Era or Event: 1770s-1780s: War for Independence

This election sermon was preached by James Cogswell (1720-1807) in Connecticut on May 9, 1771.

S E R M O N,

Preached before the

General Assembly

Of the Colony of CONNECTICUT,

At Hartford,

On The Day of Their

Anniversary Election

May 9th, 1771.

By JAMES COGSWELL, A. M.
Pastor of the First Church of Christ in Canterbury.

At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the Colony of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the Second Thursday of May, A. D. 1771.

Ordered, That Shubael Conant, Esq; and Mr. John Curtiss, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Mr. James Cogswell, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 9th Instant, and desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

GEORGE WYLLYS, Secr.

Jeremiah xviii. 7, 8, 9, 10.

At what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it:

If that Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.

And at what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom to build and to plant it:

If it do Evil in my Sight, that it obey not my Voice, then I will repent of the Good wherewith I said I would Benefit them.

The Attention of Americans has of late been uncommonly roused, and deeply engag’d about the public Good. We have look’d on our invaluable Liberties, and important Privileges to be in Danger. And such a general Concern relative to these Things, and Zeal for their Preservation, has prevailed among us, as Regard for Liberty is wont to inspire a free People with—In such an alarming Situation, many invincible Reasons have been offered in support of our just and important Rights; many Expedients of a political and prudential Nature have been urg’d with great Force, and press’d upon us by very weighty Motives: And may they have their Effect—The Design of them is certainly Noble and Important.

But there are doubtless Considerations of a moral and religious Nature, which ought to command our Attention, and which are really of far greater Importance, both to our present and future Happiness, than any Thing merely civil or political can be.—Indeed the chief and ultimate Design of Religion, as it respects Mankind, is to deliver us from the fatal Effects of the Apostacy, and to fit us for a State of perfect Holiness and Happiness in the coming World. But this is not all; Godliness has the Promise of the Life that now is, as well as of that which is to come. And it tends to the present Happiness not only of Individuals, but the Love and Practice of it has a most friendly Aspect on public Weal; and the neglect of it the most direct Tendency to the Misery and Destruction of a State.—-Several Considerations of this Nature, and of great Importance, are suggested to us from our Text and Context.

The Jews were become a very wicked and abandoned People, at the Time when God sent this Message to them by the Prophet. Many Threatenings, and of fore Calamities had been frequently denounced against them, which had as yet, very little, or rather no Effect to reform them. The Prophet Jeremiah is directed therefore to go to the Place where the Potter fashioned his Vessels of Clay: There he observed that the Potter had an uncontrolled Power to form these Vessels as he pleased: If they would not serve for one Purpose he could very easily turn them to another. From this lively Similitude, the Prophet is ordered to represent to the Jews God’s sovereign Power over the most formidable States and extensive Empires: And with how much Ease God either exalts or depresses them, prospers or afflicts, increases or diminishes, or in a Word, preserves or destroys them. And God has certainly a greater Right to do this, than the Potter has to new Mould the Clay of which he is not the absolute Proprietor.

This was true in Jeremiah’s Time, and is equally true now; and really it is a Truth of very great Importance to be considered and realized; for it shews us that we are absolutely dependent on God for our all:–Prosperity or Adversity, whether private or public, is entirely from God.

But God gives us to understand in our (Text, that whatever his Power and Sovereignty might enable him to do,) he conducts not only according to the invariable Rules of Justice and Equity, which gives us the greatest Assurance that he never will wrong any People, or bring any Evil upon them, merely to shew himself Sovereign, but farther that he is disposed to treat Mankind according to the Rules of Clemency and Kindness: So that when a Nation or Kingdom have been guilty of a Conduct criminal to that Degree, that they have greatly provoked God, and which would justify him in proceeding to the last Extremities with them; yea, if God had proceeded so far as to threaten them with utter Ruin, if after all this, they should even then repent, and turn from their evil Ways to God, he would avert the Tokens of his Displeasure, recall the Threatnings, prosper and establish them.

On the other Hand, God lets them know that whatever Encouragement he had given of granting Enlargement and Prosperity to any State; if they after this degenerate and backslide, to that Degree, that their Character becomes that of Evil Doers, an unrighteous, ungodly People, they forfeit his Promise and Protection; and if they continue irreclaimable, he will not build them up, but destroy them.

It is worthy of Observation, that the Declarations made in our Text relative to God’s providential Dispensations, are not confined to the Jews; they are of a general Nature, and published in an indefinite Manner: Whence it appears that God Almighty designs here to exhibit a general Rule of his Conduct towards public Bodies or Communities.

It is indeed true that we have no Reason to expect an exact Correspondence between God’s providential Dispensations towards the Jews and other Kingdoms or civil Communities. Yet as God is the moral Governor of the World, and approves of Virtue and Holiness wherever it appears, and always hates Sin and Wickedness among all Nations; so it is reasonable to believe he will shew his Approbation, Favour and Protection to the one, and frown upon and punish the other. The State of the Case is very different (as to the Time of Rewards and Punishments) between Individuals and public Bodies of Men. The future State is the Time of Retribution to Individuals.—Though therefore many among the godly may suffer very grievous Things in this present State, they shall be abundantly Rewarded hereafter: In that happy World Light is sown for the Righteous, and gladness for the upright in Heart. And however the wicked may flourish and prosper here, their triumphing is short, for it is that they may be cut off and destroyed. But the Case is very different with regard to civil Communities. Whatever Forms of Administration they assume, they are the Creatures of Time. They have no Existence but in this World—All their Bands of Society, as Bodies-Politic, are dissolved, and have no Existence in a future State. If therefore they are not rewarded or punished in some Proportion to their Character as righteous or sinful in this World, they never are at all. It appears therefore agreeable to the Divine Perfections, that God should shew visible Marks of Approbation of public Virtue, and frown upon and punish a sinful People, as in our Text he has expressly declared he will do.

It appears then that God speaks to us in these Days as really, tho’ not in the same Manner as he did to Nations and Kingdoms in ancient Times. To them he spake by immediate and particular Messages from Heaven, pointing out their Sins, and the particular and special Judgments which they might assuredly expect if they continued Incorrigible. To us he speaks by his written Word and his Providence. In his Word he shews us what is the Character of such a People as have Encouragement to hope for his Favour, or Reason to fear his Displeasure;–and what he justly expects from such a People as have wickedly departed from him, that they may be restored to Favour, and enjoy his Smiles. Many Examples are left us in sacred Scripture for our Instruction and Admonition. Thus God speaks to us now, and surely the Man of Wisdom will hear what God speaketh to the City and to the Country. We must carefully examine into our real Character, and compare it to that of other Communities, and then consider how God has declared he would treat them, and what Treatment they have in fact met with and from thence collect what we have to hope for, or to fear from the Hand of God.

That which may be further attempted, by Divine Assistance, will be to shew,

I. That the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour; and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.

II. That the prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to their Destruction; And,

III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation will be the surest and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the Divine Favour.

I. The first Thing proposed is to show, that the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour, and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.

This is implied in the Text. ‘Tis indeed taken for granted, that God will bless and prosper a People who continue holy and obedient. Such who do not Evil in his Sight, but obey his Voice. These are Phrases to decipher true Religion. But we must always remember that a right Temper of Heart is always included in this Obedience to the Voice of God: otherwise it is destitute of the most essential Property of Obedience.—A supreme Love to God, on Account of his transcendent Excellence and absolute Perfection: an ultimate Regard to his Honour, and a Disposition to be subject to his Will, are essential Ingredients in Obedience to the Voice of God. This Voice of God is no other than his Word, and when we have such a Temper of Mind as the Word of God requires; when we believe and live as God requires we should do in his Word, then are we religious.

“All the great Truths and Duties of Morality are adopted by Christ, and incorporated into his Laws, are refined and purified, and set in the fairest and strongest Point of Light, and raised to their highest Perfection in the Christian Institution.” This Word or Voice of God discovers his glorious Nature and amiable Perfections, in Conformity to which, the Happiness of all intelligent Beings consists.—It shews that Mankind, tho’ originally created in the Image of God, have fallen from him, and are become both guilty and polluted by Sin.—The surprising Method of Redemption by Jesus Christ, the great Mediator; and the Recovery to a holy Temper and Life, which (thro’ Divine Influence) always takes Place in all who are by Faith in him, made partakers of the great Salvation. All these glorious Truths in one connected View, all that Holiness that is required, and those Duties which are directed to in God’s Word, tend to promote the Happiness of civil Communities; for God has most plainly shewn in his Word.

That, Religion, and this only, will recommend to his Favour.

That, the Religion which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it, to have a tendency to promote the public Good.

And this Word of God points out many Duties to Men, in all Characters, Relations and Circumstances, which directly and immediately tend to promote the best Good of the State.

1. God has most plainly shewn in his Word, that Religion, and only this will recommend to his Favour. Very many are the Pomises of this Kind. God promised the Israelites, ¹ that if they would hearken diligently to the Voice of the Lord their God, to do all his Commandments, the Lord their God would set them on High, above all the Nations of the Earth. And thus also said the Lord to them by the Prophet Azariah, ² “Hear me Asa and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.” Many other Promises of this Kind, taken in connection with our Text, are so plain as to put this Matter beyond all Doubt; for they are made not only to particular Persons, but to civil Communities as such.

I proceed therefore to say,

2. That Religion, which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it to have a tendency to promote the public Good. It might easily be shewn, (were there Time) that the more general Requisitions and Prohibitions contained in that Religion which is described and required in the Word of God, have all a tendency to promote the Good of civil Society: But what I would especially insist on under this Head is, that the Religion of Jesus Christ forms Men to such a Temper as powerfully inclines them to promote the Interest of the Public.

The Depravity of humane Nature, the corrupted and vitiated Temper of Mens Minds, is the real original Source of all those wicked Practices, which are prejudicial both to their private and public Interests. Hence proceed all those open, bold Violations of God’s Law, those enormous Crimes and Debaucheries, which tend to the Ruin and Dissolution of a State. This Fountain must be cleansed, or putrid Streams will continue to flow. And when this Temper is changed, the Heart renew’d and made holy, the Man will be strongly and vigorously engaged in all the Duties of Holiness; and consequently to promote the public Tranquility.

Now, (as one says) ³ “the Gospel and Religion of Jesus is admirably design’d and calculated to produce this blessed Effect; and this blessed Effect it does and will actually produce, wherever it is cordially and sincerely entertained and submitted to. Hence we are said to be sanctified by the Word; to be born again, not of corruptible Seed, but of Incorruptible, by the Word of God, which liveth and abideth forever. The Gospel of Christ, attended by the sacred Influences of the Divine Spirit, is the powerful Means of rectifying the sinful Nature of Man, and forming it to Purity and Holiness, and a governing Disposition to please and obey God in all Things. As the Laws of Religion require the universal Practice of Virtue & Holiness; they that are truly Religious, choose to obey God and live holy Lives; there is a blessed Agreement & Harmony, tho’ not a perfect one between the Temper of their Minds, and the sacred Laws of Religion; they are not only aw’d and influenced by the Authority and Command of God, but they find an inward Propensity and Disposition to devote and approve themselves to God, not only in the Duties of Piety and Godliness, but in the Performance of all relative and social Duties, and to exert themselves in their Places, to promote the Welfare of Mankind, and the Tranquility and Happiness of the State.”

I proceed to say

3. Religion requires and implies many Duties in the various Characters, Relations and Circumstances of Life, which tend immediately to the Good of the State. And an inward Principle of Piety will prompt Men readily to perform them. A hint of the principal of these Duties as they respect Rulers and Subjects, will be all I have Time now to mention. And,

Under the Influence of Religion, Rulers will discharge the Duties of their important Trust with strict Fidelity. In the height of Elevation, they will not forget they have a Master in Heaven, to whom they are accountable, before whom they must shortly stand, strip’d of all the Robes of State and Ensigns of Grandeus, to give an Account of their Stewardship. They know God requires them, while they rule over Men, to serve the Lord, to serve him with Fear & to rejoice with Trembling.—Religion will influence and embolden them to distribute Justice with Impartiality and Intrepidity; knowing that it is an Ordinance of Him that ruleth among the Gods, That he that ruleth over Men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. In Obedience to this great Lord, they will endeavour to let Judgment run down as Waters, and Righteousness as a mighty Stream, as an irresistible Torrent, bearing down all Opposition, and sweeping away Wickedness, Oppression and Injustice from the Earth.—Religion, in the Life and Spirit of it, would dispose Rulers to be so far from any Aims after arbitrary Power, as to be zealous Guardians of the just and important Rights of the Subject. It would greatly Influence, not only by making them afraid to set themselves against the Lord, and against his Anointed; but would temper the Thoughts of Dignity, cure a godless Thirst for Despotism, and so keep them back from all guilty Reaches after arbitrary Power, and teach them to conduct as the Ministers of God for the good of their Subjects.—Religion would, above all other Things inspire them with paternal Tenderness, & engage them to act as Fathers of the People. There is no other Principle of true Patriotism equal to that of Religion. Men have indeed sometimes from lower Principles than those of Christianity done well for the Public: But certainly no other Principles can actuate them with equal Force and Alacrity to pursue the public Good. A Principle of Holiness is of a divine Original, and not only fills the Mind with Veneration and Awe of the Divine Majesty, but inspires the Heart with Love to God and Man. Such a Principle will enlarge the Ruler’s Heart, and engage him with unrestrained Benevolence to pursue the Good of all. Such Rulers would therefore willingly exert all their Powers, and employ their whole Time for the Interest of their Country. And no doubt their greatest and most valuable Interests will proportionably excite the generous Concern of such Rulers.—The Regulation of Commerce—The Encouragement of Agriculture and Manufactures—The Promotion of Learning—The Preservation or Restoration of Liberty—But above all, Religion will meet with their warmest Encouragement, be patronized by their Example, and their Hearts will bleed for their People when under the Rebukes of Heaven, or dreadfully exposed to the Frowns of an angry God for their Apostacy from him.—In a Word, what like Religion will be a source of Magnanimity and Fortitude in Seasons of Special Danger?

When nothing but the Testimony of an unreproaching Conscience, and the plaudit of the Omniscient Judge can yield Support, what but this will support them when repay’d with Ingratitude for their noble and Self-denying Exertions for the Good of their Country? What but Religion will inspirit them with Resolution to persist with unremitted Vigour and unabated Diligence, tho’ the more abundantly they Love the less they are beloved? What like Religion will arm those in Power against the Temptations to Pride and Luxury, Venality and Oppression which an elevated Station peculiarly exposes to? In fine; Religion and this only will Influence them to exhibit such an Example as shall have the greatest Tendency to reform a degenerate and backsliding People. As they are Gods by Office, Religion will render them God-like in the Temper of their Minds, in their public Administrations, and in private Life. Such an Example as this would have a peculiar Tendency to give Charms to Virtue, to make Religion appear reputable and amiable, and to reform a vicious Age.

From these particulars it appears that Religion in Rulers, not only in Speculation, but in Love and Practice; not only protected by wholesome Laws, but appearing in real Life, and in high Life, would have a Tendency directly to promote public Felicity.

And no less would it do so with Regard to Subjects. The Religion of Christ directs Mankind in general to many Duties which have the most direct Tendency to render a State prosperous at home, and respectable abroad; and, when it is cordially embraced, will effectually incline them to such a Conduct: For Righteousness, i. e. Holiness exalteth a Nation. The Word of God strictly enjoins that Deference and Submission to Rulers, which is absolutely necessary for the public Peace and Happiness; and severely threatens and condemns a disobedient, mutinous and unruly Temper and Conduct. In this Word God commands, ⁴ “Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers.” “Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of Man,” ⁵ (viz. which is agreeable to the Ordinance of Heaven) “for the Lord’s sake.” He that resists the just Commands of lawful Authority is threatened with no less Punishment than Damnation.—Religion, in the Power of it, would engage Men conscienciously to adhere to the Rules of strict Justice.—To speak the Truth in Love.—It would sweetly, yet powerfully incline them to lead quiet and peaceable Lives, in all Honesty as well as Godliness.—It would banish Luxury and Intemperance from the Earth; for the Grace of God teacheth to live soberly as well as righteously and godly.—These Things most manifestly tend directly and greatly to increase the public Tranquility.—But beside and above all this, the noble and generous benevolent Spirit which real Christianity does not fail to inspire the Mind with, would have an unfailing Tendency (if generally imbibed) to promote general Good, and diffuse Happiness all around—A selfish, narrow, contracted Temper is very inimical to the State. When Men are wholly intent on private Advantage, grudge every Farthing which goes beside their own Coffers, “and coil themselves up in the narrow and dirty Shell of private Interest,” the Public will be neglected—The State cannot prosper. Religion is calculated in the highest Degree to cure this Distemper. It enlarges the Heart, greatens and sublimates the Views of the Mind. That Benevolence which is the very Life and Soul of the Religion of the Gospel, embraces the whole System of Beings, thro’ the Universe, in the Arms of disinterested Love. This then will be the noblest Principle of public Spirit: ‘Twill engage and dispose us to love our Neighbour as ourselves, to pursue the public Happiness as our own, and greatly to deny ourselves, from a generous and ardent Desire to promote the Good of Mankind.

This brings me to the Second general Head, viz.

II. The prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to the Destruction of a People: As Righteousness exalts a Nation, so Sin is a reproach to any People. The general Practice of Wickedness, necessarily diminishes and weakens a State, and if Impenitently persisted in will terminate in their final ruin.—If such Persons as are promoted to Places of Power and Trust, and fill the Seats of Government, are destitute of Principles of Piety, void of Integrity and Honor, it will have a baleful Influence on the State of the People whom they govern. Whatever Talents or Accomplishments they are Masters of, while destitute of these, there can be no sufficient Security of their proving public Blessings: Most probably the noblest Talents will be abused and prostituted to serve the vile Purposes of Ambition, Avarice or Luxury, as their leading Passion chances to direct. And what can be expected under such Rulers but a perpetual Series of Distresses and Judgments? What but Scenes of Oppression, Violence, Corruption and Effeminacy?

The Examples of such Men will be very fatal. “If Magistrates have the Characters of Rulers of Sodom, it may be expected that their Subjects will be the People of Gomorrah.” The wise King of Israel observes, If a Ruler hearken to lies, all the People are wicked. When therefore Rulers take no Care to make and execute such Laws as are calculated to suppress Vice and Wickedness, and to encourage Virtue and Religion, much more if Oppression, Venality or any Kind of Iniquity is encouraged; or if by their evil Example they enervate the force of Laws, and put it out of their own Power to execute them to Advantage; they give a public Invitation to their Subjects to shake off all Restraints to Sin, and to commit Iniquity with Greediness. Such Rulers have brought infinite Mischief on the State. “They have” (as one says) “like baleful Comets, spread Plagues and Desolation through a Land, by their malignant Influences. But,

However virtuous, wise, faithful and exemplary Rulers are, if Vice and Irreligion prevail among the People, so that their governing Character is that of a sinful People, they have awful Reason to Tremble at God’s Displeasure: Indeed, according to that Degree in which Sin prevails, it naturally weakens and injures the public Interest, as plainly appears from what has been already observed. For in the same Proportion that Religion tends to the public Emolument, Irreligion tends to the Damage of the State—God, the moral and righteous Governor of the World, has so constituted the Nature of Things, and ordered the general Course of his Providence, that the Consequences of Sin in general, should be very pernicious to the Temporal as well as the future and eternal Interests of Men. Nothing is more obvious than that many Sins tend to bring Misery, and indeed swiftly to hasten Ruin and Destruction on that People among whom they prevail.

Thus Pride and Luxury, Venality, Injustice and Oppression, Intemperance and Debauchery will have a most fatal Influence and swiftly hasten on every Kind of Misery. Dissipation, Indigence and Beggary tread on the Heels of Luxury, Pride and Prodigality. Men of this Character, thus reduced by their evil Courses, often betake themselves to Practices pernicious and ruinous to their Country, such as Robbery, Theft, Counterfeiting, or if not to these, to others, if not so scandalous, yet very hurtful and pernicious; such as sharping, over-reaching, and the like.—Idleness often cloaths a Man with Rags, and reduces whole Families to the most forlorn and pitiable Circumstances. How often do the slothful and indolent plunge deep into some of the above-mentioned Vices? Or into Intemperance, which is a Vice which may properly be more particularly mentioned and insisted on, as it contains in Embrio all other Vices. Riot, Excess, Debauchery, Gaming, Prophaneness, neglect and contempt of all Religion; these all are the common Attendants on Intemperance: The Person who wallows in this worse than brutal Vice, invites every Temptation, enfeebles and emasculates himself, and is therefore in the high Road to Ruin. And with Regard to States and Kingdoms, all History Witnesses, that when such Sins have prevailed so as to become the general Character, they have been on the very Brink of Destruction. Those mighty Empires of the World, which had for Ages been growing respectable and happy, by Industry, Temperance, Oeconomy and public Virtue, whenever these Vices prevailed, have sunk by swift Degrees into total Dissolution.

There are other Sins, such as Idolatry, Prophaneness, contempt of the Grace of God, Incorrigibleness under Chastisements and the various Means which God is using for the Recovery of a backsliding People, which are daring Affronts and aggravated Provocations to Almighty God, and more direct and immediate Insults upon his Honor; and therefore that People who are and continue Guilty of them, may expect severe Frowns and special Judgments from Heaven.—The God who governs universal Nature will often interpose to distress and punish such a People.—When therefore these Kinds of Iniquity prevail and abound among a People, natural and moral Causes concur to render their Situation gloomy and dismal. God severely threatens them; he says of such a People, “Shall I not visit for these Things? And shall not my Soul be avenged on such a Nation as this?” ⁶ His Treatment of the Jews, (to wave all other Instances) may serve for a just Comment on his Promises and Threatnings of this Nature. By viewing their Circumstances at any given Time, a pretty exact Judgment might have been drawn up of the State of Religion among them: And that complete Destruction which they finally suffered for obstinate Perseverance in Sin and Rejection of Grace, when God overthrew them, even as he overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah, is left on sacred Record, as a monitory Example to all other Nations.

This brings me to the last Observation;

III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation are the most certain and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the divine Favour. Indeed these are the only Things mentioned in the Text. It is true, when a People by their own Folly and Prodigality are reduced into low Circumstances, or are threatened with fore Judgments and heavy Calamities, they are to use all proper Means of a civil and prudential Nature, as well as those which more strictly speaking are of a religious Kind. Frugality, a prudent Regulation of civil and commercial Affairs, a vigorous Exertion to preserve their just Rights, are all highly reasonable and necessary; they are no ways inconsistent with Religion or contrary to Repentance. But all these are insufficient without Repentance. They cannot ensure Success; they have no Promise from God. In a Word, whatever be their Struggles and Exertions; whatever the Expedients they use, yet if they leave Repentance out of the Question, they are very far from any certainty of Success; rather they have Reason to fear that the best concerted Plans will prove abortive, and that God will teach them by Experience, that the Race is not to the swift, nor the Battle to the strong, that their own Strength is Weakness, and that Salvation is only from the Lord.

It is allowed that in some extraordinary Cases God has for some Time spared a very sinful People from immediate and impending Ruin upon the Intercession of eminently godly Men. Thus he spared Israel at the request of Moses on their Behalf. But in this Case God took sufficient Care to secure the honour of his Law, by the signal Punishment which he inflicted on them who were most guilty, tho’ he did not destroy the whole People. Notwithstanding he heard the Prayer of Moses, he says; ⁷ “But as truly as I live, all the Earth shall be filled with the Glory of the Lord.” This threatening God accomplished when he shut those murmuring, stiff necked Israelites out of the Land of Canaan, and their Carcases perished in the Wilderness.

But tho’ God has in his great Clemency spared a People for some Time, whose general Character was very bad, on Account of the godly living with them, and especially when with Fervency and Importunity they have interceded for them; or tho’ he may have suspended the immediate Execution of Punishment on the Account of a partial or merely external Reformation, I believe Repentance attended with Reformation as the general Character of a People, has the only certain Encouragement of the divine Forgiveness and Favour. Such Repentance as is sincere, universal and evangelical; as implies an inwrought godly Sorrow for Sin, as against a God of infinite Purity, Righteousness and Goodness; as produces an inward, real aversion to all Sin, and endeavours against it. Such a Repentance, wherein the Soul taking its whole Encouragements from the Mercy of God revealed and manifested in the divine Redeemer, returns to God by a glorious Christ, as its rightful, original Sovereign and only Happiness; in a Word, such a Repentance wherein every Sin is forsaken. Reformation from all evil Ways, and a Practice of all moral and Christian Duties will accompany true Repentance.

And where such a Repentance takes Place, though among a People who have been very wicked, and whose backslidings have been attended with the most crimson Aggravations, it will be a Means of averting the divine Displeasure. God will return in Mercy to them, and build them up. The many clear and positive Declarations which God has made in his Word, that Repentance and Reformation are agreeable to him, are indispensibly required by him, and are the only Terms on which he will turn away from his Displeasure and be reconciled; and the undoubted Evidence which we have that these have been frequently the Means of averting impending Danger, and saving from deserved Ruin; are sufficient to put this Matter out of all doubt; and therefore should be an effectual Inducement to a People, however sinful and degenerate, however afflicted, or however threatened, though on the very Borders of Extermination, to turn to God, through Christ, by unfeigned Repentance. The kind Declarations and Promises which God made to the Jews, of this Nature, are very many and express; and they were continued even to the last; when they were on the Brink of Ruin. Such was their Degeneracy that God says of them, ⁸ “Ah sinful Nation! A People laden with Iniquity! A Seed of evil-doers! The whole Head is sick: The whole Heart is faint.” In fine, such was their Degeneracy, such they Obstinacy, that the Threatnings of Almighty God are leveled directly against them; threatnings not merely of paternal Chastisement, as in the eaerlier Days of their State, but of the entire Destruction of the Kingdom. The Measure of their Sins was full, and God seems to be bringing Evil on them, even to the uttermost. He was just about to pluck up, to pull down and to destroy.—The Nation is here compared to a Vineyard; the Similitude is pertinent, and the threatened Destruction complete. If the Fences be thrown down which surrounded the Vineyard, the Vines plucked up by the Roots, and the Beasts of the Field let in and suffered to lay it waste, and to tread it down so that it should grow up no more, the Vineyard is completely destroyed. Further God says, ⁹ “Thou shalt say unto them, Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, even so will I break this People and this City as one breaketh a Potter’s Vessel that cannot be made whole again.” But behold the Clemency of God, “If that People against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil, I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.” Again, God says, ¹⁰ “Wash ye, make you clean, put away the evil of your Doings from before mine Eyes; Cease to do evil, Learn to do well.—Come now and let us Reason together saith the Lord, though your Sins be as Scarlet, they shall be as white as Snow, though they be red like Crimson, they shall be as Wool. If ye be willing and obedient ye shall eat the good of the Land.”

I MIGHT also shew many Instances in which God has appeared in his providence, & signally delivered a penitent People from multiplied Distresses: but it is needless to recite particular Facts for the Purpose, since everyone acquainted with sacred History especially cannot be at a Loss for them. Many a Time ¹¹ when they rebelled against the Words of God, and contemned the Counsel of the Most High; so that he brought down their Heart with Labor, they fell down and there was none to help. Then they cried unto the Lord in their Trouble, and he saved them out of their Distresses.

From what has been said may be inferred the superlative Excellency of Religion, which is calculated to promote the noblest Ends, viz. to form Men in every Character and relation to love and honour God, and to pursue and promote the highest Interest and truest Happiness of Mankind.

We may also infer the inexcusable Folly of wicked Men, who while they are inordinately pursuing their present and private Interest, in the neglect and contempt of Religion, act in direct Opposition to both, and so expose themselves to everlasting Destruction, for less, for worse than nothing.

We learn further, that it is a Thing of the last Importance to a People who are under the evident Frowns of Heaven, critically to examine what is their real Character: And if it should appear that they have done Evil in God’s Sight, and have not obeyed his Voice: If it should appear especially that they have gone away backward, and forsaken the Lord, that they speedily hearken to the Warnings of God’s Word, and repent and reform what is amiss.—It appears of indispensible Necessity that every Order of Men in their various Capacities, exert themselves vigorously to promote a Work of such Difficulty and Importance. And as in this critical Day this is the Duty of all, so it is in many Respects, eminently the Duty of Rulers.

As therefore in Obedience to his Honor’s Command I stand in this Place on the present Occasion, may I be allowed, with all due Deference and Respect, yet with a Freedom becoming the ministerial Office, to address the honored Legislative Body of this Government, present in the general Assembly this Day.

Worthy and renowned Fathers,

I TRUST it is the ardent wish of many in this Government, that you may have Success equal to your Desires and Endeavours for the public Good; and that you may be long continued in your important Posts of Government, to exert your well known Abilities in defending our invaluable Privileges, watching for the public Peace, and at the same Time protecting, encouraging and promoting Religion.

It is signal Honor to you, (revered Senators) that by the Sufferings of a People, who still enjoy and highly prize Freedom, you have been betrusted with the important Affairs of Government in a Season so peculiarly Dangerous and critical as this. The Confidence reposed in you is indeed great, and we trust and have Reason to hope, your Vigilance, Firmness, Zeal, Prudence and Exertion will be answerable to our Expectations and to the Exigencies of the State.

What Expedients of a political Nature are requisite at this Day to guard our just Rights, to regulate Commerce, to encourage Manufacturers, Agriculture and Oeconomy, we leave to your Wisdom, not doubting your Care. These Things have been frequently and most pertinently urged, especially of late.—My Subject leads me to Considerations of another Nature, however not less important.

That we are involved in great Calamities, and have Reason to fear still greater, in this Day of perplexing Uncertainty and doubtful Expectation, is so Obvious that it is needless to enlarge on the disagreeable Theme. And whatever are the immediate Sources of these Distresses, our Sins are no Doubt the procuring Cause. Our Iniquities have separated between us and our God. That Prophaneness, Impiety and Sensuality which have prevailed, and do still prevail among us, (may I be allowed to say) with too much Impunity; “Our stupid Forgetfulness of God, and our general neglect (under all our Struggles and Concern) of the only effectual Way of Deliverance, from all the Calamities we feel or fear,” these things point to us in a striking Light the Necessity of Repentance and Reformation.

Under God, our Eyes are unto you, our Dependence is upon you, to exert yourselves in your Places of Dignity and Authority, with yet greater Spirit and Vigilance, that you may not bear the Sword in vain, but be a Terror to evil doers, and a Praise and Encouragement to them that do well. We hope for the Continuance of your friendly Care to the Seminary of Learning in this Government, that you will promote Learning, and encourage a learned Ministry, between which and Religion there is so close a Connection. We also trust you will with Firmness support our religious Constitution in this Government, as being well calculated to subserve the Interests of Religion. And if it be possible, either by enacting other Laws, or more punctually executing the many good and wholesome Laws now in being, to suppress the growing Prophaneness, Intemperance, Contempt of Worship and Prophanation of the Sabbath, which are visible and awfully increasing among us, it would have a happy Tendency to promote Reformation.

One very honorary and expressive Character given to Rulers in God’s Word, is that of Gods; this implies that they should be God-like, and (as far as humane Infirmities will permit) imitate the God of Gods. And what a glorious Pattern is held up to the Rulers View in this particular? What boundless Compassion God has shewn to a guilty apostate World? What has he left undone to reduce guilty Rebels to Repentance, Love and Obedience? We trust you will imitate this glorious Example. That you “will sympathize with your People in their Difficulties and Sorrows, and sensibly resent all the Evils they groan under, even when they suffer by their own Default: That your Bowels of Compassion will peculiarly move towards them, when they are under deep Apostacies from God, and under terrible Impressions of his Wrath, both in Temporal Judgments and Spiritual Plagues. As the Head in the natural Body sees the uneasy State of the whole and each Member, so you will have a most sensible Share, in all the Losses, Reproaches, Burdens and Dangers, that are among this People; and your Tenderness will be expres’d, in taking the best Measures for their Relief and Comfort.”

Such Rulers as have been Friends to God and to Religion, who have been nursing Fathers to the Church, have mourn’d for her Afflictions, critically observ’d her Declensions, and nobly exerted themselves to bring about a Reformation, have embalmed their Memories with Posterity, and their Names have been transmitted to future Generations, with peculiar Honors. Much more precious are their Memories than those of the most renowned Heroes, or Men of the most exalted Geniuses, who were yet destitute of and paid no regard to Religion.

Such a Ruler was Moses, a Man mighty in Faith and Prayer, eminent for Patience and Meekness, willing to relinquish Fame, and even to lay down his Life for the good of God’s chosen People.

How glorious is the Character of Nehemiah and of Hezekiah and Josiah Kings of Judah, as Reformers and lovers of Religion? Such have been many of our Rulers in this Government. Such in an eminent Degree was out late Governor. And was not he ¹² in some good Degree also deserving of the same Character by whose Decease a Breach is made in the honorable Council-Board? He who had with strict Fidelity and to universal Approbation executed the various Important Trusts which were reposed in him, and might have been serviceable to the State yet for many Years, had God seen fit to have spared him to us. But Rulers as well as others must die. Though Gods by Office, they are Men by Constitution, and must in this Regard stand on a level with their Subjects. Animating Thought! How uncertain the Term of Life and Opportunity of Usefulness! And how glorious and incomprehensible the future Reward and Happiness of faithful and religious Rulers?

May you (honored Fathers) be the happy Instruments of promoting Religion, of effecting Reformation; may you be indeed Fathers to this People, the imitators of God, and late be received to those distinguishing Honors which await them who have served their Generation by the Will of God.

So great a part of the special Business of the Ministers of Christ, is to inculcate Repentance, and promote Reformation; and such is the general Character of this Order of Men in this Government, that I cannot doubt of their cordial Concurrence and sincere Endeavours to promote a Work so Important and necessary at this Day.

Reverend Fathers and Brethren,

In this apostate and sinful World it has ever been the Errand on which God has sent forth his Ambassadors to preach Repentance, and Reconciliation to God, through a Mediator; and at special Seasons to give Warning of impending Danger, and inculcate Repentance and Reformation, by all possible Motives.

¹³ Noah warned the antediluvian World of imminent Destruction, and inculcated Repentance for a long Space. This was the great Errand on which the Prophets were sent to the Jews. The Burden of all their Messages was, Turn now unto the Lord with all your Hearts. And as their Sins increased and God’s Judgments were more numerous and awful, and especially when the impending Storm thickened, and seem’d ready to burst on their guilty and defenceless Heads, the Prophets were ordered to redouble heir Efforts, and with an honest Freedom and pious Zeal, point out their Danger, and the Reasons of it. Thus Isaiah is directed to ¹⁴ cry aloud and spare not, to lift up his Voice like a Trupet, and to shew unto God’s People their Transgression.—The weeping Prophet is sent with many such Messages as that in our Text.—When John, the immediate Fore-runner of Christ appear’d, he cried, ¹⁵ “Repent, for the Kingdom of Heaven is at Hand.”—And our blessed Saviour, as the first of all his Messages, proclaimed, ¹⁶ “Repent, and believe the Gospel.” And to add no more Instances, St. Paul in few Words tells us what was the main Business and Practice of the first Preachers of the Gospel, (and which no doubt we should imitate them in) ¹⁷ “Now then we are Ambassadors of God, as tho’ God did beseech you by us, we pray you in Christ’s stead, be ye reconciled to God.” And does not the Providence of God point out to us many peculiar Motives and loud Warnings, to be very earnest, vigilant and diligent in pressing Repentance and Reformation, on the People of this Government? Perhaps never in this Land was there greater need of Reformation, or louder calls to it. God expects we should join with our worthy Rulers in this most important Work, and not only faithfully shew this People their Sins and Deserts, but sincerely bewail their and our own Sins, and deprecate God’s Judgments. In this Day of Darkness and Distress, ought not the Priests, the Ministers of the Lord, above all others, to weep and to say, “Spare thy People, O Lord, and give not up thine Heritage to Reproach.” In brief, it appears clearly that Repentance and Reformation are that one Thing needful at this Day, on which our political and temporal Salvation, as well as our eternal depends; and that God justly expects that we, above all others, should be sensible of it, and endeavour to promote them. This then should engross our Thoughts, engage our Solicitude, and employ our Time.

And I would humbly suggest, that as we would succeed in our Endeavours, we must hold fast the Form of sound Words, and adhere inviolably to the Doctrines of Grace, those great Important Doctrines, which our pious Ancestors held, and for which they suffered: ‘Tis the plain, faithful preaching of these which is like to be attended with Success. It was observed by ¹⁸ a worthy Gentleman some Years ago, on this Occasion, that, “’Tis the plain, serious, affectionate preaching of Christ crucified, and his unsearchable Riches, the merit of his Cross, the Prevalence of his Intercession, and the Power of his Grace, and the other peculiar Doctrines of the Gospel, that are nearly connected therewith, God has been wont especially to own and bless, to the producing of Faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and Repentance from dead Works, and all the excellent Fruits of Righteousness in Life and Conversation.”

May I be allowed just to add, that Union among ourselves is greatly necessary, that we may be successful in our Endeavours to promote the Interest of Religion among others.

Scarce any Thing has given a greater Advantage to the Enemies of the Church, than that Discord which has prevailed among Christians; or any Thing stab’d the Cause of Religion with deeper Wounds than those Contentions and unchristian Alienations which have took Place among the Clergy; may they never prevail among us; may we let alone Contention before it is any further meddled with. While we contend for the Faith, may we take heed that it is indeed the Faith of the Gospel, and those plain, great, important Truths which have a Tendency to promote practical Godliness, and not subtil Speculations and Niceties: And while we look upon ourselves obliged to contend earnestly, let us also contend meekly, and not loose Sight of Charity, in the Defense of Orthodoxy. Should not this thought, that there are cruel Foes enough abroad, watching for our halting, and rejoicing in our Divisions, cement us in the closest Union to one another? Should we not, as Servants of the meek and lowly Jesus, forbear one another in Love, and unite in this Day of great Degeneracy and Calamity, in every probably, suitable and prudent Method to promote the common Good:–Above all, are we not under the most sacred Obligations to join in humble fervent Supplications, to that God who heareth Prayer, who loves Unity and Fervency in our Requests, who has never said to the House of Jacob, Seek ye me in vain; who has often in answer to the united, humble Petitions of his Servants, appeared for Zion, and for New-England in particular. In this therefore I trust there will not be a dissenting Voice, or a disuniting thought among us.

This brings me to conclude with Address to this numerous Assembly.

You have been often told, my Brethren, that this is the important Day which will probably decide the Fate of America: That to be unconcern’d therefore in this Conjuncture of Affairs must be the Effect of the most stupid Dullness, or unaccountable Frenzy: And that we are under indispensible Obligations to use the most vigorous Efforts, and practice much of Self-denial (if call’d to it) for the good of our Country. All this is undoubtedly true: And God’s Word directs us to the only certain and effectual Expedient to obtain Help in our Troubles, and Deliverance from our Dangers. In one Word, this is Repentance. This would be very reasonable and important were we in no peculiar Circumstances of Danger, or under no special Frowns from Heaven: But as the Case now stands with us, ‘tis necessary, in every View necessary to our civil and religious Interests, necessary to the Preservation of the State, as well as to the Salvation of our Souls. Is not God now in his Providence directing that same pathetic Exhortation to us which he did once to the Church of Ephesus; ¹⁹ “Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first Works.” This Land, New-England in particular, was planted a noble Vine. We have the Honour to be descended from Ancestors who really deserved the Name which was given to them in Derision, I mean that of Puritans.—They were indeed fast Friends of Liberty, but abhorred Licentiousness.—They were inviolably attached to Purity and strictness in Faith, in Worship and Conversation. God’s Promise in our Text was fulfilled to them. He spake Good concerning them, and performed it to them. He marvelously preserved them from surrounding Savages, when they were few in Number.—He increased them almost to a Prodigy—Defended them from powerful Enemies abroad, and rendered abortive many deep-laid Plots for their Ruin.—The time would fail, tho’ in the briefest Manner, to recount the signal Appearances of God’s Providence for them and us; or to describe the distinguishing Privileges, civil and religious, which we have enjoyed. Is there a Spot upon the Globe, happier in these Regards than the British Subjects in America have been? Or a Government on the Continent which has exceeded Connecticut? But we have evilly departed away from the God of our Fathers, and are in many Respects become the degenerate Plants of a strange Vine. How inexcusable is our Ingratitude herein? And now when God is holding the Rod of Correction over us, let us not continue Incorrigible, and give Occasion for the mournful Complaint of the Prophet, “O Lord when thy Hand is lifted up they will not see:” Lest God should put in Execution the threatening annexed to the fore-mention’d Exhortation: In these awful Words, “Or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy Candlestick out of his Place, except thou repent.” May God mercifully grant that this dreadful Threatning may never be executed against us, as it has been long since, on all those renowned Churches in Asia. Who that has the smallest Degree of Love to God, or Regard to the Kingdom of Christ? Who that wishes well to his Country? Or who tht has not put off all the Bowels of a Parent, or has any feelings of Humanity in his Breast, but must shudder at the Thought of New-England’s ever sharing the dreadful Fate of those Churches?

But unless we repent, have we not awful Reason to fear this will be our Case? Should we plead that notwithstanding our general Declensions, we have many good Men who are mourning for our abounding Sins, and the visible Decays of Godliness; fervently praying for Zion, and willing as it were to thrust themselves into the Gap and stop the Plague? This is no doubt true; but could not all this and more be said in favour of some of those Churches, and of the Church of Ephesus in particular. Hear his Testimony, whose Eyes are as a Flame of Fire: ²⁰ “I know thy Works and thy Labour and thy Patience, and how thou canst not bear them which are Evil, and hast born, and hast Patience, and for my Name sake hast labored and hast not fainted.” All this notwithstanding, Christ threatens to dissolve their Church state, and to take his Gospel from them except they repent. The Reason was, because they had left their first Love, were declining in their Affections and Regard to God and Christ, his Worship, Ordinances and Ways. Now we must be sensible that this is our fad Condition, unless we are still in a more lamentable Situation: That of Israel (I mean) when grey Hairs were here and there upon him, and he knew it not.

And now behold God is waiting to be gracious: He says, “Turn ye, why will ye die?” How shall I give thee up, O New-England! O that my People would hearken to my Voice:–May we then to Day hear his Voice, and not harden our Hearts.

May we hear the faithful Warnings of the Compassionate Redeemer, and flee for Refuge.

Endnotes

1. Deut. 28: 1.

2. 2 Chron. 15:2.

3. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon for 1754.

4. Rom. 13.

5. I Pet. 2. 13.

6. Jere. 5. 9.

7. Num. 14. 21.

8. Isai. I. 5.

9. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.

10. Isa. I. 16, 17, 18, 19.

11. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.

12. The Honorable Zebulon West, of Tolland, who was a great Promoter of Peace and good Order in the Town and Church where he belonged; for many Years a Justice of the Peace, one of the Judges of the County Court, a Judge of the Probates, a Member and Speaker in the Lower House of the general Assembly, and elected into the Honorable Upper House in May last.

13. I Pet. 3. 19, 20.

14. Isai. 58. 1.

15. Mat. 3. 2.

16. Mark 1. 15.

17. 2 Cor. 5. 20.

18. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon, 1754.

19. Rev. 2. 5.

20. Rev. 2. 2, 3.

Jason Haven (1733-1803) preached this sermon in Massachusetts on May 31, 1769.

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

SIR FRANCIS BERNARD, BARONET,

GOVERNOR:

HIS HONOR

THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Esq;

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE

HIS MAJESTY’S COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE PROVINCE OF THE

MASSACHUSETTS BAY in NEW ENGLAND

MAY 31ST. 1769.

Being the Anniversary of the ELECTION of His MAJESTY’s COUNCIL for said PROVINCE.

BY JASON HAVEN, A.M.

Pastor of the First Church in DEDHAM.

PRESENT
His Excellency the Governor in Council,

Advised and Ordered, That the Thanks of the Governor an council be given to the Rev. Mr. Jason Haven, for his Sermon preached Yesterday being the Day appointed by the Royal Charter for the Election of Councellors for the Province : and that ROYALL TYLER and SAMUEL DEXTER, Esqrs. wait on him with the Thanks of the Governor and Council accordingly, and in their Name desire of him a Copy of his said Sermon for the Press.

A. OLIVER, Secr’y.

Psalm LXXV. 6, 7.

For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the Judge; He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

By the light of reason and nature, we are led to believe in, and adore God, but not only as the maker, but also as the governor of all things. In the same way we may be satisfied that it is agreeable to the divine will, that civil government be established among men, on principles equitable in themselves, and conductive to the common good. But in these points, revelation comes in the assistance of reason, and shews them to us in a clearer light than we could see them without its aid. This is done by many passages of sacred scripture, and by that which I have now read in particular; which, without a critical examination of its connection, or any labored comment on it, may consider – God’s approbation of civil government – His agency in putting men into, and removing them from places of power – what views persons should have in seeking and accepting a part in government – what rules should be observed in introducing men into office – how those that are promoted should behave towards the people – and how the people should behave towards them. The two former of these heads of discourse lie plainly in the words of my text; the others are natural inferences from them.

The first thing to be considered is God’s approbation of civil government among mankind. This might be argued from the dispositions and capacities which he hath implanted in human nature. Buy these men are adapted to society, and inclined to associate together; and by associating, the happiness of each individual may be greatly improved.

By forming into civil society, men do indeed give up some of their natural rights; but it is in prospect of a rich compensation, in the better security of the rest, and in the enjoyment of several additional ones, that flow from the constitution of government, which they establish. Individuals agreeing in certain methods, in which their united force and strength shall be employed for mutual defense and security, is a general idea of civil government. These methods of defense being lawful in right in themselves, must be agreeable to the will of God “who loveth righteousness.” They must please him who is “a God of order and not of confusion;” as they tend to prevent “confusion and every evil work,” which otherwise would prevail, without restraint, among such imperfect creatures as we are.

The state of things in our world is evidently such, as to render civil government necessary. But for this, life liberty, and property would be exposed to fatal invasion. The lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, would not be under sufficient restraint. Their conduct would be like that complained of in Israel, when they had no king. “Everyone did that which was right in his own eyes. ” ¹ Men would resemble the fishes in the sea, the greater devouring the less. This state of things as fully determines the will of God, who delights in the happiness of his creatures, in favor of civil government, as it could have been done by an express revelation. The voice of reason, in this case is the voice of God.

But the will of God, as to this thing, is not only deducible from these reasoning’s. His word of revelation declares it. “The powers that be are,” expressly said to be, “ordained of God.” Civil rulers are called “the ministers of God.” And “he that resisteth them” is said to “resist the ordinance of God.” ²

But though God’s approbation of civil government is so evident; yet he hath not seen fit to point out any particular form of it, in which all men are obliged to unite. This is left as a matter of free choice and agreement. Men have a natural right to determine for themselves, in what way, and by whom they will be governed. The notion of a divine indefeasible right to govern, vested in particular persons, or families, is wholly without foundation; and is I think as generally exploded at this day, by en of sober minds, as that of uninterrupted succession in ecclesiastical office, from the apostles of Christ, in order to the validity of Christian administrations.

“The most impartial disquisitions of this matter, faith an anonymous writer, founded on the common sense and practice of mankind, have long ago convinced the wise and unprejudiced, that no individual, however nobly born, has a right over the person or property of another, except only from mutual compact, entered into for general benefit; the conditions of which are as obligatory on the governing, as on the governed parties. No man, in the nature of things, is in anyway superior or inferior to his fellow citizens, but on such conditions, as they are supposed to have mutually consented to. It is only to prevent the confusion which riches, interest, or ambition might create among persons equally qualified, that the sovereignty hath been settled in particular families. It is in regard only to conveniency, that the succession should remain uninterrupted, as long as it can be consistent with the good of the whole. But where this is infringed, dispensed with superseded, the obligation is cancelled. The people are free, and may either choose a new form of government, or put their old, into other hands.”

All nations have not chosen the same form of government. Nor can we determine that anyone would be best for all. The different genius, temper and situation of nations and countries, may make different constitutions of civil policy eligible, as different temperaments in human bodies, and the different climates in which they are placed, require different methods of regimen.

The Theocracy of the Jews doth not disprove this natural liberty of choice. That people, while it continued; and it was ungrateful in them to be so soon weary of it. Other nations were left to their liberty, to choose such a form of government, as they might think would best answer the end of all government, the public welfare; whether that of Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy; or a mixture of these. It is a mixture of these that our nation fixed upon. And this we are ready to think the happiest that can be. We may possibly be prejudiced in favor of it, because it is our own. Indeed we have less reason to think we are since we have so many testimonies of strangers to its excellency. Besides these testimonies, we have had such proofs of its goodness, as are most convictive, those of experience. By it “we have enjoyed great quietness, and important favors have been done to our nation.”

In this form of government, power and privilege are happily united. They are wrought into its foundation, so that they cannot be separated, but by pulling down the pillars of it. Magistrates cannot exercise their power of magistrates. We have reason to be thankful to the great Founder of civil government, that under his influence, our nation hath agreed in this constitution, which hath already contributed so much to its happiness; and the important blessings of which, we hope, will flow down to the latest posterity.

Indeed the best form of government will not render a people safe and happy, without a good administration. More depends on places of public trust being properly filled, than on the constitution. A people may perhaps, for a season be tolerably happy under the most exceptionable form of government;’ but can scarcely be so, under the best, when administration is grossly corrupt. Their rights and privileges are very nearly affected by the character and conduct of their rulers. The advancement of persons to places in government is therefore a most interesting affair. It requires the serious attention of all, who have a hand in it : And it will lead every man of religion, to implore the favor and influence of the supreme ruler, who putteth down one, and setteth up another.

This leads me,

SECONDLY. To consider the agency of God, in putting men into, and removing them from places in government.

PROMOTION, faith the penman of my text, cometh neither from the east nor from the west, nor from the south. We cannot (as one remarks on the words) “gain it either by the wisdom of the men of the east or by the numerous forces of the western isles; or from those of Egypt or Arabia, which lie southward of Judea. The reason why the north is not mentioned may be because the same word which is rendered north signifies God’s secret place or counsel, from whence promotion doth come.” Perhaps no more is intended by this poetical expression, than that the most favorable concurrence of second causes, will not prevail to advance persons in government, without the influence of the first. A truth which none can disbelieve, who admit God’s superintendencey over all human affairs. A truth, in the faith of which our own observation may have been sufficient to confirm us. Have we not known some ready to compass sea and land, and to go from east to west, and from north to south, in pursuit of honor? And yet have they not found it like a shadow, in this respect, as well as in some other, that it hath fled before them with a motion as swift as that with which they have followed it? While they have tried every promising method to climb the slippery hill of honor, all their attempts have been blasted, and blasted in such secret and unexpected ways, as could not be accounted for but by the agency of him “who disappoointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise. ³

Promotion being denied to the power of second causes, is attributed to that of the first. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

God is the judge – When several parties contend for the prize of the preferment he determineth it to which he pleaseth so as best to serve his own purposes it is not only safe but happy for the world, that absolute and uncontrollable power should be possessed by a being of infinite wisdom, invariable justice and boundless mercy. Such power is often ascribed to God, in the inspired writings. “Wisdom and might are his : He removeth kings, and setteth up kings : He hath put down the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low degree. The most nigh ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomever he will.” ⁴

God is the judge of men’s qualifications for government and his “judgment is always according to truth.” He knows whom to promote and whom to depose, in order to answer the wise plan of his universal providence. This power God doth not usually exercise in an immediate way, but by the intervention of several second causes; and these are united and combined together in such a manner, as could be done by no understanding but one that is infinite. Scared, and other histories furnish us with instances hereof. The advancement of Joseph to great dignity and power in the Egyptian court, is a remarkable one. A variety of unconnected cause operated to bring this about unconnected in themselves, but united by him, “whose kingdom ruleth over all.” It was by the agency of God, that king Saul was disgraced, and David advanced; an event, to which it is probable, our text has special reference. By this it came to pass that proud Haman was hanged on the gallows he had made, of fifty cubits high; while Mordecai the Jew, for whom he had prepared the same, was promoted. By this, that haughty Nebuchadnezzar was turned a grazing among the beasts, to teach him that “the heavens do rule.” By this, that boasting Herod was eaten of worms, because he did not consider the he was one himself.

The influence of the supreme governor of the world, in bringing about such events, in later ages, is not less real, though perhaps less evident and immediate. It must be acknowledged in putting down some, and setting up others, in our own nation and land. The fall of that unhappy and misguided king, Charles the first, was an instance of it. So was that ever memorable event, so happy in its consequences to Great Britain, and to these Colonies, called the Revolution, when king James the second abdicated the throne, and King William and Queen Mary, of glorious memory, were advanced to it; which made way for the present happy establishment in the house of Hanover. The people of this province, not only shared in common with their fellow subjects, on the other side of the Atlantic, in the advantages arising from this great change in government, but were particularly happy, in being delivered from the oppressive and tyrannical administration of Sir Edmund Andros. The agency of heaven in these events, doth not determine the innocence or guilt of those, who were the voluntary instruments of bringing them about. “Thou couldest have no power at all against me,” said our Savior to Pilate, “except it were given thee from above.” ⁵ Yet this did not prove him innocent, in “condemning that just one.”

The promotion of men to places of power and trust, who either have no talents for government, or are disposed to use those that they have, to wicked purposes, is an event, which may seem hard to be accounted for. “God’s judgments are a great deep.” This however must be a settled principle with us, “that the Judge of all the earth doth right.” His providence is by no means to be impeached. The moral evils which take place, in consequence of such promotions, are not to be charged on him. He may permit such things to punish a bad temper, either in the persons promoted, or in the people over whom they are set or in both. We should consider it as the primary design of such punishment to reform them; but if they remain incorrigible under it, a fuller display of God’s rectoral justice and hatred of sin, will be made in their ruin. “The scripture faith unto Pharaoh, even for this same purpose have I raised thee up, that I might shew my power in thee, and that my name might be declared throughout all the earth. ” ⁶ In judgment to Israel, Saul, and several wicked kings, were set over them. “There is (says Doctor Tillotson) a kind of moral connection and communication of evil and guilt, between princes and people; so that they are many times mutually rewarded for the virtues and good actions, and punished for the sins and faults, of one another.”

Good men, who have excellent talents for governments, and disposition to use them for the public advantage, are sometimes kept out of place, or suddenly stripped of that civil power with which they had been clothed. This is a chapter in the book of providence hard to be explained. In this way, we have reason to think, God sometimes designs to punish a people’s ingratitude to him for a good administration, which they have enjoyed; their unsubmissiveness to it, and abuse of its blessings. He may also intend the advantage of the persons thus displaced, by a dispensation generally grievous enough to them. He may behold their virtue endangered by their elevation. He may foresee that they would not be proof against the temptations of it; and that they would neglect, what to them, as well as to others is “the one thing needful.” The care of their souls. Many have lost ground in religion by advancement, and recovered it by a return to private life.

Having remarked on the agency of God in advancing and deposing men, I go on.

Thirdly, to consider what views they should have in seeking and accepting places in government. I here mention seeking places, for I do not imagine that all kinds and degrees of this, are to be condemned; though the character of seekers, in general, is a very odious and individious one. Importunity in a candidate for promotion is a presumptive evidence, that he is unfit for it. Me on the best qualifications have generally disdained those low arts and intrigues, by which some have made their way into places of power. It is hard to say what can be more base and wicked than the conduct of those, who attempt to rise by the help of adulation and bribes, unless it be that of those who hearken to them, and become the tools of their pride and ambition. That temper, however, deserves to be denominated a false modesty, which makes men always decline preferment, when it comes in their way; or avoid those offices which require great abilities, when they know themselves to be possest of them. Hereby they may be chargeable with hiding talents which they ought to improve for the public good.

But all men’s endeavors to rise in government should be such, as they have reason to think God approves; such as they can with sincerity recommend to his blessing, and wait on him to succeed. If this is not the case, they are in effect fighting against God. They ought not to seek, nor even to accept such offices as they know they cannot discharge, in a good measure answerable to the nature and importance of them.

God is the judge – You should be able to look up to him in confidence, that he approves every step you take in the way to posts of honor; and with a willingness to be disappointed, if in his unerring wisdom he sees you to be unfit for them; and that your success would operate either to the damage of the public, or of yourselves. Such a serious regard to God as the fountain of all power would shame men of virtue and modesty, out of those base methods, by which, it is to be feared, some are seeking after promotion.

Men indeed are generally partial to themselves. They think their accomplishments greater than they are. Under the influence of this partiality, some may with honest simplicity solicit, and enter into, such departments in government as they can by no means fill with dignity, and to the satisfaction of the public. This evil is to be guarded against by those, whose part it is to introduce men into office.

The rules to be observed by such is the

Fourth thing to be considered. The should act with great fidelity and caution is necessary, both in superior magistrates, in their appointments, and in the people, who choose persons into office. The business is of a very interesting nature; in doing it they should consider themselves as instruments in the hand of God, and therefore bound to consult his will, and to govern themselves by it. This teaches them to promote men according to their apparent merit; and not to be influenced by private connections, and prospects of personal advantage. The public prosperity greatly depends on your faithful discharge of your duty in this respect. You are accountable to God for the manner in which you discharge it. You are bound as you will answer it to him, to consider the qualifications of candidates, for places in government and to promote such and such only as you think in some good measure possessed of them.

What these qualifications are, I have not time particularly to consider. Tow of the most essential, and in which most others may be included, I shall briefly mention – Wisdom and Religion

No small degree of wisdom and knowledge is necessary to constitute a good ruler, whether he fills a place in the legislative, or executive part of government Solomon when advanced to be king over Israel, prayed for a wife and understanding heart. God approved his petition as seasonable, and gave a gracious answer to it. Wisdom is not only necessary for kings, and for persons in the highest seats of government, but proportionable degrees of it, for those who hold subordinate places. Rulers are compared to light, which, by a familiar metaphor, signifies knowledge. “The heads of the tribes of Issachar,” chosen to represent their brethren on a certain important occasion, are expressly said to be “men, that had understanding of the times, to know what Israel ought to do.” ⁷

Government is by no means safe in the hands of weak and ignorant men, how good soever their intentions may be. When such men have the management of our public affairs what can we expect, but that they run into confusion and disorder?

Nor is it every kind of knowledge that will qualify a man to govern. He must be acquainted with men, as well as things; otherwise he will be in continual danger of being imposed on, by the subtlety and address of designing men around him. He will confide in those who are not to be trusted and make those his counselors, who will take pains to lead him astray. It is the character of the supreme ruler, that, “He is a God of knowledge, by whom actions are weighed.” ⁸ Rulers among men, should have skill to form a due estimate of the actions of persons, under all that coloring which they lay on them. If they have not, how can they approve and reward those that have salutary influence on the public? How can they disapprove and counteract those of a contrary nature.

Rulers should not only be acquainted with the natural rights of the people, which are the same under every form of government, but also with those which originate from the constitution of the country where they live; that they may be tender of both, and able to defend both. They should know how to state the bounds of their own authority, and of the rights of the people; that while with firmness they assert the former, they may not infringe on the latter. Wisdom is necessary direct them in all that variety of business, to which their stations call them; which variety cannot now further consider.

Religion is the other qualification which I mentioned, as necessary to the character of a good ruler. He must be a man of religion, who discharges the duties of a magistrate with fidelity. By a man of religion, I mean once that is a true fearer of God, on that is in a good measure sanctified by his grace, formed to the temper recommended by the Gospel of Christ, and sincerely endeavors to act up to those rules of piety and virtue, which are therein prescribed.

Piety towards God is the only basis, on which a proper conduct towards men, can stand firm and steady against those blasts of temptation, to which all men are exposed; and which beat on those that are in elevated stations, with peculiar violence, as storms do on a house that stands on an eminence. “He that fears not God, will not regard man,” will not regard him with that tender concern for his prosperity, and that sincere endeavor to promote it, which the laws of religion require. True patriotism (for such a thing no doubt there is, though many may be strangers to it, who are fond of the name) hath its foundation in religion. A vicious man hath no settled principle of action. He is ruled by selfish passions to gratify these, he will sacrifice his conscience; he will trample on law, when he can do it with impunity; he will betray his friends; he will fell his country; having first “sold himself to work” all the kinds of “wickedness.”

Directly the reverse of this, is the tendency of religion, when it is pure and undefiled. It regulates the passions; it enlarges the mind; it fills it with noble and benevolent designs; it leads men to enterprise great things for the public good; it drives away the mists of prejudice and temptation, which are so apt to obscure the path of duty; it inspires a noble fortitude and resolution to pursue the end of government, though it should lead through a scene of painful opposition; though the best intentions should be misconstrued, and the most important services go unrewarded.

Now those that are concerned in promoting men to publish stations, are bound to have great regard to their virtue and religion. “For the God of Israel said the Rock of Israel spake to me – He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” ⁹ King David determined to act on this principle in calling men to office under him. “Mine eyes shall be upon the faithful in the land : He that walketh in a perfect way he shall serve me.” ¹⁰

God who is the judge, and who never errs inn judgment, hath plainly intimated the necessity of the tow leading qualifications for rulers, which I have mentioned – and not barely mentioned, but a little enlarged upon, as this head of discourse hath a particular aspect on the public transactions of this day. and are you not under the most solemn obligations to rega5rd the will of God in the promoting men? When you do so, you are workers together with him in the matter. When you do not, you set yourselves in opposition to him; and if he suffers you to succeed it will no doubt be in judgment to you, and to the land.

Fifthly. This subject instructs those who are advanced to places of power and trust, how they should have and presses fidelity on them by most serious motives. They are to consider themselves as promoted by God, and accountable to him for their conduct in public life. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

Rulers ought always to look on their authority as derived to them. They are not originally possessed of any. This consideration should make them humble. I6t should give a check to a proud and haughty spirit; if, at any time, they find such an one ready to prevail. It should guard them against an overbearing tyrannical behavior. They should frequently make the reflection of the apostle; What have we that we did not receive? And if we received it, why do we boast?

They should consider their authority also as limited by the author of it; and that, both as to degree and continuance. God putteth down, as well as ariseth up. The triumphing of wicked rulers, who abuse their power in ways of pride and oppression, is generally short. To one of this character, the remark of the ancient sage concerning a hypocrite may be applied; “Though this excellency mount up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds, yet he shall perish forever. – They that have seen him shall say where is he”? ¹¹ When a virtuous people are oppressed, they may carry their complaints to God, in humble confidence, that he will not long “suffer the rod of the wicked to rest on the lot of the righteous.” ¹²

The consideration that their promotion cometh from God, should make rulers careful to improve it in a way, the most agreeable to his will, that they can. They do this, when they faithfully pursue the ends of government; when they studiously intimate the supreme ruler of the universe, “the scepter of whose kingdom is a right scepter.” Legislators do this, when they are solicitous that all the laws they enact, be just and good, correspondent to those of the supreme law giver. And those that execute the laws, when they act in their offices with steadiness and impartiality, that they may be a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well. All those who are vested with authority do this, when they have a tender concern for the rights and privileges of the people, and endeavor to preserve them entire and inviolate when they feel for them under all their burdens; and “in all their afflictions are afflicted” – when they construe their conduct into the most favorable sense it will bear – when they are ready to pass by, and excuse as many faults and offences, as will consist with the regular support of government – when they are willing to lose something of the severity of the magistrate, in the tenderness of a father – In a word, when in their administration, “mercy and truth meet together, righteousness and peace Kiss each other.” ¹³

Rulers should use their influence in an especial manner to promote religion. This they should do, not only by rewarding virtue, and punishing vice; but by what is often more influential their own pious and good example. People in the lower classes in life, have a peculiar fondness to imitate those that are in stations of eminence and dignity. This would operate for the general good, were “great men always wise,” virtuous, and circumspect, in their conversation. The morals of a people are greatly affected by those of their rulers. Religion flourished or declined in Israel very much according to the disposition and practice of their kings. Solomon observed that “if a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked.” ¹⁴ Vices receive a currency from the example of princes, as money doth, from their image and superscription. If magistrates are eminently pious and good, they are lights in the world, which shining before others induce them to “glorify our Father who is in heaven,” by a correspondent practice of piety and goodness. But if they are vicious they are like baleful sonnets, that spread plagues and desolations throughout a land, by their malignant influences.

God is the judge, says our text. Rulers should always consider him in that character. To him they are accountable for their conduct. I say not indeed that they are not, in some sense, accountable to men. The power of government is by God, the original source of it, logged in the people. By them it is delegated, under divine providence, to certain of their brethren, to be improved for the common good. When therefore they prostitute it to oppress and enslave, in direct contradiction to the ends of government; the people have a right to call them to account, and to take out of their hands the power which they have so abused.

But they are especially to consider themselves as accountable to God. They should remember that he now acts the part of a judge, so far as by his impartial eye to survey all their counsels, designs and actions. They should consider him as always present with them; and that their most secret purposes and schemes, are “naked and open to the eyes of him, with whom they have to do” ¹⁵; whose “eyes are as a flame of fire ” ¹⁶; and that this “righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance approveth the upright.” ¹⁷

A solemn sense of God in this tremendous character, cultivated in the minds of rulers, would banish a thousand temptations to venality and corruption. It would lead them to a humble review of their past behavior, that the errors of it may be repented of, and similar ones avoided, for time to come. It would make them afraid to indulge to any selfish and sinister designs, which militate against the public welfare, though they were sure to conceal them from the eye of men. The fear of God would check the fear of man, and prevent its prevailing on them so as to ensnare them. They would not fear losing their places, by faithfulness in discharging the duties of them. The would consider, it is the favor of God that makes their mountain stand strong; that their times are in his hands; the date of their political, as well as natural life.

Rulers should look forward to that approaching day, when they must appear before God’s august tribunal, and give account of all the talents he hath committed to them. The should endeavor to bring that day near in their meditations. It is apt to appear more distant than it really is, and so lessens to the eye of the mind, as objects to by their distance that of the body, The word of revelation assures us, that “it is appointed for all once to die, and that after death is the judgment; ¹⁸ and that “ever one shall give account of himself to God, ” ¹⁹ who is no respecter of persons; but will render to every one according to which God will proceed in the judgment, “that unto whomever much is given, of him shall much be required.” ²⁰ Rulers have much committed to them; unfaithfulness in the use of it, will render their guilt very great, and their doom very dreadful. If they are now conscious of being habitually and allowedly unfaithful, they may well tremble, as a wicked governor once did, upon hearing of a judgment to come.

But a prospect happily different from this – a prospect as bright and glorious as this is dark and gloomy, opens upon that ruler, who cultivates in his heart the principles of undissembled piety and virtue, and forms his conduct upon them; whose governing aim is to comply with the will of God in all things, and to secure his approbation. He can look forward to that important day, in which God will judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, with calmness and comfort. He then shall receive the plaudit of his Judge, before assembled worlds of angels and men — “Well done good and faithful servant; thou hast been faithful in a few things; I will make thee ruler over many things; enter thou into the joy of thy Lord!” ²¹

FINALLY. Our subject suggests the duty of a people to their rulers. Rulers and subjects are correlate terms; they cannot subsist separately. If God sets some in the place of rulers, and invests them with a power to govern; He certainly appoints others to the place of subjects, and makes in their duty to submit to government. People are bound to regard the will and agency of God in clothing persons with civil authority. When they do so, they will obey “not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake;” ²² and treat them according to the nature and design of their offices, and their fidelity in the discharge of them.

It is incumbent on a people cheerfully to support civil government. This is not to be view as the part of charity and generosity, but of justice. The support of those, who employ their time and talents to serve the public, should be made easy and honorable. Those who diligently attend to the duties of their stations, have care, labor and anxiety enough. People should not increase these, by withholding from them an adequate reward for their services. This would tend to dishearten them, and to weaken their efforts for the public good.

A respectful treatment of their rulers is also the duty of a people, it is an apostolical injunction, that we “render honor to whom honor is due.” ²³ It is due to those, who are raised to important seats of government. We should pray for them. We should treat their persons with veneration and esteem. We should speak of them, and to them, in decent and respectful language. To act contrary to this, is to weaken the springs of government, and to encourage those to speak evil of dignities,” who are already too much inclined to do it. “It is written thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.” ²⁴

A People are in duty bound to submit to their political fathers, in everything lawful. If they refuse this, they frustrate the design of God and men, in clothing them with this character and government is at an end. Submission is enjoined on a people, by several of the inspired writers. The passages in which it is so, have been often quoted, on occasions similar to the present, and are I trust too well known to need repeating at large. ²⁵ They have by some been made to prove too much. They are no doubt to be understood with some limitation. “He is the minister of God to thee for good,” says St. Paul, of the civil magistrate. This implies, that so far as he pursues the end for which God placed him in office, he is to be obeyed. Nor should small instances in which we imagine he fails of this, be looked upon sufficient ground for refusing submission. These may arise rather from human frailty, than any settled disposition in him to abuse his power. But when he uses his authority for purposes just the reverse of those for which it was delegated to him – when he evidently encroaches on the natural and constitutional rights of the subject – when he tramples on those laws which were made, at once to limit his power, and defend the people – in such cases they are not obliged to obey him. They are guilty of impiety against god; and of injustice to themselves, and the community, of which they are members, if they do : For his commands interfere with those of the supreme ruler, and overthrow the foundations of government, which he hath laid. “We must obey God rather than man.” ²⁶

The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, which had so many advocates in our nation, a century ago is at this day, generally given up, as indefensible, and voted unreasonable and absurd. The unreasonableness and absurdity of it, hath indeed been proved by some of the greatest reasons of our age.

“Wheresoever law ends” (says the great Mr. Locke) “tyranny begins if the law be transgressed to another’s harm. And whoever in authority exceeds the power given him by law, and makes use of the force he hath under his command, to compass that upon the subject, which the law allows not, ceases in that to be a magistrate; and, acting without authority, may be opposed as any other man, who invades the right of another” – “Here, ‘tis likely, (continues he) the common question will be made, who shall be judge, whether the prince or legislature act contrary to their trust? This, perhaps, ill-affected and factious men may spread among the people, when the prince only makes use of his just prerogative. To this I reply : The people shall be judge; for who shall be judge whether his trustee or deputy acts well, and according to the trust reposed in him, but he who deputes him, and must by having deputed him, have still a power to discard him, when he fails in his trust? If this be reasonable in particular cases of private men, why should it be otherwise in that of the greatest moment, where the welfare of millions is concerned; and also where the evil, if not prevented, is greater, and the redress very difficult, dear and dangerous?”

There may indeed be danger that ill-disposed men – men disaffected to government in general, will “use this liberty,” which the God of nature hath given us, “for an occasion to the flesh,” to gratify the disorderly lusts of it; and so to disturb the peace of the society, of which they are members. Bu this is not a sufficient reason why we should discontinue our claim to it.

Subjects will, however, find it to their advantages to suffer great inconveniences, rather than to rise up against men in authority. They are not to expect an administration without faults. Small faults should not be remarked on with bitterness, or magnified with all the power of invention. This would increase the burden of government, already heavy enough on those, who are faithful in discharging the duties of it; and tend to discourage those from taking a part in it, who are best qualified. A generous readiness to make very kind allowance for what may be amiss in others, is perhaps one of the rarest qualities in the world. It is however a very necessary one, in the several connections of society, and particularly in that between rulers and people.

If anything hath been suggested in this discourse, which may serve to lead rulers, or people, in to a better understanding of their duty, and to animate them to diligence and fidelity in discharging it, the design of our assembling in this house of worship is not lost. I will suppose you possessed of every instructive sentiment that hath been suggested, if any such there hath been, and therefore shall not make a recapitulation of what hath been said, in the way of particular address.

Inattention to the duties of their stations is inexcusable in all orders of men. It becomes criminal and dangerous, in proportion to the importance of these duties. The public welfare greatly depends on the fidelity and vigilance of civil rulers.

It is I hope with sincere gratitude to god, that we see this anniversary. The public transactions of it, Honored Fathers, we look upon to be very interesting to this people. We have been seeking to the fountain of wisdom, for guidance and direction to be afforded to you, in them. To day you exercise an important privilege of our happy constitution, that of choosing Gentlemen to sit at the Council board; who are not only to constitute one branch of the legislature, but “to the best of their judgment, at all times, freely to give their advice to the Governor, for the good management of the public affairs of this government.” This is a privilege on which the happiness of this people not a little depends. It was always dear to our fathers, and is so to us. By it we have the great satisfaction of seeing the Council consist of men from among ourselves, whose interest is the fame with that of the people; and who are under all conceivable obligations to seek their welfare. This is a privilege secured to us by royal charter; on which security, I trust, under God, we may depend, for the continuance of it down to the latest posterity. A privilege which we have not forfeited; and God forbid we should, in any furniture time, be guilty of such conduct, as might render it just to deprive us of it.

What we enjoy by charter, is not to be looked upon barely as matter of grace; but, in a measure at least, of right. Our fathers faithfully performed the conditions, on which charter privileges were grated. To do this they passed through a scene of hardships labors and sufferings. These were productive of great advantages to the mother country. Our charter privileges are those of Englishmen; those of the British constitution; as our form of government, in this province, is an image in a miniature of that of our nation.

The appointment of the Governor, and commander in chief, is by the province charter, which we wish never to see vacated, reserved to the crown, In this we acquiesce. We indeed consider it as preferable to annual elections by the people.

Both the other branches of the legislature, we have the liberty of choosing. We hope the good people f this province have acted, with due consideration, in the choice they have made of persons to represent them, in the present assembly; and that all who are to be concerned in the elections of this day, will be influenced by motives, truly religious and patriotic. It is not wealth ²⁷ — it is not family — it is not either of these alone, nor both of them together, tho’ I readily allow neither is to be disregarded, that will qualify men for important seats in government, unless they are rich and honorable in other and more important respects. This providence hath had men and such I doubt not there are still among us, in whom all these qualities are happily united. But in the first place, and before all other things, you should regard wisdom and integrity, understanding and religion, as qualifications for the business of government. If you aim to choose men thus qualified, you are “workers together with God,” who is the fountain of all promotion. If you give your suffrages for those, whom you know to be of a contrary character, you are chargeable with nothing less than a voluntary opposition to the will of heaven. A serious thought with which we wish to have our minds deeply impressed. It is always important to have wise and faithful rulers. It is peculiarly so, when the state of a people is difficult and perplexed. None can doubt ours being such, at the present day. All must agree in this, however different their sentiments may be, as to the immediate occasions of our troubles. Mutual confidence and affection, between Great Britain and these Colonies, I speak it with grief seems to be in some measure lost. I trust nothing of our loyalty to the best of Kings, or of our readiness to yield obedience to the due exercise of the authority of the British Parliament, is lost. People indeed generally apprehend some of their most important civil rights and privileges to be in great danger; and that several of them cannot be enjoyed under the execution of certain acts, lately passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, how far these apprehensions are just, is not my province to determine. Nor shall I pretend fully to point out the political causes of our unhappiness; or these steps which are necessary to be taken, for the redress of our grievances.

This matter more immediately belongeth to you, our honored Fathers. If we suffer by being misrepresented to our most gracious Sovereign, or to his ministry, ‘tis your part to remove the hurtful influence hereof, in such ways, as you shall think most proper and decent. ‘Tis your’s, to plead their cause, with “right words,” which “are forceable,” and “words of truth” which must, which will prevail.

The Ministers of religion will unite their endeavors, to investigate and declare the moral cause of our troubles. We should endeavor, my reverend Fathers and Brethren, and I trust we have been endeavoring, to direct the eye of our people to the hand of God, in the evils which are come upon us, and which threaten us. “Is there any evil in the city, and the Lord hath not done it?” ²⁸ Are not these calamities to be viewed as tokens of the divine displeasure against us, on account of our sins? Is it not a day in which we ought to “cry aloud and not spare, to shew our people their transgressions and their sins?” ²⁹ Should we not most importunately call them to repentance and reformation, as the only way in which we can expect the removal of our difficulties? It hath probably been the fault of this people, in these days of darkness and doubtful expectation, that they have fixed their thoughts too much on second causes, with our duly regarding the first – that they have been too ready to censure the conduct of others, without making proper reflections on their own. Hath not God reason to complain of us, as he did of Israel, in a day of calamity; “I hearkened and heard, but they spake not aright. No man repented him of his wickedness, saying what have I done?” ³⁰

The prospect at this day is indeed dark: The darkest part of it arises from the decay of religion, and the prevalence of wickedness among us. Is it not too evident to be denied, that “inquiry greatly abounds,” and that “the love of many” to God and religion, “is waxen cold?” Must we not own that by our sins, we have forfeited all our privileges, into the hands of God; though I trust not, into the hands of men? And are not many of the evils we suffer, the natural and necessary, as well as moral effects of our vices? Is it possible a people should be happy, when pride, and extravagance, luxury, and intemperance abound among them? Will not poverty and disease, uneasiness and contention naturally spring from these vices? Doth not the providence of God loudly call on all orders of men, to unite their most vigorous endeavors, to check the growth of the sins which I have mentioned, and of others which might be named; such as the profanation of God’s name, ³¹ and day; uncleanness; and acts of violence, injustice, and oppression. We confide in the wisdom and fidelity of our rulers, to make and execute good and wholesome laws for the suppression of these vices; and for the encouragement of industry, frugality, and temperance, and all those virtues which constitute and adorn the Christian character; and to add life and energy to law, by their own good example. And I hope we shall all, in our several stations, most heartily abet the important design. Our temporal salvation, under God, depends upon it. a virtuous people will always be free and happy.

“Righteousness exalteth a nation.” Could we see people in general humbling themselves under the mighty hand of God, in the evils that are come upon us – could we see a general disposition in them, to break off from their sins by righteousness, and from their iniquities by turning to the Lord – could we see practical piety and religion prevailing among all ranks of men – how much would the prospect brighten up? God would appear for us, “who is the hope of his people, and the savior thereof in the day of trouble. ” ³² And “if God be for us, who can be against us? ” ³³ He can work deliverance for us in a thousand ways to us unknown. Then our peace shall be as a river, when our righteousness is as the waves of the sea. Mutual harmony and affection shall be restored between Great Britain and her colonies, and between all orders of men in them. The burdens under which we groan shall be removed. We shall no longer be so unhappy, as to be suspected of wanting loyalty to our King, or of having the least disposition to refuse a constitutional subjection to our parent country. The great evils which we now suffer, in consequence of such groundless suspicions, shall be removed. We shall sit quietly enjoying the fruit of our fathers unremitting labors, and of our own, and have none to make us afraid. We shall behold our settlements extending themselves into the yet uncultivated lands. “The wilderness shall become a fruitful field and the desert shall blossom as the rose.” Our navigation shall be freed from its present embarrassment; and trade recover a flourishing state. Our rights and privileges shall be established on a firmer basis than ever. Every revolving year shall add something to the glory and happiness of America. And those that behold it shall see occasion to say, “Happy art thou O people! Who is like unto thee, saved of the Lord! The shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thine excellency!” ³⁴

Whose breast doth not burn with desires to see his dear native land in such a state, the happy reverse of it’s present one! Who would not be ambitious of contributing something towards it! This we have all power to do. Let us up, and be doing and the Lord shall be with us.

But Christianity, my respectable hearers, which we profess, carries our thoughts beyond this present state of things. This life is but the preface of our existence. Affairs will never be in so happy a situation in it, as we could wish for. It is not agreeable to God’s universal plan of government, that we should here be free from every pricking brier and grieving thorn. We are too apt to lay our account for refined happiness in this life. Frequent disappointments are necessary to teach us our error, and to wean us from the vanities of time and sense. This is the salutary effect of our troubles; and when we find it in ourselves, we should acknowledge the kindness of heaven in permitting them.

A few days will close the present scene with us all. We must quit our stations, be they higher or lower. We must bid adieu to this world, and enter into the eternal one. There an endless circle of happiness, infinitely greater than can be derived from the most prosperous state of things here, is provided – provided by the mercy of God, through the mediation of Christ – provided for all, who repent and believe the gospel – for all, who act their part well on the stage of the present life – who serve God and their generation faithfully, according to his will.

Be this the object of our principal hopes, and desires! Let us continue patient in the ways of well doing; seeking for glory, honor and immortality; till, through the riches of God’s grace in Christ, we be crowned with eternal life.

Endnotes

1. Judges xvii. 6.

2. Rom xiii. 1, 2, 4.

3. Job V. 12.

4. Dan. II. 21. Luke I. 52. Dan. IV.

5. John XIX. 11.

6. Rom. IX. 17.

7. I Chron. XII. 32.

8. I Sam. II. 3.

9. 2 Sam. XXIII. 3.

10. Psal. CI. 6.

11. Job XX. 6. 7.

12. Psalm CXXV. 3.

13. Psalm LXXXV. 10.

14. Prov. XXIX. 12.

15. Heb. IV. 13.

16. Rev. I. 14.

17. Psal. XI. 7.

18. Heb. IX. 27.

19. Rom. XIV. 12.

20. Luke XII. 48.

21. Matth. XXV.22.

22. Rom. XIII. 5.

23. Rom. XIII. 7.

24. Act, XXIII. 5.

25. Act, XXIII. 5.

26. Acts V. 29.

27. When L. Quintius Cincinnatus was created Dictator, riches were not by the generality of the Roman citizens thought necessary to preferment. His estate was a farm consisting only of four acres of land. He was at plough when the deputies came to him from the Senate, to acquaint him of his promotion. Wherever wisdom and virtue were found in a person, though destitute of a fortune, he stood fair to be advanced. And yet there were a few among the Romans even in that day, as there is a greater number among us in this, who are well described by Livy, when he says — “Operæ pre4tium est udire, qui omina præ divitiis humana spernunt; neque honori magno locum, neque viruti putant esse, nisi essuse affluent opes.

28. Amos III. 6.

29. Isai. LVIII. 1.

30. Jer. VIII. 6.

31. If God’s holy name is, at this day, too frequently and sometimes irreverently invoked, even in a judicial manner, every sincere friend to virtue and religion must wish to have this practice, so affrontive to the deity, and so destructive to the morals of the people, discontinued.

32. Jer. XIV. 8.

33. Rom. VIII. 31.

34. Deut. XXXIII. 29.

Jonas Clark (1730-1805) Biographer:

Jonas Clark was born on Christmas Day in Lexington, Massachusetts. He graduated from Cambridge University at the age of 22 and was ordained as a minister three years later. While serving as a minister, he also worked a farm of 60 acres in order to supply his family with food. He continued as the pastor of the church at Lexington for half-a-century.

Clark was an avid American patriot before and during and the American War for Independence. He actively wrote papers related to pressing issues such as the Stamp Act and many of the leading patriots stayed at his home and sought his counsel. In fact, both John Hancock and Samuel Adams were at his home on April 18, 1775, when Paul Revere made his famous midnight ride to alert them that they must flee or face being caught by the coming British. Upon hearing the news, they turned to Pastor Clark and asked if the people of Lexington would fight, to which he replied, “I have trained them for this very hour!”

The following morning, some seventy men from his church faced over 700 British soldiers, and when the “Shot heard round the world” was over, eighteen Americans were laying on the ground—both black and white patriots—all members of his church. Clark’s influence continued throughout the War and afterwards, and he helped pen the Massachusetts Constitution.

This election sermon was preached by Clark in Massachusetts on May 30, 1781.

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN HANCOCK, Esq;

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR

THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

SENATE

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 30, 1781.

BEING THE FIRST DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

After the COMMENCEMENT of the

Present CONSTITUTION,

AND

INAUGURATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.

BY JONAS CLARK, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Lexington.

N. B. Several passages omitted in the delivery of this Discourse are now inserted.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

In SENATE, May 30, 1781.

ORDERED, That Walter Spooner, Samuel Adams, and Charles Turner, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Jonas Clark, and return him the Thanks of the Senate for his Sermon delivered this Day before his Excellency the Governor, the Council and the General Court, and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.

Attest,
JOHN AVERY, Sec’ry.

Election Sermon.

PSALM XLVII. 8, 9.

–GOD sitteth upon the throne of His holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.

At what time, or upon what occasion, the Psalm before us was composed, is neither certain, nor easy, at this distance of time, to determine.—“Many have supposed it to have been penned, on occasion of bringing up the Ark to Mount Zion.”—Others, “that it looks further, and is prophetic of the ascension of the glorious Mediator, after he had finished his work on earth, and the setting up his kingdom in the world.”

From the sentiments it contains, it might also be considered as a Psalm composed, and well adapted, for the congregation of Israel, when all the tribes came to Hebron to receive David, and by their elders to make a league with him, as their chief magistrate; and to establish him in the government. ¹

But, which, or whether either of these suppositions hath any solid foundation, must be left to the learned and judicious to determine.—Be the primary occasion, of this devout composition, what it may; it is beyond dispute, that the subjects of it are interesting and important:–Subjects well suited to inspire the church and people of God, at all times, with a sense of his government and their dependence, and of their indispensible obligations to celebrate the glories of his perfections, herein displayed, as the ground of their confidence and theme of their praise.

In a word, it is an exhortation to the people of GOD, to praise the Lord, as “The Great King over all the earth,” who should subdue the people, their enemies and oppressors under them, and the nations under their feet: And as that God, who should choose their inheritance for them, and establish them in the quiet possession and enjoyment of it.

Agreeably, in confirmation of this their confidence, it is said, in the text—That GOD sitteth upon the throne of his holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.

In these words, we have a striking representation,–a lively portrait of the happy state of a people, or nation, in covenant with God, and favoured with his protection and smiles; of a people established in the enjoyment of the blessings of a civil government, whose constitution is founded in principles of liberty and equity, whose laws are administered with justice and righteousness, and whose end is the glory of God, in the good of mankind. The Great GOD, as the sovereign, the supreme ruler, sitting on the throne of his holiness, with all the powers of government, originally and ultimately, vested in himself, and exercised by him, agreeable to the eternal laws of righteousness and equity.—The Princes of the people, their leaders, or delegates, are gathered together, from all parts of the land, in the name of their constituents, and under the direction and influence of their supreme ruler and sovereign, to consult the public weal, to enact laws and to transact the great affairs of the nation and of government. The people, the body of the nation, are there introduced, as The people of the GOD of Abraham, in covenant with him, and devoutly acknowledging their fealty to him, as their sovereign, and their dependence upon him and his blessing, both for counsel and defense. And in fine, that nothing might be wanting to complete the view, we have The Shields of the earth, representing both the powers of government and the persons vested with them, exhibited, as belonging to GOD, religiously devoted to his service and glory, or under his direction and control, to carry to effect the purposes of his benevolence and wisdom for the good of his people, or the designs of his justice and righteousness in the government of the world.—The whole is intended to show—‘That magistracy, or civil government, is of divine institution—‘That the end of it is the good of the governed—and “That, as all power and all authority are derived from him, the glory of all should redound to his name; to the end, that GOD, who sitteth on the throne might be greatly exalted.

That God, who created and preserves, of right, doth govern the world, is a truth, which the light of nature teaches, which revelation confirms, and a truth, which the common sense of mankind in all ages, concurs to establish.

That the power, authority and sovereignty of God are absolute and uncontrollable is a truth justly deducible from the preceding, and equally indisputable.

The sacred scriptures are far from being silent, or doubtful, upon a subject so fundamental, so important. We frequently find all the powers of moral government, in the highest sense, solemnly assumed by God, or devoutly ascribed unto him, in the divine oracles. Hence God is introduced by the holy prophet, as saying, “I am the Lord, and there is none else; there is no God besides me. I form the light and create darkness: I make peace and create evil: I the Lord do all these things.” ² “I will work, and who shall let it?” ³—And to show the vanity of oppugnation [opposition] to his government or authority, it is added,–“Let the potsherd strive with the potsherds of the earth: But woe to him that striveth with his maker.” ⁴

And what God hath thus justly assumed, is devoutly ascribed to him by his saints and people; and frequently mentioned as the ground of their confidence, as well as the reason of their submission.—At all times, yea, even in times of perplexity and darkness, it was the language of God’s people—“The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice” ⁵—“The Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord is our king; He will save us.” ⁶ Holy David observes that “the kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is governor among the nations.” ⁷ and to add no more, it is said—That “The Lord sitteth King forever:” ⁸ And, that “His Kingdom ruleth over all.” ⁹

In this light considered, the Deity is to be acknowledged, as that God, whose power and authority are supreme, universal and uncontrollable.

It is not, however, authority or power alone, that forms the character, or gives an idea of the great moral governor of the universe; but this power, and this authority, as tempered with wisdom, goodness, justice, truth, faithfulness, and other moral perfections necessary to a government founded in equity, exercised in righteousness, glorious to himself and a blessing to his creatures.

It would have been easy to an infinite being, to have carried to effect the purposes of his government, by the influences of his spirit, or the word of his power; but, for wise reasons, the supreme Ruler hath been pleased to employ angels and men, as ministers in his kingdom; and to render even second causes subservient to the great designs of his wisdom, justice and goodness, in the government of the world.

For the glory of God, and the preservation of order and communication of happiness, it is both natural and rational to suppose, that government subsists among intelligent beings, of whatever rank, or degree in creation.

This conjecture is the more probable, with regard to the heavenly hosts, and those bright intelligences, who inhabit the celestial abodes, and are favoured with the nearest approaches unto God, from the account the sacred oracles have given; of the various names, orders and degrees subsisting among them; as Angels, Arch-angels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities and Powers. ¹⁰

Something of this kind, also, would, undoubtedly, have been advantageous, if not necessary, to have perfected the felicity of mankind, had they continued in a state of innocence and rectitude: And for the order, harmony and happiness of society and the world, it is reasonable to suppose, that rule and government would have taken place among men, however virtuous, benevolent, or just.

The still greater importance of such an institution to the peace, liberty, safety and happiness of individuals, of society and the world of mankind, since sin, lust, passion, imperfection and every evil work have been introduced, needs neither time to consider, nor arguments to prove.

Were there no civil government, laws, magistracy, nor Shields of the earth, for the preservation of peace, the guard of liberty, the protection of property and the defense of life, it is easy to see, and, without a spirit of prophesy, to foretell, what the event must be:–that anarchy, confusion, blood and slaughter, waste and destruction, would soon take place in the earth.—The weak would be devoured by the strong, the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an easy prey to the vicious, abandoned and ambitious:–and the longest sword must quickly determine the fate of mankind.

Hence it appears, I had almost said, to a demonstration, that, under God, the supreme ruler, this wise institution of civil government, this richest of temporal blessings to mankind, takes its rise from Necessity.

It is true, reason teaches the propriety, convenience points out the advantages, and all the social affections concur to urge the importance of civil government. But however engaging or interesting these arguments might appear, to the wise, the benevolent, or judicious, they would be, at best, but a feeble support to the peace and order of society,–would never have availed to establish government, over the lawless lusts of vicious, aspiring, or blood-thirsty men.—It is Necessity, Necessity alone, which combines men in society, and gives rise to civil government. And had not mankind been effectually convinced of this necessity, and taught to realize that there was no living without it, it is very much a doubt, whether ever such an institution would have taken place in the world.

This Necessity, in a great measure at least, is founded in and takes rise from the lusts, the corruptions and vices of mankind.

Tis not indeed pretended, that any one man, or any number of men, have any natural right of superiority, or inherent claim of dominion, or governmental authority over any other man, or body of men.—All men, by nature, are free, equal and independent, in this matter. It is in compact—in compact alone, that all just government is founded.

The first steps, in entering into society and toward the establishment of civil government among a people, is the forming, agreeing to, and ratifying an original compact, for the regulation of the State, describing and determining the mode, departments and powers of government, and the rights, privileges and duties of the subjects.

This should be done by the whole body of the people; or by princes, leaders, or delegates, by their choice, appointment, or consent.

This right in the people, whether emerging from a state of nature, or the yoke of oppression, is an unalienable right—a right which cannot be given up by a people, even though ever so much inclined to sell or sacrifice it.—Yea, should a people be so lost to themselves, as, upon any consideration, to give it up, it may justly be reclaimed, at least by the next generation, who cannot be supposed to be deprived of their birth-right, because their progenitors, like Esau, despised and parted with theirs.

While the social compact subsists, the whole state, and all its members, are bound by it:–a sacred regard ought to be paid to it. No man, order, or body of men, in the state, have any right, power, or authority, to alter, change, or violate the social compact. Nor can any change, alteration, or amendment, be lawfully introduced, but by common consent. Any and every attempt of this kind, endangers the whole.

It remains, however, with the community, state, or nation, as a public, political body, at any time, at pleasure, to change, alter, or even totally dissolve the constitution, and return to a state of nature, or to form anew, as to them shall seem meet.

These principles admitted, it is evident that no man, or body or men, however wise, great or good;–no state, nation, or power on earth, hath any right to make or impose a constitution of government upon another state or nation: Such a constitution, however free, is a mark of dependence, a badge of slavery, the most distant thought of which, the high spirit of a free people would justly despise.

EQUALITY and INDEPENDENCE are the just claim, the indefeasible birth-right of men:–In a state of nature, as individuals; in society, as states or nations.—Nothing short of these ever did, or ever will satisfy a man or a people, truly free, truly brave.

True it is, a conquered nation is obliged to submit to the terms, the laws, the conqueror is pleased to impose: But this being matter of compulsion and not of choice, alters not the right. The claim to liberty and independence remains the same. When opportunity offers, and power is attained, it is, beyond dispute, the duty, as well as right, of such a people, of such a nation, to assert their native liberty, to shake off the tyrant’s yoke, to maintain their equality and independence among the nations; and either resume their former, or establish a new constitution of government, as they shall judge best.

Upon the whole, this is a right, the violation or infringement of which, upon any consideration whatever, no man can justify upon the principles of reason, the laws of nature, or rules of equity.—Even God himself, the supreme ruler of the world, whose government is absolute and uncontrollable, hath ever paid a sacred attention to this important right, hath ever patronized this interesting claim in the sons of men.

The only constitution of civil government that can plead its origin, as immediately from heaven, is The Theocracy of the Hebrews. But even this form of government, though dictated by infinite wisdom, and wrote with the finger of GOD, was laid before his people for their consideration, and ratified, introduced and established by their common consent.

What form of government will answer the best purposes to society, and most effectually display the glory of the supreme Ruler, in the good of mankind, is a question truly delicate and important; and a question, which, in the hand of a masterly politician, might admit of a discussion both interesting and entertaining. But as neither time, nor capacity, will permit me to enter largely into so high and critical a subject; it shall suffice to observe,–

That a little acquaintance with the world and the history of mankind, in the several ages past, will clearly decide, that no one constitution, or form of civil government, can be supposed to be equally adapted to answer the best purposes of such an institution, in every society, nation or state.

That in the rise and progress of society, different modes of government have been adopted and introduced, at different stages and successive periods, cannot be doubted.—And whether there hath not been, in many instances, at least, a gradation in the modes of government, keeping pace with the progress of society, in the several ages of the world, similar to that gradation, which is easily observed in the several stages and periods of human life; is a question, with all deference, submitted to the candor and judgment of this respectable assembly.

At first sight, indeed, this circumstance may not have been observed; nor can it be said to have been the case, without many exceptions. But, in an attentive review of the history of mankind, have we not seen, in various instances, a people emerging from a state of nature, and perhaps obscurity, with all the life, vigor, heat and zeal, as well as undisguised simplicity of youth, entering into society; and their pulse beating high for liberty, forming the social compact upon principles of freedom, and establishing a constitution purely popular—A form of civil government, in which every man considers himself a part of the authority, having a right to give his voice upon every law, measure, or public act of the state?

In a succeeding stage, have we not seen a people, perhaps the same, by gradual alterations and improvements, or by some thorough reform or revolution, like man arrived at mature age, for wisdom, firmness and strength, establishing true liberty and a settled civil government, upon the more permanent basis of a FREE COMMONWEALTH? And under this happy form, flourishing for ages, and in the unmolested enjoyment of the sweets of freedom and the blessings of government, rising to the height of strength and dignity, prosperity and glory?

Moreover, have we not seen, at some distant period, this same society, state or nation, like man passed the meridian of life, and beginning to feel the infirmities of age approaching, by insinuating corruptions, by the influence of parties, the malevolence of factions, and frequent disorders, warned of its danger, and reduced to the necessity of strengthening the bands of society, and the powers of government, by a monarchial constitution; and putting the reins into the hands of a sovereign, with certain limitations, to guard, as much as may be, the liberty of the subject and freedom of the state?

In fine;–Have we not seen, in the closing period, the same society, state, or nation, like man, in the decline of life, bowed with the infirmities of age and time, the constitution broken; the spirit of virtue, wisdom, liberty and firmness gone; the political body, filled with vicious humours, attacked by painful diseases, rack’d with malignant disorders, which surpass the political physician’s skill to heal or remedy? In a word, convulsed to the very foundations, by internal oppressions and violences, by public tumults and commotions, and divided and rent by the furious factions of wicked, designing, artful and ambitious men, tending to and ending in blood-shed, slaughter and civil wars, which nothing but the hand and sword of absolute power could restrain, quiet or control—and thus prepared to be an easy prey to the daring tyrant, whose hand could seize, whose sword could secure it!

It is not, indeed, pretended, that this hath been statedly or literally the case, with nations that have entered into society, and established civil government in the world.—But whether, in the rise and progress of society, and the modes of government which have been adopted by mankind, something of this kind hath not appeared, in various instances? And whether this, or some similar gradation in the constitutions of government, at the several periods and stages of society, are not natural and necessary, rational and just; and, upon the whole, for the best,–is humbly submitted to the learned, the wise and judicious to consider.

Certain it is, that as different societies and states may require different modes of government; so the same societies or nations may require different constitutions, at distinct and distant periods and stages of their existence.

When Brutus the Elder greatly dared to attempt a radical revolution, from an arbitrary to a free government, by the expulsion of the Tarquins, and the establishment of a commonwealth at Rome; the virtue of his fellow-citizens, seconded and supported him: And the glorious plan was carried to effect to the inexpressible joy of every friend to liberty, to his country and the rights of mankind.—But when, from the same patriotic principles, Brutus the Younger, by the death of Julius Caesar, several ages afterwards, nobly attempted the deliverance of his country from the shackles of tyranny, and the oppressor’s yoke; and to re-establish a free government; the virtue of his fellow-citizens failed him; and Rome was enslaved, never—never to enjoy the blessings of liberty or a free government more!—And this was her choice!—otherwise she would have roused, seconded and supported the arms and attempts of so faithful a friend and so valiant an hero, in the glorious cause of freedom and his country.

Upon the whole, the propriety or impropriety of this or that constitution or mode of government, for this people or another, depends upon a variety of circumstances; such as character, situation, manners, customs, trade, connections, &c.—of which the people, are, or, most certainly, ought to be the best, if not the only competent judges.—And happy is that people, who, having the opportunity, have wisdom to discern and virtue to pursue their true interest, in a matter of so interesting a nature, and such lasting importance.

Mysteries in government, secrets of state,–those Arcona Imperii, by which the artful and ambitious have enslaved the greater part of mankind, are totally abhorrent to all principles of liberty, and naturally tend to sap the foundations of civil government, in a free commonwealth.

A people have an unalienable right to know the constitution they enjoy, the government they are under, the laws they are subject to, and what is justly expected and required of them as subjects.

Next to a good constitution, therefore, the laws of the land are the inheritance of the people.—All laws should bear a resemblance and carry the features, of the constitution; being deduced from its principles and founded in its maxims. And, if I may be allowed the expression, the laws should flow from the constitution, as the streams from the fountain, and even grow out of it, as the tree from the root, or the branches from the stock.

It is also necessary to the well-being of society, that laws be adapted to the state and necessities of a people, and to the circumstances and exigencies of the community.

It is of no small importance to the liberty of the subject, as well as the support of governmental authority, in a free commonwealth, that laws be as few in number, and as plain, concise and expressive, in their form, as possible.

It hath been often said, ‘The more laws, the less government.’—The institutions of Lycurgus, the great founder of civil government in Sparta, and the laws of Solon, the wise lawgiver of the Athenians, under the happy influence of which those states, from small beginnings, rose to the heighth of strength and glory, were few, plain, concise and expressive.

When laws become numerous, or voluminous, it indicates the decline of virtue, the weakness of government and increase of vice.—For laws, taking rise from necessity, hold up to view the vices, or crimes, they are intended to suppress, as the reason of their existence.—Several ages passed, in the republic of Rome, before any law existed for the punishment of a Parricide; evidently taking for granted, either, that this crime had never been thought of, or that it was of so atrocious a nature, that no Roman could be so debased as ever to commit it.

I only add, that to render laws effectual, to the purposes of their existence it hath ever been the care of the wisest legislators, especially in free states, to have such penalties annexed as are, not only apportioned to the malignity, but, as near as possible, expressive of the nature, of the crimes they are intended to punish, or suppress. ¹¹

But laws, however good in themselves, or wisely adapted to the state and necessities of a people, can be of but little advantage, unless duly observed and carried to effect. Hence the necessity of appointing certain persons to be rulers, of investing them with power and clothing them with authority, to administer government, and carry the laws into execution.

Civil government, duly established and organized, is fitly compared to a Shield, as it is instituted for the defense and protection of the subjects and the state. And hence rulers and magistrates, being vested and entrusted with the powers of government, are, with great propriety termed Shields of the earth, in the words of our text.—And as the powers of government give existence to the ruler, to the magistrate: So it is with rulers and magistrates to give life to the constitution and energy to the laws, by a faithful administration.

Good and faithful rulers are raised above their brethren, to places of honour, trust and authority, not for themselves, but for the people, and the good of society. They are entrusted with several powers of government, that individuals may be protected and defended in their life, liberty, property and rights—that the internal peace and order of society might be preserved; and that the external defense, of the whole, against the encroachments, violence, assaults, or invasions of enemies, or oppressors, might effectually be provided for.

In this way, wise and faithful rulers are Shields to the state, and Shields of the earth; as by this happy institution, under their administration, the wisdom and strength of the whole state, may, at any time, be collected in defense of the public, or of any part of the community, as occasion may require. And thus very member is engaged for the peace, safety and defense of the state; and the whole for the peace, safety and protection of every member: For these obligations are mutual, and equally sacred and binding.

In this light considered, rulers, by accepting a seat or an office in government, are fitly said to pledge themselves, their faith and sacred honour, and that in the most solemn manner, to the people for their fidelity: and to them are they accountable.

But there is another argument, of yet higher importance, suggested in our text, which demands the attention of rulers of whatever station; and may not be passed over in silence.

It is said, in the words before us,–The Shields of the earth belong unto GOD.

Civil government, as hath been said, is of divine institution. God, as Supreme, sitteth on the throne of his holiness. All power, rule, or authority is derived from God. In the government of society, states and nations, men are employed to carry his purposes of wisdom and goodness to effect. And hence civil rulers are fitly stiled—“the ministers of God.”– ¹² And in the language of the text, it may be said, they belong unto GOD, in a particular manner, and in various respects.

’Tis God, by his spirit and providence, who qualifies, raiseth up and calls them forth to public view, in places of honour, trust and importance, in the various departments of government.—Men indeed, may act freely in all their elections and appointments.—But after all, a divine agency attends them:–An all-superintending providence is religiously to be acknowledged.—“the lot” faith the wise man—“the lot is cast into the lap: But the whole disposing thereof, is of the Lord.” ¹³ And in terms yet more nervous and expressive, the Psalmist tells us, that “promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge. He putteth down one, and setteth up another.” ¹⁴

Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as it is his power with which they are vested, in his name that they act, and by his authority that they administer government and discharge the duties of their several offices and departments, whether as supreme or subordinate.

Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as he hath explicitly directed them upon what principles, in what manner, and with what views they are to act in office and administer government.—That they are to fear GOD—hate covetousness—shake their hands from bribes—to judge righteously—to be no respectors of persons in judgment—not to be afraid of the face of man; but always to realize, that the judgment is GOD’s. ¹⁵

Civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto the LORD, as the end of their administration is the glory of God, and that he might be greatly exalted, in the good of mankind.—Hence the apostle—He is the minister of GOD to thee for good. ¹⁶

In fine; civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto GOD, as they are under his immediate inspection, as they are accountable to him for the whole of their conduct, in this character, and as their reward is with him, “God standeth,” saith the psalmist “in the congregation of the mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.” ¹⁷

Deeply penetrated with a sense of the importance of these considerations, a good ruler hath the most engaging, as well as awakening, motives, to a faithful discharge of duty, and the most substantial arguments to support him, under the weight and care of government.

It is, indeed, readily admitted, that rulers, in devoting their time, talents and capacities to the service of the public, have a just claim to respect and support; and, in an upright discharge of their trust, they have a right, not only to a pecuniary reward, in proportion to the dignity of their stations, and importance of their services; but also to the grateful acceptance and cheerful approbation of an obliged people. And it is very happy indeed, for both rulers and people, when it may be truly said of persons in authority, as of Mordecai, of old—that “they are great among their fellow citizens, and accepted of the multitude of their brethren, seeking the wealth of their people, and speaking peace to all their seed.” ¹⁸

But should faithful rulers fail of so just, as well as pleasing, a return, as hath sometimes been the case, they are not without support, encouragement, or reward.

The fear of God, the sentiments of religion, the approbation of their own minds, the acceptance of their judge and the rewards of his kingdom, are sufficient to support them under every weight, and to excite them to fidelity and perseverance, under every discouragement.—Neither the frowns of the great, nor the flatteries of the multitude; nor yet, the more pleasing charms of future promotion, will ever be permitted to influence the measures, or direct the conduct of the faithful ruler, acting under the influence of those exalted sentiments, which religion inspires. But, realizing what he owes to God, and what his country may justly require, he is faithful to the one, and true to the other, even though the Ostracism ¹⁹ of the Athenians should be his lot, and the fate of the noble Pericles his reward. ²⁰

Conscious integrity is a solid support.—A support, which the world can neither give nor take away.—Like Cato, the virtuous roman Senator, “to have done his duty,”—to have approved himself to that God, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, is more to the good ruler, the true Patriot, than the approbation or applause of united worlds. With a serenity of mind, which no words can express, such a ruler most cheerfully leaves it with heaven to estimate his fidelity and apportion the reward. His only request is that of pious Nehemiah, the faithful governour of Judea,–“Think upon me, O my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.” ²¹

Another thing necessary to the ends of civil government, and to render it a blessing to subjects and a Shield to the state, is the concurrence of the people, with their rulers, in their faithful endeavours and unremitting exertions, for internal peace and external defence.

A sacred regard to the constitution, a cheerful obedience to the laws, and a reverend submission to the authority of those who are vested with the powers of government, are as much the duty of subject, even in free states, as it is of rulers to be faithful to the trust reposed in them by the people. The obligations are mutually binding, equally indispensible, and equally necessary to the liberty, safety, prosperity and happiness of society.

The best constitution, the wisest laws, and the most faithful rulers are all in vain to a perverse, restless, factious, remiss or disobedient people.

If a people violate the constitution, trample under foot the laws, cast contempt on authority and despise government; or fail, when lawfully required, to make those exertions for defense, which the exigencies of the state may demand; they must thank themselves, and not their rulers, for that ruin which threatens and will most certainly overtake them. In the language of the prophet, it may justly be said to such a people,–“thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy backslidings shall reprove thee.” ²²

The apostle Paul observes, “that the powers that be, are ordained of God”: And justly considers civil government as an ordinance of GOD. And that rulers are “the ministers of God”, to a people, “for good.” ²³ From hence he concludes, that a people should acknowledge their authority and yield an obedient subjection:–And expressly says, that they must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. ²⁴

The subjection here enjoined is not absolute, or that passive obedience and non resistance, so absurdly preached up, in the darker ages of the world: But that obedience and subjection to good and faithful rulers, which the social compact and the laws of the land require. And without this, government is at an end.

If rulers are not seconded and supported by the people, in the exercise of their authority, in the execution of the laws and the administration of government, their best attempts, their most upright endeavours will never avail to the purposes intended by such an institution.

It is with the people to add life to the constitution, energy to the laws, and dignity as well as strength to government: And that, both for internal peace, order and freedom, and external defense, against all who openly oppose, assault or invade the state.

In a word, as by the social compact, the whole is engaged for the protection and defense of the life, liberty and property of each individual; so each individual owes all that he hath, even life itself, to the support, protection and defense of the whole, when the exigencies of the state require it. And no man, whether in authority or subordination, can justly excuse himself from any duty, service or exertions, in peace or war, that may be necessary for the public peace, liberty, safety or defense, when lawfully and constitutionally called thereto.

As in the body natural, all the parts and members are necessary; and in their places severally concur to the health, strength and beauty of the whole: So in the body politick, a well regulated state, a similar adjustment takes place.—And as all parts and members are necessary: So in their place and use, they all concur to the health, safety and happiness of society; and to the beauty, strength, glory and defense of the state.

When the parts are disadjusted, the body is out of health, and the constitution in danger.—So in the body politic, if the parts are disadjusted, its health will be marred, its strength impaired and its constitution endangered. Thus when the legislative assumes and exercises the powers, by constitution, vested in the executive department; the executive, those of the judicial; or the judicial, those of the legislative; or either of them: then there is an evident disadjustment of the parts, in the body politick, which tends to confusion in society, jumble in government, danger to the constitution and destruction to the commonwealth. ²⁵

It is of the highest importance to the well being of society, that every man, that all the members should know their place, and the duties of their station, in the Commonwealth, whether in authority, or subordination: And everything that tends to an alteration, or abridgment, of the powers of government, on the one hand, or of the rights of the people, on the other, should awaken the attention of both rulers and people, and put all upon their guard.

For instance: The compromise of individuals, the plans of a junto, the schemes of a faction, or the intrigues of a court for the disposal of offices or the obtaining elections, have a threatening aspect on the liberties of the people, the powers of government and the constitution itself. Julius Caesar would never, perhaps, have had it in his power, to have totally subverted the republic of Rome, usurp’d the government and seated himself on the imperial throne, had not his way thereto been paved and prepared, by the private compact and artful compromise between Pompey the Great, Crassus and himself, which formed the first triumvirate, that appeared in that great Commonwealth. ²⁶

In all such cases, therefore, “Obsta Principiis”, is a good maxim, and worthy of the attention of all. And the first appearances of such baneful machinations should be beheld with abhorrence and check’d with severity, by all orders of men in a free Commonwealth, as they are friends to their country and wish to preserve the liberties of the people, the powers of government, or the rights of the constitution, inviolate to the State.

This precaution is always necessary.—It is more especially of importance when first entering into society; or when a radical revolution takes place, and a new form or constitution of government is introduced.—Bad precedents are growing evils; and fatal consequences commonly attend them, if not seasonably checked and effectually crushed.

The last thing which we shall mention, as necessary to the well being of society and the happiness of a free state, is the cordial concurrence of all orders of men, in authority and subordination, in a sacred regard to religion; in a devout acknowledgment of their dependence upon God, his providence and blessing, for all the benefits they expect to derive from a settled civil government.

This sentiment is evidently suggested in the words of our text.—The people, whose princes are here introduced as gathered together to consult for the common good, and transact the public affairs for the government and defense of the nation;–The people, whose rulers are here termed shields of the earth, and justly said to belong unto GOD; In a word, the people, in whose settled government and flourishing state, God, the supreme ruler, is said to be greatly exalted, are fitly styled the people of the GOD of Abraham,–a people in covenant with God.—A people of his fear—of his praise.—A people deeply impressed with a sense of the Deity, his government and providence; and a people who cordially acknowledge their dependence upon him and their indispensible obligations to fear and obey him, and to preserve and exercise a sacred regard to his worship, and to the doctrines and duties of that holy religion, which he had taught by his word.

The importance of religion and morality, and a devout acknowledgment of the government of heaven, to the support of order and government among men, and to the liberty, safety and happiness of society, is what reason teaches, and what the common sense, as well as universal practice of mankind, in all ages and nations, concurs to confirm.

In civilized nations, and where civil government hath been established, many cities and places of importance may be found without walls, without guards, and even without weapons or any preparations for common defense: But it is not easy to find any without, a temple, an altar, a grove or some other place appointed and appropriated to the purposes of religion, the acknowledgment of heaven, and the worship of the Deity, in some shape or other.

In all the free states of Greece and the great Republic of Rome, the regard that was paid to the worship of the gods and the rites of religion, was constant, punctual and expensive; and in many instances, especially on great occasions, rose to the height of superstition. And no affair of importance to the liberty of the people, or the safety of the state, in peace or war, was undertaken, without a religious acknowledgment of their dependence upon heaven and the influence of the gods.

“The great CAMILLUS who was twice saluted ‘The Deliverer of his country,’ to awaken in his fellow-citizens a sense of the importance of religion, appealed to the Romans whether they ever had better success than when they carefully served God, or worse than when they neglected him.”

“Xenophon very justly observes, ‘That Cyrus, one of the best and greatest kings of Persia, laid the foundation of that powerful empire, not so much by his valour, as by his religious acknowledgment of heaven, and his liberality in the worship and service of God.”

But to instance from a yet higher authority: Doth not the holy prophet of the Lord both reprove and exhort the king of Judah, in terms which clearly express the high importance of a sacred regard to the precepts of religion and morality, to the safety, happiness and flourishing state of a people, in that plain and faithful expostulation—Did not thy father eat and drink, and do justice and judgment, and then it was well with him? He judged the cause of the poor and needy, then it was well with him: Was not this to know me? Saith the LORD. ²⁷

When the Supreme Ruler of the world gave notice to Moses, the great law-giver of the Hebrew nation, that the period of his administration was hastening, and the time near at hand, when he must quit the high station he held at the head of the commonwealth of Israel,, for a more exalted seat of immortal glory in his kingdom above,–It is said, He called a solemn assembly of the people; and having recapitulated the heads of the constitution God had given them, and rehearsed a summary of the statutes and precepts of the religion he had made known unto them, he closed his address, and took his leave of them, with this expressive and pathetic exhortation, saying, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day: For it is not vain thing for you; because it is your life: And through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whether ye go over Jordan to possess it.” ²⁸

The truth is, religion, more especially as taught by the word of God, and enforced by the powerful arguments and engaging motives of he gospel of Jesus Christ, is the source of liberty, the soul of government and the life of a people.—Its doctrines are sublime, its precepts excellent, its motives persuasive and endearing, and its rewards rich, glorious and all divine.

Religion inspires the soul with the noblest sentiments, enflames the heart with the purest affections, and forms the man for every virtue,–for every service, which God or his country may either expect or require.

Its benevolent precepts are all contained in love to GOD and love to man. And where this divine affection takes place, inspires the soul, warms the heart, influences the temper and governs the conduct; piety to God, and justice and charity to men, will mark distinguish and dignify the character. And the same divine principle, penetrating the hearts of the various orders of men in society, and pervading the state, cannot fail producing the happiest effects.—Vice and immorality, wickedness and unrighteousness, in every form, in every character, will soon disappear; and justice, temperance, truth and love,–every virtue, every grace which adorns human nature, or tends to the peace and happiness of society, will quickly take their place.

Under the sacred energy of so god-like a principle, rulers will become true patriots, real benefactors; the people willing and obedient subjects: And all orders of men will most cheerfully concur in every measure which wisdom can dictate for the common good.

In a word, religion among a people, in its power, purity and governing influence, is the guardian of liberty, the strength of government, the energy of laws, the band of society, and both the glory and defense of the state.

In times of prosperity, a people, that have made God their fear, and religion their care, may rest assured of the establishment and continuance of their flourishing state.

In times of perplexity, when dangers surround, oppressors threaten, or enemies invade, such a people have God for their refuge: And committing their cause unto him, in the way of well-doing, may humbly expect that light will arise in darkness, that the power of the oppressor shall be broken, that their enemies shall not prevail against them, and that God will maintain their right and their cause.

At all times, under all circumstances, at home, abroad, in peace and war, such a people may safely & cheerfully leave all their concerns in the hands of God; and in filial confidence of his presence, protection and blessing, may say with the Psalmist—“The Lord is on my side, I will not fear: What can man do unto me?” ²⁹—Happy is that people that is in such a case: Yea, happy is the people, whose GOD is the LORD. ³⁰

In the above representation, we have seen the fair side of the question: Government a blessing, and the shields of the earth, as they ought to be, employed for the good of mankind. But it may, notwithstanding, be justly said, that this is not always the case. And the question may still be asked—How, then, can it be asserted, “That the shields of the earth belong unto God?”

Upon this question it may be observed,–That it is admitted, that THE SHIELDS OF THE EARTH may be reversed.—The powers of government may be abused. Rulers, however promising at first, may become oppressors. Yea, this hath been too often the fact. But should this be the unhappy case; and, contrary to the just expectations of God and men, should the shields of the earth be reversed, and turned against those whom they were intended to defend, it alters not the truth or propriety of the assertion. “The shields of the earth still belong unto God:” and “the Lord still sitteth on the throne of his holiness.”

Such is the nature of the divine government, and such the wisdom of the Supreme Ruler, that good is brought out of evil. Even the oppressors of mankind are the servants of God; and their oppressions are so over-ruled as to be subservient to the designs of infinite wisdom and goodness, in the moral government of the world.

The shields of the earth reversed, the powers of government abused, may be and are over-ruled in providence, so as to be productive of great good to society and mankind.

Such, indeed, is the inertia of mankind in general, that they are more prone to undue submission, than the contrary. Even a bad government is better than none, in the estimation of the greater part of the world. And so great is the risqué, the uncertainty and danger attending the attempt of a revolution, that it is not an easy matter to persuade a people, even under an undue exercise of power, to rise and resist. They will bear much, and long, before they can be brought to unite in such an attempt: but there are degrees of oppression beyond bearing; and which mankind, unless totally lost to all sentiments of liberty, and entirely broke to the yoke of slavery, will not submit to. And it is wise in God, and happy for a people, when the strides of oppression are permitted to be so great, and the violences of oppressors so hastily increased, as to rouse them effectually before it is too late.

Oppressors are fitly called, “The rod of God’s anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation,” ³¹ they are wisely employed by the Supreme Ruler, to correct the errors, reprove the vices, and reform the disorders of societies, nations and states. They are more especially improved to rouse and restore the true spirit of liberty, when declining; and to bring on a total revolution, if necessary, to the preservation or restoration of so inestimable a blessing.

Instances of this are too numerous and too well known, to admit of dispute.

As it was the afflicted state of God’s people Israel, that moved him, in mercy, to send Moses to deliver them: so it was the oppressions of Pharaoh and the cruelty of the task-masters, that gave weight to his messages, and effectually roused them, in the face of every danger, to assert their freedom, and attempt their deliverance from the Egyptian yoke.

CHRISTENDOM would never have been roused, with firmness, to have attempted to free themselves from the hierarchy of Rome, had not the oppressions of that power put them upon the expedient.

It was a long series of injuries, and intolerable oppressions and cruelties, which taught the United States of Holland to assert their native freedom, independence and sovereignty, against the power of Spain, then at the meridian of its strength and glory.

BRITONS would never have so frequently resisted their kings, and flown to arms in defense of their invaluable rights, had not the iron rod of oppression convinced them of the necessity of such strenuous exertions, to preserve and protract the remains of liberty among them.

It was the oppressor’s hand, in church and state, which drove our worthy ancestors from their native land, in the face of every danger, every distress, to seek a secure retreat for the unmolested enjoyment of Liberty, civil and religious, in the inhospitable wilds of America.

And the same oppressive hand, which pursued and persecuted this injured people over the wide Atlantic, from time to time, in lawless claims upon their rights and liberties, under God and providence, hath been the means of preserving and transmitting that glorious spirit of liberty, for which the Colonies of America have been so illustrious, in the several periods of their existence.

And, to add no more; a series of oppressive measures, and lawless claims of arbitrary power adopted and pursued by the Court of Great-Britain, in open violation of the most sacred chartered rights;–arms to enforce obedience;–and the power of the British legislature to “make LAWS binding upon the Colonies, IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER,” being openly assumed and declared, roused and raised the spirit of LIBERTY, in the FREE-BORN SONS of AMERICA, to the highest pitch. And, no other alternative being left them, but the SWORD or SLAVERY; these Colonies hesitated not a moment, but unitedly declared their choice of the former: And GREATLY DARED TO BE FREE!!!

The important Die was cast; and the glorious AERA of Liberty commenced!—The sword (wording missing) the oppressor was drawn; and the innocent blood of our brethren, slain at the opening of the interesting contest, was the cement of the union, and seat of the freedom of these injured American States! ³²

ALL AMERICA heard the alarm, deeply felt the wound, and bravely rose to revenge their brethren’s blood, and join the common cause!

To Heaven the appeal was made!—By Heaven, the claim was supported!—That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, the Governor among the nations, the Patron of the injured and oppressed, hath plead our cause, and maintained our right to freedom, equality and independence: And given us a name among the nations of the earth.

The wisdom of the counsels, the firmness of the resolutions, and the equity of the measures of the United States, in Congress assembled; and in the states respectively:–The exertions that have been made, in the cause of liberty and of mankind; and the success which hath attended:–The Articles of Confederation which have been formed and completely ratified, by all the States, as the basis of freedom and mutual support:–And the glorious revolution, that hath taken place in America; as they do honour to human nature, and engage the attention of an admiring world; being transmitted by the pen of the faithful historian, will be a subject of most pleasing contemplation, to all true lovers of liberty and the rights of mankind, in succeeding generations, to the end of time.

In the rise and progress of this interesting contest, the smiles of heaven have appeared, in the supplies afforded, in various instances, when needed most; by captures from the enemy, ³³ the generosity of friends, and the kindness of strangers: And also in the generous support, and effectual assistance, of those powerful states, who, with a benevolence of spirit, and magnanimity of conduct, which does honour to themselves and mankind, have essentially favoured and patronized our cause.

That God, who girded Cyrus, of old, and called him his shepherd, to raise up his afflicted people, oppressed under the Babylonish yoke, and to restore them to their country, their religion, their liberties, ³⁴ and their possessions, inspired the King of France, and the powerful nation under his government, from principles worthy the character of a great—a benevolent Prince, and a wise and politick nation, early to favour the cause of these injured infant states: And finally to take a decided part, and make our cause there own, by a public treaty, both generous and just, and nobly founded in principles of quality and independence.

The advantages resulting to the United States of America, from their happy alliance with so puissant a Prince and so powerful a nation, in the course of the war, are too many to be enumerated, too important to have escaped notice, and too well known to need a mention.

The accession of the power of Spain to the common cause, brightens the prospect. And the late addition of the United States of Holland, and, probably, of Russia, and all the powers of the armed neutrality, in consequence of the unjust measures and unheard of outrages of Britain, must, under God, give the clearest assurances of an happy issue; and of the complete establishment of the freedom, independence and sovereignty, of the United States of America; if we are not criminally wanting to ourselves.

Amidst the convulsions, the ravage, bloodshed and distress that have attended the war;–amidst the great and complicated exertions, we have been called to make, in this all-interesting contest, we have seen, to the glory of God and honor of America, a degree of internal peace, order and unanimity, far beyond what could have been expected, in a struggle of this nature, and in effecting a revolution so extensive and important.

In a word, to the honor of God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, as Governor among the nations, to the joy of America, to the disgrace of our enemies, and the astonishment of the world, we have seen these instant states, in the midst of the alarms and shocks of a distressing war, and in the face of every danger, rising from a state of dependence and obscurity, to a state of liberty, independence and sovereignty. And with a spirit of wisdom, firmness and resolution, which, perhaps, hath never been equaled, forming constitutions and establishing government, upon the basis of freedom and the solid foundations of justice and equity.

Under the smiles of heaven upon this Commonwealth, in particular, have we not seen the social compact formed, and a constitution of government ratified, introduced and established, with a degree of unanimity, which could scarcely have been looked for, in a matter of so delicate a nature and such lasting importance?—A Constitution, which, for the solidity of its principles, the liberality of its sentiments, the importance of its rights, the wisdom of its arrangements, the propriety of its boundaries, the adaptedness of its institutions, and that spirit of liberty which inspires the whole, may justly vie with any other upon the continent, if not in the world.

Under this happy Constitution we have seen, to universal satisfaction, that blessed prophecy, concerning God’s people, after their return from captivity, literally fulfilled unto us.—“Their congregation shall be established before me:–their nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor shall proceed from the midst of them.” ³⁵

The energy and happy effects of a Constitution, thus formed, ratified, introduced and administered, have been too clearly seen and too sensibly felt, by this greatful people, to admit of dispute, or even a doubt.

May we not,–yea, rather, ought we not, upon this joyful occasion, in a deep sense of our obligations to heaven, to ascribe the glory of all to God, and devoutly acknowledge that this is the LORD’s doing; it is marvelous in our eyes!-—

This day, which defuses the smile of freedom,–the joy of liberty, in the countenance of the true Patriot, of every friend to his country and mankind, is a fresh evidence of the care and benevolence of heaven to an injured people,–a new testimony that God hath not forsaken an oppressed land.

This day is great, as it is the first, on which we commemorate the goodness of God, the supreme ruler, in the blessings of a settled government, under a Constitution established on the purest principles of liberty and equity.

This day is great, as it is the first, appointed by the constitution, for the stated meeting of the Princes of this people,–the fathers of the Commonwealth, in General Court: And it is also great, as it commences an AERA of Anniversaries, for the same joyful purposes,–to commemorate and partake of the blessings of LIBERTY and a FREE GOVERNMENT, which (we trust in God) will end, but with time itself!!—

On this joyful day we are invited to see God, the supreme ruler, on the throne of his holiness, the savior and defense of an afflicted land: “The princes of the people of the God of Abraham gathered together”: And “The Shields of the earth,” The rulers of every department, devoting themselves to the service of God and their country, in devout acknowledgment of his government, to the end, that God might be greatly exalted, in the good of his people, b their administration.

To add lustre to the joy of this day, we behold, a second time raised to the chief seat of government, in this Commonwealth, by the free suffrages of the people, a Gentleman, whose patriotic principles early engaged the attention of his fellow-citizens;–whose uniformity of conduct, in the several offices he sustained, effectually gained their esteem;–whose firm attachment to the liberties of his country, and determined resolution, at every risqué and in the most trying times, to do all in his power to support them, established their confidence:–In a word, a Gentleman, whose disposition, ability and integrity, in the service of this and the United States, have been tried and approved; and whose name is illustrious, both as proscribed by Britain, and as authenticating that glorious act, by which the United States of America are forever separated from her, and declared to be a free and independent NATION.

As this is the highest mark of esteem and confidence, in the power of an obliged people to give; it cannot fail of being a support to His EXCELLENCY, under the weight and perplexing cares of government, and a pleasing inducement to those returns of attention and fidelity, in the duties of his high station, which they may justly expect.

We are also happy, this day, in beholding the next seat of government being filled with a Gentleman, whose amiable disposition, excellent qualifications, patriotic spirit, long experience and faithful services, in various departments, have endeared him to the people, and established a confidence in him, as worthy that exalted station, to which he is called by the general voice of the citizens of this free Commonwealth.

And to complete the gladness of our hearts upon this joyful occasion, we see the princes of the people, the honorable, the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, delegated by the suffrages of their brethren, from all parts of the state, gathered together and in General Court assembled, to consult the common good and transact the important affairs of government.—And, as the first step of importance, we behold these princes of the people, these Shields of the earth, in solemn assembly, in God’s holy sanctuary, met, religiously to acknowledge their dependence upon God, the supreme ruler, and devoutly to implore his presence, direction and blessing.—O may that GOD, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, who is the fountain of wisdom and Father of lights;–even that God, whose ear is ever open to the sincere prayers of his people, send them his blessing and an answer of peace!

May the most high God take these SHIELDS of the earth, this day, under his immediate care and patronage, guidance and direction. May the spirit of God and of glory descend and rest upon his EXCELLENCY, his HONOUR, the honourable, the Council, to be chose, the Senate and the House of Representatives: And may the divine presence and blessing attend them this day, and in all their councils, debates and governmental acts, through the whole course of the year. Thus may it appear to all this people, that the Lord hath directed their choice; and that these Shields of the earth, these rulers of the people, do, indeed, belong unto GOD, are devoted to his service and instruments of his glory.

That plainness of speech which hath been adopted in the whole of this discourse, may well supersede the necessity of any particular application, by way of address.—The whole is intended as an humble address to the fathers of this Commonwealth, and to this respectable assembly.—If anything hath been suggested worthy attention, or adapted to the occasion, we trust in the candor of the assembly for a cordial reception. Whatever is of a different complexion, is not likely to be made better, by anything further added, to render it more acceptable.

Our political fathers, however, will permit me, with all deference, to observe,–

‘That the elections of this day; and which, agreeable to the social compact, are to take place, as the first business of the General Court (however limited) are justly considered, as interesting and important.

When we consider the importance of the executive department, to a due administration of government;–The high rank of Counselors;–How much the power of the Chief Magistrate is limited by their advice, in the disposal of places, the appointment of officers, and other things interesting to the community—or the important influence they have in the administration of government, and the management of the great affairs of the Commonwealth;–it should influence to the wisest use of that power of election, with which the honorable Senators and Representatives, by Constitution are vested.

Is the election limited?—Still there is a choice,–A choice, which made with wisdom and fidelity, may be of great utility to this Commonwealth.

It is no impeachment of the abilities, honor or integrity of any man, to suppose, that in a body of wise, great and good men, there may be different talents and improvements, and distinct characters, that may have an opening for exercise, and shine with a peculiar lustre, in different departments of civil government.

What these talents and characters are, how to be distinguished, in whom to be found and where to be placed, for the purposes of government, and best good of the Commonwealth, is not for me to determine. But certain it is, these are questions of no small importance to the public good: And questions, to which our honored civil fathers will give that attention, which their interesting nature demands.

Not only to preserve, as distinct as possible, the several departments of government, that so they might be a mutual check upon each other; but also to give dignity to government and energy to the laws, as well as ease to administration, were evidently in view, by adopting this branch in the constitution: And it cannot be doubted, that, not only those who assisted in adjusting the constitution, but also the people at large promised themselves much from this high department.

The election of counselors, therefore, however limited, will always be justly considered as a sacred deposit in the hands of the General Assembly, of the highest importance to the liberty and safety, the peace and prosperity of this Commonwealth. And, with all deference, it may be said by the people, upon such an occasion, “We claim it as our right, That, among those who are returned for Counselors and Senators, the persons best qualified to serve God and their country in that exalted department, be elected to the council board.” And may God send a perfect lot!—

The foundations which have been so happily laid in our new constitution, are to be established: and, we trust, in the hands of wise and faithful rulers, and by a good administration they will be established for “The FOUNDATIONS OF MANY GENERATIONS.”

Much depends upon the steps that have been and are still to be taken, under this constitution: and to derive the benefits and blessings we promise ourselves and posterity from it, the greatest care should be taken, not only to preserve the constitution itself, in all its parts, sacred and inviolate; but also, as much as possible to have the genuine spirit and principles of it inspiring the laws, and directing the exercise of the powers of government.

We have seen, in the preceding discourse, a specimen of the importance of attention and fidelity in rulers, and something of the nature of the engaging and powerful motives hereunto; As also the glorious rewards which those are entitled to who are faithful and persevering in the discharge of the duties of their several offices and stations. And surely there never was a time when the calls of God, of providence and our country, to the practice of these virtues, were greater than the present.

Many things, interesting in their nature, and important in their consequences, demand the attention of our civil fathers, in the several departments of government; but especially in the General Court.—Inattention and remissness are at all times inexcusable, in those who have accepted seats in government or places of trust and authority: And I need not observe, that at such a day as this, they must be criminal indeed! The laws, distributive justice, the order and peace of society, the internal policy and government of the Commonwealth, and the trade and commerce of the land, are subjects which statedly call for the care and attention of rulers and government.—The still wretched state of our medium, by which trade is obstructed, the poor oppressed, the course of justice, in matters of property, retarded; the community defrauded, the public faith and public credit perplexed, is truly affecting, and demands immediate consideration; and if anything within the limits of human wisdom and penetration can yet further be thought of, to remedy so great an evil, it is fervently hoped, it will not escape the notice of the General Court.

The declining state of religion, morality and virtue; and the great prevalence of vice and immorality, irreligion and profaneness, in almost every form, and in the various orders and ages of men; it is humbly conceived, are subjects, not only important in themselves, but of the highest consequence to the well-being of society, and call aloud for the interposition of rulers, who are ordained of God to be a terror to evil doers and to evil works. In vain do the teachers of religion and even the ambassadors of Christ preach and teach the importance of religion, the excellence of virtue, and the necessity of morality, justice, temperance, truth or righteousness; while vice, in its various forms, is winked at by authority, and iniquity established by law.

I would not be understood, as supposing this to be our case; but rather to express an earnest desire to prevent it, by those timely exertions which wisdom and policy, as well as piety and godliness, teach us to make, for the glory of God and good of society.—And certain it is, that much depends upon those in authority, and much is expected, and much may be done by our civil fathers, by well-judged and well-executed laws, for the suppressing and punishing of vice and immorality, and the encouragement and support of religion and virtue.

But after all, it is by example, a living example, of justice and righteousness, temperance and chastity, faithfulness and integrity; and that glorious assemblage of Christian graces and moral virtues, by which human nature is adorned, and society rendered happy, that rulers give energy to laws, effectually suppress vice in its various forms, encourage virtue, and introduce and promote a thorough reformation among a people.—Virtue in high stations shines with an increased lustre, hath an extensive influence, and sweetly attracts the attention and engages the imitation of all around.—But without this, reproofs are in vain, punishments ineffectual, and laws to little or no purpose.

In a word, a want of attention to religion and virtue, in rulers or people, may blast our wisest counsels, sap the foundations of our most raised expectations and bring confusion on all our measures.

With grateful souls and thankfulness to heaven, we revere and admire the wisdom, the piety and policy of our fore-fathers, in the early and effectual care they took, even while weak-handed and yet in an instant state, for the good education of children and youth.—Laws, for the support of grammar schools, in the several towns, were made, established and sacredly regarded. Colleges were founded and endowed, and cheerfully and generously supported.—These institutions have been, for several generations, the sources of light, of knowledge, of literature, of liberty and religion; and under God, the happy means of forming many worthy characters, for eminent usefulness, both in church and state. And to these institutions, we are not a little indebted for that knowledge to discern, that wisdom to state, and that spirit to defend our rights and liberties, civil and religious, for which the inhabitants of these States have been so justly celebrated, in the present contest; and which have introduced and established that glorious revolution which hath taken place in America. May the present generation be impressed and inspired with the same excellent spirit; and may it be encouraged and prevail, in those that succeed, to the end of time!

The University at Cambridge, the American academy of arts and sciences, and all other institutions for the promoting of literature, are most fervently commended to the care and patronage of the civil fathers of this Commonwealth.

But it is not so much in the high attainments in science, to which the learned few may arrive, as in the diffusing common and useful knowledge in all orders of men, that the liberty and safety of a free Commonwealth consists. The former may flourish, and in fact have been encouraged, and carried to an eminent heighth of glory, in despotic states, while the latter hath been depressed; and even at the same time, that it hath been the ungenerous policy of persons in power, to frown upon, and artfully to discourage the means of common education, and to keep the multitude in the lowest state of ignorance, that thus they might be fit tools to carry to effect the purposes of oppression and arbitrary power; and be continued in a state of slavery, without ever knowing, either the loss of their liberty, or their rights as men.

It hath been said, ‘The law is the inheritance of the people.’—I wish to God, that multitudes of the people of this Commonwealth, had no reason to complain, that they have been abridged of a precious part of this inheritance, in that too general neglect and contempt, with which the law, for keeping grammar SCHOOLS in the several towns, hath been treated for a number of years past.—In the name of God, our country and posterity, it may be pertinently asked—What becomes of the children of the poor,–the widow, and them that have no helper, when so useful so necessary a law is trampled under foot!—How can rulers be said to be shields of the earth, and to belong unto God, while authority is despised, and the laws evaded, dispensed with, or set aside with impunity?—In fine, may it not be asked, whether more is not to be feared, with regard to the liberties of a people, and the well-being, safety and prosperity of a free state, from the shameful neglect of the instruction of children and education of youth, in society, than from the sword of an enemy, or the power of an oppressor? ³⁶

Rulers are stiled shields of the earth, as it more especially belongs to them, to look to the protection of society and provide the defence of the state.

STANDING armies are abhorrent to the first principles of freedom, and dangerous to the liberties of a free Commonwealth. The sword is in the hands of all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth?—Whether all the people have arms?—Or, whether, having arms, they are taught the art-military, and the use of their arms, so as to be effectually prepared to oppose an invading enemy, upon the shortest notice? ³⁷

That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, in the rise, progress, and even unto the present state of the great contest, in which we are engaged, hath gloriously appeared for our help and support, in numberless instances. And it is not easy to suppose, nor is it agreeable to the general course of divine providence, that such beginnings—such goodly foundations, as, at this day, are seen, in the rising States of America, should be crushed or overthrown.—But their deliverance, their freedom and independence may be greatly checked, and their rise, growth and glory, shamefully retarded, by the inattention or remissness of rulers, or the negligence and languor of the people.

Had the glorious success of our arms at the Westward, and the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army, in the year 1777, been followed with spirited measures, and backed with those exertions, which wisdom and sound policy dictated, and which the United States were able to have made; we may rationally suppose, it might have gone far towards the reduction of the enemy and hastening a peace, upon terms of justice and equality.—How this success was improved, is not pleasing to remember!—May past omissions prove lessons of wisdom, for time to come.

The present year is important, and seems to open upon us, big with the fate of America,–of Europe, and, perhaps of the world of mankind.—This is the interesting crisis, for which the enemy have waited, and to which they have looked, with anxious expectation, as the period for the success of their arms and the subjugation of America. And it is both natural and just to suppose, that this year all their strength, and all their rage, will be put forth, with the utmost energy of exertion.—May GOD ALMIGHTY defeat and disappoint them!!—But can we expect, if we are wanting to ourselves, or reluctant and negligent in making those strenuous exertions, to which we are so loudly called, by God and our country, that the desired success will attend?

To rouse all our attention, and give the spring to the noblest exertions, may we realize more deeply than ever, the greatness of the cause, and how much is depending upon its success. May we seriously contemplate the distresses of our bleeding country; and with all the feelings of humanity, call into view, the sufferings of our brethren in the hands of the enemy, and the ravage, the waste and destruction, which mark the steps of British cruelty, throughout the land, and now take place in the Southern States!—Above all, may we attend to the voice of our brethren’s BLOOD, which cries for vengeance from the ground!—To the MANES of our slaughtered friends, who first felt a sacrifice to the oppressor’s rage, and suffered as MARTYRS in their country’s cause!—To the MANES of all these brave commanders and ILLUSTRIOUS HEROES, who have nobly fought and nobly bled in its defence!–!

O my fathers and brethren ALL! All is yet at stake!—All may yet be lost, if we rise not, as one man, to the noble cause!—How inglorious must it be, for want of attention, for want of exertion, to ship-wreck in the harbor—to fail at last?—Where, then, the pleasing scenes of LIBERTY, INDEPENDENCE and SOVEREIGNTY, which we have promised ourselves?—Where the glorious foundations of FREEDOM and safety, which our CIVIL CONSTITUTIONS have laid?—And where the beautiful superstructure of government and laws, which has been erected upon them?—Alas!—They are dashed, they vanish, they are gone—lost! Forever lost!!!

But can this be the event? Shall this be the fatal end, the shameful issue of all the glorious exertions that have been made,–of all the bitter sufferings that have been endured—of all the precious blood that hath been shed? Is this possible? Can it ever once be? Forbid it RIGHTEOUS HEAVEN I forbid it, O MY COUNTRY!—America rises, indignant, at the stavish thought.—Her FREE-BORN SONS are not so lost to the sentiments of liberty, the love of their country, or the feelings of humanity, as to beat the most distant idea of such a disgraceful end, to this glorious contest. Nor can they ever be so debased, as to retain a wish to survive the loss of liberty, or their country’s ruin.—Much less to stand the tame spectators of the sacrifices, that (in such a case) must and will be made, of noble patriots, wise counselors, faithful rulers, brave commanders, and illustrious heroes, and, in fine, of the best friends and best blood of AMERICA, by the AX or HALTER, to satiate the rage and glut the malice of a British conqueror! Or, perhaps, that which is still more affecting and degrading—to be doomed to waste away the remains of a wretched life in poverty, chains, slavery, or a cruel imprisonment!

That this hath been the end of civil wars, when the struggles for liberty have failed of success: And that such hath been the fate of those, whom conquering oppressors have been pleased to stigmatize, with the names of REBELS and TRAITORS, numberless instances in most celebrated histories, abundantly prove.

‘Tis after the war is closed, whether by conquest or submission, that the bitterest revenge takes place; and under the pretence of law, justice or necessity, it is then, that the worthiest characters are sacrificed, the noblest patriots fall, and the richest blood of a nation flows.

This was the case at Rome, and these the consequences that attended their civil wars, from time to time. This was especially so, in those between Marius and Sylla, by which that great republic was, for many years, convulsed to its foundations. In their turns, during the contest, both Marius and Sylla stained the streets of Rome with the blood of her most venerable senators and worthiest citizens. But the cruelty of Sylla, after he had conquered the party of Marius, and gained the summit of absolute power, over the whole commonwealth, was beyond the power of description, and I had almost said, of belief itself. ³⁸

When, mad with loyalty, the British nation restores their flattering tyrant, Charles IId. a scene of blood was opened, more affecting, perhaps, to the more judicious part of the people, than all that had appeared in the civil war. Notwithstanding a the exile-king promised everything to regain the throne; and upon his return and restoration, made public proclamation of an act of amnesty or general pardon; not only the king’s judges, so called, but many of the worthiest characters were soon attainted and proscribed: And it was quickly found, that nothing short of the best blood of the nation, would be a sacrifice sufficient to appease his own resentment, or his father’s ghost.

The same, or perhaps, more affecting scenes will probably be opened in America, should we fail of success in the present contest; or should these United States be ever subdued by arms, or cajoled by arts, to a return and submission to Britain.—But this is an event, which (we firmly trust) will never take place.

Upon the whole: in our united counsels and exertions, we may yet hope, and even assure ourselves, that God who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, will behold our state, hear our prayers, and still maintain our right and plead our cause.—That he will hasten the period of our present distresses, and give us to see, in his own way and time, the liberty, independence, sovereignty and glory of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, established on a foundation that shall never be moved.

And what a bright, what a glorious scene of liberty and felicity doth such an happy issue of this great and interesting contest, present to our view? –America, redeemed out of the hands of her enemies—the United States, delivered from the oppressors yoke; the secure retreat of injured innocence and the happy asylum of the oppressed and distressed.—The seat of justice and equity, of freedom and empire—extensive in trade and flourishing in commerce—abounding in riches and wealth—and illustrious in literature—in arts and sciences;–and, above all, glorious in the knowledge and practice of the pure and peaceful religion of our LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST:–And the unborn millions of succeeding ages, uniting in their grateful acknowledgments of praise and thanksgiving to GOD the supreme ruler, for that spirit of wisdom, liberty, patriotism and bravery, with which he was pleased to inspire the patriots and heroes; and even the whole body of the people of the present generation:–and, in fine—THIS PEOPLE, THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, a name, a praise and a glory among the nations, throughout all generations, to the end of time.

That such may be the end, such the reward, and such the important and lasting effects, of this great and glorious contest, may GOD, of his infinite mercy, grant, through Jesus Christ, our LORD.

AMEN.

Endnotes

1. Vid. 2 Sam. 5. 1, 2, 3.

2. Isai. 45. 5, 7.

3. Ibid. 43. 13.

4. Ibid. 45. 9.

5. Psal. 97. 1.

6. Isai.

7. Psal. 33. 23.

8. Psal. 29. 10.

9. 103, 19.

10. Col. 1. 16.

11. Whether the multiplying sanguinary laws and capital punishments, in a state, can be justified upon the principles of equity, or even sound policy, is a question not unworthy the attention of wise legislators.—And whether punishing certain offenders, with loss of liberty, and hard labour, at the oar, or elsewhere, in some places of public resort, where they might be held up to view, as spectacles of justice in terrarem for a certain term of years, or for life, according to the nature of their crimes, would not answer the ends of government & the purposes of civil society, better than even an ignominious death; is also, humbly submitted.

12. Rom. 13, 4.

13. Prov. 16, 33.

14. Psal. 75. 6.

15. Deut. 1. 17. &c.

16. Rom. 13. 4.

17. Psal. 32. 1.

18. Eph. 10. 3.

19. “The Ostracism makes a great figure in all the Greek history, and occurs frequently in that of the Athenians,” among whom it is generally supposed to have had its rise.—This peculiar law was originally designed, as a guard to liberty; though sometimes abused, to the purposes of licentiousness and faction. “By this law men, eminent to such a degree, as to threaten the State with danger, were banished for ten years.—The method in which they proceeded to inflict the Ostracism was this: Every citizen took a piece of broken pot or shell, on which having wrote the name of the person he would have banished, he carried it to a certain place of the forum, which was enclosed with rails; then the magistrates began to count the number of the shells for if they were less than six thousand, the vote did not take place; but if they surpassed that number, they laid every name apart, and the man who’s name was found on the greatest number of shells was of course exiled for ten years.”
This law speaks a people jealous of their liberty to an extreme.—For, however well intended; yet, through the craft of rivals in power, or the insidiousness of ambitious and popular men, this punishment sometimes fell upon the worthiest characters in the state. Ariscides, by the wisdom of his councils, the firmness of his courage and the inflexibility of his integrity, at home, abroad, in peace and war, and had proved himself an illustrious patriot, acquired the surname of the just, and obtained the character of the most worthy and virtuous of the Athenians.—But these very virtues and this high reputation, were artfully improved, by his rival Themistocies, as arguments against him, and to prove him a man dangerous to the state. “It may seem strange (say the writers of the universal history) that Themistocies could raise the popular resentment against a man amiable from peaceable virtues; yes he effected it by causing it to be whispered about, that Ariscides having assumed the name of just, and acting frequently as an umpire between contending parties, had insensibly erected a monarchy, though without pomp or guards.—On a sudden, and when it was least expected, citizens and countrymen flocked to the forum and demanded the ostracism.—When the magistrates signified to him, that the ostracism fell upon him, he retired modestly out of the forum, and as he went out, he lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, I beseech the Gods, that the Atheniaus may never see that day, which shall force them to remember Aristides!”—[vid. Universal Hist. vol. 6. P. 377, 378, &c.] What an exalted spirit! What heroic sentiments! What a divine example!—This is the good ruler—the true Patriot—neither the ingratitude of his fellow citizen, nor the unjust severity of his own cruel fate, could remove his love from his country, or prevent his prayers for the blessing of heaven upon an ungrateful people, who, for his faithful services, had just excluded him the rights of society, and drove him into banishment.

20. Pericles, after many and eminent services rendered to the state, in the course of a long and faithful administration, was unjustly, as well as injudiciously, dismissed, disgraced and fined by the Athenians; and this at a time when his presence, council, and directly on were more needed than ever. Ibid. p. 445.

21. Neh. 5. 19.

22. Jer. 2. 19.

23. Vid. Rom. 13. Begin.

24. Ibid. ver. 5.

25. As far as human wisdom and foresight could avail, to prevent anything of this kind, the people of this State have assumed and declared it, as one of their important rights; that “in the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative department shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of them: The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them: The judicial shall never exercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of them: To the end, it may be a government of LAWS and not of MEN.” Great attention was paid to this inestimable right, in settling the departments and adjusting the powers of government by those who assisted in framing our New constitution. How far they succeeded in so difficult a work and so critical an attempt, the public will judge, and time and experience more fully discover.—At present, however, it must be allowed, that the prospect before us is not unpromising.

26. Pompey and Caesar were not yet at open enmity, nor professed rivals; but the former having taken various steps, which clearly indicated his ambitious views; the latter could not content himself with anything short of the same supreme power to which his rival aspired. To accomplish the purpose of this ambition, Caesar considered the consulship as an essential step. In order to his advancement to the consulship, as well as to effect his ultimate designs, Caesar found it necessary to avail himself of the influence not only of Crassus his rich and powerful friend, but also of Pompey his rival; and to serve himself of both: And this gave rise to the artful compromise we have mentioned. In this remarkable compact, Pompey and Crassus, as well as Caesar, had undoubtedly their views: But to adopt the words of celebrated historians, “Caesar’s management, upon this occasion, was a masterpiece of policy, and the foundation of his future grandeur. The two citizens, who at this time made the greatest figure in the republic, without dispute, were Pompey and Crassus: but these two powerful citizens were declared enemies, and, all things considered, much upon a level. As they both had great interest, Caesar plainly saw, that he could never obtain the consulship without gaining one or other of them to his cause; but the difficulty was, which to choose. If he closed with Pompey, he would meet with a strong opposition from Crassus’s friends; and if he joined Crassus, he was sure to have all Pompey’s party against him. He therefore undertook to reconcile the two rivals, and by proposing to them a triumvirate, in which should be lodged all the authority of the senate and people, he prevailed upon them to make up their differences, and enter into a strict friendship with each other. In order to make their confederacy the more indissoluble, they solemnly bound themselves, by mutual oaths and promises, to assist each other, and to suffer nothing to be undertaken or executed without the unanimous consent of all three.
“Thus was the first triumvirate formed, by which Rome became a prey to three men, who, by the interest of their united parties, arbitrarily disposed of all the dignities and employments in the commonwealth. The public were long strangers to the mysteries of this new cabal. Nothing more appeared to the senate than the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus; and Caesar was congratulated by all ranks of men for having brought it about. Cato alone foresaw the evil consequences of this new alliance, and exclaimed atainst it, saying, that Rome had lost her liberty: but nobody hearkened to him ‘till it was too late to follow his prudent counsel. This association subsisted to the death of Crassus, and was followed by the entire subversion of the republican state.” Vid. Univers. Hist. Vol. 13. P. 150, 151.

27. Jer. 22. 15, 16.

28. Deut. 33. 46 & 47.

29. Psalm 118. 6.

30. 144. 15.

31. Isai. 10. 5.

32. Lexington was the place in which a just God was pleased to permit hostilities between Great-Britain and America, to commence. The persons who first fell victims to the sword of the oppressor, and who were PROTOMARTYRS in the glorious cause of LIBERTY and their country, were inhabitants of the town; and it was my lot to be an eye witness of that horrid scene of bloodshed and slaughter which opened the war!—To be an eye witness of the unprovoked, ungenerous and unjust assault, of about eight hundred British regular troops, upon fifty or sixty undisciplined Americans, who neither molested, nor had it in contemplation to oppose them, unless drove to it by the Britons, in defense of themselves, their rights and their country.—To see the sword of violence drawn, the INNOCENT BLOOD of our brethren murderously shed, and the flames of war bursting upon us, without notice, without provocation; when war was neither proclaimed, nor so much as professedly threatened: and this by a prince and nation which, for ages past, had sustained the character and gloried in the appellation of The Parent State:–By a nation, from whom we had a just right to look for protection and defense, against every lawless invader:–To see war commenced upon us by such a nation, so related for no other reason but because we were unwilling to give up our most sacred rights, as free men and a free people; and this too, with various circumstances of indignity and insult was, and must have been affecting and distressing indeed!—And the more so to us, a people, who, till these unhappy and impolitic measures—‘till this unjust and barbarous war took place breathed loyalty to our sovereign and the sincerest affection and respect for the Mother country. Language would fail to represent, and words to express, the feelings of a free, a brae, a generous, a loyal people, upon such an alarming occasion!—Nor can it be justly supposed, that any but those who have seen and felt the shock, can form an adequate idea of its real and interesting effects.
But however distressing, savage, or severe these barbarous measures of a blood thirsty oppressor, might, at that time, appear to the inhabitants of Lexington, who were called by Providence to receive the shock—however unrighteous and cruel it might seem to the injured, the freeborn sons of America;–The hand of God and of Providence was in all these things. The wisdom and goodness of the Supreme Ruler should be devoutly acknowledged, as gloriously displayed, in ever-ruling these acts of outrage, barbarity and murder, as the means of the greatest good to this injured and oppressed land.
This ungenerous, unjust and barbarous manner of opening the war, hath effected more, perhaps, in the cause of freedom and America than the wisdom and counsel of all the American States, or even united worlds, could have done. This ill timed severity and murderous cruelty of the British troops and the British court, have answered the most valuable purposes to the American cause.—It confirmed the resolute, strengthened the weak, established the doubtful, encouraged the timid, gave a spring to the faint-hearted, roused the stupid, and silenced the perverse; and happily produced that union of sentiment and those exertions of power, in the noble contest which no other measures in human probability would have ever effected. And to apply the expressive words of Joseph to his brethren, it may fitly be said—to the haughty Britons—“As you for ye thought evil against us; but God meant it unto good to bring to pass as it is this day, to save much people alive.” Gen. 50. 20.

33. Witness the large ship taken from the enemy, by the brave Capt. Mugford in 1776, and sent into the port of Boston, laden chiefly with Powder, to the amount (if I mistake not) of about 1500 barrels; and this at a time when we were in the most critical situation, for want of such a supply of that essential article.
Witness also several other large and valuable vessels, taken by our privateers, and sent into Salem, or elsewhere; laden with fire-arms, mortars, ordnance stores of various kinds, clothing, provisions &c. &c—Articles necessary, useful, seasonable and important, to our military operations—In these, and many other instances, the providence of God hath been apparent and wonderful, in the course of the war; and ought to be gratefully remembered and devoutly acknowledged, by this people.

34. Should it be said here, “That the Jews were not restored to their liberties, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon; but were still a dependent people; and even Tributaries to the Persian princes.”—It might be answered,–‘That it is readily granted, the children of Israel were not restored to a state of perfect freedom and independence, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon to Judea.’—It is acknowledged they were still dependent on the Persian kings.—Nor could they, in the situation and circumstances, in which they were at that time, have desired to be less dependent, upon that powerful court, than that generous decree o Cyrus made them—Just emerging from a long and distressing captivity, it is easy to believe they were not in a capacity to support and defend themselves in their former independence; even tho’ it had been granted them in the fullest sense.—It was their safety and happiness that God appointed Cyrus his and their shepherd that under the wing of his patronage and protection, they might securely return to their country, take possession of their lands, rebuild their cities and the temple, restore the worship of God according to the Levitical institution; and re-establish their laws, polity and government, agreeable to that divine constitution, which God had given to their fathers, by the hand of Moses—In short, the revolution, in the affairs of the Hebrew nation, which took place under this benevolent prince, and in consequence of the above-mentioned decree, was a glorious revolution—A revolution, in and by which the people of God were redeemed from captivity, & restored to their country, their possessions, and their laws, liberties and religion, in all their peculiarities; and to a greater degree of national freedom and independence, than ever they could have expected or promised themselves, in their late depressed, scattered, enslaved and captivated state. Agreeably we find not only the decree of Cyrus; but the several prophecies which have reference to it, or to him as the deliverer of God’s people; and even other eminent prophecies, concerning the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, expressly representing their restoration, in general as full and complete; and without any let or drawback. For further light and satisfaction upon this subject and question, vid. And comp. these following places and passages in scripture. Ezra, chap. 1, throughout, chap. 6 first part. Isai 44. 28. Ibid 45. 1-5, and 13. Jerem. 29. 10. And especially that illustrious prophecy, Jerem. 30, ch. 18, 19, 20 and 21 ver.
I only add, that, in my reference to Cyrus, and the prophecy concerning him, the judicious reader will easily see, that the main point in view, was not to illustrate the completeness or degree, of that freedom and liberty, to which God’s people were raised, by the kind, the generous and effectual interposition of Cyrus, for their redemption and restoration; but the hand of GOD, and the wisdom and goodness of his all superintending providence, in directing the measures, influencing the policy and over-ruling the conduct of men, princes and kings, of states and nations, and powers on earth, for the effecting the purposes of his benevolence, in the support and relief of an afflicted people, and the redemption and salvation of the injured and oppressed.

35. Jeremiah 30, 21, 22.

36. A number of other questions might have been pertinently asked here:–As—What becomes of the oaths of grand jurors, upon the question, ‘Whether their towns are provided with grammar school masters, according to law?—What sort of schools have been kept?—‘What kind of masters have been, at least, too often, employed,–‘What the orders, the prayers, the means of instruction and education, in those schools are?—‘Whether any schools, at all, have been kept, and how long, or what proportion of the year, in towns where the aforementioned law hath been evaded, dispensed with, or set aside’ &c &c—The answer to these, or other questions upon this subject. I heave to those who know what belongs to school education, and to all candid, impartial, wise and judicious observers, to make.
Two things were, undoubtedly, in view, by our worthy ancestors, in the standing law for grammar-schools: Both tending to promote learning and knowledge in the community.—One was, ‘that towns being obliged, under certain penalties, to provide themselves with well qualified grammar school-masters, the people in general, the poor, as well as rich might without immediate personal expence, be provided with good means of instruction and education for their children.
The other was that parents or friends, whose circumstances were not affluent, might be induced to encourage a genius and inclination for learning, in promising children or youths, by giving them a liberal education; upon this presumption, that as soon as they had perfected their studies at College, and received the honors of an academical education, they might immediately support themselves, by engaging in schools:–Ah employment suitable to their character, honorable to themselves, and useful to society.—And I believe it may, with the greatest truth be added, that this consideration hath often determined parents and others, to give their sons or other promising youths, a public education; which otherwise they would not. And thus many a good scholar and worthy character, hath been introduced to public usefulness, in church or state, which, but for this law, must have been lost to the public, and remained in obscurity.

37. Had I seen or known of the late excellent and well-adjusted militia act, before the writing and delivering this discourse, I should not, perhaps, have troubled the audience with these plain and interesting questions: everything necessary to a well-regulated militia, being fully comprehended and provided for in the act.—I most honestly wish it may be strictly observed.

38. To confirm the above representation, to show that it is not too high coloured, and to give a specimen of what a people may justly expect from a conquering TYRANT at the close of a civil war; I beg leave to insert a passage or two from an authentic history of ROME.
“The taking of Praneste and Norba put an end to the civil war in Italy. Sylla therefore, having placed in all the Italian provinces such governors as were entirely at his devotion, and pitched several little camps in different districts, to keep the country in awe, returned to Rome, which he entered at the head of his troops. The same day he assembled the people in the Comitium, and told them with an haughty air, that he had conquered; but that those who had made him take up arms against his country should expiate the blood they had made him shed with their own. I will not spare one, said he, who has borne arms against me. They shall all perish to a man. These words, from a man who was absolute master of their lives & fortunes, made the most resolute tremble. They filled the whole city with dread and horror; and the consternation was doubled the next day, when they saw fixed up in all public places, a list of proscribed persons, containing the names of forty senators and sixteen hundred knights. If any man gave shelter to a person proscribed, though his son, his brother, or his father, death was the certain reward of his humanity; whereas the assassin was recompensed with two talents, though a slave had murdered his master, or a son his father.—The tyrant chose such agents to execute his decrees, as had even less pity than himself. The chief of those was the infamous Cataline—At the head of a band of assassins, he scoured the streets, and killed many knights and senators before they knew they were proscribed. The persons named in the list were sought for in their own houses, in the porticoes, and even in the temples; whence they were dragged to Sylla, and cruelly butchered in his presence.
The massacre was not confined to those named in the list. Sylla extended his revenge to all who had borne arms against him, of what rank soever, or condition. Nay, his cruel agents took this opportunity to gratify their private revenge and avarice, confounding the most innocent and peaceable with the most guilty, out of some private grudge, or purely for the sake of their wealth and rich furniture. In short, the slaughter was so dreadful, that Sylla was reproached with it even by his best friends. Among others, a young senator, named Caius Metellus, ventured one day to ask him in full senate, when he designed to put a stop to the calamities of his fellow-citizens. We do not intercede, said he, for such as you have resolved to destroy; but only desire you to free those from uneasiness, whom you have determined to save. Sylla, without seeming to take this bold speech amiss, answered cooly, that he knew not yet whom he should save. Name to us then, replied Metellus, those you are determined to destroy. That I will do, answered Sylla, very smartly, and immediately caused a new list to be fixed up of eighty citizens, whom he proscribed, most of them senators, and persons of great distinction. The next day he proscribed two hundred and twenty more, and an equal number the third. Among these was Marcus Marius, who was nearly related to the great Marius, and highly favoured by the people.—He was seized by Cataline, and put to death, after having suffered the most exquisite torments tyranny could invent. He was whipped thro’ all the streets of Rome, and, after this ignominious punishment, carried beyond the Tyber where by Sylla’s barbarous agents, his eyes were put out, his hands and ears cut off his tongue torn out, all his joints dislocated, and his bones broken. One Marcus Platorius, being moved at such an affecting sight, could not help pitying the unfortunate young man; which so offended Sylla, that he ordered him to be killed on the spot. And now after nine thousand senators, knights, and citizens, had been inhumanly murdered by Sylla’s agents, he assembled the people, and told them that he had proscribed as many as he could think of at present: and as for those he had forgot, they should be proscribed too, as soon as he could call them to his memory!”
This was the scene in the city of Rome—What awful havock, then, must the same measures of cruelty have made in the other cities and states of that great Commonwealth!—But no comment is necessary. Vid. Universe. Hist. vol. xiii. Page 83, 84, &c.