodly, they fall in judgment.  They cannot deny or extenuate their crimes before the judgment-seat; they appear in their true and real light; they cannot have any objection against evidences summoned; they are their own deeds which they will be convinced of: by the evidence then of their ungodly deeds, they will be condemned in judgment.

As in human Courts of justice, it is the fact substantially proved against the criminal, for which he is condemned, and for which he dies: so ungodly deeds, produced as witnesses against the ungodly in the final judgment, according to evidence, they must fall inevitably, under the righteous condemnation of God, and be justly sentenced to death eternal, and have the just sentence in its full length and breadth, depth and height, executed upon them.  But,

III.  The ungodly shall not stand in judgment, because they have no meet qualification to fit them for the presence of the just and holy Judge.  They have no external righteousness to recommend them: naked and guilty then, they cannot stand before a just and holy Judge, but must fall with shame and blushing confusion.  They have no internal holiness, but are un-renewed, unsanctified and unholy, and so have not the met qualification to appear with Christ in judgment, and to see him as he is: “For without holiness, no man shall see the Lord.”  Holiness is a qualification absolutely necessary to fit men for the right hand of the Judge; for the glory, holy society, employments, entertainments and enjoyments of his heavenly kingdom.  They shall not stand then in judgment, but will be spurned from the presence of the Judge, and sentenced to dwell forever with the unclean, unholy and abominable, in that fire never to be quenched.

Let us now attend to the APPLICATION.
Hence,—
I.  Is the certainty of a future and final judgment so great, and the evidence so full, that the ungodly shall not stand in judgment; “what manner of persons ought we to be, in all holy conversation and godliness?”  Though Christ hath wrought out a complete redemption, and brought in an everlasting righteousness; yet it is in vain for any to expect to appear with safety in the day of God, unless they by faith receive Christ, with the benefits of his purchase; partake of his spirit, and are holy, even as he is holy.  To stand in the final judgment is a matter of such everlasting consequence to the souls of men, that our call to be actually ready to stand before the judgment-seat, and to receive a sentence for eternity, is immediate and loud.  Should not the state of our souls be settled and determined, without delay?  Should not the light and evidence about our safe appearing be so bright and clear, as to put the matter out of all present doubt?  Then shall we be like the servant, that waits for his Lord’s coming and loves his appearing, and with him receive the blessed euge and crown of righteousness.  Permit me,

2.  To close the Discourse by way of Address and Exhortation.

And now, withal seriousness and solemnity, I shall first take liberty to address myself to you, unhappy man! Who are just going to judgment, and to receive a particular sentence for eternity.  When I considered you as one of the previous souls committed to my charge; and as bearing a special relation to a number of respectable families among my people, let me say, with trembling, I consented to prepare my a final Sermon for you. Sensible of my great inability to deal with men in your situation, nature recoiled at the thought; and, had I consulted only the dictates of flesh and blood, I must have utterly refused: but Providence called; with the call of Providence I complied; and at your own Election I come forth to speak.

Permit me now, as a faithful watchman, in duty to God, and in compassion to your soul, to warn you of your danger, with all plainness, that having done my duty, I may shake my raiment, and say, “I am pure from the blood of your soul.”  Though it may, to you, possibly seem cruel to rehearse over the evil deeds of a dying man, or reproachful; yet let me say, far be it from me, from having any desire of such a nature: any desire to reproach you, or to give your enemies occasion to rejoice in your misery.  Believe me, whatever I may say upon the evil of your conduct, shall be with an hearty design, by the blessing of God, to bring you to a sense of the evil of your sins, and to convince you of your immediate necessity of Christ, and his salvation knowing, “that the whole doth not see his need of a physician, but he that is sick.”

And now were not you conceived in sin, and shaped in iniquity?  Are you not by nature a child of wrath even as others, and an enemy to God by wicked works?  Hath not your conduct been notoriously wicked?  The character of the ungodly man in full; impious towards God, and unrighteous towards man, been your character?  Have you not repented, there are but a few moments left you to reflect; to settle your accounts; to have your peace made with God, and to seek preparation for a never-ending eternity!  But to be particular, let me appeal to your conscience in the sight of that God, before whom you are presently to appear, whether you have not, to an extreme degree, been guilty of the sin of intemperance?  Have you not hereby dishonored God, and abused his bounty and goodness?  Wronged your own soul and body?  Wasted your substance?  Brought yourself and family to poverty and distress?

Have you not followed this practice, until you became deaf to all warnings, regardless of all reproof, and even left to all sense and expectation of death and judgment to come?  Hath not this been an inlet to a train of evils of the blackest nature? – A source of lying and profane swearing? – Abuse and grief      to your own parents? – Abuse to your own wife and children? – A great grief and trial to your   relatives and friends? – Quarreling and contention with others?  Know then, if you are not a very humble penitent indeed, God will not hold you guiltless at his righteous bar, nor suffer you to inherit his kingdom; but will give you your portion in the lake of fire and brimstone.  Besides, by the verdict of the Jury, upon what I called being present, a fair and impartial trial; in the judgment of the Court and Judicious, that attended the trial, with impartiality, you are verily guilty of the crying sin of MURDER.  And let any friend to truth and justice but weigh with impartiality, the variety of reports you have yourself made of the tragic affair; and how they will be able to pronounce you innocent, I cannot see.

At one time you make report, that you were writing, and knew nothing of the affair; – again owned that you threw him down with your foot; – again owned that you did seize him by the neck; – at other times report, that you were asleep, and as ignorant about anything done to the man deceased, as the child unborn: when it can be, and has to me been sufficiently proved, that you were in reality awake.  So many shifts and falsehoods argue guilt: for truth will bear its own weight, and is always consistent with itself.  These things, with an evident disposition to deny, conceal and extenuate other crimes of an atrocious nature; together with the hand of providence, appearing evidently to frustrate every measure concerted for your help and escape, do not to me bespeak innocence, but guilt.

To me, then, as a dying man, it appears, you ought to acknowledge the justice of God and man, in your condemnation; and with David, say, “I acknowledge my transgressions, and my sin is ever before me.”  With penitential brokenness, and submission to God, say, “Against thee, and thee only, have I sinned, and done this evil in thy sight: that thou might be justified when thou speaks, and be clear when thou judges.”  If a man be guilty, it is not the time to deny and plead not guilty, when he is going to the judgment-seat of an all-seeing Judge, to answer for his guilt.  If you die in peace, you must have a clear conscience; a conscience, void of offense towards God and man.  Do you hope for acceptance at the bar of God, die not concealing your guilt: for if you die with a guilty conscience, and lies in your mouth, you never will be renewed unto repentance, nor washed in the Redeemer’s blood: and unless you are in time washed in the blood of Christ, and clothed in his righteousness, you will not have a righteousness in which you can, with safety, appear before God; but your guilt, will all your evil works, appearing in judgment against you, in justice, you cannot stand.

And consider, today you are in a state of trial, and there is a grain of hope yet left; if you now believe in Christ, and repent of your sins, you shall have mercy.  Consider also, that today you must appear before God, in judgment; and if found an impenitent in your sins, you fall at once under an eternal curse without repeal, and the execution of it will immediately follow, and without any reprieve for days.  Jesus Christ, the Prince and Savior, now sets on a throne of grace, a seat of mercy: but will you not this day find him on a throne of justice?  How then shall you, a sinner by nature and practice, this day appear with safety before a just and holy Judge?  Let me say, if you find acceptance in judgment, you must by faith receive Christ, the Prince and Savior, and have his blood and merits, his law-fulfilling and magnifying righteousness transferred to you by a gracious imputation; otherwise, so sure as thou art now condemned by the law, so sure as thou hast already began to fall before justice, so sure thou shall not prevail, but shall surely fall before a just and holy God.

And what an awful state is a long, long eternity of misery!  Your duty and business is now then to be deeply sensible of, and bewail your sins of nature and practice, until you are truly sensible of your wretched, undone and helpless condition, and absolute and immediate necessity of Christ, and salvation by him, that you may, under this conviction, essay to commit your precious and immortal soul into the hands of the blessed Redeemer, in whom alone there is help found for lost sinners.

You should be very earnest for a true fight of your present state, and plead with God in his abundant grace and goodness, to discover to you, an ill-deserving and hell-deserving sinner, the Savior, as being suited to all your wants, miseries and dangers; that he would give you a heart willing to renounce all other lords and lovers; all other hopes and dependencies; willing sincerely and in good earnest, really to choose and embrace him as offered in the gospel, and to venture your soul wholly upon him for eternal life.  You should plead that “Christ of God may be made unto you wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and redemption;” that you may be found in him, having that righteousness, which is through the faith of Christ, the righteousness which is of God by faith: that as you are going to judgment this day, you may be introduced with acceptance before the Judge: so that though you die as a condemned criminal, yet being in Christ, you may be pardoned of God, and acquitted in the final judgment.  You should plead for a true fight and sense of sin, not merely as exposing you to public justice, and the wrath of God, but as opposite to the pure nature, odious and offensive in the sight of a holy and merciful God, that you may loath and abhor it, and have that godly sorrow for sin, that works repentance unto life never to be repented of.

You should be earnest for a heart to love God supremely, and his Son Jesus Christ, as one altogether lovely; for a heart to love the divine law, and to hate sin; to love and forgive your enemies, knowing that without these things, you must be denied the presence and glory of God in the coming world.  And let me tell you, that the greatest sinners are not shut out from the saving blessings of the new covenant, if they will repent and believe the gospel.  Not Menassah, who filled the streets of Jerusalem with innocent blood – not the Jews, who crucified the Lord of glory – not the Gentiles, who were slaves to their lusts, and guilty of the most abominable practices; gave themselves up to work wickedness with all greediness: free grace hath triumphed in the salvation of such sinners as these.  And it is now a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, “that Christ Jesus came into the world to save the chief of sinners:” that “he who was dead, but is alive again, and ever lives to make intercession,” is as able to save all that will come to God by him.

Now then, poor Man!  Who have nothing to recommend you to God; no good works to boast of; who have been a great and notorious offender, let me bid you once more come under a sense of your sinful, miserable and helpless estate; come sensible how infinitely just God is, and will be, shall he execute his wrath eternally upon you; come sensible that there is help in the Lord, and surrender yourself up to Jesus Christ, the mighty Prince and Savior, and trust your soul wholly upon his infinite merits for justification and eternal life.  His blood is all-sufficient for the pardon of your great sins, and can wash out your stains of the longest continuance.  The Spirit of Christ can create a new an old transgressor and fit you for heaven.  All things are possible with God.  These things, with the example of the dying thief, who obtained mercy in the last hour, forbid you utterly to despair of salvation.  Art thou now a child of wrath, as you were born?  Have you been an old transgressor, and long sinned against light and love?  Long hardened your heart against counsel and reproof?  But are you at last deeply sensible of your guilt?  Are you inclined no longer to harden your neck, but today – this last day, to hear the voice of God?  Are you disposed to be made a new creature before you die, and to accept deliverance upon the very borders of hell?  With infinite ease Christ can deliver a dying sinner from death eternal.  Bu now to press all home, and to excite you immediately to comply with the instructions given, consider, if you are lost, what an awful account you will have to give to God, and how clear your condemnation will be?

Will not all the counsels and instructions that ever you have had?  Will not the ministers that have been dealing with you since under a sentence of death, with all their solemn and weighty instructions, both in public and private, rise up in judgment against you?  Will not the gospel, your own conscience, and all your evil works, rise up against you, and aggravate your just condemnation?  If you now perish, better for you that you never had been born; better for you, that you had been executed on the day sentenced to die: for all the time given you, with all your respites, being sinned away, instead of being any benefit, hath only given you an opportunity to fill up the measure of your iniquities, and to make an intolerable hell seven times hotter.  O for Christ’s sake, and in mercy to your own soul, I beseech you to linger no longer, but fly from the wrath to come, to the city of refuge!  As a prisoner of hope, turn to the stronghold.

Flatter not yourself that God is altogether such a one as yourself: for he is a just and a holy God.  Deceive not yourself, by thinking yourself something, when you are nothing.  Believe, unless you are in Christ, you cannot stand in judgment.  Know, unless you are born again, are a new creature, have all old things done away, and all things become anew, you cannot enter into the kingdom of God.  Improve your few remaining moments in earnest and importunate breathings of foul, that God would show mercy to a dying sinner.  In your last moments cry with the dying thief, “Lord Jesus, remember me in thy kingdom!”  And say unto my poor soul, “this day shall thou be with me in Paradise.”  What more can I say, but the Lord pity and have mercy on your soul!

And now, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren in the ministry of our Lord Jesus, let us, by this desperate instance before us, be stirred up to cry aloud, and spare not to show sinners their sins, and warn them of their danger; that whether they will hear or forbear, heir blood may not be required at our hands.  Let civil Magistrates, who are powers ordained of God, and not to bear the sword in vain, exert themselves, by authority, example and endeavors, to bear down vice, and prevent, if possible, men from running to such lengths of wickedness, that they may not, for their overmuch wickedness, come to an untimely end.  Let matters of public houses, take warning by this fad spectacle before you, to hold your hand from men of this character, lest the hungry and distressed cries of their wives and children, rise up to the ears of the Lord against you; and the blood of such men as die before they have lived out half their days, by this means, cry at your doors, and rise up in judgment against you.  Let the dreadful example made of this poor criminal, be a warning to men of intemperance, especially to his own companions in wickedness.  See the fruits of love to strong drink!

Let me lift up my voice, and cry aloud in the ears of all this solemn assembly, behold the dreadful effects of drinking to excess!  And O let the voice of this alarming example found in the ears of drunkards in accents of thunder, and deter you from your horrid practice, even as though you heard the rump of God found, and the voice of the Son of God, saying, that the judgment of the wicked is come!  Let this instance before us be a solemn warning to men of passion, who in their passion quarrel and smite with the fist of wickedness.  O lay hands on no man, lest murder be committed, and you share in the fate of this poor man!  Let young people take warning in season to guard against the sins of intemperance and contention.  Let the solemn instance before us, with what we have this day heard, found an awakening alarm in the ears of every ungodly sinner.  The solemn, righteous, impartial, critical, universal and final judgment, will come.  The ungodly shall appear, but shall not stand in judgment.  O Sirs, above all things, be concerned about the weighty matter of death, judgment and eternity!  Prepare without delay to meet your God, the great Judge of quick and dead.  And now let us all in un-dissembled woe drop a tear upon this sorrowful occasion.

O the distress of the aged Parents, this day bereft of their only surviving son after this sort!  He hat should be the staff  and comfort of their old age bringing their grey hairs with sorrow down to the grave.  Say ye that are parents, could you bear up under such a trial as this, without an extraordinary measure of grace?  What Tongue can express the distress of this poor man’s wife with her eleven children and all his relatives and friends?  Pity, pity them, O ye people, and recommend them in your daily addresses at the throne of grace, to the abundant grace of God!  But especially pity the poor man now to die by the hand of justice; and while you are attending  the execution, lift up your hearts in the most earnest prayer, that he may be a monument of God’s rich, free, sovereign grace and mercy.  Finally, let me caution all present upon this sorrowful occasion, to let your behavior be with all decency and moderation.  It is not a day for rioting and vain merriment.

Such an occasion as this calls much rather for fasting, humiliation and prayer.     Let me entreat old and young to stand off from everything rude and vain.  To let your behavior  be with sobriety and good order, and in due season, to retire to your respective homes.  Remember your need of grace to keep you from falling, and let him that stands take heed lest he fall.  “And now may the God of peace, that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus Christ, that great Shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make us all perfect to do his will; working in us that which is well-pleasing in his fight, through Jesus Christ: to whom be glory forever and ever. Amen.

END.

Sermon – Election – 1769, Massachusetts


Jason Haven (1733-1803) preached this sermon in Massachusetts on May 31, 1769.


sermon-election-1769-massachusetts

A

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

SIR FRANCIS BERNARD, BARONET,

GOVERNOR:

HIS HONOR

THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Esq;

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE

HIS MAJESTY’S COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE PROVINCE OF THE

MASSACHUSETTS BAY in NEW ENGLAND

MAY 31ST. 1769.

Being the Anniversary of the ELECTION of His MAJESTY’s COUNCIL for said PROVINCE.

BY JASON HAVEN, A.M.

Pastor of the First Church in DEDHAM.

 

At a Council held at the Council.
Chamber in Boston, on Thursday
the first Day of June, 1769.

PRESENT
His Excellency the Governor in Council,

Advised and Ordered, That the Thanks of the Governor an council be given to the Rev. Mr. Jason Haven, for his Sermon preached Yesterday being the Day appointed by the Royal Charter for the Election of Councellors for the Province : and that ROYALL TYLER and SAMUEL DEXTER, Esqrs. wait on him with the Thanks of the Governor and Council accordingly, and in their Name desire of him a Copy of his said Sermon for the Press.

A. OLIVER, Secr’y.

 

An Election Sermon
 

Psalm LXXV. 6, 7.

For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the Judge; He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

 

By the light of reason and nature, we are led to believe in, and adore God, but not only as the maker, but also as the governor of all things. In the same way we may be satisfied that it is agreeable to the divine will, that civil government be established among men, on principles equitable in themselves, and conductive to the common good. But in these points, revelation comes in the assistance of reason, and shews them to us in a clearer light than we could see them without its aid. This is done by many passages of sacred scripture, and by that which I have now read in particular; which, without a critical examination of its connection, or any labored comment on it, may consider – God’s approbation of civil government – His agency in putting men into, and removing them from places of power – what views persons should have in seeking and accepting a part in government – what rules should be observed in introducing men into office – how those that are promoted should behave towards the people – and how the people should behave towards them. The two former of these heads of discourse lie plainly in the words of my text; the others are natural inferences from them.

The first thing to be considered is God’s approbation of civil government among mankind. This might be argued from the dispositions and capacities which he hath implanted in human nature. Buy these men are adapted to society, and inclined to associate together; and by associating, the happiness of each individual may be greatly improved.

By forming into civil society, men do indeed give up some of their natural rights; but it is in prospect of a rich compensation, in the better security of the rest, and in the enjoyment of several additional ones, that flow from the constitution of government, which they establish. Individuals agreeing in certain methods, in which their united force and strength shall be employed for mutual defense and security, is a general idea of civil government. These methods of defense being lawful in right in themselves, must be agreeable to the will of God “who loveth righteousness.” They must please him who is “a God of order and not of confusion;” as they tend to prevent “confusion and every evil work,” which otherwise would prevail, without restraint, among such imperfect creatures as we are.

The state of things in our world is evidently such, as to render civil government necessary. But for this, life liberty, and property would be exposed to fatal invasion. The lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, would not be under sufficient restraint. Their conduct would be like that complained of in Israel, when they had no king. “Everyone did that which was right in his own eyes. ” 1 Men would resemble the fishes in the sea, the greater devouring the less. This state of things as fully determines the will of God, who delights in the happiness of his creatures, in favor of civil government, as it could have been done by an express revelation. The voice of reason, in this case is the voice of God.

But the will of God, as to this thing, is not only deducible from these reasoning’s. His word of revelation declares it. “The powers that be are,” expressly said to be, “ordained of God.” Civil rulers are called “the ministers of God.” And “he that resisteth them” is said to “resist the ordinance of God.” 2

But though God’s approbation of civil government is so evident; yet he hath not seen fit to point out any particular form of it, in which all men are obliged to unite. This is left as a matter of free choice and agreement. Men have a natural right to determine for themselves, in what way, and by whom they will be governed. The notion of a divine indefeasible right to govern, vested in particular persons, or families, is wholly without foundation; and is I think as generally exploded at this day, by en of sober minds, as that of uninterrupted succession in ecclesiastical office, from the apostles of Christ, in order to the validity of Christian administrations.

“The most impartial disquisitions of this matter, faith an anonymous writer, founded on the common sense and practice of mankind, have long ago convinced the wise and unprejudiced, that no individual, however nobly born, has a right over the person or property of another, except only from mutual compact, entered into for general benefit; the conditions of which are as obligatory on the governing, as on the governed parties. No man, in the nature of things, is in anyway superior or inferior to his fellow citizens, but on such conditions, as they are supposed to have mutually consented to. It is only to prevent the confusion which riches, interest, or ambition might create among persons equally qualified, that the sovereignty hath been settled in particular families. It is in regard only to conveniency, that the succession should remain uninterrupted, as long as it can be consistent with the good of the whole. But where this is infringed, dispensed with superseded, the obligation is cancelled. The people are free, and may either choose a new form of government, or put their old, into other hands.”

All nations have not chosen the same form of government. Nor can we determine that anyone would be best for all. The different genius, temper and situation of nations and countries, may make different constitutions of civil policy eligible, as different temperaments in human bodies, and the different climates in which they are placed, require different methods of regimen.

The Theocracy of the Jews doth not disprove this natural liberty of choice. That people, while it continued; and it was ungrateful in them to be so soon weary of it. Other nations were left to their liberty, to choose such a form of government, as they might think would best answer the end of all government, the public welfare; whether that of Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy; or a mixture of these. It is a mixture of these that our nation fixed upon. And this we are ready to think the happiest that can be. We may possibly be prejudiced in favor of it, because it is our own. Indeed we have less reason to think we are since we have so many testimonies of strangers to its excellency. Besides these testimonies, we have had such proofs of its goodness, as are most convictive, those of experience. By it “we have enjoyed great quietness, and important favors have been done to our nation.”

In this form of government, power and privilege are happily united. They are wrought into its foundation, so that they cannot be separated, but by pulling down the pillars of it. Magistrates cannot exercise their power of magistrates. We have reason to be thankful to the great Founder of civil government, that under his influence, our nation hath agreed in this constitution, which hath already contributed so much to its happiness; and the important blessings of which, we hope, will flow down to the latest posterity.

Indeed the best form of government will not render a people safe and happy, without a good administration. More depends on places of public trust being properly filled, than on the constitution. A people may perhaps, for a season be tolerably happy under the most exceptionable form of government;’ but can scarcely be so, under the best, when administration is grossly corrupt. Their rights and privileges are very nearly affected by the character and conduct of their rulers. The advancement of persons to places in government is therefore a most interesting affair. It requires the serious attention of all, who have a hand in it : And it will lead every man of religion, to implore the favor and influence of the supreme ruler, who putteth down one, and setteth up another.

This leads me,

SECONDLY. To consider the agency of God, in putting men into, and removing them from places in government.

PROMOTION, faith the penman of my text, cometh neither from the east nor from the west, nor from the south. We cannot (as one remarks on the words) “gain it either by the wisdom of the men of the east or by the numerous forces of the western isles; or from those of Egypt or Arabia, which lie southward of Judea. The reason why the north is not mentioned may be because the same word which is rendered north signifies God’s secret place or counsel, from whence promotion doth come.” Perhaps no more is intended by this poetical expression, than that the most favorable concurrence of second causes, will not prevail to advance persons in government, without the influence of the first. A truth which none can disbelieve, who admit God’s superintendencey over all human affairs. A truth, in the faith of which our own observation may have been sufficient to confirm us. Have we not known some ready to compass sea and land, and to go from east to west, and from north to south, in pursuit of honor? And yet have they not found it like a shadow, in this respect, as well as in some other, that it hath fled before them with a motion as swift as that with which they have followed it? While they have tried every promising method to climb the slippery hill of honor, all their attempts have been blasted, and blasted in such secret and unexpected ways, as could not be accounted for but by the agency of him “who disappoointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise. 3

Promotion being denied to the power of second causes, is attributed to that of the first. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

God is the judge – When several parties contend for the prize of the preferment he determineth it to which he pleaseth so as best to serve his own purposes it is not only safe but happy for the world, that absolute and uncontrollable power should be possessed by a being of infinite wisdom, invariable justice and boundless mercy. Such power is often ascribed to God, in the inspired writings. “Wisdom and might are his : He removeth kings, and setteth up kings : He hath put down the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low degree. The most nigh ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomever he will.” 4

God is the judge of men’s qualifications for government and his “judgment is always according to truth.” He knows whom to promote and whom to depose, in order to answer the wise plan of his universal providence. This power God doth not usually exercise in an immediate way, but by the intervention of several second causes; and these are united and combined together in such a manner, as could be done by no understanding but one that is infinite. Scared, and other histories furnish us with instances hereof. The advancement of Joseph to great dignity and power in the Egyptian court, is a remarkable one. A variety of unconnected cause operated to bring this about unconnected in themselves, but united by him, “whose kingdom ruleth over all.” It was by the agency of God, that king Saul was disgraced, and David advanced; an event, to which it is probable, our text has special reference. By this it came to pass that proud Haman was hanged on the gallows he had made, of fifty cubits high; while Mordecai the Jew, for whom he had prepared the same, was promoted. By this, that haughty Nebuchadnezzar was turned a grazing among the beasts, to teach him that “the heavens do rule.” By this, that boasting Herod was eaten of worms, because he did not consider the he was one himself.

The influence of the supreme governor of the world, in bringing about such events, in later ages, is not less real, though perhaps less evident and immediate. It must be acknowledged in putting down some, and setting up others, in our own nation and land. The fall of that unhappy and misguided king, Charles the first, was an instance of it. So was that ever memorable event, so happy in its consequences to Great Britain, and to these Colonies, called the Revolution, when king James the second abdicated the throne, and King William and Queen Mary, of glorious memory, were advanced to it; which made way for the present happy establishment in the house of Hanover. The people of this province, not only shared in common with their fellow subjects, on the other side of the Atlantic, in the advantages arising from this great change in government, but were particularly happy, in being delivered from the oppressive and tyrannical administration of Sir Edmund Andros. The agency of heaven in these events, doth not determine the innocence or guilt of those, who were the voluntary instruments of bringing them about. “Thou couldest have no power at all against me,” said our Savior to Pilate, “except it were given thee from above.” 5 Yet this did not prove him innocent, in “condemning that just one.”

The promotion of men to places of power and trust, who either have no talents for government, or are disposed to use those that they have, to wicked purposes, is an event, which may seem hard to be accounted for. “God’s judgments are a great deep.” This however must be a settled principle with us, “that the Judge of all the earth doth right.” His providence is by no means to be impeached. The moral evils which take place, in consequence of such promotions, are not to be charged on him. He may permit such things to punish a bad temper, either in the persons promoted, or in the people over whom they are set or in both. We should consider it as the primary design of such punishment to reform them; but if they remain incorrigible under it, a fuller display of God’s rectoral justice and hatred of sin, will be made in their ruin. “The scripture faith unto Pharaoh, even for this same purpose have I raised thee up, that I might shew my power in thee, and that my name might be declared throughout all the earth. ” 6 In judgment to Israel, Saul, and several wicked kings, were set over them. “There is (says Doctor Tillotson) a kind of moral connection and communication of evil and guilt, between princes and people; so that they are many times mutually rewarded for the virtues and good actions, and punished for the sins and faults, of one another.”

Good men, who have excellent talents for governments, and disposition to use them for the public advantage, are sometimes kept out of place, or suddenly stripped of that civil power with which they had been clothed. This is a chapter in the book of providence hard to be explained. In this way, we have reason to think, God sometimes designs to punish a people’s ingratitude to him for a good administration, which they have enjoyed; their unsubmissiveness to it, and abuse of its blessings. He may also intend the advantage of the persons thus displaced, by a dispensation generally grievous enough to them. He may behold their virtue endangered by their elevation. He may foresee that they would not be proof against the temptations of it; and that they would neglect, what to them, as well as to others is “the one thing needful.” The care of their souls. Many have lost ground in religion by advancement, and recovered it by a return to private life.

Having remarked on the agency of God in advancing and deposing men, I go on.

Thirdly, to consider what views they should have in seeking and accepting places in government. I here mention seeking places, for I do not imagine that all kinds and degrees of this, are to be condemned; though the character of seekers, in general, is a very odious and individious one. Importunity in a candidate for promotion is a presumptive evidence, that he is unfit for it. Me on the best qualifications have generally disdained those low arts and intrigues, by which some have made their way into places of power. It is hard to say what can be more base and wicked than the conduct of those, who attempt to rise by the help of adulation and bribes, unless it be that of those who hearken to them, and become the tools of their pride and ambition. That temper, however, deserves to be denominated a false modesty, which makes men always decline preferment, when it comes in their way; or avoid those offices which require great abilities, when they know themselves to be possest of them. Hereby they may be chargeable with hiding talents which they ought to improve for the public good.

But all men’s endeavors to rise in government should be such, as they have reason to think God approves; such as they can with sincerity recommend to his blessing, and wait on him to succeed. If this is not the case, they are in effect fighting against God. They ought not to seek, nor even to accept such offices as they know they cannot discharge, in a good measure answerable to the nature and importance of them.

God is the judge – You should be able to look up to him in confidence, that he approves every step you take in the way to posts of honor; and with a willingness to be disappointed, if in his unerring wisdom he sees you to be unfit for them; and that your success would operate either to the damage of the public, or of yourselves. Such a serious regard to God as the fountain of all power would shame men of virtue and modesty, out of those base methods, by which, it is to be feared, some are seeking after promotion.

Men indeed are generally partial to themselves. They think their accomplishments greater than they are. Under the influence of this partiality, some may with honest simplicity solicit, and enter into, such departments in government as they can by no means fill with dignity, and to the satisfaction of the public. This evil is to be guarded against by those, whose part it is to introduce men into office.

The rules to be observed by such is the

Fourth thing to be considered. The should act with great fidelity and caution is necessary, both in superior magistrates, in their appointments, and in the people, who choose persons into office. The business is of a very interesting nature; in doing it they should consider themselves as instruments in the hand of God, and therefore bound to consult his will, and to govern themselves by it. This teaches them to promote men according to their apparent merit; and not to be influenced by private connections, and prospects of personal advantage. The public prosperity greatly depends on your faithful discharge of your duty in this respect. You are accountable to God for the manner in which you discharge it. You are bound as you will answer it to him, to consider the qualifications of candidates, for places in government and to promote such and such only as you think in some good measure possessed of them.

What these qualifications are, I have not time particularly to consider. Tow of the most essential, and in which most others may be included, I shall briefly mention – Wisdom and Religion

No small degree of wisdom and knowledge is necessary to constitute a good ruler, whether he fills a place in the legislative, or executive part of government Solomon when advanced to be king over Israel, prayed for a wife and understanding heart. God approved his petition as seasonable, and gave a gracious answer to it. Wisdom is not only necessary for kings, and for persons in the highest seats of government, but proportionable degrees of it, for those who hold subordinate places. Rulers are compared to light, which, by a familiar metaphor, signifies knowledge. “The heads of the tribes of Issachar,” chosen to represent their brethren on a certain important occasion, are expressly said to be “men, that had understanding of the times, to know what Israel ought to do.” 7

Government is by no means safe in the hands of weak and ignorant men, how good soever their intentions may be. When such men have the management of our public affairs what can we expect, but that they run into confusion and disorder?

Nor is it every kind of knowledge that will qualify a man to govern. He must be acquainted with men, as well as things; otherwise he will be in continual danger of being imposed on, by the subtlety and address of designing men around him. He will confide in those who are not to be trusted and make those his counselors, who will take pains to lead him astray. It is the character of the supreme ruler, that, “He is a God of knowledge, by whom actions are weighed.” 8 Rulers among men, should have skill to form a due estimate of the actions of persons, under all that coloring which they lay on them. If they have not, how can they approve and reward those that have salutary influence on the public? How can they disapprove and counteract those of a contrary nature.

Rulers should not only be acquainted with the natural rights of the people, which are the same under every form of government, but also with those which originate from the constitution of the country where they live; that they may be tender of both, and able to defend both. They should know how to state the bounds of their own authority, and of the rights of the people; that while with firmness they assert the former, they may not infringe on the latter. Wisdom is necessary direct them in all that variety of business, to which their stations call them; which variety cannot now further consider.

Religion is the other qualification which I mentioned, as necessary to the character of a good ruler. He must be a man of religion, who discharges the duties of a magistrate with fidelity. By a man of religion, I mean once that is a true fearer of God, on that is in a good measure sanctified by his grace, formed to the temper recommended by the Gospel of Christ, and sincerely endeavors to act up to those rules of piety and virtue, which are therein prescribed.

Piety towards God is the only basis, on which a proper conduct towards men, can stand firm and steady against those blasts of temptation, to which all men are exposed; and which beat on those that are in elevated stations, with peculiar violence, as storms do on a house that stands on an eminence. “He that fears not God, will not regard man,” will not regard him with that tender concern for his prosperity, and that sincere endeavor to promote it, which the laws of religion require. True patriotism (for such a thing no doubt there is, though many may be strangers to it, who are fond of the name) hath its foundation in religion. A vicious man hath no settled principle of action. He is ruled by selfish passions to gratify these, he will sacrifice his conscience; he will trample on law, when he can do it with impunity; he will betray his friends; he will fell his country; having first “sold himself to work” all the kinds of “wickedness.”

Directly the reverse of this, is the tendency of religion, when it is pure and undefiled. It regulates the passions; it enlarges the mind; it fills it with noble and benevolent designs; it leads men to enterprise great things for the public good; it drives away the mists of prejudice and temptation, which are so apt to obscure the path of duty; it inspires a noble fortitude and resolution to pursue the end of government, though it should lead through a scene of painful opposition; though the best intentions should be misconstrued, and the most important services go unrewarded.

Now those that are concerned in promoting men to publish stations, are bound to have great regard to their virtue and religion. “For the God of Israel said the Rock of Israel spake to me – He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” 9 King David determined to act on this principle in calling men to office under him. “Mine eyes shall be upon the faithful in the land : He that walketh in a perfect way he shall serve me.” 10

God who is the judge, and who never errs inn judgment, hath plainly intimated the necessity of the tow leading qualifications for rulers, which I have mentioned – and not barely mentioned, but a little enlarged upon, as this head of discourse hath a particular aspect on the public transactions of this day. and are you not under the most solemn obligations to rega5rd the will of God in the promoting men? When you do so, you are workers together with him in the matter. When you do not, you set yourselves in opposition to him; and if he suffers you to succeed it will no doubt be in judgment to you, and to the land.

Fifthly. This subject instructs those who are advanced to places of power and trust, how they should have and presses fidelity on them by most serious motives. They are to consider themselves as promoted by God, and accountable to him for their conduct in public life. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

Rulers ought always to look on their authority as derived to them. They are not originally possessed of any. This consideration should make them humble. I6t should give a check to a proud and haughty spirit; if, at any time, they find such an one ready to prevail. It should guard them against an overbearing tyrannical behavior. They should frequently make the reflection of the apostle; What have we that we did not receive? And if we received it, why do we boast?

They should consider their authority also as limited by the author of it; and that, both as to degree and continuance. God putteth down, as well as ariseth up. The triumphing of wicked rulers, who abuse their power in ways of pride and oppression, is generally short. To one of this character, the remark of the ancient sage concerning a hypocrite may be applied; “Though this excellency mount up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds, yet he shall perish forever. – They that have seen him shall say where is he”? 11 When a virtuous people are oppressed, they may carry their complaints to God, in humble confidence, that he will not long “suffer the rod of the wicked to rest on the lot of the righteous.” 12

The consideration that their promotion cometh from God, should make rulers careful to improve it in a way, the most agreeable to his will, that they can. They do this, when they faithfully pursue the ends of government; when they studiously intimate the supreme ruler of the universe, “the scepter of whose kingdom is a right scepter.” Legislators do this, when they are solicitous that all the laws they enact, be just and good, correspondent to those of the supreme law giver. And those that execute the laws, when they act in their offices with steadiness and impartiality, that they may be a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well. All those who are vested with authority do this, when they have a tender concern for the rights and privileges of the people, and endeavor to preserve them entire and inviolate when they feel for them under all their burdens; and “in all their afflictions are afflicted” – when they construe their conduct into the most favorable sense it will bear – when they are ready to pass by, and excuse as many faults and offences, as will consist with the regular support of government – when they are willing to lose something of the severity of the magistrate, in the tenderness of a father – In a word, when in their administration, “mercy and truth meet together, righteousness and peace Kiss each other.” 13

Rulers should use their influence in an especial manner to promote religion. This they should do, not only by rewarding virtue, and punishing vice; but by what is often more influential their own pious and good example. People in the lower classes in life, have a peculiar fondness to imitate those that are in stations of eminence and dignity. This would operate for the general good, were “great men always wise,” virtuous, and circumspect, in their conversation. The morals of a people are greatly affected by those of their rulers. Religion flourished or declined in Israel very much according to the disposition and practice of their kings. Solomon observed that “if a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked.” 14 Vices receive a currency from the example of princes, as money doth, from their image and superscription. If magistrates are eminently pious and good, they are lights in the world, which shining before others induce them to “glorify our Father who is in heaven,” by a correspondent practice of piety and goodness. But if they are vicious they are like baleful sonnets, that spread plagues and desolations throughout a land, by their malignant influences.

God is the judge, says our text. Rulers should always consider him in that character. To him they are accountable for their conduct. I say not indeed that they are not, in some sense, accountable to men. The power of government is by God, the original source of it, logged in the people. By them it is delegated, under divine providence, to certain of their brethren, to be improved for the common good. When therefore they prostitute it to oppress and enslave, in direct contradiction to the ends of government; the people have a right to call them to account, and to take out of their hands the power which they have so abused.

But they are especially to consider themselves as accountable to God. They should remember that he now acts the part of a judge, so far as by his impartial eye to survey all their counsels, designs and actions. They should consider him as always present with them; and that their most secret purposes and schemes, are “naked and open to the eyes of him, with whom they have to do” 15; whose “eyes are as a flame of fire ” 16; and that this “righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance approveth the upright.” 17

A solemn sense of God in this tremendous character, cultivated in the minds of rulers, would banish a thousand temptations to venality and corruption. It would lead them to a humble review of their past behavior, that the errors of it may be repented of, and similar ones avoided, for time to come. It would make them afraid to indulge to any selfish and sinister designs, which militate against the public welfare, though they were sure to conceal them from the eye of men. The fear of God would check the fear of man, and prevent its prevailing on them so as to ensnare them. They would not fear losing their places, by faithfulness in discharging the duties of them. The would consider, it is the favor of God that makes their mountain stand strong; that their times are in his hands; the date of their political, as well as natural life.

Rulers should look forward to that approaching day, when they must appear before God’s august tribunal, and give account of all the talents he hath committed to them. The should endeavor to bring that day near in their meditations. It is apt to appear more distant than it really is, and so lessens to the eye of the mind, as objects to by their distance that of the body, The word of revelation assures us, that “it is appointed for all once to die, and that after death is the judgment; 18 and that “ever one shall give account of himself to God, ” 19 who is no respecter of persons; but will render to every one according to which God will proceed in the judgment, “that unto whomever much is given, of him shall much be required.” 20 Rulers have much committed to them; unfaithfulness in the use of it, will render their guilt very great, and their doom very dreadful. If they are now conscious of being habitually and allowedly unfaithful, they may well tremble, as a wicked governor once did, upon hearing of a judgment to come.

But a prospect happily different from this – a prospect as bright and glorious as this is dark and gloomy, opens upon that ruler, who cultivates in his heart the principles of undissembled piety and virtue, and forms his conduct upon them; whose governing aim is to comply with the will of God in all things, and to secure his approbation. He can look forward to that important day, in which God will judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, with calmness and comfort. He then shall receive the plaudit of his Judge, before assembled worlds of angels and men — “Well done good and faithful servant; thou hast been faithful in a few things; I will make thee ruler over many things; enter thou into the joy of thy Lord!” 21

FINALLY. Our subject suggests the duty of a people to their rulers. Rulers and subjects are correlate terms; they cannot subsist separately. If God sets some in the place of rulers, and invests them with a power to govern; He certainly appoints others to the place of subjects, and makes in their duty to submit to government. People are bound to regard the will and agency of God in clothing persons with civil authority. When they do so, they will obey “not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake;” 22 and treat them according to the nature and design of their offices, and their fidelity in the discharge of them.

It is incumbent on a people cheerfully to support civil government. This is not to be view as the part of charity and generosity, but of justice. The support of those, who employ their time and talents to serve the public, should be made easy and honorable. Those who diligently attend to the duties of their stations, have care, labor and anxiety enough. People should not increase these, by withholding from them an adequate reward for their services. This would tend to dishearten them, and to weaken their efforts for the public good.

A respectful treatment of their rulers is also the duty of a people, it is an apostolical injunction, that we “render honor to whom honor is due.” 23 It is due to those, who are raised to important seats of government. We should pray for them. We should treat their persons with veneration and esteem. We should speak of them, and to them, in decent and respectful language. To act contrary to this, is to weaken the springs of government, and to encourage those to speak evil of dignities,” who are already too much inclined to do it. “It is written thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.” 24

A People are in duty bound to submit to their political fathers, in everything lawful. If they refuse this, they frustrate the design of God and men, in clothing them with this character and government is at an end. Submission is enjoined on a people, by several of the inspired writers. The passages in which it is so, have been often quoted, on occasions similar to the present, and are I trust too well known to need repeating at large. 25 They have by some been made to prove too much. They are no doubt to be understood with some limitation. “He is the minister of God to thee for good,” says St. Paul, of the civil magistrate. This implies, that so far as he pursues the end for which God placed him in office, he is to be obeyed. Nor should small instances in which we imagine he fails of this, be looked upon sufficient ground for refusing submission. These may arise rather from human frailty, than any settled disposition in him to abuse his power. But when he uses his authority for purposes just the reverse of those for which it was delegated to him – when he evidently encroaches on the natural and constitutional rights of the subject – when he tramples on those laws which were made, at once to limit his power, and defend the people – in such cases they are not obliged to obey him. They are guilty of impiety against god; and of injustice to themselves, and the community, of which they are members, if they do : For his commands interfere with those of the supreme ruler, and overthrow the foundations of government, which he hath laid. “We must obey God rather than man.” 26

The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, which had so many advocates in our nation, a century ago is at this day, generally given up, as indefensible, and voted unreasonable and absurd. The unreasonableness and absurdity of it, hath indeed been proved by some of the greatest reasons of our age.

“Wheresoever law ends” (says the great Mr. Locke) “tyranny begins if the law be transgressed to another’s harm. And whoever in authority exceeds the power given him by law, and makes use of the force he hath under his command, to compass that upon the subject, which the law allows not, ceases in that to be a magistrate; and, acting without authority, may be opposed as any other man, who invades the right of another” – “Here, ‘tis likely, (continues he) the common question will be made, who shall be judge, whether the prince or legislature act contrary to their trust? This, perhaps, ill-affected and factious men may spread among the people, when the prince only makes use of his just prerogative. To this I reply : The people shall be judge; for who shall be judge whether his trustee or deputy acts well, and according to the trust reposed in him, but he who deputes him, and must by having deputed him, have still a power to discard him, when he fails in his trust? If this be reasonable in particular cases of private men, why should it be otherwise in that of the greatest moment, where the welfare of millions is concerned; and also where the evil, if not prevented, is greater, and the redress very difficult, dear and dangerous?”

There may indeed be danger that ill-disposed men – men disaffected to government in general, will “use this liberty,” which the God of nature hath given us, “for an occasion to the flesh,” to gratify the disorderly lusts of it; and so to disturb the peace of the society, of which they are members. Bu this is not a sufficient reason why we should discontinue our claim to it.

Subjects will, however, find it to their advantages to suffer great inconveniences, rather than to rise up against men in authority. They are not to expect an administration without faults. Small faults should not be remarked on with bitterness, or magnified with all the power of invention. This would increase the burden of government, already heavy enough on those, who are faithful in discharging the duties of it; and tend to discourage those from taking a part in it, who are best qualified. A generous readiness to make very kind allowance for what may be amiss in others, is perhaps one of the rarest qualities in the world. It is however a very necessary one, in the several connections of society, and particularly in that between rulers and people.

If anything hath been suggested in this discourse, which may serve to lead rulers, or people, in to a better understanding of their duty, and to animate them to diligence and fidelity in discharging it, the design of our assembling in this house of worship is not lost. I will suppose you possessed of every instructive sentiment that hath been suggested, if any such there hath been, and therefore shall not make a recapitulation of what hath been said, in the way of particular address.

Inattention to the duties of their stations is inexcusable in all orders of men. It becomes criminal and dangerous, in proportion to the importance of these duties. The public welfare greatly depends on the fidelity and vigilance of civil rulers.

It is I hope with sincere gratitude to god, that we see this anniversary. The public transactions of it, Honored Fathers, we look upon to be very interesting to this people. We have been seeking to the fountain of wisdom, for guidance and direction to be afforded to you, in them. To day you exercise an important privilege of our happy constitution, that of choosing Gentlemen to sit at the Council board; who are not only to constitute one branch of the legislature, but “to the best of their judgment, at all times, freely to give their advice to the Governor, for the good management of the public affairs of this government.” This is a privilege on which the happiness of this people not a little depends. It was always dear to our fathers, and is so to us. By it we have the great satisfaction of seeing the Council consist of men from among ourselves, whose interest is the fame with that of the people; and who are under all conceivable obligations to seek their welfare. This is a privilege secured to us by royal charter; on which security, I trust, under God, we may depend, for the continuance of it down to the latest posterity. A privilege which we have not forfeited; and God forbid we should, in any furniture time, be guilty of such conduct, as might render it just to deprive us of it.

What we enjoy by charter, is not to be looked upon barely as matter of grace; but, in a measure at least, of right. Our fathers faithfully performed the conditions, on which charter privileges were grated. To do this they passed through a scene of hardships labors and sufferings. These were productive of great advantages to the mother country. Our charter privileges are those of Englishmen; those of the British constitution; as our form of government, in this province, is an image in a miniature of that of our nation.

The appointment of the Governor, and commander in chief, is by the province charter, which we wish never to see vacated, reserved to the crown, In this we acquiesce. We indeed consider it as preferable to annual elections by the people.

Both the other branches of the legislature, we have the liberty of choosing. We hope the good people f this province have acted, with due consideration, in the choice they have made of persons to represent them, in the present assembly; and that all who are to be concerned in the elections of this day, will be influenced by motives, truly religious and patriotic. It is not wealth 27 — it is not family — it is not either of these alone, nor both of them together, tho’ I readily allow neither is to be disregarded, that will qualify men for important seats in government, unless they are rich and honorable in other and more important respects. This providence hath had men and such I doubt not there are still among us, in whom all these qualities are happily united. But in the first place, and before all other things, you should regard wisdom and integrity, understanding and religion, as qualifications for the business of government. If you aim to choose men thus qualified, you are “workers together with God,” who is the fountain of all promotion. If you give your suffrages for those, whom you know to be of a contrary character, you are chargeable with nothing less than a voluntary opposition to the will of heaven. A serious thought with which we wish to have our minds deeply impressed. It is always important to have wise and faithful rulers. It is peculiarly so, when the state of a people is difficult and perplexed. None can doubt ours being such, at the present day. All must agree in this, however different their sentiments may be, as to the immediate occasions of our troubles. Mutual confidence and affection, between Great Britain and these Colonies, I speak it with grief seems to be in some measure lost. I trust nothing of our loyalty to the best of Kings, or of our readiness to yield obedience to the due exercise of the authority of the British Parliament, is lost. People indeed generally apprehend some of their most important civil rights and privileges to be in great danger; and that several of them cannot be enjoyed under the execution of certain acts, lately passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, how far these apprehensions are just, is not my province to determine. Nor shall I pretend fully to point out the political causes of our unhappiness; or these steps which are necessary to be taken, for the redress of our grievances.

This matter more immediately belongeth to you, our honored Fathers. If we suffer by being misrepresented to our most gracious Sovereign, or to his ministry, ‘tis your part to remove the hurtful influence hereof, in such ways, as you shall think most proper and decent. ‘Tis your’s, to plead their cause, with “right words,” which “are forceable,” and “words of truth” which must, which will prevail.

The Ministers of religion will unite their endeavors, to investigate and declare the moral cause of our troubles. We should endeavor, my reverend Fathers and Brethren, and I trust we have been endeavoring, to direct the eye of our people to the hand of God, in the evils which are come upon us, and which threaten us. “Is there any evil in the city, and the Lord hath not done it?” 28 Are not these calamities to be viewed as tokens of the divine displeasure against us, on account of our sins? Is it not a day in which we ought to “cry aloud and not spare, to shew our people their transgressions and their sins?” 29 Should we not most importunately call them to repentance and reformation, as the only way in which we can expect the removal of our difficulties? It hath probably been the fault of this people, in these days of darkness and doubtful expectation, that they have fixed their thoughts too much on second causes, with our duly regarding the first – that they have been too ready to censure the conduct of others, without making proper reflections on their own. Hath not God reason to complain of us, as he did of Israel, in a day of calamity; “I hearkened and heard, but they spake not aright. No man repented him of his wickedness, saying what have I done?” 30

The prospect at this day is indeed dark: The darkest part of it arises from the decay of religion, and the prevalence of wickedness among us. Is it not too evident to be denied, that “inquiry greatly abounds,” and that “the love of many” to God and religion, “is waxen cold?” Must we not own that by our sins, we have forfeited all our privileges, into the hands of God; though I trust not, into the hands of men? And are not many of the evils we suffer, the natural and necessary, as well as moral effects of our vices? Is it possible a people should be happy, when pride, and extravagance, luxury, and intemperance abound among them? Will not poverty and disease, uneasiness and contention naturally spring from these vices? Doth not the providence of God loudly call on all orders of men, to unite their most vigorous endeavors, to check the growth of the sins which I have mentioned, and of others which might be named; such as the profanation of God’s name, 31 and day; uncleanness; and acts of violence, injustice, and oppression. We confide in the wisdom and fidelity of our rulers, to make and execute good and wholesome laws for the suppression of these vices; and for the encouragement of industry, frugality, and temperance, and all those virtues which constitute and adorn the Christian character; and to add life and energy to law, by their own good example. And I hope we shall all, in our several stations, most heartily abet the important design. Our temporal salvation, under God, depends upon it. a virtuous people will always be free and happy.

“Righteousness exalteth a nation.” Could we see people in general humbling themselves under the mighty hand of God, in the evils that are come upon us – could we see a general disposition in them, to break off from their sins by righteousness, and from their iniquities by turning to the Lord – could we see practical piety and religion prevailing among all ranks of men – how much would the prospect brighten up? God would appear for us, “who is the hope of his people, and the savior thereof in the day of trouble. ” 32 And “if God be for us, who can be against us? ” 33 He can work deliverance for us in a thousand ways to us unknown. Then our peace shall be as a river, when our righteousness is as the waves of the sea. Mutual harmony and affection shall be restored between Great Britain and her colonies, and between all orders of men in them. The burdens under which we groan shall be removed. We shall no longer be so unhappy, as to be suspected of wanting loyalty to our King, or of having the least disposition to refuse a constitutional subjection to our parent country. The great evils which we now suffer, in consequence of such groundless suspicions, shall be removed. We shall sit quietly enjoying the fruit of our fathers unremitting labors, and of our own, and have none to make us afraid. We shall behold our settlements extending themselves into the yet uncultivated lands. “The wilderness shall become a fruitful field and the desert shall blossom as the rose.” Our navigation shall be freed from its present embarrassment; and trade recover a flourishing state. Our rights and privileges shall be established on a firmer basis than ever. Every revolving year shall add something to the glory and happiness of America. And those that behold it shall see occasion to say, “Happy art thou O people! Who is like unto thee, saved of the Lord! The shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thine excellency!” 34

Whose breast doth not burn with desires to see his dear native land in such a state, the happy reverse of it’s present one! Who would not be ambitious of contributing something towards it! This we have all power to do. Let us up, and be doing and the Lord shall be with us.

But Christianity, my respectable hearers, which we profess, carries our thoughts beyond this present state of things. This life is but the preface of our existence. Affairs will never be in so happy a situation in it, as we could wish for. It is not agreeable to God’s universal plan of government, that we should here be free from every pricking brier and grieving thorn. We are too apt to lay our account for refined happiness in this life. Frequent disappointments are necessary to teach us our error, and to wean us from the vanities of time and sense. This is the salutary effect of our troubles; and when we find it in ourselves, we should acknowledge the kindness of heaven in permitting them.

A few days will close the present scene with us all. We must quit our stations, be they higher or lower. We must bid adieu to this world, and enter into the eternal one. There an endless circle of happiness, infinitely greater than can be derived from the most prosperous state of things here, is provided – provided by the mercy of God, through the mediation of Christ – provided for all, who repent and believe the gospel – for all, who act their part well on the stage of the present life – who serve God and their generation faithfully, according to his will.

Be this the object of our principal hopes, and desires! Let us continue patient in the ways of well doing; seeking for glory, honor and immortality; till, through the riches of God’s grace in Christ, we be crowned with eternal life.

 


Endnotes

1. Judges xvii. 6.

2. Rom xiii. 1, 2, 4.

3. Job V. 12.

4. Dan. II. 21. Luke I. 52. Dan. IV.

5. John XIX. 11.

6. Rom. IX. 17.

7. I Chron. XII. 32.

8. I Sam. II. 3.

9. 2 Sam. XXIII. 3.

10. Psal. CI. 6.

11. Job XX. 6. 7.

12. Psalm CXXV. 3.

13. Psalm LXXXV. 10.

14. Prov. XXIX. 12.

15. Heb. IV. 13.

16. Rev. I. 14.

17. Psal. XI. 7.

18. Heb. IX. 27.

19. Rom. XIV. 12.

20. Luke XII. 48.

21. Matth. XXV.22.

22. Rom. XIII. 5.

23. Rom. XIII. 7.

24. Act, XXIII. 5.

25. Act, XXIII. 5.

26. Acts V. 29.

27. When L. Quintius Cincinnatus was created Dictator, riches were not by the generality of the Roman citizens thought necessary to preferment. His estate was a farm consisting only of four acres of land. He was at plough when the deputies came to him from the Senate, to acquaint him of his promotion. Wherever wisdom and virtue were found in a person, though destitute of a fortune, he stood fair to be advanced. And yet there were a few among the Romans even in that day, as there is a greater number among us in this, who are well described by Livy, when he says — “Operæ pre4tium est udire, qui omina præ divitiis humana spernunt; neque honori magno locum, neque viruti putant esse, nisi essuse affluent opes.

28. Amos III. 6.

29. Isai. LVIII. 1.

30. Jer. VIII. 6.

31. If God’s holy name is, at this day, too frequently and sometimes irreverently invoked, even in a judicial manner, every sincere friend to virtue and religion must wish to have this practice, so affrontive to the deity, and so destructive to the morals of the people, discontinued.

32. Jer. XIV. 8.

33. Rom. VIII. 31.

34. Deut. XXXIII. 29.

John Jay on the Biblical View of War

john-jay-on-the-biblical-view-of-warFounding Father John Jay (1745-1829) was appointed by President George Washington as the first Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. In addition to serving on the Supreme Court, Jay had a very distinguished history of public service. He was a member of the Continental Congress (1774-76, 1778-79) and served as President of Congress (1778-79). He helped write the New York State constitution (1777) and authored the first manual on military discipline (1777). Jay served as Chief-Justice of New York Supreme Court (1777-78) and was minister to Spain (1779). He signed the final peace treaty with Great Britain (1783) and he was elected as Governor of New York (1795- 1801).

Jay is also famous as one of the three coauthors, along with James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, of the Federalist Papers, which were instrumental in securing the ratification of the federal Constitution.

John Jay was a strong Christian, serving both as vice-president of the American Bible Society (1816-21) and its president (1821- 27). In this series of letters, John Jay expounds on the Biblical view of war.


Letter 1

Whether war of every description is prohibited by the gospel, is one of those questions on which the excitement of any of the passions can produce no light. An answer to it can result only from careful investigation and fair reasoning.

It appears to me that the gospel not only recognizes the whole moral law, and extends and perfects our knowledge of it, but also enjoins on all mankind the observance of it. Being ordained by a legislator of infinite wisdom and rectitude, and in whom there is “no variableness,” it must be free from imperfection, and therefore never has, nor ever will require amendment or alteration. Hence I conclude that the moral law is exactly the same now that it was before the flood.

That all those wars and fightings are unlawful, which proceed from culpable desires and designs (or in Scripture language from lusts), on the one side or on the other, is too clear to require proof. As to wars of an opposite description, and many such there have been, I believe they are as lawful to the unoffending party in our days, as they were in the days of Abraham. He waged war against and defeated the five kings. He piously dedicated a tenth of the spoils; and, instead of being blamed, was blessed.

What should we think of a human legislator who should authorize or encourage infractions of his own laws ? If wars of every kind and description are prohibited by the moral law, I see no way of reconciling such a prohibition with those parts of Scripture which record institutions, declarations, and interpositions of the Almighty which manifestly evince the contrary. If every war is sinful, how did it happen that the sin of waging any war is not specified among the numerous sins and offenses which are mentioned and reproved in both the Testaments?

To collect and arrange the many facts and arguments which relate to this subject would require more time and application than I am able to bestow. The aforegoing are hinted merely to exhibit some of the reasons on which my opinion rests.

It certainly is very desirable that a pacific disposition should prevail among all nations. The most effectual way of producing it is by extending the prevalence and influence of the gospel. Real Christians will abstain from violating the rights of others, and therefore will not provoke war.

Almost all nations have peace or war at the will and pleasure of rulers whom they do not elect, and who are not always wise or virtuous. Providence has given to our people the choice of their rulers, and it is the duty as well as the privilege and interest of our Christian nation to select and prefer Christians for their rulers.

Letter 2

In my letter to you of the 16th October last, I hinted that I might perhaps write and send you a few more lines on the question, whether war of every description is forbidden by the gospel.

I will now add some remarks to those which were inserted in my answer to your first letter. In that answer, the lawfulness of war, in certain cases, was inferred from those Divine positive institutions which authorized and regulated it. For although those institutions were not dictated by the moral law, yet they cannot be understood to authorize what the moral law forbids.

The moral or natural law was given by the Sovereign of the universe to all mankind; with them it was co-eval, and with them it will be co-existent. Being rounded by infinite wisdom and goodness on essential right, which never varies, it can require no amendment or alteration.

Divine positive ordinances and institutions, on the other hand, being founded on expediency, which is not always perpetual or immutable, admit of, and have received, alteration and limitation in sundry instances.

There were several Divine positive ordinances and institutions at very early periods. Some of them were of limited obligation, as circumcision; others of them were of universal obligation, as the Sabbath, marriage, sacrifices, the particular punishment for murder.

The Lord of the Sabbath caused the day to be changed. The ordinances of Moses suffered the Israelites to exercise more than the original liberty allowed to marriage, but our Savior repealed that indulgence. When sacrifices had answered their purpose as types of the great Sacrifice, etc., they ceased. The punishment for murder has undergone no alteration, either by Moses or by Christ.

I advert to this distinction between the moral law and positive institutions, because it enables us to distinguish the reasonings which apply to the one, from those which apply only to the other—ordinances being mutable, but the moral law always the same.

To this you observe, by way of objection, that the law was given by Moses, but that grace and truth came by Jesus Christ; and hence that, even as it relates to the moral law, a more perfect system is enjoined by the gospel than was required under the law, which admitted of an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, tolerating a spirit of retaliation. And further, that, if the moral law was the same now that it was before the flood, we must call in question those precepts of the gospel which prohibit some things allowed of and practiced by the patriarchs.

It is true that the law was given by Moses, not however in his individual or private capacity, but as the agent or instrument, and by the authority of the Almighty. The law demanded exact obedience, and proclaimed: “Cursed is every one that contineth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them.” The law was inexorable, and by requiring perfect obedience, under a penalty so inevitable and dreadful, operated as a schoolmaster to bring us to Christ for mercy.

Mercy, and grace, and favor did come by Jesus Christ; and also that truth which verified the promises and predictions concerning him, and which exposed and corrected the various errors which had been imbibed respecting the Supreme Being, his attributes, laws, and dispensations. Uninspired commentators have dishonored the law, by ascribing to it, in certain cases, a sense and meaning which it did not authorize, and which our Savior rejected and reproved.

The inspired prophets, on the contrary, express the most exalted ideas of the law. They declare that the law of the Lord is perfect, that the statutes of the Lord are right; and that the commandment of the Lord is pure; that God would magnify the law and make it honorable, etc.

Our Savior himself assures us that he came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfill; that whoever shall do and teach the commandments, shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven; that it is easier for heaven and earth to pass, than one tittle of the law to fail. This certainly amounts to a full approbation of it. Even after the resurrection of our Lord, and after the descent of the Holy Spirit, and after the miraculous conversion of Paul, and after the direct revelation of the Christian dispensation to him, he pronounced this memorable encomium on the law, viz.: “The law is holy, and the commandments holy, just, and good.”

It is true that one of the positive ordinances of Moses, to which you allude, did ordain retaliation, or, in other words, a tooth for a tooth. But we are to recollect that it was ordained, not as a rule to regulate the conduct of private individuals towards each other, but as a legal penalty or punishment for certain offenses. Retaliation is also manifest in the punishment prescribed for murder—life for life. Legal punishments are adjusted and inflicted by the law and magistrate, and not by unauthorized individuals. These and all other positive laws or ordinances established by Divine direction, must of necessity be consistent with the moral law. It certainly was not the design of the law or ordinance in question, to encourage a spirit of personal or private revenge. On the contrary, there are express injunctions in the law of Moses which inculcate a very different spirit; such as these: “Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people; but thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.” “Love the stranger, for ye were strangers in Egypt.” “If thou meet thy enemy’s ox or his ass going astray, thou shalt surely bring it back to him,” etc., etc.

There is reason to believe that Solomon understood the law in its true sense, and we have his opinion as to retaliation of injuries, viz.: “Say not, I will recompense evil; but wait upon the Lord, and He will save thee.” Again: “Say not, I will do to him as he hath done to me. I will render to the man according to his work.” And again:” If thine enemy be hungry, give him bread to eat; and if he be thirsty, give him water to drink; for thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head, and the Lord shall reward thee.”

But a greater than Solomon has removed all doubts on this point. On being asked by a Jewish lawyer, which was the great commandment in the law, our Savior answered: “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first and the great commandment, and the second is like unto it: Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.” It is manifest, therefore, that the love of God and the love of man are enjoined by the law; and as the genuine love of the one comprehends that of the other, the apostle assures us that “Love is the fulfilling of the law.”

It is, nevertheless, certain, that erroneous opinions respecting retaliation, and who were to be regarded as neighbors, had long prevailed, and that our Savior blamed and corrected those and many other unfounded doctrines.

That the patriarchs sometimes violated the moral law, is a position not to be disputed. They were men, and subject to the frailties of our fallen nature. But I do not know nor believe, that any of them violated the moral law by the authority or with the approbation of the Almighty. I can find no instance of it in the Bible. Nor do I know of any action done according to the moral law, that is censured or forbidden by the gospel. On the contrary, it appears to me that the gospel strongly enforces the whole moral law, and clears it from the vain traditions and absurd comments which had obscured and misapplied certain parts of it.

As, therefore, Divine ordinances did authorize just war, as those ordinances were necessarily consistent with the moral law, and as the moral law is incorporated in the Christian dispensation, I think it follows that the right to wage just and necessary war is admitted, and not abolished, by the gospel.

You seem to doubt whether there ever was a just war, and that it would puzzle even Solomon to find one.

Had such a doubt been proposed to Solomon, an answer to it would probably have been suggested to him by a very memorable and interesting war which occurred in his day. I allude to the war in which his brother Absalom on the one side, and his father David on the other, were the belligerent parties. That war was caused by, and proceeded from, “the lusts” of Absalom, and was horribly wicked. But the war waged against him by David was not caused by, nor did proceed from, “the lusts” of David, but was right, just, and necessary. Had David submitted to be dethroned by his detestable son, he would, in my opinion, have violated his moral duty and betrayed his official trust.

Although just war is not forbidden by the gospel in express terms, yet you think an implied prohibition of all war, without exception, is deducible from the answer of our Lord to Pilate, viz.: “If my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight,” etc.

At the conclusion of the Last Supper, our Lord said to his disciples: “He that hath no sword, let him now sell his garment and buy one,” They answered: “Lord, here are two swords.” He replied: “It is enough.”

It is not to be presumed that our Lord would have ordered swords to be provided, but for some purpose for which a sword was requisite; nor that he would have been satisfied with two, if more had been necessary.

Whatever may have been the purposes for which swords were ordered, it is certain that the use of one of those swords soon caused an event which confirmed the subsequent defense of our Lord before Pilate, and also produced other important results. When the officers and their band arrived, with swords and with staves, to take Jesus, they who were about him saw what would follow. “They said unto him: Lord, shall we smite with the sword?” It does not appear that any of the eleven disciples who were with him, except one, made the least attempt to defend him. But Peter, probably inferring from the order for swords, that they were now to be used, proceeded to “smite a servant of the high-priest, and cut off his right ear.” Jesus (perhaps, among other reasons, to abate inducements to prosecute Peter for that violent attack) healed the ear.

He ordered Peter to put his sword into its sheath, and gave two reasons for it. The first related to himself, and amounted to this, that he would make no opposition, saying: “The cup which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink?” The second related to Peter, viz., they who take the sword, shall perish by the sword; doubtless meaning that they who take and use a sword, as Peter had just done, without lawful authority, and against lawful authority, incur the penalty and risk of perishing by the sword. This meaning seems to be attached to those words by the occasion and circumstances which prompted them. If understood in their unlimited latitude, they would contradict the experience and testimony of all ages, it being manifest that many military men die peaceably in their beds.

The disciples did believe and expect that Jesus had come to establish a temporal kingdom. “They trusted that it had been he which should have redeemed Israel.” “They knew not the Scripture, that he must rise again from the dead; questioning one with another what the rising from the dead should mean.” Even after his resurrection, they appear to have entertained the same belief and expectation; for on the very day he ascended, they asked him: “Lord, wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?”

The order for swords, and the declaration that two were enough, tended to confirm that belief and expectation, and to inspire a confidence that he who had commanded the winds and the waves, and had raised the dead to life, was able, as well as willing, to render the two swords sufficient to vanquish his enemies. Could anything less than such a firm belief and confidence have prompted eleven such men, and with only two swords among them, to offer to “smite with the sword” the armed band, which, under officers appointed by the Jewish rulers, had come to apprehend their Master?

Great must have been the disappointment and astonishment of the disciples, when Jesus unexpectedly and peaceably submitted to the power and malice of his enemies, directing Peter to sheath his sword, and hinting to him the danger he had incurred by drawing it: amazed and terrified, they forsook him and fled. This catastrophe so surprised and subdued the intrepidity of Peter, that he was no longer “ready to go with his Master to prison and to death.”

It seems that perplexity, consternation, and tumultuous feelings overwhelmed his faith and reflection, and that his agitations, receiving fresh excitement from the danger and dread of discovery, which soon after ensued, impelled him with heedless precipitation to deny his Master. This denial proved bitter to Peter, and it taught him and others that spiritual strength can be sustained only by the spiritual bread which cometh down from heaven.

The Jews accused Jesus before Pilate of aspiring to the temporal sovereignty of their nation, in violation of the legal rights of Caesar. Jesus, in his defense, admitted that he was king, but declared that his kingdom was not of this world. For the truth of this assertion, he appealed to the peaceable behavior of his adherents, saying:” If my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews, but now is my kingdom not from hence.”

Pilate, who doubtless well knew what had been the conduct of Jesus, both before and at the time of his apprehension, was satisfied, but the Jews were not. They exclaimed: “If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar’s friend; whosoever maketh himself a king, speaketh against Caesar.” “We have no king but Caesar.”

You and I understand the words in question very differently. Is there the least reason to infer from the belief and conduct of the disciples, that they were restrained from fighting by the consideration that their Master’s kingdom was not of this world? On the contrary, did they not believe and expect that he had come to restore one of the kingdoms of this world to Israel? The fact is, that they were ready and willing to fight. Did they not ask him: “Lord, shall we smite with the sword?” It was his will, therefore, and not their will, which restrained them from fighting; and for that restraint he assigned a very conclusive reason, viz., because his kingdom was not of this world.

To the advancement and support of his spiritual sovereignty over his spiritual kingdom, soldiers and swords and corporeal exertions were inapplicable and useless. But, on the other hand, soldiers and swords and corporeal exertions are necessary to enable the several temporal rulers of the states and kingdoms of this world to maintain their authority and protect themselves and their people; and our Savior expressly declared that if his kingdom had been of this world, then would his servants fight to protect him; or, in other words, that then, and in that case, he would not have restrained them from fighting. The lawfulness of such fighting, therefore, instead of being denied, is admitted and confirmed by that declaration.

This exposition coincides with the answer given by John the Baptist (who was “filled with the Holy Ghost”) to the soldiers who asked him what they should do, viz.: “Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages.” Can these words be rationally understood as meaning that they should receive wages for nothing; or that, when ordered to march against the enemy, they should refuse to proceed; or that, on meeting the enemy, they should either run away, or passively submit to be captured or slaughtered? This would be attaching a meaning to his answer very foreign to the sense of the words in which he expressed it.

Had the gospel regarded war as being in every case sinful, it seems strange that the apostle Paul should have been so unguarded as, in teaching the importance of faith, to use an argument which clearly proves the lawfulness of war, viz.: “That it was through faith that Gideon, David, and others waxed valiant in fight, and turned to flight the armies of aliens”; thereby confirming the declaration of David, that it was God who had “girded him with strength to battle; and had taught his hands to war, and his fingers to fight.”

The gospel appears to me to consider the servants of Christ as having two capacities or characters, with correspondent duties to sustain and fulfill.

Being subjects of his spiritual kingdom, they are bound in that capacity to fight, pursuant to his orders, with spiritual weapons, against his and their spiritual enemies.

Being also subjects and partakers in the rights and interests of a temporal or worldly state or kingdom, they are in that capacity bound, whenever lawfully required, to fight with weapons in just and necessary war, against the worldly enemies of that state or kingdom.

Another view may be taken of the subject. The depravity which mankind inherited from their first parents, introduced wickedness into the world. That wickedness rendered human government necessary to restrain the violence and injustice resulting from it. To facilitate the establishment and administration of government, the human race became, in the course of Providence, divided into separate and distinct nations. Every nation instituted a government, with authority and power to protect it against domestic and foreign aggressions. Each government provided for the internal peace and security of the nation, by laws for punishing their offending subjects. The law of all the nations prescribed the conduct which they were to observe towards each other, and allowed war to be waged by an innocent against an offending nation, when rendered just and necessary by unprovoked, atrocious, and unredressed injuries.

Thus two kinds of justifiable warfare arose: one against domestic malefactors; the other against foreign aggressors. The first being regulated by the law of the land; the second by the law of nations; and both consistently with the moral law.

As to the first species of warfare, in every state or kingdom, the government or executive ruler has, throughout all ages, pursued, and often at the expense of blood, attacked, captured, and subdued murderers, robbers, and other offenders; by force confining them in chains and in prisons, and by force inflicting on them punishment; never rendering to them good for evil, for that duty attaches to individuals in their personal or private capacities, but not to rulers or magistrates in their official capacities. This species of war has constantly and universally been deemed just and indispensable. On this topic the gospel is explicit. It commands us to obey the higher powers or ruler. It reminds us that “he beareth not the sword in vain”; that “he is the minister of God, and a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.” Now, if he is not to bear the sword in vain, it follows that he is to use it to execute wrath on evildoers, and consequently to draw blood and to kill on proper occasions.

As to the second species of warfare, it certainly is as reasonable and as right that a nation be secure against injustice, disorder, and rapine from without as from within; and therefore it is the right and duty of the government or ruler to use force and the sword to protect and maintain the rights of his people against evildoers of another nation. The reason and necessity of using force and the sword being the same in both cases, the right or the law must be the same also.

We are commanded to render to our government, or to our Caesar, “the things that are Caesar’s” that is, the things which belong to him, and not the things which do not belong to him. And surely this command cannot be construed to intend or imply that we ought to render to the Caesar of another nation more than belongs to him.

In case some powerful Caesar should demand of us to receive and obey a king of his nomination, and unite with him in all his wars, or that he would commence hostilities against us, what answer would it be proper for us to give to such a demand? In my opinion, we ought to refuse, and vigorously defend our independence by arms. To what other expedient could we have recourse? I cannot think that the gospel authorizes or encourages us, on such an occasion, to abstain from resistance, and to expect miracles to deliver us.

A very feeble unprepared nation, on receiving such a demand, might hesitate and find it expedient to adopt the policy intimated in the gospel, viz.: “What king, going to war against another king, sitteth not down first and consulteth whether he be able with ten thousand to meet him that cometh against him with twenty thousand; or else he sendeth an embassage, and desireth conditions of peace “—that is, makes the best bargain he can.

If the United States should unanimously resolve never more to use the sword, would a certified copy of it prove to be an effectual Mediterranean passport? Would it reform the predatory rulers of Africa, or persuade the successive potentates of Europe to observe towards us the conduct of real Christians? On the contrary, would it not present new facilities, and consequently produce new excitements, to the gratification of avarice and ambition?

It is true that even just war is attended with evils, and so likewise is the administration of government and of justice; but is that a good reason for abolishing either of them? They are means by which greater evils are averted. Among the various means necessary to obviate or remove, or repress, or to mitigate the various calamities, dangers, and exigencies, to which in this life we are exposed, how few are to be found which do not subject us to troubles, privations, and inconveniences of one kind or other. To prevent the incursion or continuance of evils, we must submit to the use of those means, whether agreeable or otherwise, which reason and experience prescribe.

It is also true, and to be lamented, that war, however just and necessary, sends many persons out of this world who are ill prepared for a better. And so also does the law in all countries. So also does navigation, and other occupations. Are they therefore all sinful and forbidden?

However desirable the abolition of all wars may be, yet until the morals and manners of mankind are greatly changed, it will be found impracticable. We are taught that national sins will be punished, and war is one of the punishments. The prophets predict wars at so late a period as the restoration of the Israelites. Who or what can hinder the occurrence of those wars?

I nevertheless believe, and have perfect faith in the prophecy, that the time will come when “the nations will beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks; when nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.” But does not this prophecy clearly imply, and give us plainly to understand, that in the meanwhile, and until the arrival of that blessed period, the nations will not beat their swords into plowshares, nor their
spears into pruning-hooks; that nation will not forbear to lift up sword against nation, nor cease to learn war?

It may be asked, Are we to do nothing to hasten the arrival of that happy period? Literally, no created being can either accelerate or retard its arrival. It will not arrive sooner nor later than the appointed time.

There certainly is reason to expect, that as great providential events have usually been preceded and introduced by the intervention of providential means to prepare the way for them, so the great event in question will be preceded and introduced in like manner. It is, I think, more than probable, that the unexpected and singular cooperation and the extra ordinary zeal and efforts of almost all Christian nations to extend the light and knowledge of the gospel, and to inculcate its doctrines, are among those preparatory means. It is the duty of Christians to promote the prevalence and success of such means, and to look forward with faith and hope to the result of them.

But whatever may be the time or the means adopted by Providence for the abolition of war, I think we may, without presumption, conclude that mankind must be prepared and fitted for the reception, enjoyment, and preservation of universal permanent peace, before they will be blessed with it. Are they as yet fitted for it? Certainly not. Even if it was practicable, would it be wise to disarm the good before “the wicked cease from troubling?” By what other means than arms and military force can unoffending rulers and nations protect their rights against unprovoked aggressions from within and from without? Are there any other means to which they could recur, and on the efficacy of which they could rely? To this question I have not as yet heard, nor seen, a direct and precise answer.


John Jay  John Murray, October 12, 1816 & April 15, 1818, The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay,
ed. Henry Johnston (New York: G. P. Punam’s Sons, 1893), IV:391-393, 403-419.

Benjamin Franklin’s letter to Thomas Paine

Benjamin Franklin (1706-90) was a printer, author, inventor, scientist, philanthropist, statesman, diplomat, and public official. He was the first president of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery (1774); a member of the Continental Congress (1775-76) where he signed the Declaration of Independence (1776); a negotiator and signer of the final treaty of peace with Great Britain (1783); and a delegate to the Constitutional Convention where he signed the federal Constitution (1787); Franklin was one of only six men who signed both the Declaration and the Constitution. He wrote his own epitaph, which declared: “The body of Benjamin Franklin, printer, like the cover of an old book, its contents torn out, stripped of its lettering, and guilding, lies here, food for worms. But the work shall not be lost; for it will, as he believed, appear once more in a new and more elegant edition, revised and corrected by the Author.”


Benjamin Franklin was frequently consulted by Thomas Paine for advice and suggestions regarding his political writings, and Franklin assisted Paine with some of his famous essays. This letter1 is Franklin’s response to a manuscript Paine sent him that advocated against the concept of a providential God.

TO THOMAS PAINE.
[Date uncertain.]

DEAR SIR,

I have read your manuscript with some attention. By the argument it contains against a particular Providence, though you allow a general Providence, you strike at the foundations of all religion. For without the belief of a Providence, that takes cognizance of, guards, and guides, and may favor particular persons, there is no motive to worship a Deity, to fear his displeasure, or to pray for his protection. I will not enter into any discussion of your principles, though you seem to desire it. At present I shall only give you my opinion, that, though your reasonings are subtile and may prevail with some readers, you will not succeed so as to change the general sentiments of mankind on that subject, and the consequence of printing this piece will be, a great deal of odium drawn upon yourself, mischief to you, and no benefit to others. He that spits against the wind, spits in his own face.

But, were you to succeed, do you imagine any good would be done by it? You yourself may find it easy to live a virtuous life, without the assistance afforded by religion; you having a clear perception of the advantages of virtue, and the disadvantages of vice, and possessing a strength of resolution sufficient to enable you to resist common temptations. But think how great a portion of mankind consists of weak and ignorant men and women, and of inexperienced, inconsiderate youth of both sexes, who have need of the motives of religion to restrain them from vice, to support their virtue, and retain them in the practice of it till it becomes habitual, which is the great point for its security. And perhaps you are indebted to her originally, that is, to your religious education, for the habits of virtue upon which you now justly value yourself. You might easily display your excellent talents of reasoning upon a less hazardous subject, and thereby obtain a rank with our most distinguished authors. For among us it is not necessary, as among the Hottentots, that a youth, to be raised into the company of men, should prove his manhood by beating his mother.

I would advise you, therefore, not to attempt unchaining the tiger, but to burn this piece before it is seen by any other person; whereby you will save yourself a great deal of mortification by the enemies it may raise against you, and perhaps a good deal of regret and repentance. If men are so wicked with religion, what would they be if without it. I intend this letter itself as a proof of my friendship, and therefore add no professions to it; but subscribe simply yours,

B. Franklin

Paine later published his Age of Reason, which infuriated many of the Founding Fathers. John Adams wrote, “The Christian religion is, above all the religions that ever prevailed or existed in ancient or modern times, the religion of wisdom, virtue, equity and humanity, let the Blackguard [scoundrel, rogue] Paine say what he will.”2

Samuel Adams wrote Paine a stiff rebuke, telling him, “[W]hen I heard you had turned your mind to a defence of infidelity, I felt myself much astonished and more grieved that you had attempted a measure so injurious to the feelings and so repugnant to the true interest of so great a part of the citizens of the United States.”3

Benjamin Rush, signer of the Declaration, wrote to his friend and signer of the Constitution John Dickinson that Paine’s Age of Reason was “absurd and impious”;4 Charles Carroll, a signer of the Declaration, described Paine’s work as “blasphemous writings against the Christian religion”;5 John Witherspoon said that Paine was “ignorant of human nature as well as an enemy to the Christian faith”;6 and Elias Boudinot, President of Congress, even published the Age of Revelation—a full-length rebuttal to Paine’s work.7 Patrick Henry, too, wrote a refutation of Paine’s work which he described as “the puny efforts of Paine.”8

When William Paterson, signer of the Constitution and a Justice on the U. S. Supreme Court, learned that some Americans seemed to agree with Paine’s work, he thundered, “Infatuated Americans, why renounce your country, your religion, and your God?”9 Zephaniah Swift, author of America’s first law book, noted, “He has the impudence and effrontery [shameless boldness] to address to the citizens of the United States of America a paltry performance which is intended to shake their faith in the religion of their fathers.”10 John Jay, an author of the Federalist Papers and the original Chief-Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court, was comforted by the fact that Christianity would prevail despite Paine’s attack, “I have long been of the opinion that the evidence of the truth of Christianity requires only to be carefully examined to produce conviction in candid minds.”11 In fact, Paine’s views caused such vehement public opposition that he spent his last years in New York as “an outcast” in “social ostracism” and was buried in a farm field because no American cemetery would accept his remains.12


Endnotes

1 Benjamin Franklin to [Thomas Paine], undated, The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin, ed. William Temple Franklin (London: Henry Colburn, 1818), I:274-275.

2 John Adams diary entry for July 26, 1796, The Works of John Adams, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Charles Little and James Brown, 1841), III:421.

3 Samuel Adams to Thomas Paine, November 30, 1802, William V. Wells, The Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1865), III:372-373.

4 Benjamin Rush to John Dickinson, February 16, 1796, Letters of Benjamin Rush, ed. L. H. Butterfield (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951), II:770.

5 Joseph Gurn, Charles Carroll of Carrollton (New York: P. J. Kennedy & Sons, 1932), 203.

6 John Witherspoon, “The Dominion of Providence over the Passions of Men,” May 17, 1776, The Works of the Reverend John Witherspoon (Philadelphia: William W. Woodward, 1802), III:24,n. 2.

7 Elias Boudinot to his daughter, The Age of Revelation (Philadelphia: Asbury Dickins, 1801), xii-xiv.

8 Patrick Henry to his daughter Betsy, August 20, 1796, S. G. Arnold, The Life of Patrick Henry of Virginia (Auburn and Buffalo: Miller, Orton and Mulligan, 1854), 250; George Morgan, Patrick Henry (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1929), 366 n; Bishop William Meade, Old Churches, Ministers, and Families of Virginia (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1857), II:12.

9 John E. O’Conner, William Paterson: Lawyer and Statesman (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1979), 244, from a Fourth of July Oration in 1798.

10 Zephaniah Swift, A System of Laws of the State of Connecticut (Windham: John Byrne, 1796), II:323-324.

11 John Jay to Rev. Uzal Ogden, February 14, 1796, William Jay, The Life of John Jay (New York: J. & J. Harper, 1833), II:266.

12 “Paine, Thoams,” Dictionary of American Biography.

Sermon – Election – 1785, Massachusetts


William Symmes (1731-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1750. He was pastor in the North Parish in Andover (1758-1807). The following sermon was preached on May 25, 1785 in Massachusetts.


sermon-election-1785-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Honor

THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,

The Honorable the

COUNCIL,

AND THE

TWO BRANCHES OF THE

GENERAL COURT,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 25, 1785:

Being the ANNIVERSARY of

GENERAL ELECTION.

By WILLIAM SYMMES, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN ANDOVER.

AN
Election SERMON.

I. CHRONICLES, XXVIII. 8

Now therefore, in the sight of all Israel, the congregation of the Lord, and in the audience of our God, keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord your God; that ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance for your children after you forever.

It has generally been observed by historians of the best hearts and information, that the rise and growth, the decay and fall of States and Empires, have corresponded in a great measure to their virtues and vices. These have been deservedly considered as the great hinges on which the fates of nations turn. If in every instance their advancement to splendor and power is not to be ascribed to the influence of moral principles, degeneracy and dissolution of manners have never failed to pull down their banks, and lay them open to such an inundation of miseries, as have at last overwhelmed them in ruin.

To prevent so sad a catastrophe, and ensure their civil happiness, the Ruler of nations and Father of men, required his ancient favorite people to employ themselves in that holy service, to which they were bound by his laws, and their own consent.

Their kings were expressly required to write a copy of the law, which was to form their private character, and be the rule of their administration. Nor was there any other test whereby abuses in government could be rectified, or the faith of the church and worship of God restored to their primitive purity.

Accordingly David, who was by divine commission a ruler and a prophet, and by principle a devout patriot, having subdued the enemies of the State, and established the regular course of justice, near the close of his life prescribes, in the passage before us, the only means whereby a professing people can secure the continued favour of Heaven, and consequently their own and their children’s freedom and happiness.

Invested with the supreme authority in the State, he assembled the princes and heads of the twelve tribes at Jerusalem. Constrained by the social affections of a good and great mind, and ardently wishing the prosperity of the people committed to his care, he in the most solemn manner impresses the charges of God upon them.

“All Israel, the congregation of the Lord,” are supposed to be present by their representatives, in whom they had reposed an honorable trust. A faithful discharge of the proper duty of their station obliged them to deny themselves for the general good, and use their utmost efforts to promote the interest and increase the happiness of their brethren.

A stranger to the insolence of little minds in an elevated station, the Jewish monarch addresses the assembly of the elders in the soft endearing stile of brethren; gives them a sketch of his own history, and points out his successor by name, who should perform that pious service which he himself had designed, and would gladly have executed, had he not been denied that honor.

Solicitous to support the distinguishing character given him by the unerring Judge of real worth, he reminds the “assembly of the mighty” of the peculiar presence of the Deity; gives him the attractive title of the “Lord our God,” which imports parental affection, and covenant privileges: And then fixes their attention to the main point, endeavouring to persuade them to “keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord their God.”

Their punctual obedience is required for their own sake, but principally as a fit and probable means of diffusing a similar spirit of piety and virtue among the people; and as the only course they could take to secure to the present, and transmit to future generations, the possession of that good land, and a fair inheritance of civil and religious privileges.

In some instances there is a similarity of circumstances betwixt the ancient congregation of the Lord and us. Were they a people nigh unto God; since their rejection we have been taken into a like visible relation to him? Were their long and arduous contests for freedom happily terminated? Our redemption from the hand of the enemy is completed by the establishment of “peace in our borders.” Did their civil constitution secure the rights and privileges of the people, ours is like to theirs before they trespassed in asking a king? Our religious advantages are greatly superior, and our land is perhaps as good and fertile as theirs, were it equally cultivated. And the late revolution in America, tho’ not effected by the wonder-working rod of a Moses, was accomplished in the course of the divine administration under the auspices of a leader, great and good next to him: And in a manner which carries evident marks, and signatures of his hand, who “changes the times and the seasons, who removeth kings and setteth up kings,” and possesses all perfections in their highest exaltation.

Thus circumstanced:–

The advice given in the text to the rulers and people of Israel, is as suitable and proper for us as it was for them. We have as much to gain by complying with it, and as much to lose by slighting and neglecting it.

That the following discourse may coincide with it, and in some degree be adapted to our circumstances, and the occasion of the present solemnity:

The nature and extent of the charge in its primary reference to the rulers of a people, first offers itself to consideration.

And then secondly,

The natural and moral tendency of a general subjection or disobedience to the divine government.

The first object of our consideration and improvement is the nature and extent of this all-important duty, of “keeping and seeking for all the commandments of the Lord our God,” more especially as it concerns the rulers of a people.

Such are the perfections of the ever-blessed God, that he will not, he cannot enjoin anything unsuitable to the nature and powers of his creatures. Such is his supreme commanding authority, that in whatever way and degree his will is made known to men, either by reason or revelation, from that moment they are laid under indispensible obligations to obedience. Nor can they refuse their immediate compliance, or neglect to regulate all their conduct by the laws of Heaven, without injury to themselves, and injustice to their maker. Hereby rulers (to say the least) are equally bound with the lowest order of their confederate fellow-citizens.

“The weightier matters of the law,” are not a few. “Thy commandment,” faith the inspired Psalmist, “is exceeding broad.”—So extensive as to reach every man, and direct his behavior at all times, and in every station and condition in life. So equitable as to require improvement in proportion as men are distinguished by power, wealth, or other advantages for doing good.

What a wide extended field of service is here opened before the trustees of the Commonwealth? As the offices they sustain are by divine designation, and it is in the power of their hands to abound in God’s service; they are under additional obligations to “Keep and seek for all his commandments.” Their talents for improvement are many, and that injunction of the Lord of Christians, “occupy ‘till I come” merits their particular regard.—An upright punctual discharge of the duties of their station demands their time and utmost efforts, their assiduous persevering attention.—

Seeking implies positive industrious exertions in the use of all proper means, to obtain the end proposed. If he that runs may read those divine precepts that regulate the common actions of life; we may not from hence conclude that those who move in a higher sphere can obtain all needed information at so cheap a rate. Many cases may occur in which a virtuous ruler may not easily discern the path of duty and safety. To remain heedlessly ignorant, is inexcusable. To act while his mind is in suspense, is inconsistent with his character. What other course then can he take, but to seek for more light, and pursue that line of conduct which has had the sanction of his reason, conscience, and the revealed law of God. “The cause which I knew not, I searched out,” said an eminently worthy and beneficent magistrate in ancient times.—

The maxim “that public affairs cannot be transacted without corruption and iniquity” however zealously abetted by mercenary courtiers, or whatever reputation it may have acquired by customary practice in regal governments; its aspect on a republican form is very unpropitious. Experience evinces that monarchies may flourish in some degree for a time, tho’ probity be not the favourite virtue of those in power: But the very existence of free republican States depends upon the reign of justice. This comprehensive virtue is, in a manner, “all in all.” Nothing can atone for the want of it in the legislative, judicial, and executive departments. The prophet describing the humiliating, unsafe, and even wretched situation of the Commonwealth of Israel at a particular period, does it in this expressive language: “Justice standeth afar off, truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter.”—

But what saith the scripture of civil government? One apostle saith, it is the “ordinance of man”—another saith, it is the “ordinance of God.” There is a sense no doubt in which the latter position is as true as the former. And if civil government be in any sense the ordinance of God, and the laws of virtue, which are the laws of God, are not to interfere in the administration of it: Is not this quite what has been ironically termed, “a divine right of governing wrong?”

A submissive respect paid to all God’s commandments, at the same time that it raises a ruler above the pursuits of injustice, and a faulty ambition, is perfectly consistent with the greatest degrees of political wisdom that are subservient to the honor, preservation and support of society.

It is not in an immediate way that the Governor of the world usually dispenses good or evil to communities or individuals. He employs means and instruments in accomplishing the purposes of his providence, and the designs of his grace. It is by helping men, by improving and heightening their faculties, assisting and invigorating their endeavors; that he prepares them to receive, and bestows upon them temporal and spiritual blessings. Nor does he in this way of conferring his favours “give his glory to another.” For all the natural and gracious endowments of men are equally his free gifts, are derived from the same source, and applied by his unerring direction to effect the designs of his wise and universal government. “It is the same God who worketh all in all.”

In conferring favor on a people, especially in effecting any great revolution, he employs the fittest instruments, and raises up men of piety and public spirit, of prudence, penetration and fortitude, to do great things, and if necessary, to suffer gloriously. Persons possessed of such qualities, are most likely to render essential service to their country. The Jews never had a better king than David, to whose honor it is recorded, “that he fed them according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them with the skillfulness of his hands.”

The annals of other nations furnish examples of men invested with the most important offices, who, disdaining every mean illusory artifice, were very successful in transacting the affairs of the public. Slight advantages may be sometimes gained by perfidy and deceit: But no acquisitions of power or property will counterbalance the loss of honor. In every mode of government, especially in a republic; the reputation of being just and faithful to its engagements, is of the last importance.

Insidious politics are the proper element of loose unprincipled minds, engrossed by private selfish views—How often has the pretence of mysteries in government served for a cloak of unrighteousness? Whereas the art of governing well requires a sacred regard to truth and equity: And in some exigencies, a profound judgment and sagacity to take the best expedients.

Prudence and caution constitute another trait in a ruler’s character, of the utmost importance in our present circumstances. In “keeping and seeking for all the commandments of God,” and knowing that “a kingdom divided against itself cannot stand;” he will follow after the things which make for peace. Whilst the war continued, many things concurred to unite these States in their common defense, to strengthen the confederacy, and hold them together, to the great disappointment of their enemies. They have now, as it were, entered on a new stage of existence. If they are not summoned to unite for protection against the foreign enemy, the union can be continued and cemented only by friendly hearts, pacific counsels, and conciliatory measures. The advice Joseph gave to his brethren is good at this time, and claims the particular attention of those who are at the head of our affairs: “See that ye fall not out by the way.” Happy for us if rulers supreme and subordinate, are directed and instructed by the maxims of prudence and discretion, “in the things of our peace.”

The light of nature condemns such a confidence in God, as hinders the wise and industrious use of means for safety. At the same time, the success of the most opposite means, and best concerted measures, always supposes the divine concurrence. Had not the “God of peace and love been with us” hitherto, and blessed us, our mouths had not now been filled “with songs of deliverance.” He has still all times and hearts in his hand, and can so influence our public counsels, as to strengthen and perpetuate the union: Even as he “bowed the hearts of all the men of Judah to David, as the heart of one man.”

As in a good constitution of government there is no absolute power but that of the laws; a reverential regard to the divine presence and approbation will have an happy influence in making and executing such as are wise and salutary. The Father of the universe has not imposed his laws upon men merely as tests of obedience; but as lessons to prevent their ruin, and teach them how to be happy. A model, which eternizes the benignity of those human laws which are suggested by preventive wisdom; a standard of benevolence, from which subordinate legislators should never deviate. Acting in character as the “ministers of God for good to men,” they will ever esteem it more eligible to prevent crimes, than to punish them.

It being the sole end of government to secure the civil happiness of the community, (and, as far as may be, of every individual) it is fit and proper that the laws by which men submit to be governed, should be as few, clear, and easy in their application as possible. For laws themselves, when needlessly multiplied, become a vexatious and intolerable burden.

The laws of Heaven, being a transcript of perfect rectitude and benignity, no objection can weigh against their being executed. In like manner human laws ought ever to be so mild and equitable as to interest the community in their punctual execution, and in no instance fail of being enforced. “Either” (says a writer) “never attempt anything, or go through with it, is an excellent maxim, and nowhere more rationally applied than in the matter of legislation.” It is necessary to civil happiness that government be supported and respected. But will this be the case, if good laws are evaded with impunity? What has a greater tendency to weaken the authority of a state, than to continue laws in being which “the powers that be,” cannot, or care not to execute? Every sincere friend and lover of his country, must wish to see the dignity of the Legislature preserved; and consequently regret every instance, in which it is disparaged by the contempt that is case upon its institutions. If the occasion allowed me to mention one instance only, it should be the law that relates to grammar-schools. It having been of so long standing, the presumption is, that it is a good one. Should it not then be carried into execution, according to its full meaning and extent?

This Commonwealth is favored with divers valuable literary institutions, which owe their existence and endowments to the well directed liberality of particular patriotic members of society. A charity recommended by this circumstance, that the community reaps the benefit of it whilst the donors are living. But these institutions were never designed to interfere with the law above-mentioned, or to prevent general education: Much less to vie with the University in the neighborhood, to which we look up for that degree of literature, that is requisite to complete an education for the learned professions. May all that love and seek its prosperity, prosper.

We have had a long and arduous contest for freedom and independence; and the “mercies of our God have been upon us according as we hoped in him.” He hath said in his never-failing providence, “Let there be light.” He spake, and it is done. A day of the gladness of our hearts has succeeded a long and dark night of affliction. But what would have been our present situation, had not light and knowledge been spread among the people? Would our “Souls have made their boast in the Lord,” this day, for unexampled privileges, had he not been on our side, not only controlling the councils of men, and the events of war, but by the gospel and general education, diffusing a cultivated patriotic spirit, fatal to the evil genius of despotism? Will “wisdom and knowledge be the stability of future times, and strength of salvation,” if the minds of children and youth are neglected? Especially if they are not taught to esteem “the fear of the Lord their best treasure.” It is true in a political as well as religious sense, that “fools die for want of wisdom.”

Other nations have been chiefly concerned to cherish lucrative and commercial arts: Perhaps the singular honor is reserved for America, of making it the principal object of her attention to improve human nature, and produce the greatest degree of moral worth.

The fathers of the people, bound by the ties of nature, religion, and interest, cannot be indifferent to anything that has a tendency to strengthen and improve their morals. However opposite men’s sentiments are respecting the interposition of civil authority in matters of religion; one thing is clear, that a constitution of government, that bids fair to be durable, must make provision for curbing the lusts, and bounding the riotous appetites of men. But if piety be an essential part of morality, how can the secular power take cognizance of the one, without interfering at all with the other?

Every man who is so happy as to have free access to the sacred scriptures, has a right to search them. It is his duty to endeavour to understand them in their true sense, and regard them as the only writings that can authorize the religious sentiments he imbibes, or the mode of worship he prefers. And when all the members of a community enjoy the free use of their reason in matters of religion; when they are left to pursue the dictates of their own consciences, which are subject to God only, and no particular mode of worship is established by law; where is the grievance if public worship is required in some mode or other, to preserve order, and prevent the infection of bad examples?—

We cannot set too great a value on our civil and religious liberties: But we can place ourselves in no point of view, in which we can have the least colour of right to any kind of liberty that disturbs the peace of society, or discharges us from the service of God.

Constant experience shews the influence of example to be greater and more powerful, than that of precept. The guardians of the Commonwealth, by copying the law of God in their lives, will be likely to influence the public manners in some proportion to the elevation of their rank and dignity. Or should “the generation in which they shine as lights be faithless and perverse, they shall not lose their reward.” By their righteousness they shall deliver their own souls.”

The greatest assemblage of civil virtues, will not always screen a man in a public station from censure. The venal, the licentious may reproach him: but having the verdict of conscience in his favor, he has the approbation of his Maker, and the ineffable consolation that his “judgment is with the Lord, and his reward with his God.

It is as true that society cannot subsist without order and government, as that man was made for society, and if those who “rule over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God;” then no person can plead an exemption from the duty of submission to wise and just government. The same absolute authority that requires fidelity in rulers, obliges the people to honor, support, and obey them in all things lawful. This is to act on the principles of an equitable requital for necessary and useful services, agreeable to an express ordinance of the apostle Paul: “Render therefore to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor.”

These sentiments may derive some support by considering secondly,

The natural and moral tendency of a general submission or disobedience to the divine government.

The adoption of the Hebrew nation to become the peculiar people of God, did not hinder them from abusing their privileges by numberless sins and rebellions against him. When he gave them his laws, it was supposed that they might refuse to obey his voice. Therefore he annexed promises to their obedience, and threatened to dispossess them of the good land which he had given them, if they refused and rebelled. Every engagement to reward them with prosperity if they “kept his ways,” implied a threatening that he would “visit their transgressions with a rod.” In this light we are to consider the animating motive to obedience in the text, “That ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance for your children after you forever.”

By many signal instances of Providence in our favor, the great Proprietor of all things hath enabled us to keep possession of the good land which he gave to our fathers. A country which well repays the toils of the husbandman, and would do it in a more ample manner, were agriculture (the most useful and necessary of all arts) better understood among us. We not only enjoy those things which constitute the riches of a soil; but also those privileges, civil and religious, which are “the glory of all lands.” What should we not do that we may possess ourselves, and transmit so rich an inheritance to posterity?

Next to self-preservation, the welfare of succeeding generations will be uppermost in every mind, not debased by infidelity, or laid waste by unbounded ambition and avarice. Can we view our cotemporaries, and look down into posterity, without the tenderest emotions of joy or grief, as we conceive good or evil to be coming on them? Is it not from the religion and morals of our country, that we must take our prospect of the happiness or misery of the present and future generations?

Virtue and vice are not more opposite in their nature, than in their effects. If men diseased in mind, and vicious in practice, confounded them in speculation; when they feel the different effects of them, they shew that they are not insensible of the reality of moral distinctions.

Nor is reigning vice less productive of infelicity to national communities, than to individuals. The former have as little reason as the latter, to expect prosperity in a course that naturally tends to ruin and misery. What the prophet says of Israel has been often exemplified in the fate of other nations; “thou hast fallen by thine iniquity.” As the connection between “living after the flesh” and that “death is the wages of sin,” cannot be broken; so the general prevalancy of vice in a nation has never failed sooner or later to involve it in national calamities and ruin.

It naturally tends to create dissentions, and disband society. It produces an opposition to the most apposite schemes, and best concerted measures to promote the common good. It diverts men from that seasonable and regular attention to important affairs, upon which the welfare of a people depends. It exhausts their treasures, and impoverishes them; ruins their reputation, and brings them into contempt. It enervates their spirits, debilitates their understandings, infatuates their counsels, lulls them into security, and lays them open to innumerable calamities.

The kingdoms of Israel and Judah, are remarkable examples of sin and judgment. If they are deemed an exception to the rest of mankind, let the point be decided by the fate of other nations. Have not their vices been their ruin? Was not the declension of manners in the states of Greece, attended with that of empire and dominion? By gratifying a taste for expensive living, and other arts of effeminacy and luxury, they lost their freedom. A Roman historian dates the corruption of his country from the destruction of Carthage, and ascribes the ruin of the Commonwealth to Grecian refinements, in voluptuous manners.—“Asia, conquered by the arms of Rome, in its turn conquered Rome by its vices.” This passage may supply the place of many examples. If in every instance the decline of nations has not been in the same proportion as they were remarkable for their vices; this has commonly been attended with the loss of liberty and territory, as its natural and proper effects.—

The same thing has a moral tendency to produce the same unhappy events. When irreligion prevails in a land, and gross immoralities abound; they put a people out of favor with the great sovereign of the world, break down the hedge of his protection, and open a gap for all manner of evils to rush in upon them. According to the established order of Providence, prevailing iniquity causes a separation between God and his people. “He turneth rivers into a wilderness, and the water springs into dry ground: A fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. If God depart from us, our glory and defense will depart: And we can expect success in none of our undertakings. It will be “in vain to rise up early, to set up late, and eat the bread of carefulness.” If the Lord be not our helper, the business and labor of the city and of the field, will perish.—

A nation favored with gospel privileges, cannot flight and neglect their religious advantages, without endangering their civil liberties. If they have reason to “tremble for the ark of God,” their temple of freedom totters to its very foundation. But when impiety and profaneness, luxury and extravagance, become national; it does not require an omnipotent arm to sink such a people. If left to themselves, they will do the business effectually. The poison may be slow in its operation, but not the less fatal in the event.

On the contrary:

A practical acknowledgment of the divine authority by rulers and people, has a natural and moral tendency to make a nation prosperous and happy.

We live under a civil constitution, formed with a particular view to support the honor and power of government, and protect the rights of the people. But the wisest rules are of no advantage to those who do not observe them. The best civil institutions will not promote the public happiness, unless they are supported by able and upright magistrates; and the people in general are disposed to “lead peaceable and quiet lives in all godliness and honesty.” It is the character of a people that renders them happy at home, respected abroad, and constitutes their strength. Their best defense (under God) is the regularity and hardiness of their manners.

The path of the just is safest and best for every man. No person in any other course can secure true self-enjoyment: Nor in any other way advance the public happiness, than by serving the will of God in his generation. If he be a magistrate, he will maintain his just character, keep in view the ends of his institution, and by putting salutary laws in execution, “be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.” If he be in a private station, he will “study to be quiet, and do his own business.” Supposing this to be the real character of the community, all things will be in a regular train; exhibiting a hopeful prospect of prosperity in times to come. For in the nature of things, probity and integrity create confidence. Industry and frugality, tend to opulence. And benevolence, truth and justice, promote peace, unity and good order.

“He that tilleth his land,” saith Solomon, “shall have plenty of bread.” It is not God’s ordinary method to rain down bread for the food of men, as he did manna for Israel in the wilderness. He blesseth the labor of their hands, and maketh their fields yield their increase; or the fields of others from whence they may be supplied. He ensures the advantages of commerce, and smiles upon the industrious endeavours of the citizen in the way of his calling, that he may have wherewith to procure the fruits of the earth.

Happy America! If its inhabitants, detesting the degenerate manners of Sodom, and the vile language of Ashdod, prove sober, industrious, and “temperate in all things.” Thrice happy, if they sincerely love and venerate the civil and sacred institutions of their country. Then vice, the prolific source of misery, will be discountenanced and abhorred; the virtues of the mind preferred to the ornaments of the body; and our public and private interests have the glorious smiles of God upon them.—

If those who govern are inspired with integrity, wisdom, courage, and vigilance for the public safety; and the governed with worthy and good affections; we shall then unite in pursuing “the things of our peace.” Society will be improved, our understandings enlarged, our morals refined, and the interests of time will not interfere with those of eternity. “Happy is that people that is in such a case; happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

Can we wish for greater encouragement to “keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord our God: Since while we do thus, we may expect that the “hand of our God will be upon us for good,” and upon our posterity! At the same time, we shall take the right course to prepare ourselves for going up into the house of our God, and to have our feet stand within the gates of Jerusalem above; “whither the tribes go up, the tribes of the Lord, to give thanks unto the name of the Lord.”

Such are the observations which this text of sacred scripture has suggested. And by the blessing of God they may be of use seriously to remind this respectable audience, that “pure and undefiled religion before God and the Father,” is the first bond and tie to all duty, and the great means of national prosperity. It was this principle that influenced the conduct of our ancestors, and animated the expressions of their concern for the welfare of their country, and the flourishing circumstances of its civil and religious interests, in all generations: Induced by similar sentiments and impressions, “the elders of the congregation of the Lord” are now assembled “to enquire in his temple;” and with others,” to seek of him a right way for ourselves, for our children, and for all our substance.”—

A tribute of unceasing praise is due from us to the supreme Ruler of the universe, for that established form of government, which allows and encourages all ranks of men to pursue their religious interests. And while so many at the present day appear to have thrown off the divine government, and affect to “despise the commandment of the Lord;” the exemplary regard which the heads of our tribes continue to pay to divine institutions, is a “way of well-doing” that has a peculiar tendency to “put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.”

The civil fathers of the country, and particularly of this Commonwealth, being honored with the highest title that men can bestow; a title that infers an obligation to do everything which the good of the State requires; can never be supposed to lose sight of the sole end of their exaltation above the multitude of their brethren. Having introduced the important public concerns of the ensuing year, with the “word of God and prayer,” you will bear it in mind that your debates will be “in the audience of our God;” your motives of conduct open to his inspection; and that your duty, honor and interest, are all comprised in the real conscientious service you render, or use your best endeavors to render, to the community.

The character of David in his political capacity, is worthy of being emulated by all who are at the head of our affairs. He ruled justly, in exact conformity to the divine will. An high degree of national prosperity and honor, being the result of an administration founded on mild and equitable principles; the people congratulated themselves upon the multiplied favors shewn them on the part of Heaven. We read that they were “joyful and glad of heart, for all the goodness that the Lord had done for David his servant, and for Israel his people.”

The gentleman who without intermission since the commencement of the constitution, has been seated in the second chair of magistracy and government, has obtained in his re-election a renewed and sure token of respect, and a substantial proof that his past services have been well received.

When the privileges of election are extensive, and the body of the electors properly jealous of their liberties; the less rotation in office, the stronger the proof, that such a people enjoy one of the greatest of all temporal blessings, an incorrupt Legislature.

We doubt not the honorable Senate will continue to deserve that great share of public confidence and respect, so justly due to so important a branch of our civil constitution.

The honorable House of Representatives, by making probity and equity the standard of their proceedings, will, we trust, justify the public wisdom in assigning them a station of so great moment, to the honor, safety and welfare of their country; and uniting with the other Branch of the Legislature in the elections of the day, will strictly regard that ancient rule;–“Take wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes,”—men of real worth, capacity and integrity—men who reverence the awful government of God, and “set no wicked thing before their eyes.” Other principles or qualities are often productive of good to the community; but are too weak to bind men to strict duty at all hazards. Conscience bears witness to a man’s fidelity and uprightness of intentions; and will hold him fast, when all other obligations are disregarded.

Our dependence under God (honored fathers) is upon “your keeping and seeking for all his commandments,” which are “pure, enlightening the eyes,” and of universal utility, for “in keeping of them there is great reward.” You have it in the “power of your hands to do worthy deeds” for the honor of God and the general good of the community.

The improvement of agriculture, the present state of the militia, of commerce, and manufactures, deserve your serious attention. We have a hopeful prospect that we shall not feel the rod of tyranny and arbitrary power. How greatly would it relieve our apprehensions, and refresh our spirits, were those things that have a malignant influence on society, suppressed; a spirit of industry, sobriety and frugality, invigorated; a regard for the Lord’s day, revived; and a taste for religious and moral pleasures, more generally cultivated.

To you, gentlemen, the guardians of our liberties and laws, have we in a great measure confided our national liberty, honor and independence; even all that is, or ought to be dear to us. “The Lord will be with you while you are with him.” “He is with you in the judgment.” And though you now sustain the character of “God’s,” you are admonished by the “fall” of others 1 (lately your associates in honor and power) that you must “die like men.” A tribunal awaits you, before which no titles of honor, but that of Christian; no mark of distinction but that of moral goodness and worth, will avail anything. God grant that in your political, and every other capacity, you may finally receive the plaudit of your Judge.

Of all people we shall be the most inexcusable, if we are not “obedient to the voice of the Lord our God, whose goodness has been so signally manifested in the dispensations of temporal and spiritual blessings. When we consider “how great things he hath done for us,” should not our hearts glow with gratitude, and our obedient lives proclaim his praise? Should not all the powers of the creation conspire to exalt his name? His authority binds all ranks of men to strict duty, to “keep and seek for all his commandments.” He requires rulers in pursuing the ends of their institution, “to serve him with a perfect heart, and with a willing mind,” and that all others should do all they can to strengthen their hands, by assisting in the execution of good laws, promoting peace and good order, and cheerfully contributing to the support of government.

Were the present prevailing follies and vices, exchanged for their opposite virtues, such an alteration of habits and moral qualities, would in many instances lessen the burden of taxes; which we may reasonably suppose, are now s light as possible, since those who impose them are equally bound to observe the laws, and pay their proportion of the public expense.

What a pleasing sight would it be to see all ranks and professions contributing by their prayers and endeavors to the safety and prosperity of our country. Then might we hope that the “Lord our God would care for our land, and we should see the good of his chosen.” If “we keep his covenant, and remember his commandments to do them; the wilderness shall blossom as the rose, and it shall be well with us, and our children after us.”

But let us not forget what we are,–creatures made for another state of existence. Delightsome as our native soil may be; it is “not our rest.”—In this life, we have no permanent city. “Our fathers where are they? We also are “strangers and sojourners on the earth:” Therefore we “look to another, a better country, that is, an heavenly.” If we are the true subjects of a kingdom which is not of this world, we shall through the voyage of life, be fed with the “bread which came down from Heaven.” We shall “have right to the tree of life:” And the Lord our God will give us to rejoice in the view of our interest in the “unsearchable riches of Christ, the blessings of the perpetual hills, and of the everlasting mountains.”

May that God who has been our “dwelling-place in all generations, rejoice over us to do us good.”

Happy for us, if with seriousness and assiduity we practically regard that advice and caution, which the Hebrew law-giver in the last year of his life, gave to the people committed to his care, for whom he had a sincere affection. “When thou hast eaten and art full, then thou shalt bless the Lord thy God, for the good land which he hath given thee. Beware, that thou forget not the Lord thy God, in keeping his commandments, his judgments, and his statutes.”

FINIS.

 


Endnotes

1. Hon. Jeremiah Powell, Esq; President of the Council, in the most perilous stages of the war; and a member of the Council after the commencement of the Constitution, Hon. Josiah Stone, of the Senate.

Sermon – Election – 1785, Connecticut


Samuel Wales (1748-1794) graduated from Yale in 1767. He was a minister in Milford (1770-1782), and professor of Divinity at Yale (1782-1794). Wales preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 12, 1785.


sermon-election-1785-connecticut

The Dangers of our national Prosperity; and the Way
To avoid them.

A

S E R M O N,

Preached Before the

G E N E R A L A S S E M B L Y

of the

S T A T E of C O N N E C T I C U T,

At

H A R T F O R D,

May 12th, 1785.

By SAMUEL WALES, D. D.
Professor of Divinity at YALE-COLLEGE.

Do ye thus requite the Lord, O foolish people and unwise? Moses.

Justice standeth afar off; for truth is fallen in the street, and equity
Cannot enter. And he that departeth from evil, maketh himself a prey
And the Lord saw it, and it displeased him.
Isaiah.

Justum et tenacem propositi virum,
Non civium ardor prava jubentium,
Non vultus instantis tyranny
Mente quatit folida;–
Si fractus illabitur orbis,
Impavidum serient ruinae. Hor.

 

At a general Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the 2d Thursday of May Anno Dom. 1785.

ORDERED that the Honourable Roger Sherman, and Pierpont Edwards, Esquires, return the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Doctor Samuel Wales, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 12th inst. And desire a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
GEORGE WYLLYS, Ses’ry.

 

DEUTERONOMY VIII. 11, 12, 13, AND 14.
Beware that thou forget not the Lord thy God, in not keeping his commandments and his judgments and his statutes which I command thee this day:–Lest when thou hast eaten and art full, and hast built goodly houses, and dwelt therein; And when thy herds and thy flocks multiply, and thy silver and thy gold is multiplied, and all that thou hast is multiplied;–Then thine heart be lifted up, and thou forget the Lord thy God which brought thee forth out of the land of Egypt, from the house of bondage.

 

These words contain a divine instruction to the people of Israel, respecting their state of prosperity in the promised land. The instruction is not typical or merely local, but of a moral and universal nature. It may therefore with propriety, be applied to all people in every age, whenever they are in a prosperous state. With singular propriety may it be applied to the people of these United States, who, after the severe distresses of unnatural war and civil discord, are now happy in the blessings of peace and plenty. Let me then request the indulgence of this very respectable auditory, while, in order to apply to ourselves the divine caution of our text, I endeavour,

I. To point out some of those evils which, as a people we have reason to fear in our present national prosperity.—And then,

II. To exhibit, in a very concise manner, that line of conduct which we ought to pursue, in order to secure through the divine favour the continuance of those blessings which we now enjoy.

A political discussion of these points, it is presumed will not be expected nor desired. It is proposed to consider them especially in a moral and religious view. Indeed never should it be forgotten that all the measures of civil policy ought to be founded on the great principles of religion; or, at the least, to be perfectly consistent with them: otherwise they will never be esteemed, because they will be contrary to that moral sense of right and wrong which God has implanted in the breast of every rational being. But to proceed,

I. Let us attend to some of those evils which, as a people, we have reason especially to fear in our present national prosperity. That we have been and still are greatly blessed with national prosperity, I conceive, will not be doubted. We have been often delivered in a most signal manner, both from the secret stratagems and the open assaults of our enemies. Great is the salvation which heaven hath wrought for us in the full restoration of the blessings of peace. The Lord hath done great things for us; whereof we are glad. He hath given us a very extensive country abounding with the richest gifts of nature. With sufficient ease do we procure all the necessaries, together with most of the conveniences and delicacies of life. Could we procure them with more east or in greater plenty, we should not be in so desirable a situation as we are now. A proper view of all our various blessings will lead us to conclude that we are indeed the most highly favoured people under heaven. God hath not dealt so with any other nation.

But security in happiness is not the lot of humanity. This is equally true of all mankind, whether we consider them as individuals or as united in society. In the midst of all our present public happiness, dangers surround us and evils hang over our heads.

The greatest evil by which we are endangered, and which indeed is the source of all others, is the want of true religion. It is true, the superior blessings which we enjoy are well calculated to promote religion, to promote each of its essential branches, piety and charity. And such affects would those blessings naturally produce, did we improve them as we ought. But through the perverseness of our nature there is much danger that we shall use them for very different purposes. When we are favoured with a profusion of earthly good, we are exceedingly prone to set our hearts upon it with an immoderate affection, neglecting our bountiful Creator from whom alone all good is derived. We bathe and bury ourselves in the streams, forgetting the fountain whence they flow. This is indeed a very disingenuous behavior towards the Father of mercies. It certainly discovers a very sordid disposition, a depraved and contracted mind. Such a disposition, however, is but too natural to man in his present degenerate state.

We are much more inclined to murmur at God’s justice in adversity than to acknowledge his goodness in prosperity; more ready to view God as the author of evil than as the author of good. In the distresses of the late war, though they were most evidently brought upon us by the instrumentality of men, we were nevertheless much more ready to impute them to the hand of God, than we now are to acknowledge the same hand in the happiness of peace, and the other rich blessings of his providence and grace. When our wants are very pressing, we are willing, or pretend to be willing to apply to God for relief. But no sooner is the relief given than we set our hearts upon the gift, and neglect the giver; or rather make use of his own bounty in order to fight against him. The reason is, because we are more inclined to love the creature than the Creator, to be lovers of pleasure rather than lovers of God. On this account, Moses with peculiar emphasis warns the Israelites to stand on their guard against such impiety in the days of their prosperity: Beware that thou forget not the Lord thy God.

If we now attend to matters of fact we shall find no reason to think more lightly of the dangers before us. The history of the Israelites shews us that they greatly needed the caution which Moses gave them. Scarcely a prosperous period in their history can be pointed out which was not followed by a decay of piety, and a corruption of morals. This was the case soon after their happy settlement in the land of Canaan. This was the case very frequently in the times of their Judges and Kings. And this was eminently the case with respect to their highest state of wealth and power under the reign of Solomon. The very great prosperity of this happy reign produced very unhappy effects, even upon that wise king, as well as upon his court, and his subjects. The profligacy of his court may be seen in the history of his life: and that the moral state of his subjects was also exceedingly corrupt, appears from their conduct immediately after his death. Even in the good reign of the pious Hezekiah, ingratitude and irreligion were the consequences of success and prosperity. Hezekiah rendered not according to the benefit done unto him: for his heart was lifted up; therefore there was wrath upon him, and upon Judah and Jerusalem. 1 The character of Israel, as drawn in the spirit of prophesy by Moses may, with the utmost propriety, be applied to them in every stage of their prosperity. They have corrupted themselves, their spot is not the spot of his children: they are a perverse and crooked generation. Do ye thus requite the Lord, O foolish people and unwise? Is he not thy father that hath bought thee? Hath he not made thee and established thee? But Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked, thou art waxen fat, thou art grown thick, thou art covered with fatness; then he forsook God which made him, and lightly esteemed the rock of his salvation. They provoked him to jealousy with strange gods, with abominations provoked they him to anger. 2

Nor was this pernicious effect of abused prosperity peculiar to the people of Israel. It has, in one degree or another, been common to all people in every age of the world. It has been the case even with the Christian Church. The consequences of outward prosperity have been often more fatal to the Christian cause than those of adversity. Indeed the distresses and persecutions of the Church have often produced a very happy effect in the advancement of true Christianity. Hence that observation in primitive times: “The blood of the Martyrs is the seed of the Church.” But the like happy effect has seldom if ever followed from a state of external peace and opulence. The first great instance of signal prosperity granted to the Christians in the beginning of the fourth Century under Constantine the great, was soon followed by a great loss of fervent piety, and a sad corruption both of doctrines and morals. And the same sad effect has followed from many instances of their prosperity in succeeding ages; particularly from the flourishing state of many protestant Churches since the grand emancipation from the Papal See. Indeed wealth and power have been and still are the great supporters of that man of sin who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped.

Wealth, with its common attendants, idleness and pleasure, were the ruin of Sodom and Gomorrah. “Behold, this was the iniquity of Sodom, pride, fullness of bread, and abundance of idleness was in her and in her daughters.” 3 These same things were the ruin of mighty Babylon. “Thou that art given to pleasures, said the prophet, that dwellest carelessly, that sayest in thine heart, I am, and none else besides me.” 4 In what a striking manner were these words verified in the day of her fall! The same things brought destruction upon each of the four great monarchies, and upon most of the other states and kingdoms which have fallen, one after another in the successive ages of time. And the very same things have proved ruinous to individuals without number. Surely we have no reason to call the proud, happy, or to look with a covetous eye upon the glare of earthly greatness. Misery lies hid beneath it, and destruction is its usual attendant.

Since then a prosperous state has been so often followed with such an effect both on public communities, and on individuals, have we not reason to fear a similar effect from our national prosperity at the present day? Is it not a sad truth, that since the commencement of the late war, and especially since the restoration of peace, the holy religion of Jesus, that brightest ornament of our world, is, by many less regarded than it was before? And are not sacred institutions of the Gospel more neglected and despised? Are not the friends of Christianity treated with more disregard? Are not infidelity and profligacy of manners, viewed with less concern, and by many considered as matters of trivial consequence? Still, we ought with the highest gratitude to acknowledge the sovereign grace of Almighty God, which has, in some places, been manifested in the support of his own cause. In several of our States he has been pleased to excite in the minds of many individuals, here and there, an unusual attention to divine and eternal things. He saw us unpurified by the furnace of affliction: He saw us disregarding him while he spake to us in the whirlwind, the earthquake, and the fire. Yet has he been pleased to speak to us not only by the still voice of peace after war, but also by the omnipotent voice of his holy Spirit; inviting us to become the subjects of the Prince of peace, and making numbers in one place and another, as we trust, the actual possessors of that peace which the world can neither give nor take away. To his great name be all the glory ascribed.

But notwithstanding some pleasing appearances of true religion, in several places, we have too much reason to fear that “The unthinking many” are abusing our present prosperity in such a manner as to produce a very different effect. We have reason to fear that they are fast growing into that state of irreligion which has been noticed already. The symptoms and effects of this evil are already too manifest; and will probably continue and increase unto more ungodliness, unless vigorous measures be taken to prevent them. Some few of these evils which may be called symptoms and effects of irreligion I beg leave particularly to mention.

In the first place, One of them which we have much reason to lament and fear, is ingratitude, vile ingratitude both to God and to man. During the troubles of the late war, how ardently did we wish for peace? While our lives and liberties were endangered; while our very existence as a nation, was in doubt; while we were threatened with all the horrors of a crushed rebellion and all the vengeance of a very potent enemy peculiarly incensed against us; how eagerly did we long after that independence, that established liberty and national happiness which we now enjoy? We then saw and felt our need of help from God. While the horrid contest was long doubtful, we acknowledged that the issue must be determined by the sovereign disposer of events. At some periods victory and success were so greatly in favour of our enemies, and our own affairs were, in many respects, so exceedingly embarrassed, that the stoutest hearts were almost ready to fail. At some seasons there seemed to be no way left but To stand still and see the salvation of the Lord. This salvation we sought of him; nor did we seek in vain. His own arm brought salvation. By a series of the most visible interpositions of his providence, he has made wars to cease thro’ the land, and blest us with all that our hearts desired.

But alas! what poor returns have we made to our great Deliverer! Witness our cold hearts and our irreligious lives. How much less inclined are we to return him sincere thanks for these favours now, that we were to ask them of him in the times of our distress? How small are the emotions of gratitude in our hearts, towards the God of all our salvations! And what little honour do we bring to his name by our lives and conversation! With too much propriety may we apply to ourselves these words of the Psalmist: When he slew them, they sought him: and they returned and enquired early after God. And they remembered that God was their rock, and the high God their Redeemer. Nevertheless they did flatter him with their mouth and they lied unto him with their tongues. For their heart was not right with him, neither were they stedfast in his covenant. 25

Nor have we been guilty of ingratitude towards God only; we have been guilty of the same evil towards man. Although this be a less evil than the former, it is nevertheless an evil which we ought to condemn and reform. We are certainly under great obligations to those who have voluntarily taken an hazardous or an expensive part, in effecting our late happy revolution. They have been, under God, the Saviours of our country. They have been instrumental in effecting one of the most happy and interesting events which have taken place in the present age, or in any other. Their merit is certainly great. Yet after all, are they not too much in the situation of the poor wise man, mentioned in sacred writ, who by his wisdom delivered from impending danger, the city in which he dwelt, but was nevertheless soon universally forgotten? Do we gie them that praise, that respect, that reward to which they have a just claim? That we have not yet afforded that reward which they justly claim, cannot be denied. This thought leads me to say,

2. That another particular evil into which we have fallen, and by which we are much endangered, is injustice, injustice to the best and most deserving friends of our country. Those are certainly to be esteemed some of the most deserving friends of the country, who have willingly lent her either their lives or their property in the late important struggle. To such persons we are under obligations not only of gratitude but of justice. Their voluntary sacrifices have, through the divine blessing, purchased for us our lives and fortunes, our liberties, our independence, our peace, and in a great measure, all our temporal happiness.

Whether all who thus served their country acted wholly from disinterested views, is a question which we ought not to ask them, and which, with honour, we cannot ask. That many of them acted from the most generous and patriotic motives, cannot be doubted by a candid mind. The least that we can do for them, according to strict justice, is to afford them a reward equal to the full import of our promises. This, however, with regret be it spoken, has not been done. But in lieu of this, many who have generously loaned their property to the country in the season of her most pressing want and danger, have for a long time been unable to obtain a single farthing either of the principle or of the interest, though both have been long justly due. 6 And whenever any payments of annuities have been attempted, they have been generally, if not universally made in a depreciating medium which immediately annihilated in their hands a very considerable part of its nominal value. In a similar way have we effected most of the payments which have been made to our armies. Indeed as to most of our public securities, there has uniformly been a wide difference between their real and their nominal value. This is a difference which never ought to have existed: a difference manifestly contrary to the nature and claims of justice and truth. And after all, the faithful Soldier who has in the face of the greatest discouragements and dangers persevered in the service of his country to the close of the war, receives a very considerable part of his pay in a paper medium which he is obliged to sell or barter for one eighth part of its nominal value, one half quarter only of the value for which he receives it.

Gladly would I draw a veil over this part of our national conduct, were it possible, and could it be done with propriety. But it cannot be done, it ought not to be attempted. The best and wisest thing which we can now do with regard to this matter, is, to reprobate our own conduct and reform it for the future. Let us not pretend any longer to excuse ourselves by promising and promising that we will do justice to our creditors at some distant period of time. Such promises re easily made and commonly of little worth. Nor do they by any means answer the demands of justice provided they should be hereafter fulfilled. For justice requires punctuality with respect to the time of payment as really as with respect to the sum which is due. A failure in the former of these points, is often more pernicious than in the latter. Let us no longer plead inability in our own vindication. I hope indeed this plea may be made in vindication of some of our past deficiencies, but I fear it can by no means justify them all. It is, at best, but a very dishonourable plea because it is so often used merely as a mask for injustice, and always can be used in one shape or another by those who are unwilling to pay their debts.—As a people, we are not poor, but rich, and have large resources of public revenue. If we are but willing to do justice, and do not needlessly embarrass the hands of government, we shall be under no necessity of defrauding or injuring our creditors. If we cannot immediately pay them the principle of our debt, we can, at least, pay the interest, and thereby at once place our credit on a more respectable footing.

Britain, loaded with a debt more than thirty times so large as ours, and carrying an annual interest larger than our whole debt, nevertheless pays the interest punctually, maintains her credit, and can borrow money from her subjects at pleasure. At the same time her civil list and other annual expenses are far greater than ours even in proportion to her wealth, and perhaps greater almost in the same proportion with her national debt.7 Whatever difference there may be between her source of revenue and ours, or whatever difference there may be between her and us in any other respect, still with regard to public justice to her creditors, she affords us an example which we ought not to behold without self-condemnation.

Our public injustice is attended with consequences most deplorable and alarming. It exposes us to the high displeasure of that God who from everlasting to everlasting, loveth righteousness and hateth iniquity. It rends to render public fraith contemptible and is highly injurious to our national character. It gives too much countenance to the reproach of our enemies who have stigmatized us with the character of a knavish, faithless people; covering the most iniquitous designs under the garb of liberty and the cloak of religion. It is hurtful to many literary and religious institutions; while the monies which were charitably given for their support are detained and perverted to a very different purpose. It is attended with great cruelty towards widows and orphans, towards the poor and needy, and many other individuals who have suffered extremely for the want of those monies which are their just due, and to which they have an indisputable claim.

The cries of such persons enter into the ears of the Lord of Sabbath. Is not this unjust detention of property, in a particular manner attended with cruelty to the generous Soldier, who has nobly braved fatigues, and dangers, and deaths, for our sake, who has faithfully adhered to our cause while thousands deserted it, while thousands and ten thousands of his brethren perished around him by the horrors of sickness and the sword, and the far greater horrors of British prison-ships, and jails? Who of us would be willing to endure the like fatigues and be exposed to the like dangers for the contemptible reward which we now afford the Soldier? Who would not think himself affronted by the very proposal of so small a reward for so great a service.

This public injustice destroys some of the most important ends of civil society; such as an equal administration of justice, and the security of property. It involves us in some of the worst evils of tyranny and despotism, while we are flattering ourselves with the pleasing names of liberty and independence. It tends to destroy all confidence in the Public, and to create a distrust of Government. For if such a flagrant violation of justice may be practiced in many instances; or what one right have we which is properly secured? If the Public, as a body, will allow themselves, in any one instance, to injure an individual, every member of the Public is in constant danger. For who can tell where the injury will fall next? If one part of our property may be detained from us for a long time, contrary to the plainest promises, without our consent and without any unavoidable necessity; how can we know but that another part may be soon as unjustly wrested from us in the very first instance? In either case the injustice is equally real and equally manifest: and which would be the greater evil of the two, can be determined only by concurrent circumstances. If our property must be taken or detained without our consent, what great choice is there as to the mode, whether it be taken by fraud or by force, whether we be robbed by an highwayman or cheated by a knave? In this latter case we have often the long pain of repeated disappointments, which does not take place in the former.

Further, is it certain that Government will never again want the voluntary aid of individuals, aid which she cannot compel them to yield? Should she be a gain in such a situation what encouragement would individuals have to afford the needed aid? Will they not be ready to fear that all State-policy is founded merely on Machiavelian principles, and that public bodies will practice fraud in order to accomplish their own ends, whenever they can do it with impunity?—Honest minds hope that such fears are groundless, and that some public Communities at least, as well as some individuals, mean to make justice a rule of conduct. If this be the case, let us make it manifest by our own conduct; if it be not the case, let the truth be known, that faithful citizens and honest men may be no longer deceived and duped out of their property. Heu pietas, heu publica fides!

But the most pernicious consequence of our public injustice is still to be mentioned. It has a fatal influence upon the morals of the people at large. It is like the sin of Jereboam the son of Nebat; it makes Israel to sin, and thereby still further provokes the Lord God of Israel to anger. It is a trite observation and a very just one, That example has more influence than precept. And if our public conduct may be adduced by knaves and sharpers, as an example and pretext of injustice, will it not have a greater tendency to promote this evil than all our laws will have to prevent it? Too many are there of that smooth-speaking class of people, who mean to get their living out of others; who, whenever they can run into debt, consider it as so much clear gain; because, forsooth, they can make ample payment by fair promises and soft words, by complaints of the scarcity of money and the hardness of the times. Better payment than this they do not wish to make. The words of their mouths are smoother than butter, but war is in their heart: Their words are softer than oil, yet are they drawn swords. To our reproach and our shame, we are already too much inclined to dishonesty. It is already practiced by too many to the detriment of the Public, and to the ruin of their own true interest both temporal and eternal. Too many motives are there already to this accursed evil, too many are its friends and votaries. For Gods sake let it not have any more. Many even of our religious societies have long conducted as if they thought it no evil to violate the most explicit and solemn covenants with the ministers of religion by withholding from them the stipulated support. If the religious scarcely escape this evil, what may be expected from the ungodly and profane? There is, however, a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not washed from their filthiness. Let this wise maxim be remembered by us all, and particularly by those very religious people who make high professions of Christianity, and yet at the same time bid defiance to the plainest rules of justice, and trample under foot the most sacred obligations of truth and plighted faith.

3. Another particular evil by which we are endangered, is the want of true patriotism. By true patriotism I mean a real concern for the welfare of our whole country in general. This patriotism is a branch of that extensive benevolence which is highly recommended by our holy religion, and is at the same time most evidently consentaneous to the dictates of sound reason. Genuine patriotism of the best kind, is peculiar to those only who are possessed of a principle of true virtue. Some semblances and imitations of this patriotism are nevertheless to be found in those who are not, on the whole, of a truly virtuous character. Yet even these imitations of pure patriotism have often proved very beneficial in civil society.

While the war lasted our patriotism was eminent and produced the most happy effects. Common danger was a common bond of union, cementing us together. But a this bond has now in some measure ceased, there is danger that our union will not be so great as will be necessary for the general good. There is danger not only that factions will arise in particular States, but that particular States will attempt to pursue their own particular interests without a due regard to the common good, and perhaps in direct opposition to it. But we should remember that these States are, by voluntary and solemn agreement united as one nation, one body, of which each particular State is a member. And the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee: nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you: but the members should have the same care one for another. 8 It will doubtless be necessary not only that individual persons, but also particular States should often give up, in many cases, their own particular interest for the common benefit. To do thus is generous, is wise, is necessary for our existence as a free and independent people. Some generous examples of this kind have been given, and it is to be hoped they will be universally followed. If we are unwilling to act on this liberal scale we shall be in perpetual danger of that evil which our Saviour points out when he tells us, “That every kingdom divided against itself cannot stand. But is brought to desolation.”

It was the want of this extensive patriotism that ruined the States of Greece. A party spirit, a spirit of jealousy and discord prevailed among them, and divisions and wars exposed them for a long time to the invasions of the Persian Empire, and finally subjugated them all to the Macedonian yoke.

If the same spirit prevail among us we have no reason to suppose but it will produce the most unhappy consequences. Human nature is the same in every age, and similar causes will produce similar effects. In this view we may see how much it concerns us to support our grand bond of union, or, in other words, to maintain the rights of our honourable Congress, and even to enlarge their powers, should this be proved necessary for the general good.—

That want of patriotism, of which we speak, produces very different effects in persons who are in different situations of life. It is nearly the same thing with selfishness. It often leads the ambitious and aspiring to seek their own promotion by very improper means. It leads them into a mad pursuit of low popularity, to the violation of honour and honesty and to the neglect of the public good. For not these things, but popular applause and their own advancement in office are the objects of their first concern. And they sometimes have their reward: but a very contemptible one it is. True popularity for the real esteem of the virtuous and the wise, procured by a steady course of benevolent and virtuous conduct, is well worthy of pursuit and is indeed the greatest earthly good that we can enjoy. This popularity is not procured by time-serving, by flattery or any improper compliances. It is seldom if ever gained without a manly opposition, in some cases at least, to popular prejudice and vulgar error. The man who can make it appear that he conscienciously acts from a virtuous principle will command the veneration even of the most unprincipled, and of those who oppose him. But the same of the popular drudge, that same which is gained by low arts of deceiving the ignorant and abusing their prejudices, to the public detriment, is not only unworthy of a Christian, but beneath the character of an honest man. If the same spirit prevail among us we have no reason to suppose but it will produce the most unhappy consequences. Human nature is the same in every age, and similar causes will produce similar effects. In this view we may see how much it concerns us to support our grand bond of union, or, in other words, to maintain the rights of our honourable Congress, and even to enlarge their powers, should this be proved necessary for the general good.—

That want of patriotism, of which we speak, produces very different effects in persons who are in different situations of life. It is nearly the same thing with selfishness. It often leads the ambitious and aspiring to seek their own promotion by very improper means. It leads them into a mad pursuit of low popularity, to the violation of honour and honesty and to the neglect of the public good. For not these things, but popular applause and their own advancement in office are the objects of their first concern. And they sometimes have their reward: but a very contemptible one it is. True popularity or the real esteem of the virtuous and the wise, procured by a steady course of benevolent and virtuous conduct, is well worthy of pursuit and is indeed the greatest earthly good that we can enjoy. This popularity is not procured by time-serving, by flattery or any improper compliances. It is seldom if ever gained without a manly opposition, in some cases at least, to popular prejudice and vulgar error. The man who can make it appear that he conscienciously acts from a virtuous principle will command the veneration even of the most unprincipled, and of those who oppose him. But the same of the popular drudge, that same which is gained by low arts of deceiving the ignorant and abusing their prejudices, to the public detriment, is not only unworthy of a Christian, but beneath the character of an honest man.

This same selfish spirit, when it possesses the minds, of the common people, has this bad consequence, among many others, that it subjects them to an undue influence in the choice of civil rulers. Possessed of this spirit, they will not regard the probity or abilities of the candidates for office; but will be very ready to give their voice for those to whom they happen to be particularly attached by any private and sinister motives; for those by whom they are most humoured in their prejudices and follies; and especially for those who most loudly exclaim against the payment of public debts and most vigorously oppose taxation however just or necessary. All such operations of selfishness, whether in popular demagogues or in the people at large, in whatever shape they appear, tend ultimately to the public detriment and to the encouragement of deceit and dishonesty.

4. A fourth evil by which we are threatened is a disregard of civil Authority. Great is our privilege in choosing our own rulers, and, by them, of making and executing our own laws. But this privilege we are in great danger of abusing, for this strange reason, because it is the effect of our own voluntary act. While the people at large are too ready to yield to this temptation, even rulers themselves are in danger of relaxing too far the reigns of government, thro’ fear of displeasing the people by whom they are chosen to office. But certain it is that no State can be long happy or even answer the most important ends of civil society, unless government be revered and the law obeyed. Tyranny and despotism are undoubtedly very great evils, but greater still are the dangers of anarchy.

Those persons who have the most power in their own hands are in the greatest danger of abusing it. No people on earth have so much power in their own hands as those of the United States. All the powers of government are at their disposal. We ought therefore to be much on our guard against the abuse of this power. The abuse of this power may perhaps produce tyranny or aristocracy; but the proper use of it will be the best way to prevent them both. Never let us forget that the dignity of government and the energy of the law, are essential to the continuance of our public happiness and prosperity. Reason and experience teach us this lesson, while the more special voice of God enforces the same, by commanding every soul to be subject to the higher powers. 9

5. I will only add once more, in the fifth place, that we are in much danger of the evils which arise from luxury and extravagance in our expenses. After all that has been said in favour of foreign trade and foreign luxuries, it still remains a demonstration in politics, that when our imports exceed our exports, the course of trade is against us, and we are constantly growing poor. This, it is to be seared, is our state at the present, especially on account of those very extravagant importations which we have made since the peace. Our very great consumption of foreign luxuries not only impoverishes the country to an high degree, but at the same time, tends directly to enervate both our bodies and our minds, to produce indolence and pride, and to open the door to every temptation and every vice. In this case, as well as many others, experience is a faithful teacher. And if we consult the experience of mankind in every age, and in every part of the world, we shall not find a single instance wherein luxury and extravagance have sub served the true interest of a people. But instances in which they have proved hurtful and ruinous are to be found in abundance. And to Republican governments they have proved more fatal than to others. By cultivating industry, frugality, and a patriotic spirit, Rome extended her conquests wherever she pleased, and was revered as the Arbitress of kings and the Mistress of the world. But by adopting the luxuries of Asia where her arms had proved victorious, she soon enfeebled her true Republican spirit and prepared the way for her own ruin. Let not the same scene be again acted over in America. America has by her noble exertions repelled the force of Britain. But if America persists in her present rage after British gew gaws and foreign luxuries, she must expect the fate of Rome, her ancient predecessor; or at least, that very unhappy consequences will ensue. To prevent these impending evils we need the exertions not only of the sons, but also of the daughters of America. Very great are your influence and importance, my fair hearers, in this respect, as well as in many others. Be assured that economy and frugality with an elegance of dress, on the plan of that modest apparel recommended by St. Peter, would add more grace to your charms and more dignity to your characters than all the tinsel of British ornament, or the greatest extravagance of foreign dress.—

II. It now remains that we exhibit, in a very concise manner that line of conduct which we ought to pursue in order to secure, through the divine favour, the continuance of those blessings which at the present we enjoy.

In the first place, it is, I conceive, sufficiently evident that we ought most earnestly to endeavour after a reformation of those particular evils aforementioned, and at the same time, to use the best means in order to prevent them for the future. We must first cease to do evil or we shall never learn to do well.

In the second place we must use our best endeavours to promote the practice of virtue and true religion.

I will not indeed presume to assert, that God’s conduct towards nations under the gospel, is exactly parallel to his conduct towards the ancient Israelites. They were under a dispensation of grace different from ours, and, for a long time under that peculiar kind of civil government which has been called a Theocracy. National blessings are not promised, and national judgments are not threatened under the gospel in like manner as they were under the law. The gospel being a more spiritual dispensation, its blessings and its curses are of a more spiritual nature, and less obvious to the view of the world. They are designed, in a special manner, to prepare persons for the more full retributions of eternity. This we know is the case with regard to the blessings conferred, and the chastisements inflicted on the children of God. And that this is also the case with regard to the judgments inflicted on the man of sin and his followers, we are expressly told: God shall send them strong delusion, that they should believe a lie: that they all might be damned. 10 Still, this is certain, that by the constitution of nature which God has established, vice tends to the misery, and virtue to the happiness not only of individuals, but of public Communities. The practice of religion must therefore be considered as absolutely essential to the best state of public prosperity, it must be so, unless we may expect happiness in direct opposition to the constitution of nature and of nature’s God. “Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people.” 11 This is the course of nature, this is the voice of heaven, this is the decree of God.

In the third place, we ought especially in the use of all proper means, to pray fervently for the effusions of the divine Spirit.

Without a divine and supernatural influence, true religion will never prevail. This is a doctrine clearly taught in divine revelation and perfectly consonant to the dictates of reason. It has been taught even by heathen Philosophers, such as Socrates and Plato, Cicero and Seneca. It has been acknowledged, in one shape or another, in every nation and in every age. Indeed it may be considered as a doctrine of natural religion. Nor is there anything enthusiastical or unreasonable in this doctrine, any more than there is in that other great doctrine of natural religion “That in God we live and move and have our being.” Divine influence is absolutely necessary both in the natural and in the moral world. All creatures of every kind, from the most exalted Seraph before the eternal throne, to the smallest animal which escapes our sight, are wholly dependent on God. Our souls and all their powers are in his hand, and he can form and incline them at his pleasure, in full consistency with our most perfect freedom of action.

That divine influence which is necessary in order to a pious life we are taught to expect from the operations of the third person in the holy Trinity. We cannot therefore do a more faithful or important service for our country than to pray fervently and perseveringly to the Father of mercies, that he would by the energy of the Holy Ghost, form the hearts of this people to an holy life, and thus “Purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” 12

In the review of our subject, I think we may justly make this reflection: Let us not flatter ourselves too much with an idea of the future prosperity and glory of these United States.

While we thus flatter ourselves, we are in danger of expecting the end without a proper attention to those means which are absolutely necessary in order to obtain it. Young States are like young men; exceedingly apt, in imagination, to anticipate and magnify future scenes of happiness and grandeur, which perhaps they will never enjoy. It has lately become very fashionable to prophesy about the future greatness of this country; its astonishing progress in science, in wealth, in population and grandeur: to tell of Lockes and Newtons, of poets, philosophers and divines greater than have ever yet lived; of towering spires, and spacious domes, of populous towns and cities rising thick throughout an empire greater than the world has ever seen. Such representations may perhaps be beautiful in poetry and declamation, but cannot with equal propriety be admitted, in an unqualified sense, into serious and didactic prose. And true indeed it is, Providence has here laid a foundation for a very flourishing and mighty empire. But although the foundation is laid, the superstructure is not yet finished, nor ever will be, unless we use the proper means. And whether we shall use such means or not, is a matter of very great uncertainty. Foundations for happiness have been often laid where happiness has never followed. This is no less true of States and Kingdoms than of individual persons. It is remarkable that many places which were in ancient times, the seats of mighty States aud empires, and might perhaps have continued with increasing greatness to the present time, had proper means been used, are nevertheless now covered with ruin and desolation, or at best, in a very depressed and miserable condition. What is become of Nineveh and Babylon, and those mighty Empires of which they were the capital cities? What is become of Persepolis, of Antioch, of Jerusalem, of Carthage, of Athens and Sparta? And how wide is the difference between ancient and modern Rome? Had the inhabitants of such places, from age to age, known the things of their peace and pursued them, their glory might have remained to the present day.

If we abuse the signal favours which God has granted us, we have no right to expect that he will favour us in the like manner for the future. Although it be possible we may be a flourishing and happy people, it is equally possible we may be far otherwise. When we have reached the pinnacle of our hopes, it is often connected with evils far greater than the loss of that envied height would have been The fashion of this world passeth away. The greatest worldly good is often succeeded by the greatest evil; the greatest happiness by the greatest misery. Who would have thought, after the happy establishment of peace between France and Britain, twenty years ago, that the late war between Britain and America, with all its attending horrors, could possibly have taken place so soon?

When God gave Israel their request, but sent leanness into their souls, 13 these two things, taken in their connexion, were the greatest curse that could have befallen them. When Jephthah had ended a successful war against the children of Ammon, and thereby become the savior of his country, he seemed to have gained the whole desire of his heart, even all that happiness for which he had most ardently wished. But this same event which made him so happy a man was closely connected with two sore evils which came nearer to his heart and more sensibly affected him, than all his former concerns respecting the Ammonites. It was connected with the mournful affair respecting his only child, and it was the occasion of a very bloody civil war in which, beside others, forty and two thousand Ephraimites were slain with the sword. And thus, as in ten thousand similar instances, the occasion of his greatest happiness was turned into the occasion of his greatest misery.

So, although we have gained that for which we most ardently wished, an happy period to the late war, yet we can by no means be certain but that some far greater evils are now before us. We may be over-run and ruined both for time and eternity by a torrent of vice and licenciousness, with their never-failing attendants, infidelity and atheism. We may be left to destroy ourselves by intestine divisions and civil wars: or we may be visited with such sickness and pestilence as would so produce a far greater destruction than any war of what kind so ever. God has many ways, even in the present world, to punish the sins both of individuals and of nations. He has ten thousand arrows in his quiver, and can always direct any or all of them unerring, to the victims of his wrath. No possible concurrence of circumstances can screen us from the notice of his eye or the power of his hand. Never, never, can we be secure but in the practice of true virtue and in the favour of God.

From long and general custom, it will, I conceive, be expected that I do not close this discourse without some of those addresses which have been usual on the present occasion.

At the first place, I beg leave, with great veneration to address myself to his Excellency our Governor and Commander in Chief.—

May it please your Excellency,

It is with great pleasure we behold you at the helm of government in this sovereign and independent State. While we sympathize with you under the burdens and difficulties of your very important station, we cannot but congratulate you on a variety of circumstances which are peculiarly satisfactory. Highly honourable, in many respects, is the office which your Excellency fills with so much honour. Much dignity is derived to it from its high importance and extensive utility. It has been rendered honourable by a long succession of worthy and eminent characters, who have filled it from one time to another, and particularly by that very illustrious and immortal character, your immediate predecessor in office. Great is the honour of having a place in such a succession as this, and much greater still the honour of appearing in it, as your Excellency does, with a venerable dignity. Connecticut can boast of a number of her sons in the vigour of life, who are equal to the first offices in government. Yet, by the suffrages of a free and discerning people, your Excellency, though far advanced in life, has been raised to the first chair of government. A greater mark of esteem could not have been given; an equal one, probably never was given by this state or by any other.

Very great is the public esteem for those abilities with which the Fountain of wisdom has endowed you, and for that large store of knowledge which you have acquired from a most extensive reading in the various branches both of civil and sacred science. And yet all good men rejoice that you are thus highly esteemed, not merely for your natural or acquired endowments, but more especially for the moral virtues and your sacred regard for the religion of Jesus. May your singular piety and wisdom, your extensive influence and most excellent example, contribute much to prevent those public evils by which we are endangered. This effect in some good measure they have already had, God grant they may have, in a still greater degree, the same happy effect for the future.

We cannot but view your Excellency as a Moses, a Joshua or a Samuel, giving the most important instructions at the close of a most useful life. With painful apprehension of our great loss, and yet with joy in the prospect of your far more exceeding gain, we view you as an Elijah ready to mount the fiery car and ascend to your native heaven, followed with the most eager exclamations of your country: “my father, my father, the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof.”14 Whenever that time shall come, mournful to us but joyful to you, may a double portion of your spirit descend and rest upon your successors in office and upon all our civil rulers. May your Excellency have, both while with us and when taken from us, all the peace and joy of that holy religion to which you have so devoutly adhered. May the God of all consolation be your support through life and your portion forever. Amen—

May it please your Honours and the Gentlemen of the other house of Assembly.

While prosperity is dangerous to a people in general, it is peculiarly so to those who are elevated above the common walks of life. Honour, power and wealth are attended with strong temptations, temptations which in most instances have proved too powerful for man. Indeed they have been and always will be too powerful for him, unless when he calls in foreign aid, even the aid of almighty grace. They who are possessed of those worldly goods, those envied distinctions, it is to be feared, often have their portion in this life only, and are therefore of all men the most miserable. Hence that ancient objection against the Saviour when here on earth, “Have any of the rulers, or of the Pharisees believed on him?” 15 Hence his own proverbial observation: “It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God.” 16 Hence his question to the Jews: “How can ye believe, which receive honour one of another, and seek not the honour that cometh from God only?” 17 Hence we read of those among the chief rulers who, in spite of conviction, refused to confess Christ, because “They loved the praise of men more than the praise of God.” 18 Hence the observation of St. Paul: “Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble are called.” 19 But although we thus speak in order to stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance, yet we hope better things of you, venerable Fathers, things which accompany salvation, and things which have a favourable aspect, both on our civil and on our religious concerns.

Singularly happy has Connecticut been, even from the beginning, in a Legislature friendly not only to civil liberty but also to true religion. And this most excellent character, we trust, may with propriety be applied to this present honourable Assembly. May all your public measures and your whole conduct, be a demonstrative proof that our hopes are well founded.

In a particular manner, may your vigourous exertions be directed against those evils by which we are threatened in our present prosperous situation. More especially, may such measures be adopted as shall be well calculated to restore public faith, and to free this State, so far as possible, from the crying guilt of public injustice, which will otherwise be our reproach and perhaps our ruin. In the name of all honest men, let me presume to entreat you, Honoured Fathers, that such measures be not neglected. The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.20 The measures necessary to the exercise of public justice will accord with the judgment of all wise politicians as well as with the judgment of God and of all good men. Such measures may possibly be burdensome, in some degree to the people. But weak or wicked we must have been if we ever hoped to gain the glorious prize of independence, without bearing burdens and particularly a very considerable burden of expense. The prize which we have gained, well improved, will infinitely more than counterbalance all the expenses we have borne or ever need to bear. Every honest man will gladly bear his proportion of such burdens, rather than to transgress the eternal law of righteousness and truth. Every man who has the smallest pretensions to honour or spirit, will willingly bear his proportion, rather than to be guilty of the meanness, the baseness of cruelly defrauding the most faithful servants of the Public, in order to save an inconsiderable expense to himself. Every man who is unwilling to forward those measures which are necessary in order to the exercise of public justice, ought to lie under the imputation of shameful ignorance or a more shameful dishonesty. After all, such measures may perhaps through the weakness of human nature, be unpopular with many and meet with opposition. But should they be opposed by multitudes numerous as the army of Xerxes or the more numerous future armies of Gog and Magog, still, while engaged in the cause of righteousness, we may say as the prophet did when he and his servant were surrounded by a mighty Syrian host: “Fear not; for they that be with us are more than they that be with them.” All the hosts of the Lord in heaven and on earth will support us, while the Lord of hosts himself will be on our side. “For the righteous Lord loveth righteousness, his countenance doth behold the upright.” He has given the strongest evidence in his word and in his works, particularly in the great work of Redemption, given the strongest evidence of his unalterable determination to support the cause of righteousness and truth. Righteousness will finally prevail over iniquity, and truth over falsehood.—Indeed were we designed only for the present world, even then the practice of justice and the other moral virtues, would undoubtedly be the safest and the happiest course not only for individuals but for States and Kingdoms.

In the executive department of Government, it is greatly to be wished not only that impartial justice may be administered, but that it be done with dispatch and with as little expense as may be consistent with the dignity of Government. Unhappy indeed is the case when a legal process is attended with such expense, delay and other embarrassments that one had better lose his just dues than to recover them by a course of law. Not a few instances of this kind have taken place. Can no measures be adopted which may serve to remedy so great an evil?

The University of this State, the education of youth and the advancement of literature, are kindred objects of such eminent importance, that it is presumed they will not pass unnoticed by this honourable Assembly. May you, Honoured Fathers, in your great wisdom and benevolence, adopt such measures with regard to each of them as shall be worthy of yourselves and most conducive to the true interest of the Public. And may all your measures be such as shall evince to the world that you are not only our worthy and faithful civil fathers, but also that you are, at the same time, acting in a far more amiable and honourable character, even that of Nursing fathers to the church of Christ.

I now beg the patience of this auditory, while, with the most affectionate esteem and reverence, I address myself to my fathers and brethren in the sacred character.

Reverend and worthy Sirs,

Although Christ’s kingdom is not of this world, yet is it perfectly friendly to civil government. It requires us to obey and honour civil rulers, and to conduct ourselves as peaceable and useful subjects of the State. By serving God and your generation in this way, much good may be done, and much has been done by the members of your venerable order. Great was your influence and great your merit in producing the late glorious revolution. And although by the temporary losses which most of you have sustained during the arduous conflict and even to the present day, you have doubtless borne more than your equal proportion of the expenses of the war, yet will this burden be considered as trifling when compared with the peace of a good conscience and the salvation of your country.

Your virtuous exertions are now again greatly needed in preventing those evils with which we are threatened in our present prosperous state. No order of men have equal advantages with you, to warn the people against the encroachments of power on the one hand, and the evils of anarchy on the other; and at the same time to instruct them in all those various duties which they owe to civil rulers and to their country.

Let us however, never forget that civil and secular affairs ought to be viewed by us as matters of no more than a secondary consideration. The weightier matters of the law and the gospel ought always to engage our chief attention, our highest concern.

We are Ambassadors for God to a revolted world. In the guilt and wretchedness of this revolt, we ourselves are personally involved. Jesus in extremest agonies both of body and soul, has died for our salvation. He has gone into heaven to prepare mansions of glory for his faithful followers. Hell from beneath is moving to receive the despisers of his grace. Satan and the powers of darkness, in conjunction with the world and the flesh, are plotting the destruction of men. The people of our charge are daily passing the vale of death and receiving the retributions of eternity. The eye of omniscience is continually upon us. He who walketh in the midst of the golden candlesticks and holdeth the stars in his right hand, hath said, “All the churches shall know that I am he which searcheheth the reins and hearts: and I will give unto every one of you according to your works.” We watch for souls as those who must gie an account: If unfaithful, an aggravated doom will be our portion: if faithful, we are unto God a sweet savour of Christ in them that are saved and in them that perish. And who is sufficient for these things? What manner of persons then, ought we to be in all holy conversation and godliness? With what fervor and fidelity ought we to preach the pure doctrines of the gospel and the unsearchable riches of Christ?—Death will soon put an end to our labours. Let us be animated by the promised presence of our great Lord and Master and by his voice which now speaks to each one of us in particular, saying “Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life.” Amen.

Let me now conclude with one word to this whole numerous and respectable Auditory.

Fellow Citizens and fellow Christians,

Great are the benefits of good government. But let us not imagine that these benefits are to be expected by us, unless, as a people and as individuals, we are willing to perform those duties which we owe to our civil rulers and to the Public in general. Unspeakably great are the blessings of the gospel. But let us not imagine that ministers or churches or any power whatever can force these blessings upon us without our consent. They are not, they cannot be ours unless we live as the gospel directs.

We are happy in being now met together in this large Assembly and on this great occasion. But before the next return of this Anniversary, how many, who are now here, will belong to the great congregation of the dead, and be fixed unalterably in their eternal state! Who, where, now in this assembly are the persons thus destined so soon to another world? Perhaps none more likely than the person speaking, were we to form our judgment from apparent symptoms. But if this be the case with him, he is not alone. Others will also travel with him the same dark road of death. And what one individual here present can say that he is not one of this number? Are we all prepared for our eternal state? In that state we shall all soon be found, while other busy mortals, like ourselves, will take our places on this stage of life. And never, never shall we all meet together again, till we meet with the assembled Universe before the tribunal of our final Judge.

The God of all grace enable us so to live that we may at that solemn period, be found on the right hand of our Judge, and, by the sentence of his mouth, have our portion assigned us with a far greater and more glorious assembly than the present; even with the general assembly and church of the first born which are written in heaven; with the spirits of just men made perfect, with an innumerable company of angels, with Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant and with God the Judge of all.—Blessing and honour and glory and power be unto him that sitteth on the throne and unto the Lamb, forever and ever.—Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. 2 Chron. xxxii. 25.

2. Deut. xxxii. 5, 6, 13, 16.

3. Ezek. xvi. 49.

4. Isaiah xlvii. 8.

5. Psalm 34—37.

6. Since the above was written, the author is happy to find that provision has been lately made for the payment of some part of the interest of our national debt, to which debt he here referred.

7. The national debt of Britain is 280 millions sterling, carrying an interest of L9500000. The national debt of the United States is not far from 9 millions in the same money.

8. I Cor. 12. 21, and 25.

9. Rom. 13. 1.

10. 2 Thes. 2. 11, 12.

11. Prov.

12. Tit. ii. 14.

13. Psalm cvi. 15.

14. 2 Kings ii. 12.

15. John vii. 48.

16. Matt. xix. 24.

17. John v. 44.

18. John xii. 43.

19. I Cor. i. 26.

20. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3.

Sermon – Election – 1784, Massachusetts


Moses Hemmenway (1735-1811) graduated from Harvard in 1755, a classmate of John Adams. He preached at Lancaster, Boston, Townsend, Wrentham, and New Ipswich after graduating college; then settled as pastor of Wells (1759-1810). This sermon was preached by Hemmenway on May 26, 1784 in Massachusetts.


sermon-election-1784-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN HANCOCK, Esq.

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR

THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

MAY 26, 1784.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By MOSES HEMMENWAY, A.M.

 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the House of Representatives,
May 26, 1784.

ORDERED,

THAT Mr. Smith, Mr. Bragdon, and Mr. Hill, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Mr. Moses Hemmenway, and thank him, in Behalf of this House, for the Sermon delivered by him, this Day, before His Excellency, the Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and to request a Copy of the same for the Press.
SAMUEL A. OTIS, Speaker.

 

AN
ELECTION SERMON.

Vth Chap. to the GALATIONS, 13 Ver.

“For brethren ye have been called unto liberty; only use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.”

When Moses, being called by God from an obscure state of life, to stand before a court, and deliver the message of Heaven to them, would have excused himself, alleging that “He was not eloquent,” his false modesty was frowned upon; his pleas were all over-ruled; and he was animated to his great work, with a promise of special assistance from God: “I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt say.”

This instance may, I think, encourage us to hope for divine assistance, whenever we are by the providence of God called to undertake services for which we may seem too unequal. It is this hope emboldens me now to appear in this place: and it is also hoped that the present attempt, undertaken in obedience to authority, may be favorably accepted, or at least excused.

On this occasion, it will not, I presume, be expected, or desired, that I should attempt to go beyond my own line, or affect to discourse as a connoisseur in politics; but that I assist as a Christian Minister at the solemn acts of religious worship which are this day publicly offered by a Christian State to the supreme King of nations, whose ordinance civil government is; from whom all the authority of rulers and all the rights of subjects are originally derived; to whom the mutual duties of all orders of men are to be ultimately referred; and by whose blessing alone, communities, as well as individuals, can be happy.

The knowledge of ourselves is confessedly a capital and fundamental point of true wisdom. “The proper knowledge of mankind is man.” And of this there is no branch which more deserves the attention of everyone, than to understand our duty on the one hand, and our rights and privileges on the other. For want of clear and just apprehensions of these things, some have been ready to imagine that there is a kind of opposition between duty and right; or in other words, that the bonds of duty are a restraint and abridgment of liberty; and that liberty is a license to do whatever we please.—Hence different men have inclined to different extremes. Some by urging the obligations of duty in such a manner as tends to beget and cherish a spirit of bondage, and by lying heavy burdens on the consciences of men in things where God has left them free, have entrenched on the rights and liberties of mankind. Others, in their unguarded zeal for liberty, have relaxed the bonds of duty, and have given and taken too much encouragement to licentiousness, “using liberty for an occasion to the flesh.”

But our duties, and our rights or privileges, if rightly stated, are so far from interfering, or being inconsistent, that they mutually infer, establish, and support each other.

The apostle, in the words now read, appears to have had both the mentioned extremes distinctly in his view. As there were some who, by endeavouring to impose the observance of the abrogated ordinances of the Jewish law, encroached on the rights and liberty of Christians, St. Paul asserts these their rights, reminds his Christian brethren that Christ had made them free, and exhorts them to stand fast in their liberty to which they were called, and not be entangled with a yoke of bondage. At the same time he cautions them against the opposite extreme of abusing liberty for an occasion to the flesh; or of indulging themselves in a carnal licentious life; and then directs them “by love to serve one another,” and not think such mutual subjection to be any way unsuitable the honor they were called to, of being the Lord’s free men.

But whatever may be the special occasion of the words, and however we may expound them in reference to that occasion, we may, I think, be allowed to consider them as applicable to all those liberties which belong to us either as men, or as citizens, or as Christians. GOD has called us to liberty in all these different respects; and the gospel furnishes us with a good warrant to assert and claim these our rights. And though the main design of the sacred writers be to instruct us in the great concernments of our eternal salvation; yet they have also given us to understand, that liberty, in a more general sense, is our indefensible right. Christianity is indeed alike favorable to the liberty of subjects, and the rightful authority of rulers; and is the best security and support of both in their proper consistency with each other. And we are more beholden to the oracles of GOD than to the schools of philosophy, for just and generous notions of the rights of mankind.—A Christian, besides his peculiar spiritual privileges, holds his natural and civil liberty by a stronger handle than any other, and can maintain it to better advantage. He has by the gospel, a new covenant right to the common privileges of humanity, as well as to those special ones he is entitled to as a child and heir of GOD. That state of liberty to which he is called, and which he is authorized to claim and maintain, comprehends those natural and civil rights which belong to him as a man, or as a member of the commonwealth, as well as those special privileges which appertain to him as a subject of the kingdom of heaven. If I should therefore take occasion to offer some considerations on LIBERTY in this general view, the argument would, I conceive, be not foreign to my text, nor unsuitable to the present solemnity, nor unworthy of the attention of this grave and respectable audience.

Here are three points which require to be distinctly considered, as the time will allow: and I shall take them in the same order in which they lie before us in our text.

First. That GOD has called us to liberty?

Secondly. Liberty ought not to be used for an occasion to the flesh, or a pretence for carnal and licentious indulgencies.

Thirdly. It is our duty, and no infringement of our rights and privileges, to serve one another in love.

First. GOD hath called us to liberty.—

It is his declared will, that mankind should be free. The cause of liberty is the cause of GOD, which he approves, favors, and befriends. The law and light of nature make it evident that liberty is the right of all mankind. But the scriptures make it yet more evident that the people of GOD, the subjects of his heavenly kingdom, are entitled to, and invested with, this invaluable privilege, of which they have in the gospel an authentic charter, ratified, sealed, and sworn by GOD himself.

But it seems necessary that we here examine what we are to understand by that liberty which we claim as our right, by virtue of a Divine grant. For thou we are generally forward to profess ourselves to be its friends and advocates, and the love of it is said to be natural to us; yet there are many who do not well understand what they say, or whereof they affirm, in their flourishes on this subject. Indeed, if the matter be duly considered, we shall have reason to think that none but persons of real virtue are heartily friendly to true liberty, or desire the enjoyment of it either for themselves or others, whatever flattering encomiums they may bestow upon it.

When we speak of liberty as our right or privilege, we must be supposed to mean something valuable, dignifying, and desirable; something which our nature and state are capable of; something which is consistent with our moral agency, and our being under the obligations of law, and duty to our maker and our fellow-creatures.

Hence it follows clearly, that human liberty cannot consist in lawless licentiousness, or in being independent, and not subject to any authority; or in being allowed to invade the rights of others; to act unreasonably, and make ourselves and our fellow-creatures miserable. Far be it from any of us to imagine that the state of liberty, to which God has called us, dissolves the bonds of our duty, or confounds the essential differences of right and wrong: or to conceive that an exemption from the obligations of morality, and from subjection to rightful authority, would be any desirable privilege.—A lawless person is the basest, most odious and contemptible creature in the world.

Every man is necessarily subject to the authority of God. This is indeed an argument of our imperfection and dependent state. But we are so far from having any reason to be uneasy at it, that it is matter of joy and glorying to us that the Lord is our king. And his authority over us is so far from depriving us of any desirable liberty, that it is indeed the basis, guard and security of it. We therefore claim it as our right to be free from every yoke of bondage which can justly be accounted any grievance, because we are the servants of God, who allows none to tyrannize or usurp authority over any, and forbids our submitting to such unauthorized claims. And though we are required to be subject to our lawful superiors in families, in church and state, yet God requires us to yield this obedience not with a slavish, but a free and liberal spirit—we are to be subject to the higher powers in the Lord, and for the Lord’s sake, whose ordinance they are. And while we obey their lawful commands, it is our right and duty to disown them for our absolute masters. For we are not the servants of men, but of God alone.

If I should attempt a definition or description of liberty in general, considered as a right or privilege claimable by mankind, I would say that it consists in a person’s being allowed to hold, use and enjoy all his faculties, advantages, and rights, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with the rights of others, and the duty we owe to our maker and our fellow creatures. Liberty must never be used but within the bounds of right and duty. God allows us not to hold, use, or enjoy anything to the injury of anyone. A licence to do wrong and encroach on the rights of others, is no part of that liberty which God has granted us; nor is it any restraint of our true freedom for us to be restrained by laws from wicked, unreasonable and injurious actions.

But that we may understand more distinctly the nature and extent of our liberty under the government of God, we may consider ourselves in three different states—1st. As individual persons in what is called the state of nature, that is previous to such confederation as forms a civil community.—2dly. As united and incorporated into a political society.—3dly. As members of the church of God.—Answerably to these several states or capacities, we may consider that liberty which we claim as our right as coming under a threefold distinction and denomination: supposing anyone to be in a state of nature, he has then a right to NATURAL LIBERTY: if we consider him as a member of a civil body, he has a right to CIVIL LIBERTY; and if a member of the Christian church, he is entitled to CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.

NATURAL LIBERTY does not consist in an exemption from the obligations of morality, and the duties of truth, righteousness and kindness to our fellow men; nor does it give anyone a right to seize by force or fraud whatever he may have a mind for, how much soever it may be to the damage of others; as some have most absurdly taught. The obligation of the law of God, which we are all under, and which requires us to love our neighbour, and do as we would be done unto, does not take its force from human compacts. Our natural rights are bounded and determined by the law of nature, which binds us to be subject to the will and authority of God, to love and worship him; to be just and benevolent to our fellow creatures, doing them all the good in our power, and offering no injury or abuse to anyone. It is therefore no violation of our natural liberty and rights for us not to be allowed to do wrong, and to be restrained by force and punishments, from invading the right and property of others.

But in a state of natural liberty, everyone has a right to be exempt from subjection to the authority of any man. There is also a right to think, speak, and act freely, without compulsion or restraint; and to use our faculties and property as we please, provided that none are thereby injured, nor the obligations of morality infringed. Liberty of conscience is also the natural and unalienable right of everyone: a right of which no man can be justly deprived; which can never be forfeited, never given up to anyone upon earth. Our Supreme Lord allows us not to subject our consciences to the authority of any but himself alone. If therefore anyone should consent to give up this previous branch of liberty, and acknowledge any man as the Lord of his conscience, such an unwarrantable act would be null and void.—In a state of natural liberty, men have also a right to form such associations with others, and enter into such confederations, and submit to such laws and constitutions, as shall be for the general good. In other words, they have a right to form into a civil society, and authorize fit persons to exercise the powers of government necessary to effectuate the good ends for which the social union is formed.

But it is to be carefully remembered, that no man has ever any rightful liberty to consent to any constitution or compact inconsistent with his own safety and welfare, and that of his fellow men: for instance, to authorize any to govern unrighteously and oppressively.—The establishing a pernicious tyranny is a great injury to mankind, and so is beyond the limits of our natural rights. No human laws or covenants can give any authority or validity to an act which God disallows: and if any people have been so imprudent and blameable as to consent to, and put themselves under a tyrannical government, they are so far from being bound in honor or conscience to support it, that it is their duty to overthrow and abolish it as soon as they can—As individual persons in a state of natural liberty have no right or leave from God to make themselves miserable, or to injure and oppress others; so they have no right or leave to join and concur with others in any measures inconsistent with the interest of mankind.—And as no society has a right to oppress any of its members, it cannot convey to anyone a rightful authority to oppress. All tyrannical government is therefore an unauthorized invasion of the rights of mankind, and no obedience is due to it.

A just apprehension of our natural rights is very useful and necessary in order to our conceiving aright the nature and extent of CIVIL LIBERTY, which is next to come under our consideration. And we are now to view mankind as united together in political societies or states, that so the united wisdom and strength of a community may be employed to advantage for the good of the whole, and of the several individual members, in a consistency with the public interest.

That the human species were formed and designed for civil union, appears from the rational faculties, and social affections which God has given them. It appears also from their moral character, and state, and the need they stand in of mutual assistance, in order that their rights and properties may be better secured, and enjoyed to greater advantage. The state of nature, tho’ attended with some peculiar privileges, is yet very unsafe, and subject to great and manifold difficulties and disadvantages. Civil polity is evidently for the interest of mankind: and in a well constituted and regulated state, subjection to civil government is no way prejudicial to true liberty. For though some of our natural rights and property are, as it were, put into a common stock, under the management of the community; yet this is supposed to be done by our own free consent, and in the prudent exercise of our natural liberty. And as each one continually receives his share of the vast profits thence accruing to the community, and has his most important rights so secured and improved as to be much more valuable; he is, upon the whole, a great gainer by all the expense he is at for the public service, and enjoys more liberty for the restraints he submits to.

Nay, further: since civil polity is evidently for the good of mankind, and since no individual ought to hold his natural right of independence, if it stands in opposition to the general interest—it would seem that men’s entering into civil society was a matter of duty as well as right; and that they may be justly compelled to it, when the general interest so requires.—

Now, in every civil body there must be a governing authority and power, to be exercised on the behalf of the community, over the several members—ordering matters of common concernment for the good of the whole: and the rightful authority of those who are entrusted with the powers of government, is the ordinance of God. They are not only the trustees of the state, but the ministers of GOD, who ratifies their commission, requiring every soul to be subject to them, and not resist them on their peril, in the due exercise of their authority.

From the brief account here given of a state of civil polity, it is plain that civil liberty divides into two branches, which will require some distinct notice. It includes the freedom of the state considered as a system or collective body. It includes also the freedom of the several parts or members of which the community is composed.

The FORMER BRANCH of civil liberty is possessed by a people, when they hold and are allowed freely to exercise the rights, powers, and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES. These are much the same with those of an individual in the state of natural liberty and independence; of which we have given some account: and are alike limited by the law of nature and of GOD, who is the sovereign of nations as well as of particular persons. But it is to be observed, that free states have also right to rule their own members: whereas individuals have no natural right which properly answers to this.

Notwithstanding what has been so boldly pretended by some, of the transcendent authority, and omnipotency of the supreme civil power, and of those who are entrusted with the administration of government, it is plain that the whole authority of a state over its members is limited. The liberty and authority of a free commonwealth to enact and execute laws and ordinances for the public good, must be always understood with this limitation, viz.—that the sacred rules of righteousness are not to be violated at any rate. The liberty and sovereignty of a state implies no right or authority to serve its own interest by unjust or immoral measures; even though such measures should be thought for the public advantage. It has no rightful liberty, under any such pretence, to violate the laws of GOD, or the rights of any of its members, to oppress or injure any of its neighbours, or falsify the public faith. That common maxim, “that the safety and welfare of the people is the supreme law,” how much soever it has been applauded, is, therefore, unfound morality, unless it be understood and applied in an invariable agreement with that divine rule, “that evil is not to be done that good may come.” Every man has his private, unalienable rights, particularly the right of conscience, which he ought to hold and use without restraint or disturbance from any human authority. There can scarce be a worse mistake than to think that the laws of morality must give way to serve any interest, whether public or private; or that all personal rights in the subjects are absolutely at the disposal of the supreme civil power.

The liberty of a state may be violated and abridged several ways. It is so when a foreign authority, to whom the state owes not subjection, claims and exercises a governing and controuling power over it. This is also the case when a part of the state, without right, seizes on the powers of government, or hinders the free exercise of them: or, when those who are entrusted with authority, stretch their prerogatives beyond due bounds, to the enslaving of the people. If the whole authority of a state over its members be limited, as has been shewn, much more is the authority of rulers so, who have not the whole authority of the state put into their hands to be used by them as they please, but only so much of it as is judged to be needful to fit them to answer the end of their appointment. The supreme civil authority remains always in the community at large, whose will and order is the supreme law of the state. And they have always a right, when their rulers are evidently unfaithful and unworthy of their trust, to restrain them and revoke their powers.—They have a right to alter and reform their laws when they are found to be pernicious; any law or compact to the contrary notwithstanding. Civil rulers are indeed to be considered as the ordinary representatives of the state, and the laws enacted by them as the will and law of the state, when the contrary does not appear: but surely such laws ought not to stand in force against the manifest will and interest of the community.—For a people to be so enslaved, either to their rulers, or even their own laws, as not to be able to exercise their essential right of sovereignty for their own safety and welfare, is as inconsistent with civil liberty, as if they were enslaved to an army, or to any foreign power. Whatever form of government a people may choose to be under, the supreme civil authority remains always attached to, and diffused through the whole body: nor can they give it up without injuring and enslaving themselves, their fellow-citizens and their posterity, which they have no natural right to do.

It is therefore a wise provision in our frame of government, that an orderly way is left open, and pointed out, for the state to revise its civil constitution, and make such amendments as may be found necessary. Alterations of this nature, are not, indeed, to be attempted for light reasons, since they are always attended with inconvenience and danger. But when the safety and interest of a people requires that such alterations be made, they have an indefeasible right to make them.

Having thus far considered the first great branch of civil liberty, and then touched a little on the rights of a free state, I will now attend to the other branch, which includes the rights and privileges of the several members of a political body IN THEIR INDIVIDUAL AND PERSONAL CAPACITY.—Liberty is the right of every member, as well as of the whole body, or system. And a person may justly be accounted a free citizen, when he is allowed to hold and use his natural rights and faculties, together with the civil privileges proper to his rank in the commonwealth, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with his obligations to the community, and his fellow citizens, and with the just and reasonable laws of the state.

The order and interest of a civil society require that there should be different ranks of men, with different civil rights and privileges annexed to them; and subject to different restrictions. Nor is the true liberty of any rank infringed by this subordination, but rather secured, improved and enjoyed by all to better advantage. But through the several ranks in a political system may rise one above another in a long scale of subordination, yet we may conveniently distribute them all into two general classes, viz. Rulers and Subjects. Indeed in a free state the right of authority and the duty of subjection are interwoven, and, as it were, incorporated together through the whole system, so that they are mutually tempered by each other. They who are vested with most authority are yet fellow-subjects with their inferiors, who are governed by them. They are not only alike subject to the law of GOD, but also to the law and authority of the state, whose ministers they are. And the lowest orders of men have a rightful share in that sovereignty or supreme civil power which is lodged in and diffused through the whole community.

As the bounds of civil liberty are determined by just and reasonable civil laws, it is plain that when RULERS are allowed freely to use the powers committed to them for the public good, and enjoy the privileges annexed to their rank, they then enjoy that civil liberty which is their right. But when they are overawed and controlled in the exercise of their rightful authority, or are not allowed the privileges they have a right to, their civil liberty is then infringed. But as rulers have no rightful liberty to claim and exercise powers to which they are not entitled by law, or to violate the rules of righteousness, or to oppress the community, or any of its members, by hindering them from holding and using their just rights, their liberty is not infringed in the least, if the state interposes its sovereign authority, when it is necessary to restrain them from effecting unrighteous and pernicious designs; which, whenever they attempt, they act without authority. GOD never gave them authority for any such purpose: the people never meant to do it: they could not do it if they would: they had no such authority to give.

And though subjects, as such, have no rightful claim to the peculiar civil privileges of rulers, they have yet a right to civil liberty, and to all the privileges of citizens of their rank, unless they have forfeited them by some high misdemeanor. And they may justly be said to enjoy this their right, when they are allowed the free use of their natural unalienable rights, the most important of which are, the rights of conscience; and also to speak and act, to use and dispose of their property, to hold and enjoy every rightful privilege, without disturbance or control, in such ways as are not injurious to any, or contrary to the reasonable laws of that civil body of which they are members. And though such laws as lay the subject under needless and burdensome restraints may justly be accounted an abridgment of liberty, yet no one has any reason to complain that he is denied the liberty of a free citizen, when he is restrained by human laws and penalties, from vice and immorality, and obliged to yield due obedience to civil authority, and observe such ordinances, and pay such taxes, as are necessary for the support of government, and to maintain the order, peace and welfare of the commonwealth.

Natural and civil liberty is the right of every man and member of a civil community. But there is yet another branch which belongs peculiarly to Christians, and which we may therefore fitly term, CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.

The gospel does not curtail any of our natural rights, or civil privileges, but allows and acknowledges them, and ratifies the right which Christians in common with other s have to the enjoyment of them. But the new covenant contains a grant of special privileges, and those of the highest importance. It calls us to, and invests us with the “glorious liberty of the children of God.” The apostle seems to have had the peculiar privileges of Christians most directly in his view, when he said in our text, “Brethren ye have been called to liberty.” It seems therefore but fit that some distinct notice should be taken of these, though the time and present occasion will not allow of enlargement.

The liberty we are called to as Christians, does not in any measure relax the obligation we are under to be subject to the authority and laws of GOD, and also to submit ourselves to those who, under him, have rightful authority, whether economical, political, or ecclesiastical. But the gospel calls us to liberty from the bonds of guilt, the condemning power and curse of the divine law, and from the obligations to punishment which sin had laid us under, which is a most miserable bondage. We are also called to liberty from a slavish subjection to the power of sin, and of Satan the God of this world, who rules in the children of disobedience, and leads them captive at his will; than which what slavery can be more wretched, abject and ignominious? We are called also to liberty from a slavish spirit in the service of GOD, and of one another; so that a Christian is not driven on in the way of his duty against his inclination, but acts with a cheerful, free, and ingenuous spirit. “Where the spirit of the Lord is there is liberty.” We are also discharged from subjection to any master or dictator on earth, in matters of faith and worship; and are to acknowledge no lawgiver to the church but Christ alone. We have liberty to use the ordinances instituted by Christ for the edification of his church, and to have communion with him, and his saints in them, and that without any human inventions, or unscriptural terms of communion imposed on us. Finally, we may think, and speak, and act, and use our spiritual privileges with all freedom, according to the measures of wisdom and grace given to us; nor may any human authority forbid or restrain us from it.

I have taken the freedom to enlarge a little in opening the nature and stating the extent and proper bounds of NATURAL, CIVIL and CHRISTIAN LIBERTY; because the right understanding hereof might, I conceive, be of great use to us: and at this day in particular, it may seem to be a matter which needs to be considered with some special attention. In the next place, I am to shew “that we have been called to liberty.” It belongs to us by virtue of a divine grant—we claim it as our RIGHT; and blessed be GOD, we hold and enjoy it as our INHERITANCE. The expression “ye have been called to liberty,” may be taken both ways, and may signify either that GOD has given us a right to liberty, or that he has given the possession and use of this right. In the former sense, he calls us to liberty, by declaring to us that it is his will that we be free, and requiring us to assert and maintain our right. In the latter sense, he calls us to liberty, when he gives us the possession of it, and breaks those yokes of bondage which had been imposed upon us.

That God has called to the RIGHT of liberty; that he allows us to claim and maintain it, against all who would bring us into bondage; that he favors the glorious cause, and would have us stand up for it, is evident from the light of nature, and from the oracles of divine revelation.

The light of our own REASON and CONSCIENCE, that “candle of the Lord” which he hath put within us, makes it plain that we have a right to be free. There is no need of long and subtle trains of reasoning in the case. We appeal to the moral sense, the inward feelings and resentments of every honest heart. Can it be right that men, made in the image of God should be slaves? That fellow servants of the same Lord should usurp and tyrannize over one another? Are not the pretences urged to justify such usurpation so weak, so pitiful, so unfair, that it is a painful exercise of patience to a man of reason and virtue, and generous feelings, to have his understanding and heart affronted, and harrowed with them? It is true, the interests of society require subordination: but this deprives none of liberty, but helps all to enjoy it better. In short, if equity, requires us to do to others as we would that they should do to us; if the plainest and surest dictates of our reason are to be believed; if the law of nature be of force, then liberty is our right; and consequently it is the will of God that we be free. Nor is it easy to determine, whether the injustice of those who would put a yoke of bondage on their brethren, or the meanness of those who would tamely stoop to take it on, be the greater reproach to human nature.

If we now turn our eye to the oracles of DIVINE REVELATION, we shall find clear and manifold evidence that God approves and favors the cause of liberty, and that tyranny is most offensive to him—This appears in his delivering the Israelites from a state of miserable bondage, and punishing their oppressors with a mighty hand, and stretched-out arm. It appears in the laws and form of government he gave them; whereby liberty and property were secured to everyone. It appears in the awful threatnings denounced by the prophets against the enslavers and oppressors of mankind; and which have been terribly executed. It appears in the whole strain, spirit, and tendency of the doctrine and religion taught and inculcated throughout the scriptures; which is to promote the practice of goodness, righteousness and truth, with all other divine and social virtues; and to dissuade men from all acts of injustice or unkindness, whereby the rights or liberties of any might be violated. It appears further, from express directions and exhortations to Christians, that they stand fast in their liberty, and be not entangled with a yoke of bondage; nor be the servants of men; nor call any man master upon earth; nor exercise lordly dominion over one another. Finally, it appears from the example of Christ, and the apostles, prophets, and holy men, whose characters and conduct are recorded for our imitation; who spoke and acted with the most ingenuous freedom, and most reverse to a base servile spirit. These hints might be copiously illustrated from the scriptures, 1 which might be both instructive and entertaining. But I must wave it.—

But this call to liberty, which we are now considering, may be understood to import God’s giving us the ACTUAL POSSESSION of, as well as a right to this invaluable privilege. And here this divine goodness deserves our grateful notice, that, through the kind and wonderful disposals of providence, mankind enjoy so much liberty. For though it is a melancholy truth that there is much tyranny and oppression in the world, and all are more or less entangled with yokes of bondage in some kind, and are not so free as they ought to be; yet it must also be acknowledged, that as every degree of liberty which men enjoy, is the gift of God, so there are none but have a share of this sweet blessing: and indeed the greater part enjoy considerable degrees of it.—Notwithstanding the despotic claims of tyrants, we see that their pernicious and oppressive power is restrained by God in ways innumerable. These fierce beasts are chained, their horns are shortened, their mouths muzzled, and they are diverted from their purposes. By this means men often enjoy no small share of liberty, even under those forms of government which are most unfriendly to it.

It is, however, to be observed, that as God has a sovereign right to deal out his own gifts in what measure and proportion he pleases, so he calls different men to different kinds and degrees of liberty. Though the natural rights of men may, in general, seem much alike, they being, in this respect, “all FREE and EQUAL;” yet it is in different degrees that they are permitted to use them. According to the different civil constitutions which men are under, their civil liberty is larger, or more restricted.—And, indeed, under every form of government it is necessary that some ranks and denominations of men should be allowed more ample civil privileges than others. And as to Christian liberty, this is the peculiar right and privilege of the disciples of Christ: no others have any lot or portion in this matter. And though all Christians are free indeed, and are by the special grace of GOD, entitled and admitted to the liberties and privileges of his heavenly kingdom; yet all do not enjoy them in like measure: nor is the liberty of any perfect in this world; but is more or less entangled and restrained by the power of sin and Satan, and the men and things of the world. It will, however, gradually work itself clear of all these clogs; and our call to the glorious liberty of the children of GOD, will, in the heavenly state, have its full effect.

As it is a great happiness to a people when their civil constitution and laws are favorable to civil and religious liberty; so there is perhaps no part of the world more happy, in this respect, than these United State, or that have been called by Divine Providence to the possession and enjoyment of such a degree of liberty as we have been.

If what has been offered under this first head should seem too long, abstruse, and speculative, I will endeavour to make some atonement by being shorter, plainer, and more practical in what remains.

OUR SECOND GENERAL POINT is, “That they who are called to liberty should be careful not to abuse it for an occasion to the flesh.” They should not run wild because they are free; or take encouragement to indulge themselves in a lawless and licentious temper and practice.

It is a great evidence of the weakness and folly of men that they, in general, can no better bear that state of freedom to which they are called; and when they have such a price in their hands, they so seldom use it wisely and soberly, and to advantage. Their lusts and passions are ready to break out into wild excesses when they find themselves free from outward restraints. The apostle, well aware of this danger, has left this caution in the text, “use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh.” And St. Peter also speaks to the same effect; “As free, but not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness.” We are pleased with the thought of being free; but how often do we shew that we have not a heart rightly to improve our privileges? When we get the helm into our own hands, what wild courses do we often steer! When we find ourselves at liberty to direct our steps, how prone are we to turn aside into crooked paths!

We cannot therefore be too much on our guard against these licentious abuses: for, besides our liableness thereto, it should be considered that they are highly criminal. When we make an ill use of liberty, we shew ourselves most unworthy to have it, and deserve to have our talent taken from us. It is ungrateful to GOD, and injurious and uncharitable to men. It turns our glory into shame, and exposes to reproach that perfect law of liberty by which we profess to be governed.

The public abuse of liberty draws after it also a train of the worst consequences. It is, we may say, “the root of all evil.” It makes our privileges become our grievances, and turns our blessings into curses: yea, it destroys liberty itself, and is an inlet to tyranny and slavery. True liberty is a tender thing: it languishes and dies under licentious abuses. Rulers, by abusing their liberty, betray their trust; and their authority degenerates into tyranny. And when subjects abuse their privileges, and become disorderly, ungovernable, undutiful, factious, and irreligious, their social union is greatly weakened, and they suffer the worst effects of slavery, while they have only an empty shadow of freedom. It is true virtue, and religion, and subjection to the laws and ordinances of GOD, that can only preserve the liberty of any people. Without this, declarations of rights and forms of government are vain: And I know not whether it be not better for a licentious people to be under a despotic government than any other. Such a people may well expect to come under such a government, as the natural and penal effect of their vices—Thus it befell the Israelites as they had been forewarned: “That if they would not serve the Lord they should serve their enemies, who would put a yoke of iron on their necks.”

No less prejudicial is the abuse of religious liberty to the spiritual interests of the Christian church. From this source an inundation of infidelity, and manifold corruption in doctrine, discipline, worship, and practice, with most uncharitable contentions, and schisms, have issued, which have made terrible havoc in God’s heritage. Hence—But I must leave it to my hearers to pursue these reflections. The evils flowing from this source are so many, that it is impossible to give a detail of them.

For the like reason I can only suggest a few short and general hints, respecting the several ways in which we might be in danger of abusing our liberty; a point highly worthy of special attention, and which I had thought to have considered more particularly: But on such a subject one would hardly know where to stop. I shall therefore only say, we should take heed that Liberty of thinking for ourselves, or the right of private judgment become not an occasion of infidelity, or skepticism, or of our being carried away with unsound doctrines, and our minds corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ. Liberty of speaking our thoughts must not be abused to the dishonor of God, and religion and virtue; to the encouragement of vice, or hurtful errors; to the detriment of the commonwealth; or to the injury, grievance, or scandal of anyone. Liberty of conscience must not be abused into a pretence for neglecting religious worship, prophaning God’s Sabbaths and ordinances, or refusing to do our part for the support of government and the means of religious instruction. In a word,–as we would avoid the abuse of liberty, let us all take heed that we use it not irreligiously, by transgressing God’s commands, or by neglecting or prophaning his worship and ordinances: nor undutifully, by refusing due honor and subjection to rightful authority, in families, churches or commonwealth: nor injuriously, unkindly, and uncharitably, to the wrong, the damage, the grief and offence of our brethren: nor inordinately, exceeding the bounds of moderation, sobriety and expediency, even in things that are in themselves lawful.

As a preservative from these, and all other abuses, let it be our care thoroughly to imbibe the spirit of the gospel, “that perfect law of liberty,” and have our sentiments, our temper, and manners, formed by its divine doctrines and rules. Let us cherish in our hearts the fear and love of God, with that benevolence and charity which is the fulfilling of the law, and which only can effectually correct the inordinacy of those selfish affections which are the malignant root of these abuses. And, to add no more, let it be our care to understand, distinctly, the nature and extent of our liberty, and of our duty, in their connection and consistency with each other; and that our freedom can no otherwise be maintained and exercised, so as to be any real privilege, than by our being the servants of God, and “by love serving one another.”

This was the THIRD POINT contained in our text, viz.—That it is our duty, and no infringement of our liberty, to serve one another in love. Though God has made us free, yet it is no disparagement to be, in a liberal sense, servants to each other: nay, it is our honor to be so-this gives true dignity to men of the highest rank. It is a very honorable character given to David, a great and excellent King, that he SERVED his generation by the will of GOD—And a far greater King, even David’s Lord, and the heir of all things, when he assumed our flesh, and dwelt among us, “came to minister,” and “was with us as one that serveth.” We ought, as the apostle directs to “be all of us subject one to another.” Rulers, as has been observed, are all of them FELLOW SUBJECTS with other members of the civil body, and hold their authority under the state. They who exercise the highest ordinary powers of government do it as the trustees and servants of the people; and it is their duty to serve the Commonwealth faithfully, and not tyrannize over any. And it is no less the duty of everyone, whatever his rank may be, to perform the services properly incumbent on him, with like fidelity. But as the duty of mutual subjection was considered at large upon the last anniversary of this kind, I shall insist no further upon it.

There is one thing, however, our text suggests, relative to the mutual service required of us, which should not be passed over unnoticed: and that is the principle by which we are therein to be moved and actuated. “By love serve one another.” Love must be the vital spring to put every member of the body in motion, and set the whole system at work in a circulation of services, and then they will be all free. We act most freely when we are prompted by love. If we have a sincere and warm affection one to another, our services will not be performed with slavish reluctance, but in the full enjoyment of liberty. A ruler, or a subject, who is of a truly public spirit, who tenders the interest of his fellow-citizens, and sympathizes with them in their joys and sorrows, will rejoice in an opportunity of serving them; nor will he grudge the pains it costs him. Love makes his services easy, pleasant and free: and he never enjoys his liberty more to his own satisfaction, than when he is most engaged in the service of his generation.

The REFLECTIONS with which it is time to close this discourse must be confined to the present occasion.

We in this land have great reason to bow our knee before God in humble thankfulness that he has called us to liberty. He has not only given us a right to natural and civil liberty in common with others of our fellow men, but has also given us the possession of this invaluable blessing, and that in such a degree as few in the world are favored with.—It is an happiness almost peculiar to these United States, for an enlightened people to have the opportunity of deliberately forming and freely choosing the plan of government under which they are to live. And though we do not presume to say that there is nothing amiss or defective in our civil constitution; (it is the prerogative of God alone to have his work all perfect) yet the form of our government, and spirit of our laws are, to speak modestly, favorable to the free enjoyment of our natural rights, so far as can consist with our political union, and the interest of the commonwealth. And we should be unthankful to GOD and man, not to be sensible of, and own the wisdom and fidelity of those who had the chief hand in this important and arduous work. Besides the ample civil privileges which are secured to all orders of citizens, we rejoice to find that the right of enslaving our fellow men is absolutely disclaimed. That inhuman monster SLAVERY, which has too long been tolerated, is at length proscribed, and is no longer suffered to lie with us. And it is devoutly wished, that the turf may lie firm upon its grave. The rights of conscience also, in matters of religion, are strongly guarded, and the door is happily shut and fast barred against ecclesiastical establishments by human laws, which have done so much hurt in the world. Everyone is now fully at liberty to worship GOD in the way which he judges to be most acceptable to him, while he demeans himself as a good citizen. Nor should we forget our Christian privileges in having the ordinances of the gospel administered among us, which we may with all freedom attend upon for our spiritual edification, if it be not our own fault. Add to this the sovereignty and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, which at length are acknowledged and solemnly recognized as belonging to us. How much reason have we to account ourselves happy that our lot has fallen to us in pleasant places, and we have so goodly an heritage. Blessed are our eyes which see the things we see, and our ears which hear the things we hear. And blessed be the Lord who hath visited and redeemed his people; who hath called them to liberty, and grante4d them the blessings of peace, that we, being delivered out of the hand of our enemies, might serve him without fear, in holiness and righteousness before him, all the days of our life.

And is it not then our duty to stand fast in this liberty to which GOD hath called us? We should shew ourselves most unworthy of our birthright, if, like Esau, we should sell it for a contemptible price; nay, if we should sell it at any rate. Liberty is a pearl of too great price to be bartered. We may fitly accommodate the words of Solomon; “She is more precious than the rubies; and all the things thou canst desire are not to be compared to her. Length of days are in her right hand, and in her left are riches and honor. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. She is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her; and happy is everyone that retaineth her.” We have done ourselves great and lasting honor by our brave, vigorous, and, by the blessing of GOD, successful and effectual defense of our civil liberty. Though in respect of right, we were free born, as every man is; yet it is with a great sum that we have obtained the possession of this our inheritance, clear of the encumbrance of being dependent on, and subject to the control of foreign power. To secure the continued enjoyment of the prize which has been won with so much expense of blood and treasure, is surely an object worthy of the attention of everyone. And we can do nothing better for this purpose than to make it our most serious care to use our liberty aright, that is, piously, equitably, charitably, and soberly; and that we abuse it not for an occasion to the flesh.

This caution against the abuse of liberty ought to sink deep into our hearts; for here seems to be our greatest danger. Our conduct, at the time when attempts were made to wrest our privileges from us, is a witness for us, that we were not insensible of the value and importance of them. By the blessing of Almighty GOD our struggle is now happily terminated, and we are now unbuckling the harness, having accomplished our warfare with desired success. WE ARE A FREE PEOPLE. We have maintained our claim to liberty effectually against those who disputed it; and have indeed more liberty than we at first thought of claiming. And if we are so wise and sober as not to abuse it, we trust in God that we shall be happy ourselves, and leave this fair inheritance to succeeding generations. But we flatter ourselves, if we think that our having legal securities of civil and religious liberty will ensure our prosperity. Nay, if our privileges are licentiously abused, we shall have no solid advantages of them, but they will rather prove, as was said, intolerable grievances. The name itself of liberty has been reproached, I had almost said blasphemed, on account of these abuses, which have given occasion to some to call it a popular idol. And we shall make an idol of it indeed, if it draws away our hearts from the service of God, and emboldens us to strengthen ourselves in wickedness, and bless ourselves in our own hearts, saying, we shall have peace though we walk in the imagination of our hearts.” That people only can be truly free and happy who have the Lord for their God, their law-giver, and king; and who demean themselves as his obedient servants. O that there were such an heart in us, that we might fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us, and with our children forever.”

Our honored RULERS will consider themselves, as, under God, the guardians of this PRECIOUS DEPOSITUM, which divine providence has put into our hands. In this light we view them, and not with an evil eye of malignant jealousy, as those who would willingly rob the commonwealth of its crown, or steal the jewels out of it; that is, abridge our privileges, to extend their own prerogatives. As the places of highest authority are disposed of by the free suffrage of the people, they are to be considered as marks of great confidence in the wisdom and fidelity of those whom they call to fill them; and as public testimonies to their merit. Nor will they take it amiss to be stiled the servants of the people; but will accept the title as it is meant, for a title of distinguished honor. For it holds equally true in a free commonwealth as in the church, that “He who is greatest, is most eminently servant of all.”

We have confidence in our civil fathers, that their upright and faithful endeavours will not be wanting to secure and perpetuate the blessings of peace and liberty, which God hath given us, and to promote the true interest of this people; and that their integrity will preserve them and us. While the measures of righteousness are faithfully observed in their administrations, we doubt not but that they will, by the blessing of God, be crowned with good success. “Unto the upright ariseth light in the darkness,” to direct, cheer, and comfort them, in their greatest difficulties and straits. It is “by righteousness that the throne of government is established, and the nation is exalted.” And indeed the grand secret of political wisdom is to maintain a steady, thorough and untainted integrity: a secret hidden from those serpentine politicians, who think it necessary to turn aside into crooked paths to compass their designs. Unfair artifices and intrigues may sometimes answer a present turn; but they do more hurt than good: they breed worse distempers than they remedy or prevent. Whatever designs cannot be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried at all. God will curse that policy which sets the rules of righteousness at defiance. If this sentiment should be ascribed to the simplicity of one who is unexperienced in the affairs of the world, it may be confirmed by the attestation of the great HARRINGTON, who says, “That the pretended depth and difficulty in matters of state is a mere cheat. From the beginning of the world to this day you never found a commonwealth where the leaders having honestly enough wanted skill enough to lead her to her true interest, at home and abroad.” And, that I may not seem to have gone beyond my own line, a yet greater authority may be adduced; even that of the wise and inspired king Solomon, who says, “He that walketh uprightly walketh surely; and the integrity of the upright shall guide him.”

Alas! for that people whose rulers think it can be good policy to break over the sacred rules of justice. We hope in God that the conduct of our public affairs will never fall into the hands of those who are given up to such an awful infatuation. If indeed we could persuade ourselves that the world was governed by chance, such a strict adherence to these rules might not seem needful, or fit to be insisted on. But under the government of a righteous GOD, we may be sure that unrighteous measures can never be for the true interest of a people. It is the blessing of GOD that must render the means successful we make use of to answer our ends. What madness then must be in their hearts who imagine that GOD will annex a blessing to the presumptuous transgression of his own laws!—It is ordered indeed for the trial and discipline or virtue, that it should sometimes have to struggle with great difficulties and opposition, which might be avoided if we would let go our integrity: but the avoiding these difficulties in this way, will, without fail, run us into much worse ones. The advantages of unrighteousness are dearly bought. If our country, nay, if the world can no otherwise be preserved than by violating the rules of truth and righteousness, IN THE NAME OF ALL THAT IS SACRED LET IT SINK. But while the throne of GOD stands unshaken, we may trust in him, and not fear that we shall ever be losers by our fidelity and obedience to his laws.

That corrupt craft, and those cunning contrivances, which politicians have often had recourse to in state affairs, when they were resolved to carry a favorite point at any rate, have been the disgrace of policy, and the pest of states. They who turn aside into these crooked ways, will soon find themselves in a perfect labyrinth. Tricking will soon sink a man’s credit and reputation, and lose him the confidence of mankind, which is of the utmost importance in order to a successful prosecution of designs of public concernment. Unfair artifices are an insult upon the moral government of GOD, who knows how to take the wise in their own craftiness and turn to foolishness the counsels of the Ahitophels, who applaud themselves most in their skill and address.

It may well discourage wise observers from attempting to promote the public interest by iniquity, that such attempts are constantly found to be of unhappy and pernicious consequence. The laws by which GOD governs the world must be quite altered, the course of nature must be reversed, before it can reasonably be hoped that unrighteous schemes will operate for the real advantage of a people. And it is the fervent wish of those who have the true interest of their country most at heart, that there may be a full and fair experiment made what effect a strictly righteous and equitable administration of government will have upon the national interest. And they have raised expectations, that in that case we should soon see our public affairs in a situation much to our satisfaction and honor, and the honor of virtuous policy, which would appear in its proper dignity after such a triumph over its intriguing rival. The eyes of the world are turned to observe our conduct at this important period, which will be likely to fix the stamp of honor, or the brand of infamy, on our national character. We hope our rulers will not be less tender of the honor of the commonwealth than of their own, or that of their families: and that they will not give occasion to any to apply to them what has been observed by some, “That such deeds have been often done by bodies or communities of men, as most of the individuals of which such communities consisted, acting separately, would have been ashamed of.” And it is also to be remembered (which ought much more to move us) that the eye of the great KING OF NATIONS is upon us to observe whether we will be obedient to his laws: and he is, as it were, saying to us in the words of the prophet, “Prove me now herewith, whether I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing.”

As for those who sneer at righteous policy, integrity and public spiritedness, and who represent all men as being alike perfectly selfish, I shall only say, that if the picture of mankind which they give us was taken from their own hearts, we will not dispute their skill in drawing, but will own it may be a striking, yea, a shocking likeness of the persons who sat for it. But let them go—My honorable hearers know, as every honest man does, that there is such a thing in the world as integrity, and virtue, and public spirit, and that it is no hypocritical pretence.

As righteousness is the root and bias of liberty, I have not, I hope, wandered from my subject in inculcating a due regard thereto in the administration of government. And it is also hoped that the freedom of speech which has been used on this occasion, (a freedom which the presence of those before whom it has been taken, has no tendency to check, but rather to inspire and animate,) will not be deemed an abuse of liberty. But if more has been said than may be thought needful, or if any expressions should seem to warm or bold, they will I hope, be candidly imputed to an honest zeal for public virtue, and for the liberty, the interest, and the honor of my dear country; and to an earnest and inexpressible desire that this vast political structure, which to the wonder of the world has rose so suddenly as a temple of liberty6 in North-America, the building of which has been carried on so far with such happy success, may receive the finishing touch to the utmost advantage, and may stand as a glorious and lasting monument far more grand and magnificent than MAUSOLEUMS, PYRAMIDS, OR TRIUMPHAL ARCHES.

The present state of our affairs is such as calls for the utmost attention of our civil rulers, and affords them uncommon opportunities for services of the most important kind. It is, I think, needless, and might seem presumptuous, for me to go into a detail of those objects which claim their special attention: their own more just, penetrating, and comprehensive views, will readily suggest the vastness of their trust, in having the care of the liberties and properties, the religion and morals, the means of education and literary improvement, of this people; besides such regulations as are necessary to maintain and strengthen that connection between the several parts of this united system of states, which is of so much importance to the welfare of the whole. We are not insensible of the difficulties they have to struggle with,–and sympathize with them on that account. But these should rather animate than discourage them. THESE ARE THE TRIALS AND PROOFS OF VIRTUE, whereby it is distinguished from counterfeit pretences, and is found unto praise, and honor, and glory. If they are faithful they may expect to displease some: but they will have the applause of their own consciences, and of the best friends of their country: their children will rise up and call them blessed, and GOD himself will think on them for good. “The armour of light” will repel the darts of calumny which may be thrown at them. They will only need to stand forth in open day. The light will render them invulnerable; and their being known will be their security.—And GOD forbid that any of us should be backward to support them in their faithful endeavours, or that we should cease to pray for them, that GOD would be with them: that their hearts may be encouraged, and their hands strengthened with a double portion of his spirit: that they may be inspired with the wisdom, integrity, fortitude, and unfainting resolution necessary to prosecute and accomplish their designs for the public good. “We wish them a blessing from the house of the Lord; yea, we bless them in the name of the Lord.”

This day may well be accounted the day of the gladness of our hearts. We enjoy, at length, the blessings of peace and liberty:–Blessings,–for which, saints, now with God, have earnestly prayed—heroes, of glorious memory, have fought and bled—and patriots have worn out themselves with care, travail and exertion. The joy of reaping the harvest which has been sown and watered with so much tears and blood, is reserved for us. This day, UNITED AMERICA sees the issue and fruit of her travailing throes, and is satisfied. The fight of so sweet and lovely a birth, comforts and rejoices her, after her agonizing labor.

This day, we have the happiness to see our CONGREGATION, even the legislative assembly of the commonwealth, established before the Lord—our NOBLES from among ourselves—and our GOVERNORS proceeding from the midst of us. We view this august body as representing the whole republic, vested with its majesty and authority; the distinct branches of which unite and concentrate in the Governor, the common representative of the whole state. As his EXCELLENCY and his HONOR are here present, it would seem scarce decent for us to give them their due encomium, or to express freely how worthy we esteem them of the pre-eminence to which they are advanced; but their continued and often repeated election to the highest seats in the Commonwealth, speaks louder and more significantly than words can, the peculiar esteem and confidence of the people, and in such a way as leaves no suspicion of flattery.

We regard his EXCELLENCY in particular, as most eminently authorized to act as the guardian of our rights, and take care that the Republic receive no detriment. His prerogatives and powers we consider as a wise provision for our security against the pernicious effects of that narrow policy which may prompt some to aim at serving their own particular connections in ways prejudicial to the general interest, or injurious to other parts of the state—Nor do we wish that the due exercise of these powers and prerogatives should be cramped or discouraged; but that they be exerted with all freedom and firmness for the good of the people, whenever it shall be needful. It is, we doubt not, his sincere aim to improve those talents with which GOD has distinguished him, in promoting the true interest of the Commonwealth, and of the United States.—May he have the sublime satisfaction of seeing the accomplishment of his wishes, and the success of his endeavours, to serve his generation.—And the honorable COUNCIL will, we trust, be always ready to assist and co-operate in these arduous and important services, with their wise, upright, and faithful advice.

The honorable SENATORS and REPRESENTATIVES of the Commonwealth, who sustain and exercise so great a share of its authority, and in whom the people repose so much confidence, will not take it amiss to be reminded of the expectations and just claims of the State, that its interests be faithfully attended to and pursued by them, not only in the elections of this day, but in all other matters on which they may afterwards have occasion to act. Their views will be as extensive as the field of service they have before them; and not only the interests of their particular constituents, but that of the whole Commonwealth, yea, of the whole United States, will be duly regarded in their deliberations and resolves—liberality of sentiment, love to their country, a truly public spirit, with untainted, unshaken integrity, will give dignity to their proceedings, and throw light upon their paths: whether they consider themselves as the ministers of God, or the trustees of the people, they can no otherwise support the dignity of their character, or answer the just expectations of God and man, than by a faithful discharge of the duties of their station; nor should it be forgotten that all mankind of whatever rank, must another day stand before an impartial tribunal, where an account will be taken how every talent has been improved, and a recompence will be adjudged to everyone according as his work shall be. Happy then will he be beyond expression, who has maintained his integrity in a corrupt and ensnaring world; who has kept “a conscience void of offence towards GOD and towards man;” who can hold up his face before the Judge and say, “Remember, O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart;” and who will receive from him an answer of acquittance and approbation, “Well done good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of thy Lord.”

Will this grave and venerable audience bear with me while AI add one reflection of general concernment;–that if we would enjoy true liberty, we must not only maintain our civil privileges, and guard against a licentious and malicious abuse of them, but it is above all things necessary that we be delivered by GOD’s special grace from the bondage of guilt, and the slavery and service of sin and Satan, and that we be called effectually to the spiritual freedom of the children of GOD. Little reason shall we have to boast of liberty, or bless ourselves in our external privileges, if we are the ignominious servants of corruption. This spiritual liberty, Christ has obtained for all his true disciples: and it can no otherwise be enjoyed by any of us, than by taking his yoke upon us, learning of him, and continuing in his word”—Then shall “we know the truth, and the truth shall make us free indeed.” It is the true Christian alone who is the LORD’S FREE MAN, and a denizon of the new Jerusalem. An honor and privilege to which we cannot maintain our claim, unless we realize our profession of Christianity, by serving the Lord Christ with all good fidelity, and serving one another in love. Be this the object of our greatest care and ambition. We may then with hope and earnest expectation, wait for the day of our complete redemption. The GRAND JUBILEE will at length be proclaimed by the sound of the Arch-Angel’s trumpet, which will call the sons and heirs of GOD to the CONSUMMATE LIBERTY of his heavenly kingdom, and induce them to the inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reserved for them.

May this be the lot of us all, through the grace of GOD our Saviour.

AMEN.
 


Endnotes

1. See Mr. Stevens’ election Sermon.

Sermon – Eulogy – 1784

John Clarke (1755-1798)

Born in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Clarke grew up in a strongly patriotic family during the American War for Independence. In fact, his uncle, Timothy Pickering, was not only a military general under George Washington and later became Postmaster General, Secretary of War, and Secretary of State under President Washington. Clark graduated from the Boston Public Latin School in 1761, while only six years old. In 1774 at the age of nineteen, he graduated from Harvard. He returned for his Master’s Degree (1777), and then studied theology, receiving his Doctor of Divinity from the University of Edinburgh. He took a job on the staff of First Church of Boston, alongside the great preacher Dr. Charles Chauncy, who himself had been a significant influence in the years leading up to the American War for Independence. When Chauncy died in 1787, Clarke became pastor, where he continued until he suffered a stroke while preaching in 1798, passing away the next day at the age of forty-three. A two-volume set of his sermons were published after his death. The following sermon was the one he preached at the interment of the Rev. Samuel Cooper of Boston on January 2, 1784. (Note: the Rev. Cooper was a highly influential clergyman, identified by Founding Father John Adams as one of the individuals “most conspicuous, the most ardent, and influential” in the “awakening and revival of American principles and feelings” that led to American independence.)

The following sermon was preached at the interment of Rev. Samuel Cooper in Boston on January 2, 1784.


sermon-eulogy-1784

A

S E R M O N

DELIVERED

AT THE

CHURCH IN BRATTLE-STREET,

JANUARY 2, 1784.

AT THE

INTERMENT

OF THE

REV. SAMUEL COOPER, D.D.

Who Expired, December 29, 1783.

BY
JOHN CLARKE, A. M.
Junior Pastor of the First Church in Boston.

And Samuel died; and all the Israelite—lamented him.
Samuel XXV. I.

A
SERMON, &c.

ACTS XX. 38.

Sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake, that they should see his face no more.

There is not, my respected hearers, a more tender and affecting scene, than the last solemn interview of the apostle with the church of Ephesus. Knowing that he was appointed to bonds and afflictions; and that those, among whom he had been preaching the kingdom of God, would see him no more,–he could not pursue his way to Jerusalem, till he had first dropped a parting tear; and bid his very dear and valued friends a final adieu. From 1 Miletus therefore, he sent for the Elders of that church: And, with a tenderness peculiarly affecting, he reminds them of the zeal and fidelity with which he had discharged his duty as a minister of Jesus Christ. He had kept back nothing that was profitable to them. He had taught them in public, and in private. The whole counsel of God he had solemnly declared. And, for the space of three years, he had ceased not to warn everyone, night and day, with tears. In proof of this, he appeals to those who were acquainted with him from his first arrival at Asia; and knew after what manner he had been with them at all seasons.

Having done that justice to his own character, which he was conscious it deserved,–he proceeds to his future expectations. And now behold, says he, I go bound in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there: Save that the Holy Ghost witnesseth, in every city, that bonds and afflictions abide me. But none of these things move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might finish my course with joy, and the ministry which I have received of the Lord Jesus. This tender and affectionate speech, joined to the gloomy predictions with which it was interspersed, and the liberal sentiments with which it concluded, melted them into tears. They all wept sore. They fell on Paul’s neck, and kissed him. Sorrowing much on his account, because bonds and afflictions awaited him; but more on their own, because they should see his face no more.

The behavior of the Ephesian Elders on this tender occasion, does no less honour to their feelings as men, than their profession as Christians. As fellow-creatures with the excellent apostle, they could not be unmoved at his approaching sufferings. As fellow-christians, it had been ingrateful to refuse a tear. Religion, blessed be God, does not extinguish the social feelings: It refines and improves them. It quickens our sensibility; points out the proper objects of our affection; and when they are torn from us, it teaches us to sorrow, though not as those who are without hope. The grief therefore, discovered by the apostle’s friends, does honor to their hearts. And the lively sorrow, which marks every countenance, and pierces every bosom in this assembly, is no less becoming our religious character!

A faithful minister of Jesus Christ, is deservedly esteemed by the people of his charge. Such was the apostle Paul to the Christians of Ephesus. And such are all those who imbibe his spirit; and are actuated by his noble and disinterested motives. Under God, he had been the instrument of their conversion. He had built tem up in the most holy faith of the gospel. And he had labored, night and day, to form them to that character, and to qualify them for that felicity, which is the glorious object of the Christian dispensation. In prosecution of this work, he had discovered a great and generous mind. Superior to the motives which actuate other persons, he had studied merely their good. And he was undeterred from the pursuit, though it had exposed him to may temptations, and cost him many tears.

This generous and ardent zeal of the apostle they repaid with the tenderest affection. Sensible of his labours of love, and all he had done, and suffered for the church, they beheld him with eyes of gratitude; and openly acknowledged the obligation. Oppressed, as it were, with the memory of his kindness, they wept fore. They fell on his neck: They embraced him: They gave a loose to all those tender feelings, which had been excited by his pathetic discourse.

At this distressing apprehensions from wicked and unreasonable men, they were most painfully affected. Like the master he served, they saw him despised and rejected of men. They beheld him cited before unjust tribunals; and condemned without cause. And, to complete the horrour of the scene, imagination painted him expiring under the cruel hand of persecution; and sealing the truth of Christianity with his blood. And though he appeared unmoved at these approaching sufferings, they beheld them with extreme anguish. The arrow pointed at the breast of the apostle, already pierced them with many sorrows.

But what more deeply wounded their hearts, was the mournful consideration, that they should see his face no more. This was the last interview they should ever have with their most valued friend. No more should they hear his heavenly instructions: No more should they hand upon his lips; admire his gracious words; or be transported with his divine eloquence! His example also, which had been so bright and dazzling, they were to contemplate no more. The apostle was going from them,–going to bonds and afflictions, to sufferings, and to death. He would therefore, take a final leave of them, in this world, hoping for an eternal intercourse in the world to come!

The tears, which were shed on this occasion, were a tribute due to the memory of the apostle. He deserved them all of his Christian friends. No tokens of regard, which they could pay, could possibly exceed the merits of their benefactor. For which reason, we should justly impeach their gratitude had they not melted at his discourse: And their whole Christian character, had they not sorrowed most of all, because they were to see his face no more. These words, when applied to a common friend, call up the most gloomy ideas; but how emphatically moving, when they refer to a generous benefactor, or any one for whom we entertain an ardent affection!

But, from the same principle we applaud the sensibility, and the undissembled sorrow of these Ephesians, we must enter into their feelings; and imitate theirconduct, when he faithful fail from among the children of men. To learning, patriotism and piety, we can not refuse the tribute of a tear. And when all these unite in the person of a Christian minister, his very dust will be precious to us, and we shall weep, with unaffected sorrow, over his cold remains.

It would indeed, be unpardonable arrogance, to pretend that any of the followers of this divine apostle could have his claim to the affections of their flock. However, there have been persons, in the ministerial profession who were burning and shining lights—who, to the learning of the scholar, united the virtues of the patriot; and to the easy familiarity of the companion, the seriousness and devotion of a Christian. In the church of Christ, there have been servants who were an honour to their order. Well instructed in the truths of religion, they have kept back nothing which was profitable to their charge. Generously concerned for the welfare of their flock, they have displayed the grace of the gospel with a most captivating eloquence; and enforced the precepts of it by a splendid example. In one word, there have been persons conspicuous, not only for the love of God, but the love of their country;–distinguished by their patriotic as well as their religious virtues; and no less beneficial to society, than ornamental to the church of Christ! And when such excellent characters are taken from us, shall we not feel, and lament the loss? Shall we not dress their tomb with fresh laurels? With faithful epitaphs shall we not engrave their stone? And, in our bosoms, cherish the everlasting remembrance of their virtues? Could latest time efface their image from our hearts, we should ill deserve the blessings we derive from them.

The death of an amiable, and distinguished servant of Jesus Christ is a loss, which every good mind will sincerely lament. It is a loss to his family and connexions,–a loss to the people of his charge,–a loss to the learned world,–his brethren of the profession,–the Commonwealth,–and, I will add, it is a loss to mankind! The first have peculiar reason to mourn, when the husband, the parent, and the friend is taken from them. And we should justly charge them with insensibility, did they not melt at the reflection,–that they shall see his face no more. How could they restrain the flowing tear, when they behold those eyes closed in night, which once beamed with tenderness and love;–that tongue locked in silence, on which ever dwelt the law of kindness;–and that visage deformed by death, which always wore the smiles of friendship! Surely, no human heart could be unsubdued by such a spectacle.

Next to his more immediate connexions, the people of his charge will mourn his death. They have lost an able minister, and an affectionate friend. How often have they been warmed by his devotion; and instructed by his discourse? How often have they listened to the gracious words, which proceeded from his lips? And, with what pious rapture have they accompanied him to the throne of Almighty God? When sick, how have they been supported by his Christian admonitions? When oppressed with sorrow, how have they been relieved by his tender application of the promises, and consolations of the gospel? When clouds and darkness hae over-shadowed their minds, how have they been enlightened by his religious conversation? And when ready to despair, how have they been reived by his elevated descriptions of the grace of God, and the merits of a Redeemer! Such reflections will crowd upon the minds of a grateful people, when their pastor is taken from them. They will mourn for the loss sustained by his particular friends; but most of all on their own account, because they shall see his face; hear his voice; and listen to his instructions no more!

Again—the death of such a person, will prove an unspeakable loss to the learned world. By his accurate taste, the brilliancy of his imagination, and the clearness of his judgment, he adorned and enriched the republic of letters. Others therefore, will lament his death, besides those who were bound to him by the ties of friendship or religion.

His brethren in the ministry, will never forget the hour, which consigned their dear and valued friend to the grave. The solemn sound of his funeral bell will dwell upon their ear. And his much loved image will present itself in the silent hour of night; or called up by fancy, will meet their waking eyes, in every place sacred to retirement, or religious contemplation. There will they call to mind his many virtues. There will they review the pleasing scenes in which he partook; and the happy intercourse they mutually enjoyed. And often will they repair to the sacred shrine, which contains his venerable dust. The memory of his virtues will create a sigh; while their bosoms will be wrung with the sad reflection,–they shall embrace their friend, and their brother no more!

Finally,–such a distinguished character, when cut off in the midst of his usefulness, will be an irreparable loss to society. The deadly arrow, which destroys him, will deeply wound the bosom of his country, She will feel, in a lively manner, the afflictive dispensation of divine providence: And will mourn over him as an only child. The man, who to the extensive benevolence of a Christian, unites a generous regard to that society of which he is a member, ought to be had in everlasting honour. His prayers, which have been gratefully received by the court of Heaven, ought not to be ingratefully overlooked by his fellow-men. They should remember how they have seen and heard, should call to mind his noble exertions in their behalf; and how uniformly and zealously he has always studied the public good. This part of his character should be the object of their frequent contemplation. They would they be deeply impressed with the loss they had sustained; and they would bless his memory as a patriot, while they revered his name as a minister and a Christian.

Thus have I described the person, who, as a domestic friend, a scholar, a member of society, but more especially, a minister of religion, deserves to be honoured when alive; and when dead, to be universally lamented. And did such a character never exist but in imagination? Did you never see the original of that portrait, I have thus imperfectly drawn? The grief which clouds your brow, the sighs which rend your bosoms;–and the tears which fall from your eyes, proclaim aloud, that such you esteemed your dear and venerable pastor, whose remains are now before you2; but whose face you shall see no more! Behold, the precious dust of your most honoured friend! Behold, all that now remains of the scholar, the patriot, and the divine! Venerable shade! Why dost thou revisit this sacred habitation? Was it to open our wounds anew! Was it to imbitter the cup which divine providence has poured out to us? Or was it to impress our minds with this mortifying truth—that EVERY MAN, AT HIS BEST ESTATE, IS ALTOGETHER VANITY!

We mourn with you, Christian friends, on this very distressing occasion. You have lost a most amiable and engaging minister; we a most friendly and entertaining companion. Some, in this assembly, mourn a husband, a parent, or a brother dead: And others are now paying the last tribute of respect to a patriot no more! We, who have more lately entered into the ministerial profession, bewail a friend, from whom we expected the greatest comfort; and whose counsel, assistance, and the pleasures of whose conversation, we promised ourselves for years to come. But vain are all expectations from so uncertain a thing as human life. Our friend, and your pastor is called to the mansions of the dead; and we shall see his face no more!

Within these walls, sacred to piety, and the public worship of God, you shall no more hear his voice. No more hall you catch the flame of his rational and animated devotion. No more shall your prayers ascend, clothed with his pious eloquence, an acceptable tribute to the father of mercies. No more shall the great truths of religion be set forth with his beauties of style; or recommended with his engaging delivery. That voice, those powers, and that manner, which once charmed, will charm no more!—Wherefore, give a loose to those tender feelings which his death has excited. There is a luxury in religious grief, unknown to vulgar minds. And the greatest understandings will not think it a weakness, in faltering accents, or a broken voice, to express their sorrow.

Justly should I incur the censure of his friends;–and greatly should I injure the memory of Dr. Cooper, should I not say, he was a peculiar ornament to this religious society. His talents as a minister were conspicuous to all; and they have met with universal applause. You know, with what plainness, and, at the same time, with what elegance, he displayed the grace of the gospel. You know, with what brilliancy of style he adorned the moral virtues; and how powerfully he recommended them to universal practice. When the joys of a better world employed his discourse, can you ever forget the elevated strains in which he described them? And his prayers, surely they must be remembered, when his qualifications for the other duties of his office, and his many shining accomplishments are forgotten! If those, who constantly attended upon his ministry are not warmed with the love of virtue;–if they are not charmed with the beauty of holiness;–if they are not transported with the grace of the gospel, must they not blame their own insensibility? Remember therefore, how you have seen, and heard, and hold fast, and repent.

But the place in which I now stand, was not the only theatre, on which he appeared with such applause: In private, also, he displayed his talents for the office he sustained. With peculiar facility, could he enter into the feelings of others, and adjust his conversation to the particular state of their minds. He could raise the bowed down, and encourage the feeble hearted. In the house of mourning, he could light up joy. He could inspire those, who were approaching the shades of death, with Christian fortitude. And by expatiating on the mercy of God, and the merits of a Saviour, he could revive those who were ready to despair! Thus various and accomplished his character, how justly are you affected on this occasion!

However, the people of his charge are not the only persons who mourn this event. The death of their honourable pastor is a general calamity. It is severely felt by all our societies: And by that, in a particular manner 3, which has been so long united with this church in a stated lecture. It is felt by this town, which gloried in him no less as a citizen, than a minister of the gospel. It is felt by the University, to whose honour and interests he was passionately devoted. The governours of that learned society will testify, how ardently he labored to raise it to superior eminence; and how he encouraged those sciences, the sweets of which he had so early, and so liberally tasted. His death will be lamented by this Commonwealth; and most sincerely, by some of the first characters in it. For with them he was intimately connected, and they distinguished him by every public token of respect.

In one word, his death will be a common loss to these American States; for, as a patriot, he was no less celebrated, than as a divine. Well acquainted with the interests of his country, he constantly and ardently pursued them. But while, as a states-man, he discerned what would tend to our glory and happiness, as a minister of religion, he prayed it might not be hid from our eyes. And you can tell with what fervor he offered up his supplications.

I MIGHT now descent to the more ornamental parts of his character. I might display him as the familiar friend, and the entertaining companion. I might remind you of his correct and elegant taste; and that most engaging politeness, which rendered him so agreeable in every private circle. But why should I aggravate a wound, which already bleeds too much! Why should I call up the pleasing image of a person, whom you shall see no more? Let me rather suggest those consolations, which will enable you to bear your loss with Christian fortitude, and to sorrow not as those who are without hope.

And behold, your 4 redeemer liveth; and he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth. Yet a little while, and5 Lord shall descend from Heaven with a shout with the voice of the archangel and the trump of God! And then shall the dead in Christ awake to immortal felicity! 6 That body, which is now sown in corruption, shall be raised in incorruption: That which is sown in dishonor, shall be raised in glory: That which is sown in weakness, shall be raised in power: And this natural shall be transformed into a spiritual body! Behold, I shew you a mystery! We shall not always remain under the power of the grave; but, in a moment, shall we awake, at the last trump; and our bodies shall be changed. And7 Jesus Christ shall fashion them like unto his glorious body, according to the working, whereby he is able even to subdue all things unto himself. Happy day! When they who sleep in Jesus, shall hear his voice and come forth! When they shall be delivered from all the infelicities of this mortal state! When8 they that are wise, shall shine as the brightness of the firmament;–and he that hath turned many to righteousness, as the stars for ever and ever!

9In the multitude of your thoughts within you, may these prospects delight your souls. May they support you at the silent tomb, to which you will soon repair; and leave the precious dust of our departed friend. May you realize them at the holy communion, on the approaching Sabbath. And may they be your joy and consolation, whenever you call to mind his amiable character; and remember that you shall see him no more.

And now, brethren, we proceed to the last tokens of respect to these remains. Could that voice, which has so often delighted this assembly, be once more unlocked, I can easily conceive, how you would be accosted by our deceased brother. Forgive me, if I presume to be his voice on this occasion Beloved Charge—Let not your hearts be troubled, ye believe in God, believe also in his Son. 9 If ye loved me, ye would rejoice, because I go to your father and my father; to your God and my God. To that God I now 11commend you, and to the word of his grace which is able to build you up; and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified.12 And now, brethren, a long, a last farewell: Be perfect, be of good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace; and the God of love and peace shall be with you!

A M E N.

 

The following character of Doctor COOPER, drawn by another hand, is taken from the Continental Journal, of January 22, 1784.

Dr. Cooper was the second son of that distinguished divine, the late Rev. William Cooper, one of the pastors of the church in Brattle-Street: He was born the 28th of March, 1725. While he was passing through the common course of education at a grammar school in this town, and afterwards at the university in Cambridge, he exhibited such marks of a masterly genius as gave his friends the pleasure of anticipating a life eminently useful to his country.

His pious father having designed him for the gospel ministry, was happy to find his son’s inclination meeting his own. Divinity was therefore the Doctor’s favorite study; and having early felt the impressions of serious religion, the honour of being a minister of the gospel weighed down every consideration of temporal advantages.

He early made his appearance as a preacher, and so acceptable were his first performances, and such the expectations they had raised, that he had scarce attained to the age of twenty years before he received a call from the church and congregation in Brattle-Street, to succeed his father who died December 13th, 1743, as colleague with the celebrated Doctor Colman. In this office he was ordained May 25th, 1746, just thirty years after the ordination of his father.

The Doctor did not disappoint the expectations he had raised; his reputation increased, and he was soon one of the most universally acceptable preachers in the country. Through a course of near thirty-nine years public ministry, he conducted himself with such wisdom and integrity, prudence and ability, as procured him the like love and esteem from his venerable colleague, and the people of his charge which his father had enjoyed, and the notice and respect of all the clergy in the Commonwealth. Indeed his whole life was worthy the imitation of all who wish to live admired, or die lamented.

He early discovered a happy talent for composition; his sermons bore the mark of a genius and taste: they were clear and elegant—sensible and truly evangelical, and delivered with an energy and pathos which warmed the heart,–in a stile which charmed the ear,–and with an eloquence which always gained the attention of his auditory.

In prayer he was greatly distinguished;–his thoughts and language were devotional, pertinent and scriptural; well adapted to the particular occasion, and delivered with such humility and reverence, and at the same time grateful variety, as could hardly fail of kindling a flame of devotion in the most dull and lifeless of his fellow-worshippers. When celebrating the peculiar mysteries of our holy religion—how was he carried even beyond himself, with such a flow and fullness of expression, as often bore away the intelligent and spiritual worshippers as on angels wings towards heaven!—

About twelve months after his call and before his ordination, a malignant and mortal fever then prevailing, he was introduced by his reverend colleague to the chambers of the sick, and the beds of the dying. He has often observed, it was a happy introduction to the work of the ministry—It was one means of eminently qualifying him for that part of pastoral duty; and it is universally allowed that few, if any, were more judicious and successful in their applications and addresses to persons in those circumstances.

His religious sentiments were rational and catholic, being drawn from the gospel of Christ; in them he was ever steady, and though a friend to the rights of conscience and a free enquiry, he yet wished to avoid, in his common discourses, those nice and needless distinctions, which had too often proved detrimental to Christian love and union.

It was happy for his country, that his early intension of devoting himself to the work of the gospel ministry, or the cares of that important office to which he was ever attentive, did not prevent his completing his character by an intimate acquaintance with other branches of science besides divinity, particularly with the classicks. Upon their sparkling field he pleasingly roved from flower to flower, and finally became one of the most finished scholars of the present day.

He was a friend to learning, and to the university in which he was educated, and was a faithful member of the board of overseers. After the loss of Harvard hall, with the library and apparatus, by fire, in 1762, he exerted his extensive influence in procuring subscriptions to repair that loss. There having been a vacancy in the corporation in 1767, the Doctor was elected one of that board, and continued a very attentive, firm, and judicious member until his death.

His fame for literary accomplishments, and his character as a divine, became too great to be limited to his native country; it introduced him to the university of Edinburgh, from whence he was complimented with a diploma of doctor in divinity.

Dr. Cooper was an active member of the society for propagating the gospel among the aboriginals of America, the work was pleasing to his benevolent mind, and he was ever watchful that the pious intensions of the donors in those charities should not be disappointed.

When his country had asserted her right to independence, he was anxious to lay a foundation for the encouragement of useful arts, and the growth of the sciences in this land of civil liberty. In his opinion knowledge, as a handmaid to virtue, was necessary to support free governments and promote public happiness. He was therefore one of the foremost in forwarding the plan on foot, in 1780, for establishing an American academy of arts and sciences; and this society, from a sense of his literary merits, elected him their first vice-president.

To his acquaintance with divinity, and the other branches of science, were added a just knowledge of the nature and design of government, and the rights of mankind.—The gospel taught him to wish and promote their happiness, and the shining examples of the first ministers of this Commonwealth in the cause of their country, were ever before his eyes.

He well knew that tyranny opposes itself to religious as well as civil liberty; and being among the first who perceived the injustice and ruinous tendency of those measures of the British court, which at length obliged the Americans to defend their rights with the sword, this Reverend Patriot was among the first who took an early and decided part in the politics of his country.

He did what he could, not only by his prevailing address, his counsels and advice, but by his pen, in conjunction with other distinguished patriots, to alarm the sleepy, animate the timed, support the sufferer, encourage the warrior, and unite the people.

The abilities and steadiness thus manifested in this glorious cause, endeared him to his country, and he was esteemed, consulted and confided in by some of the principal leaders in the opposition—The success of it lay near his heart, and he regarded as friends all who aided it, whether here or in Europe.

He did much to obtain foreign alliances, and his letters were read with great satisfaction by the ministry of Versailles, whilst men of the most distinguished characters in Europe became his correspondents.

When France made a proffer of her friendship in the most disinterested manner, and became the supporter of our freedom and independence, it was necessary to subdue the prejudices against that nation which Britain had early sown in New-England, as also to conciliate the habits and manners of the two nations—Dr. Cooper appeared as one peculiarly formed by heaven for this happy purpose.

He possessed an elevation of thought, a delicacy of sentiment, and quickness of apprehension, which, united with an easiness of manners, and the most engaging address, never failed of gaining the attention and giving pleasure to the most respectable circles. Noblemen of the first distinction in Europe and fame for their literary accomplishments, having been by the course of the late war brought to America, were fond of being introduced to him;–when they had once seen him, they coveted an intimate acquaintance.

The great friendship subsisting between him, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, was one means of his being known in France; and he gentlemen coming from that kingdom were generally recommended to him by those ambassadors.

When the fleets of his Most Christian Majesty have adorned our harbor, he was always the confidential friend of the gentlemen who commanded; and the many officers and subjects of that august and beloved Monarch who visited him, were ever received with an ease and cordiality that was pleasing, and highly endeared him to them.

When the civil constitution of this Commonwealth, in which he had some share, was formed and approved of by the people, he was, according to the custom of the country, called upon to introduce it with a sermon: this discourse, with others of his writings, have been printed in several languages, and are some specimens of his singular abilities.

The nature of his illness, which from the first he apprehended would be his last, was such as rendered him some part of the time incapable of conversation.—He had, however, intervals of recollection: at these times he informed his friends that he was perfectly reconciled to whatever Heaven should appoint—willing rather to be absent from the body and present with the Lord; that his hopes and consolations sprang from a belief of those evangelical truths which he had preached to others; that he wished not to be detained any longer from that higher state of perfection and happiness which the gospel had opened to his view.

He declared his great satisfaction in seeing his country in peace, and possessed of freedom and independence; and his hopes, that by their virtue and public spirit, they would shew the world that they were not unworthy those inestimable blessings.

With the tenderest expressions of love and kindness to his near connections and friends and the dear people of his charge, who have always shewn him every mark of their love and esteem, he closed this mortal life, and has, we trust, entered into the joys of his Lord.

Thus lived and thus died, the great and amiable Doctor Cooper, and his death is a loss which learning and religion, patriotism and friendship, will long feel and lament.

 


Endnotes

1. Ver. 17.

2. The body was carried into the church on this occasion.

3. The first Church.

4. Job xix. 25.

5. Thes. Iv. 16.

6. I Cor. xv. 42, &c.

7. Phil. III. 21.

8. Dan. XII. 3.

9. Psal. XCIV 19.

10. Ver. 28.

11. Acts XX. 32.

12. 2 Cor. XIII 2.