Topics: Election

This election sermon was preached by James Cogswell (1720-1807) in Connecticut on May 9, 1771.

S E R M O N,

Preached before the

General Assembly

Of the Colony of CONNECTICUT,

At Hartford,

On The Day of Their

Anniversary Election

May 9th, 1771.

By JAMES COGSWELL, A. M.
Pastor of the First Church of Christ in Canterbury.

At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the Colony of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the Second Thursday of May, A. D. 1771.

Ordered, That Shubael Conant, Esq; and Mr. John Curtiss, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Mr. James Cogswell, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 9th Instant, and desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

GEORGE WYLLYS, Secr.

Jeremiah xviii. 7, 8, 9, 10.

At what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it:

If that Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.

And at what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom to build and to plant it:

If it do Evil in my Sight, that it obey not my Voice, then I will repent of the Good wherewith I said I would Benefit them.

The Attention of Americans has of late been uncommonly roused, and deeply engag’d about the public Good. We have look’d on our invaluable Liberties, and important Privileges to be in Danger. And such a general Concern relative to these Things, and Zeal for their Preservation, has prevailed among us, as Regard for Liberty is wont to inspire a free People with—In such an alarming Situation, many invincible Reasons have been offered in support of our just and important Rights; many Expedients of a political and prudential Nature have been urg’d with great Force, and press’d upon us by very weighty Motives: And may they have their Effect—The Design of them is certainly Noble and Important.

But there are doubtless Considerations of a moral and religious Nature, which ought to command our Attention, and which are really of far greater Importance, both to our present and future Happiness, than any Thing merely civil or political can be.—Indeed the chief and ultimate Design of Religion, as it respects Mankind, is to deliver us from the fatal Effects of the Apostacy, and to fit us for a State of perfect Holiness and Happiness in the coming World. But this is not all; Godliness has the Promise of the Life that now is, as well as of that which is to come. And it tends to the present Happiness not only of Individuals, but the Love and Practice of it has a most friendly Aspect on public Weal; and the neglect of it the most direct Tendency to the Misery and Destruction of a State.—-Several Considerations of this Nature, and of great Importance, are suggested to us from our Text and Context.

The Jews were become a very wicked and abandoned People, at the Time when God sent this Message to them by the Prophet. Many Threatenings, and of fore Calamities had been frequently denounced against them, which had as yet, very little, or rather no Effect to reform them. The Prophet Jeremiah is directed therefore to go to the Place where the Potter fashioned his Vessels of Clay: There he observed that the Potter had an uncontrolled Power to form these Vessels as he pleased: If they would not serve for one Purpose he could very easily turn them to another. From this lively Similitude, the Prophet is ordered to represent to the Jews God’s sovereign Power over the most formidable States and extensive Empires: And with how much Ease God either exalts or depresses them, prospers or afflicts, increases or diminishes, or in a Word, preserves or destroys them. And God has certainly a greater Right to do this, than the Potter has to new Mould the Clay of which he is not the absolute Proprietor.

This was true in Jeremiah’s Time, and is equally true now; and really it is a Truth of very great Importance to be considered and realized; for it shews us that we are absolutely dependent on God for our all:–Prosperity or Adversity, whether private or public, is entirely from God.

But God gives us to understand in our (Text, that whatever his Power and Sovereignty might enable him to do,) he conducts not only according to the invariable Rules of Justice and Equity, which gives us the greatest Assurance that he never will wrong any People, or bring any Evil upon them, merely to shew himself Sovereign, but farther that he is disposed to treat Mankind according to the Rules of Clemency and Kindness: So that when a Nation or Kingdom have been guilty of a Conduct criminal to that Degree, that they have greatly provoked God, and which would justify him in proceeding to the last Extremities with them; yea, if God had proceeded so far as to threaten them with utter Ruin, if after all this, they should even then repent, and turn from their evil Ways to God, he would avert the Tokens of his Displeasure, recall the Threatnings, prosper and establish them.

On the other Hand, God lets them know that whatever Encouragement he had given of granting Enlargement and Prosperity to any State; if they after this degenerate and backslide, to that Degree, that their Character becomes that of Evil Doers, an unrighteous, ungodly People, they forfeit his Promise and Protection; and if they continue irreclaimable, he will not build them up, but destroy them.

It is worthy of Observation, that the Declarations made in our Text relative to God’s providential Dispensations, are not confined to the Jews; they are of a general Nature, and published in an indefinite Manner: Whence it appears that God Almighty designs here to exhibit a general Rule of his Conduct towards public Bodies or Communities.

It is indeed true that we have no Reason to expect an exact Correspondence between God’s providential Dispensations towards the Jews and other Kingdoms or civil Communities. Yet as God is the moral Governor of the World, and approves of Virtue and Holiness wherever it appears, and always hates Sin and Wickedness among all Nations; so it is reasonable to believe he will shew his Approbation, Favour and Protection to the one, and frown upon and punish the other. The State of the Case is very different (as to the Time of Rewards and Punishments) between Individuals and public Bodies of Men. The future State is the Time of Retribution to Individuals.—Though therefore many among the godly may suffer very grievous Things in this present State, they shall be abundantly Rewarded hereafter: In that happy World Light is sown for the Righteous, and gladness for the upright in Heart. And however the wicked may flourish and prosper here, their triumphing is short, for it is that they may be cut off and destroyed. But the Case is very different with regard to civil Communities. Whatever Forms of Administration they assume, they are the Creatures of Time. They have no Existence but in this World—All their Bands of Society, as Bodies-Politic, are dissolved, and have no Existence in a future State. If therefore they are not rewarded or punished in some Proportion to their Character as righteous or sinful in this World, they never are at all. It appears therefore agreeable to the Divine Perfections, that God should shew visible Marks of Approbation of public Virtue, and frown upon and punish a sinful People, as in our Text he has expressly declared he will do.

It appears then that God speaks to us in these Days as really, tho’ not in the same Manner as he did to Nations and Kingdoms in ancient Times. To them he spake by immediate and particular Messages from Heaven, pointing out their Sins, and the particular and special Judgments which they might assuredly expect if they continued Incorrigible. To us he speaks by his written Word and his Providence. In his Word he shews us what is the Character of such a People as have Encouragement to hope for his Favour, or Reason to fear his Displeasure;–and what he justly expects from such a People as have wickedly departed from him, that they may be restored to Favour, and enjoy his Smiles. Many Examples are left us in sacred Scripture for our Instruction and Admonition. Thus God speaks to us now, and surely the Man of Wisdom will hear what God speaketh to the City and to the Country. We must carefully examine into our real Character, and compare it to that of other Communities, and then consider how God has declared he would treat them, and what Treatment they have in fact met with and from thence collect what we have to hope for, or to fear from the Hand of God.

That which may be further attempted, by Divine Assistance, will be to shew,

I. That the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour; and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.

II. That the prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to their Destruction; And,

III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation will be the surest and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the Divine Favour.

I. The first Thing proposed is to show, that the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour, and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.

This is implied in the Text. ‘Tis indeed taken for granted, that God will bless and prosper a People who continue holy and obedient. Such who do not Evil in his Sight, but obey his Voice. These are Phrases to decipher true Religion. But we must always remember that a right Temper of Heart is always included in this Obedience to the Voice of God: otherwise it is destitute of the most essential Property of Obedience.—A supreme Love to God, on Account of his transcendent Excellence and absolute Perfection: an ultimate Regard to his Honour, and a Disposition to be subject to his Will, are essential Ingredients in Obedience to the Voice of God. This Voice of God is no other than his Word, and when we have such a Temper of Mind as the Word of God requires; when we believe and live as God requires we should do in his Word, then are we religious.

“All the great Truths and Duties of Morality are adopted by Christ, and incorporated into his Laws, are refined and purified, and set in the fairest and strongest Point of Light, and raised to their highest Perfection in the Christian Institution.” This Word or Voice of God discovers his glorious Nature and amiable Perfections, in Conformity to which, the Happiness of all intelligent Beings consists.—It shews that Mankind, tho’ originally created in the Image of God, have fallen from him, and are become both guilty and polluted by Sin.—The surprising Method of Redemption by Jesus Christ, the great Mediator; and the Recovery to a holy Temper and Life, which (thro’ Divine Influence) always takes Place in all who are by Faith in him, made partakers of the great Salvation. All these glorious Truths in one connected View, all that Holiness that is required, and those Duties which are directed to in God’s Word, tend to promote the Happiness of civil Communities; for God has most plainly shewn in his Word.

That, Religion, and this only, will recommend to his Favour.

That, the Religion which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it, to have a tendency to promote the public Good.

And this Word of God points out many Duties to Men, in all Characters, Relations and Circumstances, which directly and immediately tend to promote the best Good of the State.

1. God has most plainly shewn in his Word, that Religion, and only this will recommend to his Favour. Very many are the Pomises of this Kind. God promised the Israelites, ¹ that if they would hearken diligently to the Voice of the Lord their God, to do all his Commandments, the Lord their God would set them on High, above all the Nations of the Earth. And thus also said the Lord to them by the Prophet Azariah, ² “Hear me Asa and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.” Many other Promises of this Kind, taken in connection with our Text, are so plain as to put this Matter beyond all Doubt; for they are made not only to particular Persons, but to civil Communities as such.

I proceed therefore to say,

2. That Religion, which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it to have a tendency to promote the public Good. It might easily be shewn, (were there Time) that the more general Requisitions and Prohibitions contained in that Religion which is described and required in the Word of God, have all a tendency to promote the Good of civil Society: But what I would especially insist on under this Head is, that the Religion of Jesus Christ forms Men to such a Temper as powerfully inclines them to promote the Interest of the Public.

The Depravity of humane Nature, the corrupted and vitiated Temper of Mens Minds, is the real original Source of all those wicked Practices, which are prejudicial both to their private and public Interests. Hence proceed all those open, bold Violations of God’s Law, those enormous Crimes and Debaucheries, which tend to the Ruin and Dissolution of a State. This Fountain must be cleansed, or putrid Streams will continue to flow. And when this Temper is changed, the Heart renew’d and made holy, the Man will be strongly and vigorously engaged in all the Duties of Holiness; and consequently to promote the public Tranquility.

Now, (as one says) ³ “the Gospel and Religion of Jesus is admirably design’d and calculated to produce this blessed Effect; and this blessed Effect it does and will actually produce, wherever it is cordially and sincerely entertained and submitted to. Hence we are said to be sanctified by the Word; to be born again, not of corruptible Seed, but of Incorruptible, by the Word of God, which liveth and abideth forever. The Gospel of Christ, attended by the sacred Influences of the Divine Spirit, is the powerful Means of rectifying the sinful Nature of Man, and forming it to Purity and Holiness, and a governing Disposition to please and obey God in all Things. As the Laws of Religion require the universal Practice of Virtue & Holiness; they that are truly Religious, choose to obey God and live holy Lives; there is a blessed Agreement & Harmony, tho’ not a perfect one between the Temper of their Minds, and the sacred Laws of Religion; they are not only aw’d and influenced by the Authority and Command of God, but they find an inward Propensity and Disposition to devote and approve themselves to God, not only in the Duties of Piety and Godliness, but in the Performance of all relative and social Duties, and to exert themselves in their Places, to promote the Welfare of Mankind, and the Tranquility and Happiness of the State.”

I proceed to say

3. Religion requires and implies many Duties in the various Characters, Relations and Circumstances of Life, which tend immediately to the Good of the State. And an inward Principle of Piety will prompt Men readily to perform them. A hint of the principal of these Duties as they respect Rulers and Subjects, will be all I have Time now to mention. And,

Under the Influence of Religion, Rulers will discharge the Duties of their important Trust with strict Fidelity. In the height of Elevation, they will not forget they have a Master in Heaven, to whom they are accountable, before whom they must shortly stand, strip’d of all the Robes of State and Ensigns of Grandeus, to give an Account of their Stewardship. They know God requires them, while they rule over Men, to serve the Lord, to serve him with Fear & to rejoice with Trembling.—Religion will influence and embolden them to distribute Justice with Impartiality and Intrepidity; knowing that it is an Ordinance of Him that ruleth among the Gods, That he that ruleth over Men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. In Obedience to this great Lord, they will endeavour to let Judgment run down as Waters, and Righteousness as a mighty Stream, as an irresistible Torrent, bearing down all Opposition, and sweeping away Wickedness, Oppression and Injustice from the Earth.—Religion, in the Life and Spirit of it, would dispose Rulers to be so far from any Aims after arbitrary Power, as to be zealous Guardians of the just and important Rights of the Subject. It would greatly Influence, not only by making them afraid to set themselves against the Lord, and against his Anointed; but would temper the Thoughts of Dignity, cure a godless Thirst for Despotism, and so keep them back from all guilty Reaches after arbitrary Power, and teach them to conduct as the Ministers of God for the good of their Subjects.—Religion would, above all other Things inspire them with paternal Tenderness, & engage them to act as Fathers of the People. There is no other Principle of true Patriotism equal to that of Religion. Men have indeed sometimes from lower Principles than those of Christianity done well for the Public: But certainly no other Principles can actuate them with equal Force and Alacrity to pursue the public Good. A Principle of Holiness is of a divine Original, and not only fills the Mind with Veneration and Awe of the Divine Majesty, but inspires the Heart with Love to God and Man. Such a Principle will enlarge the Ruler’s Heart, and engage him with unrestrained Benevolence to pursue the Good of all. Such Rulers would therefore willingly exert all their Powers, and employ their whole Time for the Interest of their Country. And no doubt their greatest and most valuable Interests will proportionably excite the generous Concern of such Rulers.—The Regulation of Commerce—The Encouragement of Agriculture and Manufactures—The Promotion of Learning—The Preservation or Restoration of Liberty—But above all, Religion will meet with their warmest Encouragement, be patronized by their Example, and their Hearts will bleed for their People when under the Rebukes of Heaven, or dreadfully exposed to the Frowns of an angry God for their Apostacy from him.—In a Word, what like Religion will be a source of Magnanimity and Fortitude in Seasons of Special Danger?

When nothing but the Testimony of an unreproaching Conscience, and the plaudit of the Omniscient Judge can yield Support, what but this will support them when repay’d with Ingratitude for their noble and Self-denying Exertions for the Good of their Country? What but Religion will inspirit them with Resolution to persist with unremitted Vigour and unabated Diligence, tho’ the more abundantly they Love the less they are beloved? What like Religion will arm those in Power against the Temptations to Pride and Luxury, Venality and Oppression which an elevated Station peculiarly exposes to? In fine; Religion and this only will Influence them to exhibit such an Example as shall have the greatest Tendency to reform a degenerate and backsliding People. As they are Gods by Office, Religion will render them God-like in the Temper of their Minds, in their public Administrations, and in private Life. Such an Example as this would have a peculiar Tendency to give Charms to Virtue, to make Religion appear reputable and amiable, and to reform a vicious Age.

From these particulars it appears that Religion in Rulers, not only in Speculation, but in Love and Practice; not only protected by wholesome Laws, but appearing in real Life, and in high Life, would have a Tendency directly to promote public Felicity.

And no less would it do so with Regard to Subjects. The Religion of Christ directs Mankind in general to many Duties which have the most direct Tendency to render a State prosperous at home, and respectable abroad; and, when it is cordially embraced, will effectually incline them to such a Conduct: For Righteousness, i. e. Holiness exalteth a Nation. The Word of God strictly enjoins that Deference and Submission to Rulers, which is absolutely necessary for the public Peace and Happiness; and severely threatens and condemns a disobedient, mutinous and unruly Temper and Conduct. In this Word God commands, ⁴ “Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers.” “Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of Man,” ⁵ (viz. which is agreeable to the Ordinance of Heaven) “for the Lord’s sake.” He that resists the just Commands of lawful Authority is threatened with no less Punishment than Damnation.—Religion, in the Power of it, would engage Men conscienciously to adhere to the Rules of strict Justice.—To speak the Truth in Love.—It would sweetly, yet powerfully incline them to lead quiet and peaceable Lives, in all Honesty as well as Godliness.—It would banish Luxury and Intemperance from the Earth; for the Grace of God teacheth to live soberly as well as righteously and godly.—These Things most manifestly tend directly and greatly to increase the public Tranquility.—But beside and above all this, the noble and generous benevolent Spirit which real Christianity does not fail to inspire the Mind with, would have an unfailing Tendency (if generally imbibed) to promote general Good, and diffuse Happiness all around—A selfish, narrow, contracted Temper is very inimical to the State. When Men are wholly intent on private Advantage, grudge every Farthing which goes beside their own Coffers, “and coil themselves up in the narrow and dirty Shell of private Interest,” the Public will be neglected—The State cannot prosper. Religion is calculated in the highest Degree to cure this Distemper. It enlarges the Heart, greatens and sublimates the Views of the Mind. That Benevolence which is the very Life and Soul of the Religion of the Gospel, embraces the whole System of Beings, thro’ the Universe, in the Arms of disinterested Love. This then will be the noblest Principle of public Spirit: ‘Twill engage and dispose us to love our Neighbour as ourselves, to pursue the public Happiness as our own, and greatly to deny ourselves, from a generous and ardent Desire to promote the Good of Mankind.

This brings me to the Second general Head, viz.

II. The prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to the Destruction of a People: As Righteousness exalts a Nation, so Sin is a reproach to any People. The general Practice of Wickedness, necessarily diminishes and weakens a State, and if Impenitently persisted in will terminate in their final ruin.—If such Persons as are promoted to Places of Power and Trust, and fill the Seats of Government, are destitute of Principles of Piety, void of Integrity and Honor, it will have a baleful Influence on the State of the People whom they govern. Whatever Talents or Accomplishments they are Masters of, while destitute of these, there can be no sufficient Security of their proving public Blessings: Most probably the noblest Talents will be abused and prostituted to serve the vile Purposes of Ambition, Avarice or Luxury, as their leading Passion chances to direct. And what can be expected under such Rulers but a perpetual Series of Distresses and Judgments? What but Scenes of Oppression, Violence, Corruption and Effeminacy?

The Examples of such Men will be very fatal. “If Magistrates have the Characters of Rulers of Sodom, it may be expected that their Subjects will be the People of Gomorrah.” The wise King of Israel observes, If a Ruler hearken to lies, all the People are wicked. When therefore Rulers take no Care to make and execute such Laws as are calculated to suppress Vice and Wickedness, and to encourage Virtue and Religion, much more if Oppression, Venality or any Kind of Iniquity is encouraged; or if by their evil Example they enervate the force of Laws, and put it out of their own Power to execute them to Advantage; they give a public Invitation to their Subjects to shake off all Restraints to Sin, and to commit Iniquity with Greediness. Such Rulers have brought infinite Mischief on the State. “They have” (as one says) “like baleful Comets, spread Plagues and Desolation through a Land, by their malignant Influences. But,

However virtuous, wise, faithful and exemplary Rulers are, if Vice and Irreligion prevail among the People, so that their governing Character is that of a sinful People, they have awful Reason to Tremble at God’s Displeasure: Indeed, according to that Degree in which Sin prevails, it naturally weakens and injures the public Interest, as plainly appears from what has been already observed. For in the same Proportion that Religion tends to the public Emolument, Irreligion tends to the Damage of the State—God, the moral and righteous Governor of the World, has so constituted the Nature of Things, and ordered the general Course of his Providence, that the Consequences of Sin in general, should be very pernicious to the Temporal as well as the future and eternal Interests of Men. Nothing is more obvious than that many Sins tend to bring Misery, and indeed swiftly to hasten Ruin and Destruction on that People among whom they prevail.

Thus Pride and Luxury, Venality, Injustice and Oppression, Intemperance and Debauchery will have a most fatal Influence and swiftly hasten on every Kind of Misery. Dissipation, Indigence and Beggary tread on the Heels of Luxury, Pride and Prodigality. Men of this Character, thus reduced by their evil Courses, often betake themselves to Practices pernicious and ruinous to their Country, such as Robbery, Theft, Counterfeiting, or if not to these, to others, if not so scandalous, yet very hurtful and pernicious; such as sharping, over-reaching, and the like.—Idleness often cloaths a Man with Rags, and reduces whole Families to the most forlorn and pitiable Circumstances. How often do the slothful and indolent plunge deep into some of the above-mentioned Vices? Or into Intemperance, which is a Vice which may properly be more particularly mentioned and insisted on, as it contains in Embrio all other Vices. Riot, Excess, Debauchery, Gaming, Prophaneness, neglect and contempt of all Religion; these all are the common Attendants on Intemperance: The Person who wallows in this worse than brutal Vice, invites every Temptation, enfeebles and emasculates himself, and is therefore in the high Road to Ruin. And with Regard to States and Kingdoms, all History Witnesses, that when such Sins have prevailed so as to become the general Character, they have been on the very Brink of Destruction. Those mighty Empires of the World, which had for Ages been growing respectable and happy, by Industry, Temperance, Oeconomy and public Virtue, whenever these Vices prevailed, have sunk by swift Degrees into total Dissolution.

There are other Sins, such as Idolatry, Prophaneness, contempt of the Grace of God, Incorrigibleness under Chastisements and the various Means which God is using for the Recovery of a backsliding People, which are daring Affronts and aggravated Provocations to Almighty God, and more direct and immediate Insults upon his Honor; and therefore that People who are and continue Guilty of them, may expect severe Frowns and special Judgments from Heaven.—The God who governs universal Nature will often interpose to distress and punish such a People.—When therefore these Kinds of Iniquity prevail and abound among a People, natural and moral Causes concur to render their Situation gloomy and dismal. God severely threatens them; he says of such a People, “Shall I not visit for these Things? And shall not my Soul be avenged on such a Nation as this?” ⁶ His Treatment of the Jews, (to wave all other Instances) may serve for a just Comment on his Promises and Threatnings of this Nature. By viewing their Circumstances at any given Time, a pretty exact Judgment might have been drawn up of the State of Religion among them: And that complete Destruction which they finally suffered for obstinate Perseverance in Sin and Rejection of Grace, when God overthrew them, even as he overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah, is left on sacred Record, as a monitory Example to all other Nations.

This brings me to the last Observation;

III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation are the most certain and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the divine Favour. Indeed these are the only Things mentioned in the Text. It is true, when a People by their own Folly and Prodigality are reduced into low Circumstances, or are threatened with fore Judgments and heavy Calamities, they are to use all proper Means of a civil and prudential Nature, as well as those which more strictly speaking are of a religious Kind. Frugality, a prudent Regulation of civil and commercial Affairs, a vigorous Exertion to preserve their just Rights, are all highly reasonable and necessary; they are no ways inconsistent with Religion or contrary to Repentance. But all these are insufficient without Repentance. They cannot ensure Success; they have no Promise from God. In a Word, whatever be their Struggles and Exertions; whatever the Expedients they use, yet if they leave Repentance out of the Question, they are very far from any certainty of Success; rather they have Reason to fear that the best concerted Plans will prove abortive, and that God will teach them by Experience, that the Race is not to the swift, nor the Battle to the strong, that their own Strength is Weakness, and that Salvation is only from the Lord.

It is allowed that in some extraordinary Cases God has for some Time spared a very sinful People from immediate and impending Ruin upon the Intercession of eminently godly Men. Thus he spared Israel at the request of Moses on their Behalf. But in this Case God took sufficient Care to secure the honour of his Law, by the signal Punishment which he inflicted on them who were most guilty, tho’ he did not destroy the whole People. Notwithstanding he heard the Prayer of Moses, he says; ⁷ “But as truly as I live, all the Earth shall be filled with the Glory of the Lord.” This threatening God accomplished when he shut those murmuring, stiff necked Israelites out of the Land of Canaan, and their Carcases perished in the Wilderness.

But tho’ God has in his great Clemency spared a People for some Time, whose general Character was very bad, on Account of the godly living with them, and especially when with Fervency and Importunity they have interceded for them; or tho’ he may have suspended the immediate Execution of Punishment on the Account of a partial or merely external Reformation, I believe Repentance attended with Reformation as the general Character of a People, has the only certain Encouragement of the divine Forgiveness and Favour. Such Repentance as is sincere, universal and evangelical; as implies an inwrought godly Sorrow for Sin, as against a God of infinite Purity, Righteousness and Goodness; as produces an inward, real aversion to all Sin, and endeavours against it. Such a Repentance, wherein the Soul taking its whole Encouragements from the Mercy of God revealed and manifested in the divine Redeemer, returns to God by a glorious Christ, as its rightful, original Sovereign and only Happiness; in a Word, such a Repentance wherein every Sin is forsaken. Reformation from all evil Ways, and a Practice of all moral and Christian Duties will accompany true Repentance.

And where such a Repentance takes Place, though among a People who have been very wicked, and whose backslidings have been attended with the most crimson Aggravations, it will be a Means of averting the divine Displeasure. God will return in Mercy to them, and build them up. The many clear and positive Declarations which God has made in his Word, that Repentance and Reformation are agreeable to him, are indispensibly required by him, and are the only Terms on which he will turn away from his Displeasure and be reconciled; and the undoubted Evidence which we have that these have been frequently the Means of averting impending Danger, and saving from deserved Ruin; are sufficient to put this Matter out of all doubt; and therefore should be an effectual Inducement to a People, however sinful and degenerate, however afflicted, or however threatened, though on the very Borders of Extermination, to turn to God, through Christ, by unfeigned Repentance. The kind Declarations and Promises which God made to the Jews, of this Nature, are very many and express; and they were continued even to the last; when they were on the Brink of Ruin. Such was their Degeneracy that God says of them, ⁸ “Ah sinful Nation! A People laden with Iniquity! A Seed of evil-doers! The whole Head is sick: The whole Heart is faint.” In fine, such was their Degeneracy, such they Obstinacy, that the Threatnings of Almighty God are leveled directly against them; threatnings not merely of paternal Chastisement, as in the eaerlier Days of their State, but of the entire Destruction of the Kingdom. The Measure of their Sins was full, and God seems to be bringing Evil on them, even to the uttermost. He was just about to pluck up, to pull down and to destroy.—The Nation is here compared to a Vineyard; the Similitude is pertinent, and the threatened Destruction complete. If the Fences be thrown down which surrounded the Vineyard, the Vines plucked up by the Roots, and the Beasts of the Field let in and suffered to lay it waste, and to tread it down so that it should grow up no more, the Vineyard is completely destroyed. Further God says, ⁹ “Thou shalt say unto them, Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, even so will I break this People and this City as one breaketh a Potter’s Vessel that cannot be made whole again.” But behold the Clemency of God, “If that People against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil, I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.” Again, God says, ¹⁰ “Wash ye, make you clean, put away the evil of your Doings from before mine Eyes; Cease to do evil, Learn to do well.—Come now and let us Reason together saith the Lord, though your Sins be as Scarlet, they shall be as white as Snow, though they be red like Crimson, they shall be as Wool. If ye be willing and obedient ye shall eat the good of the Land.”

I MIGHT also shew many Instances in which God has appeared in his providence, & signally delivered a penitent People from multiplied Distresses: but it is needless to recite particular Facts for the Purpose, since everyone acquainted with sacred History especially cannot be at a Loss for them. Many a Time ¹¹ when they rebelled against the Words of God, and contemned the Counsel of the Most High; so that he brought down their Heart with Labor, they fell down and there was none to help. Then they cried unto the Lord in their Trouble, and he saved them out of their Distresses.

From what has been said may be inferred the superlative Excellency of Religion, which is calculated to promote the noblest Ends, viz. to form Men in every Character and relation to love and honour God, and to pursue and promote the highest Interest and truest Happiness of Mankind.

We may also infer the inexcusable Folly of wicked Men, who while they are inordinately pursuing their present and private Interest, in the neglect and contempt of Religion, act in direct Opposition to both, and so expose themselves to everlasting Destruction, for less, for worse than nothing.

We learn further, that it is a Thing of the last Importance to a People who are under the evident Frowns of Heaven, critically to examine what is their real Character: And if it should appear that they have done Evil in God’s Sight, and have not obeyed his Voice: If it should appear especially that they have gone away backward, and forsaken the Lord, that they speedily hearken to the Warnings of God’s Word, and repent and reform what is amiss.—It appears of indispensible Necessity that every Order of Men in their various Capacities, exert themselves vigorously to promote a Work of such Difficulty and Importance. And as in this critical Day this is the Duty of all, so it is in many Respects, eminently the Duty of Rulers.

As therefore in Obedience to his Honor’s Command I stand in this Place on the present Occasion, may I be allowed, with all due Deference and Respect, yet with a Freedom becoming the ministerial Office, to address the honored Legislative Body of this Government, present in the general Assembly this Day.

Worthy and renowned Fathers,

I TRUST it is the ardent wish of many in this Government, that you may have Success equal to your Desires and Endeavours for the public Good; and that you may be long continued in your important Posts of Government, to exert your well known Abilities in defending our invaluable Privileges, watching for the public Peace, and at the same Time protecting, encouraging and promoting Religion.

It is signal Honor to you, (revered Senators) that by the Sufferings of a People, who still enjoy and highly prize Freedom, you have been betrusted with the important Affairs of Government in a Season so peculiarly Dangerous and critical as this. The Confidence reposed in you is indeed great, and we trust and have Reason to hope, your Vigilance, Firmness, Zeal, Prudence and Exertion will be answerable to our Expectations and to the Exigencies of the State.

What Expedients of a political Nature are requisite at this Day to guard our just Rights, to regulate Commerce, to encourage Manufacturers, Agriculture and Oeconomy, we leave to your Wisdom, not doubting your Care. These Things have been frequently and most pertinently urged, especially of late.—My Subject leads me to Considerations of another Nature, however not less important.

That we are involved in great Calamities, and have Reason to fear still greater, in this Day of perplexing Uncertainty and doubtful Expectation, is so Obvious that it is needless to enlarge on the disagreeable Theme. And whatever are the immediate Sources of these Distresses, our Sins are no Doubt the procuring Cause. Our Iniquities have separated between us and our God. That Prophaneness, Impiety and Sensuality which have prevailed, and do still prevail among us, (may I be allowed to say) with too much Impunity; “Our stupid Forgetfulness of God, and our general neglect (under all our Struggles and Concern) of the only effectual Way of Deliverance, from all the Calamities we feel or fear,” these things point to us in a striking Light the Necessity of Repentance and Reformation.

Under God, our Eyes are unto you, our Dependence is upon you, to exert yourselves in your Places of Dignity and Authority, with yet greater Spirit and Vigilance, that you may not bear the Sword in vain, but be a Terror to evil doers, and a Praise and Encouragement to them that do well. We hope for the Continuance of your friendly Care to the Seminary of Learning in this Government, that you will promote Learning, and encourage a learned Ministry, between which and Religion there is so close a Connection. We also trust you will with Firmness support our religious Constitution in this Government, as being well calculated to subserve the Interests of Religion. And if it be possible, either by enacting other Laws, or more punctually executing the many good and wholesome Laws now in being, to suppress the growing Prophaneness, Intemperance, Contempt of Worship and Prophanation of the Sabbath, which are visible and awfully increasing among us, it would have a happy Tendency to promote Reformation.

One very honorary and expressive Character given to Rulers in God’s Word, is that of Gods; this implies that they should be God-like, and (as far as humane Infirmities will permit) imitate the God of Gods. And what a glorious Pattern is held up to the Rulers View in this particular? What boundless Compassion God has shewn to a guilty apostate World? What has he left undone to reduce guilty Rebels to Repentance, Love and Obedience? We trust you will imitate this glorious Example. That you “will sympathize with your People in their Difficulties and Sorrows, and sensibly resent all the Evils they groan under, even when they suffer by their own Default: That your Bowels of Compassion will peculiarly move towards them, when they are under deep Apostacies from God, and under terrible Impressions of his Wrath, both in Temporal Judgments and Spiritual Plagues. As the Head in the natural Body sees the uneasy State of the whole and each Member, so you will have a most sensible Share, in all the Losses, Reproaches, Burdens and Dangers, that are among this People; and your Tenderness will be expres’d, in taking the best Measures for their Relief and Comfort.”

Such Rulers as have been Friends to God and to Religion, who have been nursing Fathers to the Church, have mourn’d for her Afflictions, critically observ’d her Declensions, and nobly exerted themselves to bring about a Reformation, have embalmed their Memories with Posterity, and their Names have been transmitted to future Generations, with peculiar Honors. Much more precious are their Memories than those of the most renowned Heroes, or Men of the most exalted Geniuses, who were yet destitute of and paid no regard to Religion.

Such a Ruler was Moses, a Man mighty in Faith and Prayer, eminent for Patience and Meekness, willing to relinquish Fame, and even to lay down his Life for the good of God’s chosen People.

How glorious is the Character of Nehemiah and of Hezekiah and Josiah Kings of Judah, as Reformers and lovers of Religion? Such have been many of our Rulers in this Government. Such in an eminent Degree was out late Governor. And was not he ¹² in some good Degree also deserving of the same Character by whose Decease a Breach is made in the honorable Council-Board? He who had with strict Fidelity and to universal Approbation executed the various Important Trusts which were reposed in him, and might have been serviceable to the State yet for many Years, had God seen fit to have spared him to us. But Rulers as well as others must die. Though Gods by Office, they are Men by Constitution, and must in this Regard stand on a level with their Subjects. Animating Thought! How uncertain the Term of Life and Opportunity of Usefulness! And how glorious and incomprehensible the future Reward and Happiness of faithful and religious Rulers?

May you (honored Fathers) be the happy Instruments of promoting Religion, of effecting Reformation; may you be indeed Fathers to this People, the imitators of God, and late be received to those distinguishing Honors which await them who have served their Generation by the Will of God.

So great a part of the special Business of the Ministers of Christ, is to inculcate Repentance, and promote Reformation; and such is the general Character of this Order of Men in this Government, that I cannot doubt of their cordial Concurrence and sincere Endeavours to promote a Work so Important and necessary at this Day.

Reverend Fathers and Brethren,

In this apostate and sinful World it has ever been the Errand on which God has sent forth his Ambassadors to preach Repentance, and Reconciliation to God, through a Mediator; and at special Seasons to give Warning of impending Danger, and inculcate Repentance and Reformation, by all possible Motives.

¹³ Noah warned the antediluvian World of imminent Destruction, and inculcated Repentance for a long Space. This was the great Errand on which the Prophets were sent to the Jews. The Burden of all their Messages was, Turn now unto the Lord with all your Hearts. And as their Sins increased and God’s Judgments were more numerous and awful, and especially when the impending Storm thickened, and seem’d ready to burst on their guilty and defenceless Heads, the Prophets were ordered to redouble heir Efforts, and with an honest Freedom and pious Zeal, point out their Danger, and the Reasons of it. Thus Isaiah is directed to ¹⁴ cry aloud and spare not, to lift up his Voice like a Trupet, and to shew unto God’s People their Transgression.—The weeping Prophet is sent with many such Messages as that in our Text.—When John, the immediate Fore-runner of Christ appear’d, he cried, ¹⁵ “Repent, for the Kingdom of Heaven is at Hand.”—And our blessed Saviour, as the first of all his Messages, proclaimed, ¹⁶ “Repent, and believe the Gospel.” And to add no more Instances, St. Paul in few Words tells us what was the main Business and Practice of the first Preachers of the Gospel, (and which no doubt we should imitate them in) ¹⁷ “Now then we are Ambassadors of God, as tho’ God did beseech you by us, we pray you in Christ’s stead, be ye reconciled to God.” And does not the Providence of God point out to us many peculiar Motives and loud Warnings, to be very earnest, vigilant and diligent in pressing Repentance and Reformation, on the People of this Government? Perhaps never in this Land was there greater need of Reformation, or louder calls to it. God expects we should join with our worthy Rulers in this most important Work, and not only faithfully shew this People their Sins and Deserts, but sincerely bewail their and our own Sins, and deprecate God’s Judgments. In this Day of Darkness and Distress, ought not the Priests, the Ministers of the Lord, above all others, to weep and to say, “Spare thy People, O Lord, and give not up thine Heritage to Reproach.” In brief, it appears clearly that Repentance and Reformation are that one Thing needful at this Day, on which our political and temporal Salvation, as well as our eternal depends; and that God justly expects that we, above all others, should be sensible of it, and endeavour to promote them. This then should engross our Thoughts, engage our Solicitude, and employ our Time.

And I would humbly suggest, that as we would succeed in our Endeavours, we must hold fast the Form of sound Words, and adhere inviolably to the Doctrines of Grace, those great Important Doctrines, which our pious Ancestors held, and for which they suffered: ‘Tis the plain, faithful preaching of these which is like to be attended with Success. It was observed by ¹⁸ a worthy Gentleman some Years ago, on this Occasion, that, “’Tis the plain, serious, affectionate preaching of Christ crucified, and his unsearchable Riches, the merit of his Cross, the Prevalence of his Intercession, and the Power of his Grace, and the other peculiar Doctrines of the Gospel, that are nearly connected therewith, God has been wont especially to own and bless, to the producing of Faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and Repentance from dead Works, and all the excellent Fruits of Righteousness in Life and Conversation.”

May I be allowed just to add, that Union among ourselves is greatly necessary, that we may be successful in our Endeavours to promote the Interest of Religion among others.

Scarce any Thing has given a greater Advantage to the Enemies of the Church, than that Discord which has prevailed among Christians; or any Thing stab’d the Cause of Religion with deeper Wounds than those Contentions and unchristian Alienations which have took Place among the Clergy; may they never prevail among us; may we let alone Contention before it is any further meddled with. While we contend for the Faith, may we take heed that it is indeed the Faith of the Gospel, and those plain, great, important Truths which have a Tendency to promote practical Godliness, and not subtil Speculations and Niceties: And while we look upon ourselves obliged to contend earnestly, let us also contend meekly, and not loose Sight of Charity, in the Defense of Orthodoxy. Should not this thought, that there are cruel Foes enough abroad, watching for our halting, and rejoicing in our Divisions, cement us in the closest Union to one another? Should we not, as Servants of the meek and lowly Jesus, forbear one another in Love, and unite in this Day of great Degeneracy and Calamity, in every probably, suitable and prudent Method to promote the common Good:–Above all, are we not under the most sacred Obligations to join in humble fervent Supplications, to that God who heareth Prayer, who loves Unity and Fervency in our Requests, who has never said to the House of Jacob, Seek ye me in vain; who has often in answer to the united, humble Petitions of his Servants, appeared for Zion, and for New-England in particular. In this therefore I trust there will not be a dissenting Voice, or a disuniting thought among us.

This brings me to conclude with Address to this numerous Assembly.

You have been often told, my Brethren, that this is the important Day which will probably decide the Fate of America: That to be unconcern’d therefore in this Conjuncture of Affairs must be the Effect of the most stupid Dullness, or unaccountable Frenzy: And that we are under indispensible Obligations to use the most vigorous Efforts, and practice much of Self-denial (if call’d to it) for the good of our Country. All this is undoubtedly true: And God’s Word directs us to the only certain and effectual Expedient to obtain Help in our Troubles, and Deliverance from our Dangers. In one Word, this is Repentance. This would be very reasonable and important were we in no peculiar Circumstances of Danger, or under no special Frowns from Heaven: But as the Case now stands with us, ‘tis necessary, in every View necessary to our civil and religious Interests, necessary to the Preservation of the State, as well as to the Salvation of our Souls. Is not God now in his Providence directing that same pathetic Exhortation to us which he did once to the Church of Ephesus; ¹⁹ “Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first Works.” This Land, New-England in particular, was planted a noble Vine. We have the Honour to be descended from Ancestors who really deserved the Name which was given to them in Derision, I mean that of Puritans.—They were indeed fast Friends of Liberty, but abhorred Licentiousness.—They were inviolably attached to Purity and strictness in Faith, in Worship and Conversation. God’s Promise in our Text was fulfilled to them. He spake Good concerning them, and performed it to them. He marvelously preserved them from surrounding Savages, when they were few in Number.—He increased them almost to a Prodigy—Defended them from powerful Enemies abroad, and rendered abortive many deep-laid Plots for their Ruin.—The time would fail, tho’ in the briefest Manner, to recount the signal Appearances of God’s Providence for them and us; or to describe the distinguishing Privileges, civil and religious, which we have enjoyed. Is there a Spot upon the Globe, happier in these Regards than the British Subjects in America have been? Or a Government on the Continent which has exceeded Connecticut? But we have evilly departed away from the God of our Fathers, and are in many Respects become the degenerate Plants of a strange Vine. How inexcusable is our Ingratitude herein? And now when God is holding the Rod of Correction over us, let us not continue Incorrigible, and give Occasion for the mournful Complaint of the Prophet, “O Lord when thy Hand is lifted up they will not see:” Lest God should put in Execution the threatening annexed to the fore-mention’d Exhortation: In these awful Words, “Or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy Candlestick out of his Place, except thou repent.” May God mercifully grant that this dreadful Threatning may never be executed against us, as it has been long since, on all those renowned Churches in Asia. Who that has the smallest Degree of Love to God, or Regard to the Kingdom of Christ? Who that wishes well to his Country? Or who tht has not put off all the Bowels of a Parent, or has any feelings of Humanity in his Breast, but must shudder at the Thought of New-England’s ever sharing the dreadful Fate of those Churches?

But unless we repent, have we not awful Reason to fear this will be our Case? Should we plead that notwithstanding our general Declensions, we have many good Men who are mourning for our abounding Sins, and the visible Decays of Godliness; fervently praying for Zion, and willing as it were to thrust themselves into the Gap and stop the Plague? This is no doubt true; but could not all this and more be said in favour of some of those Churches, and of the Church of Ephesus in particular. Hear his Testimony, whose Eyes are as a Flame of Fire: ²⁰ “I know thy Works and thy Labour and thy Patience, and how thou canst not bear them which are Evil, and hast born, and hast Patience, and for my Name sake hast labored and hast not fainted.” All this notwithstanding, Christ threatens to dissolve their Church state, and to take his Gospel from them except they repent. The Reason was, because they had left their first Love, were declining in their Affections and Regard to God and Christ, his Worship, Ordinances and Ways. Now we must be sensible that this is our fad Condition, unless we are still in a more lamentable Situation: That of Israel (I mean) when grey Hairs were here and there upon him, and he knew it not.

And now behold God is waiting to be gracious: He says, “Turn ye, why will ye die?” How shall I give thee up, O New-England! O that my People would hearken to my Voice:–May we then to Day hear his Voice, and not harden our Hearts.

May we hear the faithful Warnings of the Compassionate Redeemer, and flee for Refuge.

Endnotes

1. Deut. 28: 1.

2. 2 Chron. 15:2.

3. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon for 1754.

4. Rom. 13.

5. I Pet. 2. 13.

6. Jere. 5. 9.

7. Num. 14. 21.

8. Isai. I. 5.

9. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.

10. Isa. I. 16, 17, 18, 19.

11. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.

12. The Honorable Zebulon West, of Tolland, who was a great Promoter of Peace and good Order in the Town and Church where he belonged; for many Years a Justice of the Peace, one of the Judges of the County Court, a Judge of the Probates, a Member and Speaker in the Lower House of the general Assembly, and elected into the Honorable Upper House in May last.

13. I Pet. 3. 19, 20.

14. Isai. 58. 1.

15. Mat. 3. 2.

16. Mark 1. 15.

17. 2 Cor. 5. 20.

18. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon, 1754.

19. Rev. 2. 5.

20. Rev. 2. 2, 3.

Jason Haven (1733-1803) preached this sermon in Massachusetts on May 31, 1769.

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

SIR FRANCIS BERNARD, BARONET,

GOVERNOR:

HIS HONOR

THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Esq;

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE

HIS MAJESTY’S COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE PROVINCE OF THE

MASSACHUSETTS BAY in NEW ENGLAND

MAY 31ST. 1769.

Being the Anniversary of the ELECTION of His MAJESTY’s COUNCIL for said PROVINCE.

BY JASON HAVEN, A.M.

Pastor of the First Church in DEDHAM.

PRESENT
His Excellency the Governor in Council,

Advised and Ordered, That the Thanks of the Governor an council be given to the Rev. Mr. Jason Haven, for his Sermon preached Yesterday being the Day appointed by the Royal Charter for the Election of Councellors for the Province : and that ROYALL TYLER and SAMUEL DEXTER, Esqrs. wait on him with the Thanks of the Governor and Council accordingly, and in their Name desire of him a Copy of his said Sermon for the Press.

A. OLIVER, Secr’y.

Psalm LXXV. 6, 7.

For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the Judge; He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

By the light of reason and nature, we are led to believe in, and adore God, but not only as the maker, but also as the governor of all things. In the same way we may be satisfied that it is agreeable to the divine will, that civil government be established among men, on principles equitable in themselves, and conductive to the common good. But in these points, revelation comes in the assistance of reason, and shews them to us in a clearer light than we could see them without its aid. This is done by many passages of sacred scripture, and by that which I have now read in particular; which, without a critical examination of its connection, or any labored comment on it, may consider – God’s approbation of civil government – His agency in putting men into, and removing them from places of power – what views persons should have in seeking and accepting a part in government – what rules should be observed in introducing men into office – how those that are promoted should behave towards the people – and how the people should behave towards them. The two former of these heads of discourse lie plainly in the words of my text; the others are natural inferences from them.

The first thing to be considered is God’s approbation of civil government among mankind. This might be argued from the dispositions and capacities which he hath implanted in human nature. Buy these men are adapted to society, and inclined to associate together; and by associating, the happiness of each individual may be greatly improved.

By forming into civil society, men do indeed give up some of their natural rights; but it is in prospect of a rich compensation, in the better security of the rest, and in the enjoyment of several additional ones, that flow from the constitution of government, which they establish. Individuals agreeing in certain methods, in which their united force and strength shall be employed for mutual defense and security, is a general idea of civil government. These methods of defense being lawful in right in themselves, must be agreeable to the will of God “who loveth righteousness.” They must please him who is “a God of order and not of confusion;” as they tend to prevent “confusion and every evil work,” which otherwise would prevail, without restraint, among such imperfect creatures as we are.

The state of things in our world is evidently such, as to render civil government necessary. But for this, life liberty, and property would be exposed to fatal invasion. The lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, would not be under sufficient restraint. Their conduct would be like that complained of in Israel, when they had no king. “Everyone did that which was right in his own eyes. ” ¹ Men would resemble the fishes in the sea, the greater devouring the less. This state of things as fully determines the will of God, who delights in the happiness of his creatures, in favor of civil government, as it could have been done by an express revelation. The voice of reason, in this case is the voice of God.

But the will of God, as to this thing, is not only deducible from these reasoning’s. His word of revelation declares it. “The powers that be are,” expressly said to be, “ordained of God.” Civil rulers are called “the ministers of God.” And “he that resisteth them” is said to “resist the ordinance of God.” ²

But though God’s approbation of civil government is so evident; yet he hath not seen fit to point out any particular form of it, in which all men are obliged to unite. This is left as a matter of free choice and agreement. Men have a natural right to determine for themselves, in what way, and by whom they will be governed. The notion of a divine indefeasible right to govern, vested in particular persons, or families, is wholly without foundation; and is I think as generally exploded at this day, by en of sober minds, as that of uninterrupted succession in ecclesiastical office, from the apostles of Christ, in order to the validity of Christian administrations.

“The most impartial disquisitions of this matter, faith an anonymous writer, founded on the common sense and practice of mankind, have long ago convinced the wise and unprejudiced, that no individual, however nobly born, has a right over the person or property of another, except only from mutual compact, entered into for general benefit; the conditions of which are as obligatory on the governing, as on the governed parties. No man, in the nature of things, is in anyway superior or inferior to his fellow citizens, but on such conditions, as they are supposed to have mutually consented to. It is only to prevent the confusion which riches, interest, or ambition might create among persons equally qualified, that the sovereignty hath been settled in particular families. It is in regard only to conveniency, that the succession should remain uninterrupted, as long as it can be consistent with the good of the whole. But where this is infringed, dispensed with superseded, the obligation is cancelled. The people are free, and may either choose a new form of government, or put their old, into other hands.”

All nations have not chosen the same form of government. Nor can we determine that anyone would be best for all. The different genius, temper and situation of nations and countries, may make different constitutions of civil policy eligible, as different temperaments in human bodies, and the different climates in which they are placed, require different methods of regimen.

The Theocracy of the Jews doth not disprove this natural liberty of choice. That people, while it continued; and it was ungrateful in them to be so soon weary of it. Other nations were left to their liberty, to choose such a form of government, as they might think would best answer the end of all government, the public welfare; whether that of Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy; or a mixture of these. It is a mixture of these that our nation fixed upon. And this we are ready to think the happiest that can be. We may possibly be prejudiced in favor of it, because it is our own. Indeed we have less reason to think we are since we have so many testimonies of strangers to its excellency. Besides these testimonies, we have had such proofs of its goodness, as are most convictive, those of experience. By it “we have enjoyed great quietness, and important favors have been done to our nation.”

In this form of government, power and privilege are happily united. They are wrought into its foundation, so that they cannot be separated, but by pulling down the pillars of it. Magistrates cannot exercise their power of magistrates. We have reason to be thankful to the great Founder of civil government, that under his influence, our nation hath agreed in this constitution, which hath already contributed so much to its happiness; and the important blessings of which, we hope, will flow down to the latest posterity.

Indeed the best form of government will not render a people safe and happy, without a good administration. More depends on places of public trust being properly filled, than on the constitution. A people may perhaps, for a season be tolerably happy under the most exceptionable form of government;’ but can scarcely be so, under the best, when administration is grossly corrupt. Their rights and privileges are very nearly affected by the character and conduct of their rulers. The advancement of persons to places in government is therefore a most interesting affair. It requires the serious attention of all, who have a hand in it : And it will lead every man of religion, to implore the favor and influence of the supreme ruler, who putteth down one, and setteth up another.

This leads me,

SECONDLY. To consider the agency of God, in putting men into, and removing them from places in government.

PROMOTION, faith the penman of my text, cometh neither from the east nor from the west, nor from the south. We cannot (as one remarks on the words) “gain it either by the wisdom of the men of the east or by the numerous forces of the western isles; or from those of Egypt or Arabia, which lie southward of Judea. The reason why the north is not mentioned may be because the same word which is rendered north signifies God’s secret place or counsel, from whence promotion doth come.” Perhaps no more is intended by this poetical expression, than that the most favorable concurrence of second causes, will not prevail to advance persons in government, without the influence of the first. A truth which none can disbelieve, who admit God’s superintendencey over all human affairs. A truth, in the faith of which our own observation may have been sufficient to confirm us. Have we not known some ready to compass sea and land, and to go from east to west, and from north to south, in pursuit of honor? And yet have they not found it like a shadow, in this respect, as well as in some other, that it hath fled before them with a motion as swift as that with which they have followed it? While they have tried every promising method to climb the slippery hill of honor, all their attempts have been blasted, and blasted in such secret and unexpected ways, as could not be accounted for but by the agency of him “who disappoointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise. ³

Promotion being denied to the power of second causes, is attributed to that of the first. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

God is the judge – When several parties contend for the prize of the preferment he determineth it to which he pleaseth so as best to serve his own purposes it is not only safe but happy for the world, that absolute and uncontrollable power should be possessed by a being of infinite wisdom, invariable justice and boundless mercy. Such power is often ascribed to God, in the inspired writings. “Wisdom and might are his : He removeth kings, and setteth up kings : He hath put down the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low degree. The most nigh ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomever he will.” ⁴

God is the judge of men’s qualifications for government and his “judgment is always according to truth.” He knows whom to promote and whom to depose, in order to answer the wise plan of his universal providence. This power God doth not usually exercise in an immediate way, but by the intervention of several second causes; and these are united and combined together in such a manner, as could be done by no understanding but one that is infinite. Scared, and other histories furnish us with instances hereof. The advancement of Joseph to great dignity and power in the Egyptian court, is a remarkable one. A variety of unconnected cause operated to bring this about unconnected in themselves, but united by him, “whose kingdom ruleth over all.” It was by the agency of God, that king Saul was disgraced, and David advanced; an event, to which it is probable, our text has special reference. By this it came to pass that proud Haman was hanged on the gallows he had made, of fifty cubits high; while Mordecai the Jew, for whom he had prepared the same, was promoted. By this, that haughty Nebuchadnezzar was turned a grazing among the beasts, to teach him that “the heavens do rule.” By this, that boasting Herod was eaten of worms, because he did not consider the he was one himself.

The influence of the supreme governor of the world, in bringing about such events, in later ages, is not less real, though perhaps less evident and immediate. It must be acknowledged in putting down some, and setting up others, in our own nation and land. The fall of that unhappy and misguided king, Charles the first, was an instance of it. So was that ever memorable event, so happy in its consequences to Great Britain, and to these Colonies, called the Revolution, when king James the second abdicated the throne, and King William and Queen Mary, of glorious memory, were advanced to it; which made way for the present happy establishment in the house of Hanover. The people of this province, not only shared in common with their fellow subjects, on the other side of the Atlantic, in the advantages arising from this great change in government, but were particularly happy, in being delivered from the oppressive and tyrannical administration of Sir Edmund Andros. The agency of heaven in these events, doth not determine the innocence or guilt of those, who were the voluntary instruments of bringing them about. “Thou couldest have no power at all against me,” said our Savior to Pilate, “except it were given thee from above.” ⁵ Yet this did not prove him innocent, in “condemning that just one.”

The promotion of men to places of power and trust, who either have no talents for government, or are disposed to use those that they have, to wicked purposes, is an event, which may seem hard to be accounted for. “God’s judgments are a great deep.” This however must be a settled principle with us, “that the Judge of all the earth doth right.” His providence is by no means to be impeached. The moral evils which take place, in consequence of such promotions, are not to be charged on him. He may permit such things to punish a bad temper, either in the persons promoted, or in the people over whom they are set or in both. We should consider it as the primary design of such punishment to reform them; but if they remain incorrigible under it, a fuller display of God’s rectoral justice and hatred of sin, will be made in their ruin. “The scripture faith unto Pharaoh, even for this same purpose have I raised thee up, that I might shew my power in thee, and that my name might be declared throughout all the earth. ” ⁶ In judgment to Israel, Saul, and several wicked kings, were set over them. “There is (says Doctor Tillotson) a kind of moral connection and communication of evil and guilt, between princes and people; so that they are many times mutually rewarded for the virtues and good actions, and punished for the sins and faults, of one another.”

Good men, who have excellent talents for governments, and disposition to use them for the public advantage, are sometimes kept out of place, or suddenly stripped of that civil power with which they had been clothed. This is a chapter in the book of providence hard to be explained. In this way, we have reason to think, God sometimes designs to punish a people’s ingratitude to him for a good administration, which they have enjoyed; their unsubmissiveness to it, and abuse of its blessings. He may also intend the advantage of the persons thus displaced, by a dispensation generally grievous enough to them. He may behold their virtue endangered by their elevation. He may foresee that they would not be proof against the temptations of it; and that they would neglect, what to them, as well as to others is “the one thing needful.” The care of their souls. Many have lost ground in religion by advancement, and recovered it by a return to private life.

Having remarked on the agency of God in advancing and deposing men, I go on.

Thirdly, to consider what views they should have in seeking and accepting places in government. I here mention seeking places, for I do not imagine that all kinds and degrees of this, are to be condemned; though the character of seekers, in general, is a very odious and individious one. Importunity in a candidate for promotion is a presumptive evidence, that he is unfit for it. Me on the best qualifications have generally disdained those low arts and intrigues, by which some have made their way into places of power. It is hard to say what can be more base and wicked than the conduct of those, who attempt to rise by the help of adulation and bribes, unless it be that of those who hearken to them, and become the tools of their pride and ambition. That temper, however, deserves to be denominated a false modesty, which makes men always decline preferment, when it comes in their way; or avoid those offices which require great abilities, when they know themselves to be possest of them. Hereby they may be chargeable with hiding talents which they ought to improve for the public good.

But all men’s endeavors to rise in government should be such, as they have reason to think God approves; such as they can with sincerity recommend to his blessing, and wait on him to succeed. If this is not the case, they are in effect fighting against God. They ought not to seek, nor even to accept such offices as they know they cannot discharge, in a good measure answerable to the nature and importance of them.

God is the judge – You should be able to look up to him in confidence, that he approves every step you take in the way to posts of honor; and with a willingness to be disappointed, if in his unerring wisdom he sees you to be unfit for them; and that your success would operate either to the damage of the public, or of yourselves. Such a serious regard to God as the fountain of all power would shame men of virtue and modesty, out of those base methods, by which, it is to be feared, some are seeking after promotion.

Men indeed are generally partial to themselves. They think their accomplishments greater than they are. Under the influence of this partiality, some may with honest simplicity solicit, and enter into, such departments in government as they can by no means fill with dignity, and to the satisfaction of the public. This evil is to be guarded against by those, whose part it is to introduce men into office.

The rules to be observed by such is the

Fourth thing to be considered. The should act with great fidelity and caution is necessary, both in superior magistrates, in their appointments, and in the people, who choose persons into office. The business is of a very interesting nature; in doing it they should consider themselves as instruments in the hand of God, and therefore bound to consult his will, and to govern themselves by it. This teaches them to promote men according to their apparent merit; and not to be influenced by private connections, and prospects of personal advantage. The public prosperity greatly depends on your faithful discharge of your duty in this respect. You are accountable to God for the manner in which you discharge it. You are bound as you will answer it to him, to consider the qualifications of candidates, for places in government and to promote such and such only as you think in some good measure possessed of them.

What these qualifications are, I have not time particularly to consider. Tow of the most essential, and in which most others may be included, I shall briefly mention – Wisdom and Religion

No small degree of wisdom and knowledge is necessary to constitute a good ruler, whether he fills a place in the legislative, or executive part of government Solomon when advanced to be king over Israel, prayed for a wife and understanding heart. God approved his petition as seasonable, and gave a gracious answer to it. Wisdom is not only necessary for kings, and for persons in the highest seats of government, but proportionable degrees of it, for those who hold subordinate places. Rulers are compared to light, which, by a familiar metaphor, signifies knowledge. “The heads of the tribes of Issachar,” chosen to represent their brethren on a certain important occasion, are expressly said to be “men, that had understanding of the times, to know what Israel ought to do.” ⁷

Government is by no means safe in the hands of weak and ignorant men, how good soever their intentions may be. When such men have the management of our public affairs what can we expect, but that they run into confusion and disorder?

Nor is it every kind of knowledge that will qualify a man to govern. He must be acquainted with men, as well as things; otherwise he will be in continual danger of being imposed on, by the subtlety and address of designing men around him. He will confide in those who are not to be trusted and make those his counselors, who will take pains to lead him astray. It is the character of the supreme ruler, that, “He is a God of knowledge, by whom actions are weighed.” ⁸ Rulers among men, should have skill to form a due estimate of the actions of persons, under all that coloring which they lay on them. If they have not, how can they approve and reward those that have salutary influence on the public? How can they disapprove and counteract those of a contrary nature.

Rulers should not only be acquainted with the natural rights of the people, which are the same under every form of government, but also with those which originate from the constitution of the country where they live; that they may be tender of both, and able to defend both. They should know how to state the bounds of their own authority, and of the rights of the people; that while with firmness they assert the former, they may not infringe on the latter. Wisdom is necessary direct them in all that variety of business, to which their stations call them; which variety cannot now further consider.

Religion is the other qualification which I mentioned, as necessary to the character of a good ruler. He must be a man of religion, who discharges the duties of a magistrate with fidelity. By a man of religion, I mean once that is a true fearer of God, on that is in a good measure sanctified by his grace, formed to the temper recommended by the Gospel of Christ, and sincerely endeavors to act up to those rules of piety and virtue, which are therein prescribed.

Piety towards God is the only basis, on which a proper conduct towards men, can stand firm and steady against those blasts of temptation, to which all men are exposed; and which beat on those that are in elevated stations, with peculiar violence, as storms do on a house that stands on an eminence. “He that fears not God, will not regard man,” will not regard him with that tender concern for his prosperity, and that sincere endeavor to promote it, which the laws of religion require. True patriotism (for such a thing no doubt there is, though many may be strangers to it, who are fond of the name) hath its foundation in religion. A vicious man hath no settled principle of action. He is ruled by selfish passions to gratify these, he will sacrifice his conscience; he will trample on law, when he can do it with impunity; he will betray his friends; he will fell his country; having first “sold himself to work” all the kinds of “wickedness.”

Directly the reverse of this, is the tendency of religion, when it is pure and undefiled. It regulates the passions; it enlarges the mind; it fills it with noble and benevolent designs; it leads men to enterprise great things for the public good; it drives away the mists of prejudice and temptation, which are so apt to obscure the path of duty; it inspires a noble fortitude and resolution to pursue the end of government, though it should lead through a scene of painful opposition; though the best intentions should be misconstrued, and the most important services go unrewarded.

Now those that are concerned in promoting men to publish stations, are bound to have great regard to their virtue and religion. “For the God of Israel said the Rock of Israel spake to me – He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” ⁹ King David determined to act on this principle in calling men to office under him. “Mine eyes shall be upon the faithful in the land : He that walketh in a perfect way he shall serve me.” ¹⁰

God who is the judge, and who never errs inn judgment, hath plainly intimated the necessity of the tow leading qualifications for rulers, which I have mentioned – and not barely mentioned, but a little enlarged upon, as this head of discourse hath a particular aspect on the public transactions of this day. and are you not under the most solemn obligations to rega5rd the will of God in the promoting men? When you do so, you are workers together with him in the matter. When you do not, you set yourselves in opposition to him; and if he suffers you to succeed it will no doubt be in judgment to you, and to the land.

Fifthly. This subject instructs those who are advanced to places of power and trust, how they should have and presses fidelity on them by most serious motives. They are to consider themselves as promoted by God, and accountable to him for their conduct in public life. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.

Rulers ought always to look on their authority as derived to them. They are not originally possessed of any. This consideration should make them humble. I6t should give a check to a proud and haughty spirit; if, at any time, they find such an one ready to prevail. It should guard them against an overbearing tyrannical behavior. They should frequently make the reflection of the apostle; What have we that we did not receive? And if we received it, why do we boast?

They should consider their authority also as limited by the author of it; and that, both as to degree and continuance. God putteth down, as well as ariseth up. The triumphing of wicked rulers, who abuse their power in ways of pride and oppression, is generally short. To one of this character, the remark of the ancient sage concerning a hypocrite may be applied; “Though this excellency mount up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds, yet he shall perish forever. – They that have seen him shall say where is he”? ¹¹ When a virtuous people are oppressed, they may carry their complaints to God, in humble confidence, that he will not long “suffer the rod of the wicked to rest on the lot of the righteous.” ¹²

The consideration that their promotion cometh from God, should make rulers careful to improve it in a way, the most agreeable to his will, that they can. They do this, when they faithfully pursue the ends of government; when they studiously intimate the supreme ruler of the universe, “the scepter of whose kingdom is a right scepter.” Legislators do this, when they are solicitous that all the laws they enact, be just and good, correspondent to those of the supreme law giver. And those that execute the laws, when they act in their offices with steadiness and impartiality, that they may be a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well. All those who are vested with authority do this, when they have a tender concern for the rights and privileges of the people, and endeavor to preserve them entire and inviolate when they feel for them under all their burdens; and “in all their afflictions are afflicted” – when they construe their conduct into the most favorable sense it will bear – when they are ready to pass by, and excuse as many faults and offences, as will consist with the regular support of government – when they are willing to lose something of the severity of the magistrate, in the tenderness of a father – In a word, when in their administration, “mercy and truth meet together, righteousness and peace Kiss each other.” ¹³

Rulers should use their influence in an especial manner to promote religion. This they should do, not only by rewarding virtue, and punishing vice; but by what is often more influential their own pious and good example. People in the lower classes in life, have a peculiar fondness to imitate those that are in stations of eminence and dignity. This would operate for the general good, were “great men always wise,” virtuous, and circumspect, in their conversation. The morals of a people are greatly affected by those of their rulers. Religion flourished or declined in Israel very much according to the disposition and practice of their kings. Solomon observed that “if a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked.” ¹⁴ Vices receive a currency from the example of princes, as money doth, from their image and superscription. If magistrates are eminently pious and good, they are lights in the world, which shining before others induce them to “glorify our Father who is in heaven,” by a correspondent practice of piety and goodness. But if they are vicious they are like baleful sonnets, that spread plagues and desolations throughout a land, by their malignant influences.

God is the judge, says our text. Rulers should always consider him in that character. To him they are accountable for their conduct. I say not indeed that they are not, in some sense, accountable to men. The power of government is by God, the original source of it, logged in the people. By them it is delegated, under divine providence, to certain of their brethren, to be improved for the common good. When therefore they prostitute it to oppress and enslave, in direct contradiction to the ends of government; the people have a right to call them to account, and to take out of their hands the power which they have so abused.

But they are especially to consider themselves as accountable to God. They should remember that he now acts the part of a judge, so far as by his impartial eye to survey all their counsels, designs and actions. They should consider him as always present with them; and that their most secret purposes and schemes, are “naked and open to the eyes of him, with whom they have to do” ¹⁵; whose “eyes are as a flame of fire ” ¹⁶; and that this “righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance approveth the upright.” ¹⁷

A solemn sense of God in this tremendous character, cultivated in the minds of rulers, would banish a thousand temptations to venality and corruption. It would lead them to a humble review of their past behavior, that the errors of it may be repented of, and similar ones avoided, for time to come. It would make them afraid to indulge to any selfish and sinister designs, which militate against the public welfare, though they were sure to conceal them from the eye of men. The fear of God would check the fear of man, and prevent its prevailing on them so as to ensnare them. They would not fear losing their places, by faithfulness in discharging the duties of them. The would consider, it is the favor of God that makes their mountain stand strong; that their times are in his hands; the date of their political, as well as natural life.

Rulers should look forward to that approaching day, when they must appear before God’s august tribunal, and give account of all the talents he hath committed to them. The should endeavor to bring that day near in their meditations. It is apt to appear more distant than it really is, and so lessens to the eye of the mind, as objects to by their distance that of the body, The word of revelation assures us, that “it is appointed for all once to die, and that after death is the judgment; ¹⁸ and that “ever one shall give account of himself to God, ” ¹⁹ who is no respecter of persons; but will render to every one according to which God will proceed in the judgment, “that unto whomever much is given, of him shall much be required.” ²⁰ Rulers have much committed to them; unfaithfulness in the use of it, will render their guilt very great, and their doom very dreadful. If they are now conscious of being habitually and allowedly unfaithful, they may well tremble, as a wicked governor once did, upon hearing of a judgment to come.

But a prospect happily different from this – a prospect as bright and glorious as this is dark and gloomy, opens upon that ruler, who cultivates in his heart the principles of undissembled piety and virtue, and forms his conduct upon them; whose governing aim is to comply with the will of God in all things, and to secure his approbation. He can look forward to that important day, in which God will judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, with calmness and comfort. He then shall receive the plaudit of his Judge, before assembled worlds of angels and men — “Well done good and faithful servant; thou hast been faithful in a few things; I will make thee ruler over many things; enter thou into the joy of thy Lord!” ²¹

FINALLY. Our subject suggests the duty of a people to their rulers. Rulers and subjects are correlate terms; they cannot subsist separately. If God sets some in the place of rulers, and invests them with a power to govern; He certainly appoints others to the place of subjects, and makes in their duty to submit to government. People are bound to regard the will and agency of God in clothing persons with civil authority. When they do so, they will obey “not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake;” ²² and treat them according to the nature and design of their offices, and their fidelity in the discharge of them.

It is incumbent on a people cheerfully to support civil government. This is not to be view as the part of charity and generosity, but of justice. The support of those, who employ their time and talents to serve the public, should be made easy and honorable. Those who diligently attend to the duties of their stations, have care, labor and anxiety enough. People should not increase these, by withholding from them an adequate reward for their services. This would tend to dishearten them, and to weaken their efforts for the public good.

A respectful treatment of their rulers is also the duty of a people, it is an apostolical injunction, that we “render honor to whom honor is due.” ²³ It is due to those, who are raised to important seats of government. We should pray for them. We should treat their persons with veneration and esteem. We should speak of them, and to them, in decent and respectful language. To act contrary to this, is to weaken the springs of government, and to encourage those to speak evil of dignities,” who are already too much inclined to do it. “It is written thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.” ²⁴

A People are in duty bound to submit to their political fathers, in everything lawful. If they refuse this, they frustrate the design of God and men, in clothing them with this character and government is at an end. Submission is enjoined on a people, by several of the inspired writers. The passages in which it is so, have been often quoted, on occasions similar to the present, and are I trust too well known to need repeating at large. ²⁵ They have by some been made to prove too much. They are no doubt to be understood with some limitation. “He is the minister of God to thee for good,” says St. Paul, of the civil magistrate. This implies, that so far as he pursues the end for which God placed him in office, he is to be obeyed. Nor should small instances in which we imagine he fails of this, be looked upon sufficient ground for refusing submission. These may arise rather from human frailty, than any settled disposition in him to abuse his power. But when he uses his authority for purposes just the reverse of those for which it was delegated to him – when he evidently encroaches on the natural and constitutional rights of the subject – when he tramples on those laws which were made, at once to limit his power, and defend the people – in such cases they are not obliged to obey him. They are guilty of impiety against god; and of injustice to themselves, and the community, of which they are members, if they do : For his commands interfere with those of the supreme ruler, and overthrow the foundations of government, which he hath laid. “We must obey God rather than man.” ²⁶

The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, which had so many advocates in our nation, a century ago is at this day, generally given up, as indefensible, and voted unreasonable and absurd. The unreasonableness and absurdity of it, hath indeed been proved by some of the greatest reasons of our age.

“Wheresoever law ends” (says the great Mr. Locke) “tyranny begins if the law be transgressed to another’s harm. And whoever in authority exceeds the power given him by law, and makes use of the force he hath under his command, to compass that upon the subject, which the law allows not, ceases in that to be a magistrate; and, acting without authority, may be opposed as any other man, who invades the right of another” – “Here, ‘tis likely, (continues he) the common question will be made, who shall be judge, whether the prince or legislature act contrary to their trust? This, perhaps, ill-affected and factious men may spread among the people, when the prince only makes use of his just prerogative. To this I reply : The people shall be judge; for who shall be judge whether his trustee or deputy acts well, and according to the trust reposed in him, but he who deputes him, and must by having deputed him, have still a power to discard him, when he fails in his trust? If this be reasonable in particular cases of private men, why should it be otherwise in that of the greatest moment, where the welfare of millions is concerned; and also where the evil, if not prevented, is greater, and the redress very difficult, dear and dangerous?”

There may indeed be danger that ill-disposed men – men disaffected to government in general, will “use this liberty,” which the God of nature hath given us, “for an occasion to the flesh,” to gratify the disorderly lusts of it; and so to disturb the peace of the society, of which they are members. Bu this is not a sufficient reason why we should discontinue our claim to it.

Subjects will, however, find it to their advantages to suffer great inconveniences, rather than to rise up against men in authority. They are not to expect an administration without faults. Small faults should not be remarked on with bitterness, or magnified with all the power of invention. This would increase the burden of government, already heavy enough on those, who are faithful in discharging the duties of it; and tend to discourage those from taking a part in it, who are best qualified. A generous readiness to make very kind allowance for what may be amiss in others, is perhaps one of the rarest qualities in the world. It is however a very necessary one, in the several connections of society, and particularly in that between rulers and people.

If anything hath been suggested in this discourse, which may serve to lead rulers, or people, in to a better understanding of their duty, and to animate them to diligence and fidelity in discharging it, the design of our assembling in this house of worship is not lost. I will suppose you possessed of every instructive sentiment that hath been suggested, if any such there hath been, and therefore shall not make a recapitulation of what hath been said, in the way of particular address.

Inattention to the duties of their stations is inexcusable in all orders of men. It becomes criminal and dangerous, in proportion to the importance of these duties. The public welfare greatly depends on the fidelity and vigilance of civil rulers.

It is I hope with sincere gratitude to god, that we see this anniversary. The public transactions of it, Honored Fathers, we look upon to be very interesting to this people. We have been seeking to the fountain of wisdom, for guidance and direction to be afforded to you, in them. To day you exercise an important privilege of our happy constitution, that of choosing Gentlemen to sit at the Council board; who are not only to constitute one branch of the legislature, but “to the best of their judgment, at all times, freely to give their advice to the Governor, for the good management of the public affairs of this government.” This is a privilege on which the happiness of this people not a little depends. It was always dear to our fathers, and is so to us. By it we have the great satisfaction of seeing the Council consist of men from among ourselves, whose interest is the fame with that of the people; and who are under all conceivable obligations to seek their welfare. This is a privilege secured to us by royal charter; on which security, I trust, under God, we may depend, for the continuance of it down to the latest posterity. A privilege which we have not forfeited; and God forbid we should, in any furniture time, be guilty of such conduct, as might render it just to deprive us of it.

What we enjoy by charter, is not to be looked upon barely as matter of grace; but, in a measure at least, of right. Our fathers faithfully performed the conditions, on which charter privileges were grated. To do this they passed through a scene of hardships labors and sufferings. These were productive of great advantages to the mother country. Our charter privileges are those of Englishmen; those of the British constitution; as our form of government, in this province, is an image in a miniature of that of our nation.

The appointment of the Governor, and commander in chief, is by the province charter, which we wish never to see vacated, reserved to the crown, In this we acquiesce. We indeed consider it as preferable to annual elections by the people.

Both the other branches of the legislature, we have the liberty of choosing. We hope the good people f this province have acted, with due consideration, in the choice they have made of persons to represent them, in the present assembly; and that all who are to be concerned in the elections of this day, will be influenced by motives, truly religious and patriotic. It is not wealth ²⁷ — it is not family — it is not either of these alone, nor both of them together, tho’ I readily allow neither is to be disregarded, that will qualify men for important seats in government, unless they are rich and honorable in other and more important respects. This providence hath had men and such I doubt not there are still among us, in whom all these qualities are happily united. But in the first place, and before all other things, you should regard wisdom and integrity, understanding and religion, as qualifications for the business of government. If you aim to choose men thus qualified, you are “workers together with God,” who is the fountain of all promotion. If you give your suffrages for those, whom you know to be of a contrary character, you are chargeable with nothing less than a voluntary opposition to the will of heaven. A serious thought with which we wish to have our minds deeply impressed. It is always important to have wise and faithful rulers. It is peculiarly so, when the state of a people is difficult and perplexed. None can doubt ours being such, at the present day. All must agree in this, however different their sentiments may be, as to the immediate occasions of our troubles. Mutual confidence and affection, between Great Britain and these Colonies, I speak it with grief seems to be in some measure lost. I trust nothing of our loyalty to the best of Kings, or of our readiness to yield obedience to the due exercise of the authority of the British Parliament, is lost. People indeed generally apprehend some of their most important civil rights and privileges to be in great danger; and that several of them cannot be enjoyed under the execution of certain acts, lately passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, how far these apprehensions are just, is not my province to determine. Nor shall I pretend fully to point out the political causes of our unhappiness; or these steps which are necessary to be taken, for the redress of our grievances.

This matter more immediately belongeth to you, our honored Fathers. If we suffer by being misrepresented to our most gracious Sovereign, or to his ministry, ‘tis your part to remove the hurtful influence hereof, in such ways, as you shall think most proper and decent. ‘Tis your’s, to plead their cause, with “right words,” which “are forceable,” and “words of truth” which must, which will prevail.

The Ministers of religion will unite their endeavors, to investigate and declare the moral cause of our troubles. We should endeavor, my reverend Fathers and Brethren, and I trust we have been endeavoring, to direct the eye of our people to the hand of God, in the evils which are come upon us, and which threaten us. “Is there any evil in the city, and the Lord hath not done it?” ²⁸ Are not these calamities to be viewed as tokens of the divine displeasure against us, on account of our sins? Is it not a day in which we ought to “cry aloud and not spare, to shew our people their transgressions and their sins?” ²⁹ Should we not most importunately call them to repentance and reformation, as the only way in which we can expect the removal of our difficulties? It hath probably been the fault of this people, in these days of darkness and doubtful expectation, that they have fixed their thoughts too much on second causes, with our duly regarding the first – that they have been too ready to censure the conduct of others, without making proper reflections on their own. Hath not God reason to complain of us, as he did of Israel, in a day of calamity; “I hearkened and heard, but they spake not aright. No man repented him of his wickedness, saying what have I done?” ³⁰

The prospect at this day is indeed dark: The darkest part of it arises from the decay of religion, and the prevalence of wickedness among us. Is it not too evident to be denied, that “inquiry greatly abounds,” and that “the love of many” to God and religion, “is waxen cold?” Must we not own that by our sins, we have forfeited all our privileges, into the hands of God; though I trust not, into the hands of men? And are not many of the evils we suffer, the natural and necessary, as well as moral effects of our vices? Is it possible a people should be happy, when pride, and extravagance, luxury, and intemperance abound among them? Will not poverty and disease, uneasiness and contention naturally spring from these vices? Doth not the providence of God loudly call on all orders of men, to unite their most vigorous endeavors, to check the growth of the sins which I have mentioned, and of others which might be named; such as the profanation of God’s name, ³¹ and day; uncleanness; and acts of violence, injustice, and oppression. We confide in the wisdom and fidelity of our rulers, to make and execute good and wholesome laws for the suppression of these vices; and for the encouragement of industry, frugality, and temperance, and all those virtues which constitute and adorn the Christian character; and to add life and energy to law, by their own good example. And I hope we shall all, in our several stations, most heartily abet the important design. Our temporal salvation, under God, depends upon it. a virtuous people will always be free and happy.

“Righteousness exalteth a nation.” Could we see people in general humbling themselves under the mighty hand of God, in the evils that are come upon us – could we see a general disposition in them, to break off from their sins by righteousness, and from their iniquities by turning to the Lord – could we see practical piety and religion prevailing among all ranks of men – how much would the prospect brighten up? God would appear for us, “who is the hope of his people, and the savior thereof in the day of trouble. ” ³² And “if God be for us, who can be against us? ” ³³ He can work deliverance for us in a thousand ways to us unknown. Then our peace shall be as a river, when our righteousness is as the waves of the sea. Mutual harmony and affection shall be restored between Great Britain and her colonies, and between all orders of men in them. The burdens under which we groan shall be removed. We shall no longer be so unhappy, as to be suspected of wanting loyalty to our King, or of having the least disposition to refuse a constitutional subjection to our parent country. The great evils which we now suffer, in consequence of such groundless suspicions, shall be removed. We shall sit quietly enjoying the fruit of our fathers unremitting labors, and of our own, and have none to make us afraid. We shall behold our settlements extending themselves into the yet uncultivated lands. “The wilderness shall become a fruitful field and the desert shall blossom as the rose.” Our navigation shall be freed from its present embarrassment; and trade recover a flourishing state. Our rights and privileges shall be established on a firmer basis than ever. Every revolving year shall add something to the glory and happiness of America. And those that behold it shall see occasion to say, “Happy art thou O people! Who is like unto thee, saved of the Lord! The shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thine excellency!” ³⁴

Whose breast doth not burn with desires to see his dear native land in such a state, the happy reverse of it’s present one! Who would not be ambitious of contributing something towards it! This we have all power to do. Let us up, and be doing and the Lord shall be with us.

But Christianity, my respectable hearers, which we profess, carries our thoughts beyond this present state of things. This life is but the preface of our existence. Affairs will never be in so happy a situation in it, as we could wish for. It is not agreeable to God’s universal plan of government, that we should here be free from every pricking brier and grieving thorn. We are too apt to lay our account for refined happiness in this life. Frequent disappointments are necessary to teach us our error, and to wean us from the vanities of time and sense. This is the salutary effect of our troubles; and when we find it in ourselves, we should acknowledge the kindness of heaven in permitting them.

A few days will close the present scene with us all. We must quit our stations, be they higher or lower. We must bid adieu to this world, and enter into the eternal one. There an endless circle of happiness, infinitely greater than can be derived from the most prosperous state of things here, is provided – provided by the mercy of God, through the mediation of Christ – provided for all, who repent and believe the gospel – for all, who act their part well on the stage of the present life – who serve God and their generation faithfully, according to his will.

Be this the object of our principal hopes, and desires! Let us continue patient in the ways of well doing; seeking for glory, honor and immortality; till, through the riches of God’s grace in Christ, we be crowned with eternal life.

Endnotes

1. Judges xvii. 6.

2. Rom xiii. 1, 2, 4.

3. Job V. 12.

4. Dan. II. 21. Luke I. 52. Dan. IV.

5. John XIX. 11.

6. Rom. IX. 17.

7. I Chron. XII. 32.

8. I Sam. II. 3.

9. 2 Sam. XXIII. 3.

10. Psal. CI. 6.

11. Job XX. 6. 7.

12. Psalm CXXV. 3.

13. Psalm LXXXV. 10.

14. Prov. XXIX. 12.

15. Heb. IV. 13.

16. Rev. I. 14.

17. Psal. XI. 7.

18. Heb. IX. 27.

19. Rom. XIV. 12.

20. Luke XII. 48.

21. Matth. XXV.22.

22. Rom. XIII. 5.

23. Rom. XIII. 7.

24. Act, XXIII. 5.

25. Act, XXIII. 5.

26. Acts V. 29.

27. When L. Quintius Cincinnatus was created Dictator, riches were not by the generality of the Roman citizens thought necessary to preferment. His estate was a farm consisting only of four acres of land. He was at plough when the deputies came to him from the Senate, to acquaint him of his promotion. Wherever wisdom and virtue were found in a person, though destitute of a fortune, he stood fair to be advanced. And yet there were a few among the Romans even in that day, as there is a greater number among us in this, who are well described by Livy, when he says — “Operæ pre4tium est udire, qui omina præ divitiis humana spernunt; neque honori magno locum, neque viruti putant esse, nisi essuse affluent opes.

28. Amos III. 6.

29. Isai. LVIII. 1.

30. Jer. VIII. 6.

31. If God’s holy name is, at this day, too frequently and sometimes irreverently invoked, even in a judicial manner, every sincere friend to virtue and religion must wish to have this practice, so affrontive to the deity, and so destructive to the morals of the people, discontinued.

32. Jer. XIV. 8.

33. Rom. VIII. 31.

34. Deut. XXXIII. 29.

Samuel West (1730-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1754. He was pastor of a church in New Bedford, MA in 1761. He served as a chaplain during the Revolutionary War, joining just after the Battle of Bunker Hill. West was a member of the Massachusetts state constitutional convention, and a member of the Massachusetts convention that adopted the U.S. Constitution. The following election sermon was preached by West in Massachusetts on May 29, 1776.

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE THE

HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE

House of Representatives,

OF THE

Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay,

IN

New-England

MAY 29th, 1776.

Being the Anniversary for the Election of
the honorable COUNCIL for the Colony.

By SAMUEL WEST, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Dartmouth.

And I will restore thy judges as the first, and thy counselors as at the beginning: afterward thou shalt be called the city of righteousness, the faithful city, Isa. 4. 26. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregations shall be established before me, and I will punish all that oppress them: and their nobles shall be of themselves, and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them. Jere. 30. 20. 21. As free and not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of GOD, I Peter 2. 16. The beast that thou sawest, shall ascend out of the bottomless pit, and go into perdition: and they that dwell on the earth shall wonder, whose names were not written in the book of life from the foundation of the world, when they behold the beast, Rev. 17. Ver. 8.

IN COUNCIL, May 30, 1776.

On Motion, Ordered, That Thomas Cushing, Benjamin Lincoln, and Moses Gill, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. WEST, and return him the Thanks of the Board, for his SERMON delivered Yesterday, before both Houses of Assembly; and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.

Perez Morton, D. Secr’y.

ADVERTISEMENT.

I would inform the reader that several passages which were omitted, when the Sermon was delivered, for fear of being tedious to the assembly, are now inserted at the desire of several of the hearers.

Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work.

THE great Creator having design’d the human race for society, has made us dependent on one another for happiness; he has so constituted us, that it becomes both our duty and interest, to seek the public good. And that we may be the more firmly engaged to promote each others welfare, the Deity has endowed us with tender and social affections, with generous and benevolent principles: Hence the pain, that we feel in seeing an object of distress: Hence the satisfaction, that arises in relieving the afflicted, and the superior pleasure, which we experience in communicating happiness to the miserable. The Deity ha also invested us with moral powers and faculties, by which we are enabled to discern the difference between right and wrong, truth and falsehood, good and evil: Hence the approbation of mind, that arises upon doing a good action, and the remorse of conscience, which we experience, when we counteract the moral sense, and do that which is evil. This proves, that in what is commonly called a state of nature, we are the subjects of the divine law and government, that the Deity is our supreme magistrate, who has written his law in our hearts, and will reward, or punish us, according as we obey or disobey his commands. Had the human race uniformly persevered in a state of moral rectitude, there would have been little, or no need of any other law, besides that which is written in the heart; for everyone in such a state would be a law unto himself. There would be no occasion for enacting or enforcing of penal laws, for such are not made for the righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly, and for sinners, for the unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers, and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for them that defile themselves with mankind, for men-stealers, for liars, for perjured persons, and if there be any other thing, that is contrary to moral rectitude, and the happiness of mankind. The necessity of forming ourselves into politic bodies, and granting to our rulers, a power to enact laws for the public safety, and to enforce them by proper penalties arises from our being in a fallen, and degenerate estate: The slightest view of the present state and condition of the human race, is abundantly sufficient to convince any person of common sense, and common honesty, that civil government is absolutely necessary for the peace and safety of mankind, and consequently that all good magistrates, while they faithfully discharge the trust reposed in them, ought to be religiously and conscientiously obeyed. An enemy to good government is an enemy not only to his country, but to all mankind; for he plainly shews himself to be divested of those tender and social sentiments, which are characteristic of an human temper, even of that generous and benevolent disposition, which is the peculiar glory of a rational creature. An enemy to good government has degraded himself below the rank and dignity of a man, and deserves to be classed with the lower creation. Hence we find, that wise and good men of all nations, and religions, have ever inculcated subjection to good government, and have born their testimony against the licentious disturbers of the public peace.

Nor has Christianity been deficient in this capital point. We find our blessed Saviour directing the Jews to render to Caesar the things that were Caesar’s: And the apostles and first preachers of the gospel not only exhibited a good example of subjection to the magistrate, in all things that were just and lawful, but they have also in several places of the new-testament, strongly enjoined upon Christians the duty of submission to that government under which providence had placed them. Hence we find, that those, who despise government, and are not afraid to speak evil of dignities, are by the apostles Peter and Jude, clas’d among those presumptuous self-willed sinners, that are reserv’d to the judgment of the great day. And the apostle Paul judg’d submission to civil government, to be a matter of such great importance, that he tho’t it worth his while to charge Titus, to put his hearers in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work. As much as to say, none can be ready to every good work, or be properly dispose’d to perform those actions, that tend to promote the public good, who do not obey magistrates, and who do not become good subjects of civil government. If then obedience to the civil magistrates is so essential to the character of a Christian, that without it he cannot be disposed to perform those good works, that are necessary for the welfare of mankind; if the despisers of government are those presumptuous, self-willed sinners, who are reserv’d to the judgment of the great day; it is certainly a matter of the utmost importance to us all, to be thoroughly acquainted with the nature and extent of our duty, that we may yield the obedience requir’d; for it is impossible that we should properly discharge a duty when we are strangers to the nature and extent of it.

In order therefore, that we may form a right judgment of the duty enjoin’d in our text, I shall consider the nature and design of civil government, and shall shew, that the same principles which oblige us to submit to government, do equally oblige us to submit to government, do equally oblige us to resist tyranny; or that tyranny and magistracy are so opposite to each other, that where the one begins, the other ends. I shall then apply the present discourse to the grand controversy, that at this day subsists between Great-Britain and the American colonies.

That we may understand the nature and design of civil government, and discover the foundation of the magistrates authority to command, and the duty of subjects to obey, it is necessary to derive civil government from its original; in order to which we must consider what “state all men are naturally in, and that is as (Mr. Lock observes) a state of perfect freedom to order all their actions, and dispose of their possessions, and persons as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any man”. It is a state wherein all are equal, no one having a right to control another, or oppose him in what he does, unless it be in his own defence, or in the defence of those that being injured stand in need of his assistance.

Had men persevered in a state of moral rectitude, everyone would have been disposed to follow the law of nature, and pursue the general good; in such a state, the wisest and most experienced would undoubtedly be chosen to guide and direct those of less wisdom and experience than themselves; there being nothing else that could afford the least shew or appearance of anyone’s having the superiority or precedency over another; for the dictates of conscience, and the precepts of natural law being uniformly and regularly obey’d, men would only need to be informed what things were most fit and prudent to be done in those cases, where their inexperience, or want of acquaintance, left their minds in doubt what was the wisest and most regular method for them to pursue. In such cases it would be necessary for them to advise with those, who were wiser and more experienced than themselves. But these advisers could claim no authority to compel, or to use any forcible measures to oblige anyone to comply with their direction, or advice; there could be no occasion for the exertion of such a power; for every man being under the government of right reason, would immediately feel himself constrain’d to comply with everything that appeared reasonable or fit to be done, or that would any way tend to promote the general good. This would have been the happy state of mankind, had they closely adhered to the law of nature, and persevered in their primitive state.

Thus we see, that a state of nature, tho’ it be a state of perfect freedom, yet it is very far from a state of licentiousness; the law of nature gives men no right to do anything that is immoral, or contrary to the will of God, and injurious to their fellow creatures; for a state of nature is properly a state of law and government, founded upon the unchangeable nature of the Deity, and a law resulting from the eternal fitness of things; sooner shall heaven and earth pass away, and the whole frame of nature be dissolved, than any part, even the smallest iota of this law shall ever be abrogated; it is unchangeable as the Deity himself, being a transcript of his moral perfections. A revelation pretending to be from God, that contradicts any part of natural law, ought immediately to be rejected as an imposture; for the Deity cannot make a law contrary to the law of nature, without acting contrary to himself. A thing in the strictest sense impossible, for that which implies a contradiction is not an object of the divine power. Had this stood, the world had remained free from a multitude of absur’d and pernicious principles, which have been industriously propagated by artful and designing men, both in politicks and divinity. The doctrine of non-resistance, and unlimited passive obedience to the worst of tyrants, could never have found credit among mankind, had the voice of reason been hearkened to for a guide, because such a doctrine would immediately have been discerned to be contrary to natural law.

In a state of nature we have a right to make the persons that hae injured us, repair the damages that they have done us; and it is just in us to inflict such punishment upon them, as are necessary to restrain them from doing the like for the future: The whole end and design of punishing being either to reclaim the individual punished, or to deter others from being guilty of similar crimes: Whenever punishment exceeds these bounds, it becomes cruelty and revenge, and directly contrary to the law of nature. Our wants and necessities being such, as to render it impossible in most cases to enjoy life in any tolerable degree, without entering into society, and there being innumerable cases, wherein we need the assistance of others, which if not afforded, we should very soon perish; hence the law of nature requires, that we should endeavour to help one another, to the utmost of our power in all cases, where our assistance is necessary. It is our duty to endeavour always to promote the general good; to do to all, as we would be willing to be done by, were we in their circumstances, to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before God. These are some of the laws of nature, which every man in the world is bound to observe, and which whoever violates, exposes himself to the resentment of mankind, the lashes of his own conscience, and the judgment of heaven. This plainly shews, that the highest state of liberty subjects us to the law of nature, and the government of God. The most perfect freedom consists in obeying the dictates of right reason, and submitting to natural law. When a man goes beyond, or contrary to the law of nature and reason, he becomes the slave of base passions, and vile lusts, he introduces confusion and disorder into society, and brings misery and destruction upon himself. This therefore cannot be called a state of freedom, but a state of the vilest slavery, and the most dreadful bondage: The servants of sin and corruption are subjected to the worst kind of tyranny in the universe. Hence we conclude, that where licentiousness begins, liberty ends.

The law of nature is a perfect standard and measure of action for beings that persevere in a state of moral rectitude. But the case is far different with us, who are in a fallen and degenerate estate. We have a law in our members, which is continually warring against the law of the mind; by which we often become enslaved to the basest lusts, and are brought into bondage to the vilest passions. The strong propensities of our animal nature often overcome the sober dictates of reason and conscience, and betray us into actions injurious to the public, and destructive of the safety and happiness of society. Men of unbridled lusts, were they not restrain’d by the power of the civil magistrate, would spread horror and desolation all around them. This makes it absolutely necessary, that societies should form themselves into politick bodies, that they may enact laws for the public safety, and appoint particular penalties for the violation of their laws, and invest a suitable number of persons with authority to put in execution and enforce the laws of the state; in order that wicked men may be restrained from doing mischief to their fellow creatures, that the injured may have their rights restored to them, that the virtuous may be encouraged in doing good; and that every member of society may be protected and secured in the peaceable, quiet possession and enjoyment of all those liberties and privileges, which the Deity has bestowed upon him, i.e. that he may safely enjoy, and pursue whatever he chooses, that is consistent with the publick good. This shews that the end and design of civil government, cannot be to deprive men of their liberty, or take away their freedom; but on the contrary the rue design of civil government is to protect men in the enjoyment of liberty.

From hence it follows, that tyranny and arbitrary power are utterly inconsistent with, and subversive of the very end and design of civil government, and directly contrary to natural law, which is the true foundation of civil government and all politick law: Consequently the authority of a tyrant is of itself null and void; for as no man can have a right to act contrary to the law of nature, it is impossible that any individual, or even the greatest number of men, can confer a right upon another, of which they themselves are not possessed, i.e. no body of men can justly and lawfully authorize any person to tyrannize over, and enslave his fellow creatures, or to do anything contrary to equity and goodness. As magistrates have no authority, but what they derive from the people, whenever they act contrary to the public good, and pursue measures destructive of the peace and safety of the community, they forfeit their right to govern the people. Civil rulers and magistrates are properly of human creation; they are set up by the people to be the guardians of their rights, and to secure their persons from being injured, or oppressed; the safety of the publick being the supreme law of the state, by which the magistrates are to be governed, and which they are to consult upon all occasions. The modes of administration may be very different, and the forms of government may vary from each other in different ages and nations; but under every form, the end of civil government is the same and cannot vary: It is like the laws of the Medes and Persians, it altereth not.

Though magistrates are to consider themselves as the servants of the people, seeing from them it is, that they derive their power and authority; yet they may also be considered as the ministers of God ordain’d by him for the good of mankind: For under him as the supreme magistrate of the universe they are to act; and it is God who has not only declared in his word, what are the necessary qualifications of a ruler, but who also raises up and qualifies men for such an important station. The magistrate may also in a more strict and proper sense, be said to be ordained of God, because reason, which is the voice of God plainly requires such an order of men to be appointed for the public good; now whatever right reason requires as necessary to be done, is as much the will and law of God, as tho’ it were enjoin’d us by an immediate revelation from heaven, or commanded in the sacred scriptures.

From this account of the origin, nature and design of civil government, we may be very easily led into a thorough knowledge of our duty; we may see the reason, why we are bound to obey magistrates, viz. because they are the ministers of God for good unto the people. While therefore they rule in the fear of God, and while they promote the welfare of the state, i.e. while they act in the character of magistrates, it is the indispensible duty of all to submit to them, and to oppose a turbulent, factious and libertine spirit, whenever and wherever it discovers itself. When a people have by their free consent confer’d upon a number of men, a power to rule and govern them, they are bound to obey them: Hence disobedience becomes a breach of faith, it is violating a constitution of their own appointing, and breaking a compact for which they ought to have the most sacred regard: Such a conduct discovers so base and disingenuous a temper of mind, that it must expose them to contempt in the judgment of all the sober thinking part of mankind. Subjects are bound to obey lawful magistrates by every tender tie of human nature, which disposes us to consult the public good, and to seek the good of our brethren, our wives, our children, our friends and acquaintance; for he that opposes lawful authority, does really oppose the safety and happiness of his fellow creatures. A factious, seditious person, that opposes good government, is a monster in nature, for he is an enemy to his own species, and destitute of the sentiments of humanity.

Subjects are also bound to obey magistrates for conscience sake, out of regard to the divine authority, and out of obedience to the will of God: For if magistrates are the ministers of God, we cannot disobey them without being disobedient to the law of God; and this extends to all men in authority, from the highest ruler to the lowest officer in the state. To oppose them when in the exercise of lawful authority, is an act of disobedience to the Deity, and as such will be punished by him. It will doubtless be readily granted by every honest man, that we ought cheerfully to obey the magistrate and submit to all such regulations of government, as tend to promote the publick good; but as this general definition may be liable to be misconstrued, and every man may think himself at liberty to disregard any laws that do not suit his interest, humor, or fancy; I would observe, that in a multitude of cases, many of us, for want of being properly acquainted with affairs of state, may be very improper judges of particular laws, whether they are just or not: In such cases it becomes us, as good members of society, peaceably and conscientiously to submit, tho’ we cannot see the reasonableness of every law to which we submit; and that for this plain reason, that if any number of men should take it upon them to oppose authority for acts, which may be really necessary for the public safety, only because they do not see the reasonableness of them, the direct consequence will be introducing confusion and anarchy into the state.

It is also necessary, that the minor part should submit to the major; e.g. when legislators have enacted a set of laws, which are highly approved by a large majority of the community, as tending to promote the publick good, in this case, if a small number of persons are so unhappy as to view the matter in a very different point of light from the public, tho’ they have an undoubted right to shew the reasons of their dissent from the judgment of the publick, and may lawfully use all proper arguments to convince the publick of what they judge to be an error, yet if they fail in their attempt, and the majority still continue to approve of the laws that are enacted, it is the duty of those few that dissent, peaceably and for conscience sake to submit to the publick judgment; unless something is required of them which they judge would be sinful for them to comply with; for in that case they ought to obey the dictates of their own consciences, rather than any human authority whatever. Perhaps also some cases of intolerable oppression, where compliance would bring on inevitable ruin and destruction, may justly warrant the few to refuse submission to what they judge inconsistent with their peace and safety; for the law of self-preservation will always justify opposing a cruel and tyrannical imposition, except where opposition is attended with greater evils than submission, which is frequently the case where a few are oppressed by a large and powerful majority.¹ Except the above-named cases, the minor ought always to submit to the major; otherwise there can be no peace nor harmony in society. And besides, it is the major part of a community that have the sole right of establishing a constitution, and authorizing magistrates; and consequently it is only the major part of the community that can claim the right of altering the constitution, and displacing the magistrates; for certainly common sense will tell us, that it requires as great an authority to set aside a constitution, as there was at first to establish it. The collective body, not a few individuals, ought to constitute the supreme authority of the state.

The only difficulty remaining is to determine, when a people may claim a right of forming themselves into a body politick, and may assume the powers of legislation. In order to determine this point, we are to remember, that all men being by nature equal, all the members of a community have a natural right to assemble themselves together, and to act and vote for such regulations, as they judge are necessary for the good of the whole. But when a community is become very numerous, it is very difficult, and in many cases impossible for all to meet together to regulate the affairs of the state: Hence comes the necessity of appointing delegates to represent the people in a general assembly. And this ought to be look’d upon as a sacred and unalienable right, of which a people cannot justly divest themselves, and which no human authority can in equity ever take from them, viz. that no one be obliged to submit to any law, except such as are made either by himself, or by his representative.

If representation and legislation are inseparably connected, it follows, that when great numbers have emigrated into a foreign land, and are so far removed from the parent state, that they neither are or can be properly represented by the government from which they have emigrated, that then nature itself points out the necessity of their assuming to themselves the powers of legislation, and they have a right to consider themselves as a separate state from the other, and as such to form themselves into a body politick.

In the next place,

When a people find themselves cruelly oppressed by the parent state, they have an undoubted right to throw off the yoke, and to assert their liberty, if they find good reason to judge that they have sufficient power and strength to maintain their ground in defending their just rights against their oppressors: For in this case by the law of self preservation, which is the first law of nature, they have not only an undoubted right, but it is their indispensible duty, if they cannot be redressed any other way, to renounce all submission to the government that has oppressed them, and set up an independent state of their own; even tho’ they may be vastly inferior in number to the state that has oppres’d them. When either of the aforesaid cases takes place, and more especially when both concur, no rational man (I imagine,) can have any doubt in his own mind, whether such a people have a right to form themselves into a body politick, and assume to themselves all the powers of a free state. For can it be rational to suppose, that a people should be subjected to the tyranny of a set of men, who are perfect strangers to them, and cannot be supposed to have that fellow feeling for them, that we generally have for those with whom we are connected and acquainted; and besides, thro’ their unacquaintedness with the circumstances of the people over whom they claim the right of jurisdiction, are utterly unable to judge in a multitude of cases, what is best for them.

It becomes me not to say, what particular form of government is best for a community, whether a pure democracy, aristocracy, monarchy, or a mixture of all the three simple forms. They all have their advantages & disadvantages; and when they are properly administered, may any of them answer the design of civil government tolerably well. Permit me however to say, that an unlimited absolute monarchy, and an aristocracy not subject to the control of the people, are two of the most exceptionable forms of government.

1st. Because in neither of them is there a proper representation of the people, and,

2dly. Because each of them being entirely independent of the people, they are very apt to degenerate into tyranny. However, in this imperfect state, we cannot expect to have government formed upon such a basis, but that it may be perverted by bad men to evil purposes. A wise and good man would be very loth to undermine a constitution, that was once fixed and established, altho’ he might discover many imperfections in it; and nothing short of the most urgent necessity would ever induce him to consent to it; because the unhinging a people from a form of government to which they had been long accustomed, might throw them into such a state of anarchy and confusion as might terminate in their destruction, or perhaps in the end subject them to the worst kind of tyranny.

Having thus shewn the nature, end and design of civil government, and pointed out the reasons, why subjects are bound to obey magistrates, viz. because in so doing, they both consult their own happiness as individuals, and also promote the public good, and the safety of the state: I proceed,

In the next place to shew, That the same principles that oblige us to submit to civil government, do also equally oblige us, where we have power and ability, to resist and oppose tyranny, and that where tyranny begins, government ends. For if magistrates have no authority but what they derive from the people, if they are properly of human creation; if the whole end and design of their institution is to promote the general good, and to secure to men their just rights, it will follow, that when they act contrary to the end and design of their creation, they cease being magistrates, and the people, which gave them their authority, have a right to take it from them again. This is a very plain dictate of common sense, which universally obtains in all similar cases: for who is there, that having employ’d a number of men to do a particular piece of work for him, but what would judge that he had a right to dismiss them from his service, when he found, that they went directly contrary to his orders; and that instead of accomplishing the business he had set them about, they would infallibly ruin and destroy it. If then men in the common affairs of life always judge, that they have a right to dismiss from their service such persons as counteract their plans and designs, tho the damage will affect only a few individuals, much more must the body politick have a right to depose any persons tho’ appointed to the highest place of power and authority, when they find, that they re unfaithful to the trust reposed in them, and that instead of consulting the general good, they are disturbing the peace of society by making laws cruel and oppressive, and by depriving the subjects of their just rights and privileges. Whoever pretends to deny this proposition, must give up all pretence of being master of that common sense and reason by which the Deity has distinguished us from the brutal herd.

As our duty of obedience to the magistrate is founded upon our obligation to promote the general good, our readiness to obey lawful authority will always arise in proportion to the love and regard that we have for the welfare of the publick; and the same love and regard for the publick will inspire us with as strong a zeal to oppose tyranny, as we have to obey magistracy. Our obligation to promote the public good extends as much to the opposing every exertion of arbitrary power, that is injurious to the State, as it does to the submitting to good and wholesome laws. No man therefore can be a good member of the community, that is not as zealous to oppose tyranny, as he is ready to obey magistracy. A slavish submission to tyranny is a proof of a very sordid and base mind: Such a person cannot be under the influence of any generous human sentiments, nor have a tender regard for mankind.

Further, if magistrates are no farther ministers of God, than they promote the general good of the community, then obedience to them neither is, nor can be unlimited; for it would imply a gross absurdity to assert, that, when magistrates are ordained by the people solely for the purpose of being beneficial to the state, they must be obeyed, when they are seeking to ruin and destroy it. This would imply, that men were bound to act against the great law of self-preservation, and to contribute their assistance to their own ruin and destruction, in order that they may please and gratify the greatest monsters in nature, who are violating the laws of God, and destroying the rights of mankind. Unlimited submission and obedience is due to none but God alone: He has an absolute right to command: He alone has an uncontroulable sovereignty over us, because he alone is unchangeably good: He never will, nor can require of us consistent with his nature and attributes, anything that is not fit and reasonable; his commands are all just and good: And to suppose that he has given to any particular set of men a power to require obedience to that, which is unreasonable, cruel and unjust, is robbing the Deity of his justice and goodness, in which consists the peculiar glory of the divine character; and it is representing him, under the horrid character of a tyrant.

If magistrates are ministers of God only because the law of God and reason points out the necessity of such an institution for the good of mankind; it follows that whenever they pursue measures directly destructive of the publick good, they cease being God’s ministers; they forfeit their right to obedience from the subject, they become the pests of society; and the community is under the strongest obligation of duty both to God and to its own members to resist and oppose them, which will be so far from resisting the ordinance of God, that it will be strictly obeying his commands. To suppose otherwise, will imply, that the Deity requires of us an obedience, that is self-contradictory and absurd, and that one part of his law is directly contrary to the other, i.e. while he commands us to pursue virtue, and the general good, he does at the same time require us to persecute virtue, and betray the general good by enjoyning us obedience to the wicked commands of tyrannical oppressors. Can anyone not loft to the principles of humanity undertake to defend such absurd sentiments as these? As the public safety is the first and grand law of society, so no community can have a right to invest the magistrate with any power, or authority that will enable him to act against the welfare of the state, and the good of the whole. If men have at any time wickedly, and foolishly given up their just rights into the hands of the magistrate, such acts are null and void of course; to suppose otherwise will imply, that we have a right to invest the magistrate with a power to act contrary to the law of God, which is as much as to say, that we are not the subjects of divine law and government. What has been said, is (I apprehend) abundantly sufficient to shew that tyrants are no magistrates, or that whenever magistrates abuse their power and authority, to the subverting the publick happiness, their authority immediately ceases, and that it not only becomes lawful, but an indispensable duty to oppose them: That the principle of self-preservation, the affection, and duty, that we owe to our country, and the obedience we owe the Deity, do all require us to oppose tyranny.

If it be asked, who are the proper judges to determine, when rulers are guilty of tyranny and oppression? I answer, the publick; not a few disaffected individuals, but the collective body of the state must decide this question; for as it is the collective body that invests rulers with their power and authority, so it is the collective body that has the sole right of judging, whether rulers act up to the end of their institution or not. Great regard ought always to be paid to the judgment of the publick. It is true the publick may be imposed upon by a misrepresentation of facts; but this may be said of the publick, which can’t always be said of individuals, viz. that the publick is always willing to be rightly informed, and when it has proper matter of conviction laid before it, it’s judgment is always right.

This account of the nature and design of civil government, which is so clearly suggested to us by the plain principles of common sense and reason, is abundantly confirmed by the sacred scriptures, even by those very texts, which have been brought by men of slavish principles to establish the absurd doctrine, of unlimited passive obedience, and non-resistance: As will abundantly appear, by examining the two most noted texts, that are commonly bro’t to support the strange doctrine of passive obedience. The first that I shall cite, is in I Pet. 2d. c. ver. 13, 14. Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, or rather as the words ought to be rendered from the Greek, submit yourselves to every human creation, or human constitution for the Lord’s sake, whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors, as unto them, that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them, that do well. Here we4 see, that the apostle asserts, that magistracy is of human creation or appointment, that is, that magistrates have no power or authority, but what they derive from the people; that this power they are to exert for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well, i.e. the end and design of the appointment of magistrates, is to restrain wicked men by proper penalties from injuring society, and to encourage and honor the virtuous and obedient. Upon this account, Christians are to submit to them for the Lord’s sake, which is, as if he had said; tho’ magistrates are of mere human appointment, and can claim no power, or authority, but what they derive from the people, yet as they are ordained by men to promote the general good by punishing evil doers, and by rewarding and encouraging the virtuous and obedient, you ought to submit to them out of a sacred regard to the divine authority; for as they in the faithful discharge of their office do fulfill the will of God, so ye by submitting to them do fulfill the divine command. If the only reason assign’d by the apostle, why magistrates should be obey’d out of a regard to the divine authority, is because they punish the wicked and encourage the good: It follows, that when they punish the virtuous, and encourage the vicious, we have a right to refuse yielding any submission or obedience to them; i.e. whenever they act contrary to the end and design of their institution, they forfeit their authority to govern the people; and the reason for submitting to them out of regard to the divine authority immediately ceases; and they being only of human appointment, the authority which the people gave them, the publick have a right to take from them, and to confer it upon those who are more worthy. So far is this text from favouring arbitrary principles, that there is nothing in it, but what is consistent with, and favourable to the highest liberty, that any man can wish to enjoy; for this text requires us to submit to the magistrate no farther than he is the encourager and protector of virtue, and the punisher of vice; and this is consistent with all that liberty which the Deity has bestowed upon us.

The other text which I shall mention, and which has been made use of, by the favourers of arbitrary government, a their great sheet anchor and main support, is in Rom. 13th the first six verses. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of GOD: The powers that be are ordain’d of GOD. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of GOD; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation: For rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. For he is the minister of GOD to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of GOD, a revenger to execute wrath upon him, that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For, for this cause pay you tribute also; for they are God’s ministers attending continually upon this very thing. A very little attention (I apprehend) will be sufficient to shew, that this text is so far from favouring arbitrary government, that on the contrary, it strongly holds forth the principles of true liberty. Subjection to the higher powers is enjoined by the apostle, because there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God, consequently, to resist the power is to resist the ordinance of God: And he repeatedly declares that the ruler is the minister of God. Now before we can say, whether this text makes for, or against the doctrine of unlimited passive obedience, we must find out in what sense the apostle affirms, that magistracy is the ordinance of God, and what he intends when he calls the ruler the minister of God.

I can think but of three possible senses, in which magistracy can with any propriety be called God’s ordinance, or in which rulers can be said to be ordained of God as his ministers. The first is a plain declaration from the word of God, that such an one, and his descendants are, and shall be the only true and lawful magistrates; thus we find in scripture, the kingdom of Judah to be settled by divine appointment in the family of David. Or,

2dly, By an immediate commission from God, ordering and appointing such an one by name to be the ruler over the people; thus Saul and David were immediately appointed by God to be kings over Israel. Or,

3dly, Magistracy may be called the ordinance of God; and rulers may be called the ministers of God, because the nature and reason of things, which is the law of God requires such an institution for the preservation and safety of civil society. In the two first senses, the apostle cannot be supposed to affirm, that magistracy is God’s ordinance, for neither he, nor any of the sacred writers have entailed the magistracy to any one particular family under the gospel dispensation. Neither does he, nor any of the inspired writers give us the least hint, that any person should ever be immediately commissioned from God to bear rule over the people: The third sense then is the only sense, in which the apostle can be supposed to affirm, that the magistrate is the minister of God, and that magistracy is the ordinance of God, viz that the nature and reason of things, require such an institution for the preservation and safety of mankind. Now if this be the only sense in which the apostle affirms, that magistrates are ordained of God as his ministers, resistance must be criminal only so far forth, as they are ministers of God, i.e. while they act up to the end of their institution, and ceases being criminal, when they cease being the ministers of God, i.e. when they act contrary to the general good, and seek to destroy the liberties of the people.

That we have gotten the apostle’s sense of magistracy, being the ordinance of God, will plainly appear from the text itself: For after having asserted, that to resist the power is to resist the ordinance of God, and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation; he immediately adds, as the reason of this assertion, For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same: For he is the minister of GOD to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain: For he is the minister of GOD, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil. Here is a plain declaration of the sense, in which he asserts, that the authority of the magistrate is ordained of God, viz. because rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil, therefore we ought to dread offending them, for we cannot offend them but by doing evil, and if we do evil, we have just reason to fear their power; for they bear not the sword in vain, but in this case, the magistrate is a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil: But if we are found doers of that which is good, we have no reason to fear the authority of the magistrate, for in this case, instead of being punished we shall be protected and encouraged: The reason why the magistrate is called the minister of God, is, because he is to protect, encourage and honor them that do well, and to punish them that do evil; therefore it is our duty to submit to them, not merely for fear of being punished by them, but out of regard to the divine authority, under which they are deputed to execute judgment, and to do justice. For this reason (according to the apostle) tribute is to be paid them, because as the ministers of God their whole business is to protect every man in the enjoyment of his just rights and privileges, and to punish every evil doer.

If the apostle then asserts, that rulers are ordain’d of God, only because they are a terror to evil works, and a praise to them that do well, if they are ministers of God only because they encourage virtue and punish vice; if for this reason only they are to be obey’d for conscience sake; if the sole reason, why they have a right to tribute is because they devote themselves wholly to the business of securing to men their just rights, and to the punishing of evil doers; it follows by undeniable consequence, that when they become the pests of human society; when they promote and encourage evil doers, and become a terror to good works, they then cease being the ordinance of God; they are so far from being the powers that are ordain’d of God, that they become the ministers of the powers of darkness: And it is so far from being a crime to resist them, that in many cases it may be highly criminal in the fight of heaven to refuse resisting and opposing them to the utmost of our power; or in other words, that the same reasons, that require us to obey the ordinance of God, do equally oblige us, when we have power and opportunity, to oppose and resist the ordinance of satan.

Hence, we see, that the apostle Paul instead of being a friend to tyranny and arbitrary government, turns out to be a strong advocate for the just rights of mankind; and is for our enjoying all that liberty, with which God has invested us: For no power (according to the apostle) is ordained of God, but what is an encourager of every good and virtuous action, do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same: No man need to be afraid of this power, which is ordain’d of God, who does nothing but what is agreeable to the law of God; for this power will not restrain us from exercising any liberty, which the Deity has granted us; for the minister of God is to restrain us from nothing, but the doing of that which is evil, and to this we have no right: To practice evil is not liberty, but licentiousness. Can we conceive of a more perfect, equitable and generous plan of government, than this which the apostle has laid down, viz. to have rulers appointed over us, to encourage us every to good and virtuous action, to defend and protect us in our just rights and privileges; and to grant us everything that can tend to promote out true interest and happiness; to restrain every licentious action, and to punish everyone that would injure or harm us; to become a terror to evil doers, to make and execute such just and righteous laws, as shall effectually deter and hinder men from the commission of evil; and to attend continually upon this very thing; to make it their constant care and study day and night to promote the good and welfare of the community, and to oppose all evil practices. Deservedly may such rulers be called the ministers of God for good. They carry on the same benevolent design towards the community which they great governor of the universe does towards his whole creation. Tis the indispensible duty of a people to pay tribute, and to afford an easy and comfortable subsistence to such rulers, because they are the ministers of God, who are continually laboring and employing their time for the good of the community. He that resists such magistrates, does in a very emphatical sense resist the ordinance of God; he is an enemy to mankind, odious to God, and justly incurs the sentence of condemnation from the great judge of quick and dead. Obedience to such magistrates is yielding obedience to the will of God; and therefore ought to be performed from a sacred regard to the divine authority.

For any one from hence to infer, that the apostle enjoins in this text unlimited obedience to the worst of tyrants, and that he pronounces damnation upon those that resist the arbitrary measures of such pests of society, is just as good sense, as if one should affirm, that because the scripture enjoins us obedience to all the laws of God, therefore we may not oppose the power of darkness, or because we are commanded to submit to the ordinance of God, therefore we may not resist the ministers of satan. Such wild work must be made with the apostle before he can be brought to speak the language of oppression. It is as plain (I think) as words can make it, that according to this text, no tyrant can be a ruler; for the apostle’s definition of a ruler is, that he is not a terror to good works, but to the evil; and that he is one who is to praise and encourage those that do well; whenever then the ruler encourages them that do evil, and is a terror to those that do well, i.e. as soon as he becomes a tyrant, he forfeits his authority to govern, and becomes the minister of satan, and as such ought to be opposed.

I know, it is said, that the magistrates were at the time when the apostle wrote, heathens; and that Nero, that monster of tyranny was then emperor of Rome; that therefore the apostle by enjoining submission to the powers that then were, does require unlimited obedience to be yielded to the worst of tyrants. Now not to insist upon what has been often observed, viz. that this epistle was written most probably about the beginning of Nero’s reign, at which time he was a very humane and merciful prince, did everything that was generous and benevolent to the publick, and shewed every act of mercy, and tenderness to particulars; and therefore might at that time justly deserve the character of the minister of God for good to the people; I say, waving this; we will suppose that this epistle was written after that Nero was become a monster of tyranny and wickedness, it will by no means follow from thence, that the apostle meant to enjoin unlimited subjection to such an authority, or that he intended to affirm, that such a cruel despotick authority was the ordinance of God. The plain obvious sense of his words (as we have already seen) forbids such a construction to be put upon them; for they plainly imply a strong abhorrence and disapprobation of such a character, and clearly prove that Nero, so far for thus he was a tyrant, could not be the minister of God, nor have a right to claim submission from the people; so that this ought perhaps rather to be view’d as a severe satyr upon Nero, than as enjoyning any submission to him.

It is also worthy to be observed, that the apostle prudently wav’d mentioning any particular persons that were then in power; as it might have been construed in an invidious light, and exposed the primitive Christians to the severe resentments of the men that were then in power. He only in general requires submission to the higher powers, because the powers that be are ordain’d of God; now tho’ the emperor might at that time be such a tyrant, that he could with no propriety be said to be ordain’d of God, yet it would be somewhat strange if there were no men in power among the Romans, that acted up to the character of good magistrates, and that deserved to be esteemed as the ministers of God for good unto the people: If there were any such, notwithstanding the tyranny of Nero, the apostle might with great propriety enjoin submission to those powers that were ordain’d of God, and by so particularly pointing out the end and design of magistrates, and giving his definition of a ruler, he might design to shew, that neither Nero, nor any other tyrant, ought to be esteemed as the minister of God.

Or, rather, which appears to me to be the true sense, the apostle meant to speak of magistracy in general, without any particular reference to the emperor, or any other person in power, that was then at Rome; and the meaning of this passage is, as if he had said, it is the duty of every Christian to be a good subject of civil government, for the power and authority of the civil magistrate are from God, for the powers that be are ordain’d of God i.e. the authority of the magistrates that are now either at Rome, or elsewhere, is ordained of the Deity; wherever you find any lawful magistrates, remember, they are of divine ordination; but that you may understand what I mean, when I say, that magistrates are of divine ordination; I will shew you how you may discern, who are lawful magistrates and ordain’d of God, who pursue the publick good by honouring and encouraging those that do well, and punishing all that do evil; such and such only, wherever they are to be found, are the ministers of God for good; to resist such, is resisting the ordinance of God, and exposing yourselves to the divine wrath and condemnation.

In either of these senses, the text cannot make anything in favour of arbitrary government. Nor could he with any propriety tell them, that they need not be afraid of the power, so long as they did that which was good, if he meant to recommend an unlimited submission to a tyrannical Nero; for the best characters were the likeliest to fall a sacrifice to his malice. And besides, such an injunction would be directly contrary to his own practice, and the practice of the primitive Christians, who refused to comply with the sinful commands of men in power; their answer in such cases being this, we ought to obey God rather than men: Hence the apostle Paul himself suffered many cruel persecutions, because he would not renounce Christianity, but persisted in opposing the idolatrous worship of the pagan world.

This text being rescued from the absurd interpretations, which the favourers of arbitrary government have put upon it, turns out to be a noble confirmation of that free and generous plan of government, which the law of nature and reason points out to us. Nor can we desire a more equitable plan of government, than what the apostle has here laid down: For if we consult our happiness and real good, we can never wish for an unreasonable liberty, viz. a freedom to do evil, which according to the apostle, is the only thing that the magistrate is to refrain us from. To have a liberty to do whatever is fit, reasonable or good, is the highest degree of freedom, that rational beings can possess. And how honourable a station are those men placed in by the providence of God, whose business it is, to secure to men this rational liberty, and to promote the happiness and welfare of society, by suppressing vice and immorality, and by honouring and encouraging everything that is amiable, virtuous and praiseworthy? Such magistrates ought to be honoured and obeyed as the ministers of God, and the servants of the king of heaven. Can we conceive of a larger and more generous plan of government than this of the apostle? Or can we find words more plainly expressive of a disapprobation of an arbitrary and tyrannical government? I never read this text without admiring the beauty and nervousness of it: and I can hardly conceive how he could express more ideas in so few words, than he has done. We see here, in one view, the honor that belongs to the magistrate, because he is ordain’d of God for the publick good. We have his duty pointed out, viz. to honour and encourage the virtuous, to promote the real good of the community, and to punish all wicked and injurious persons. We are taught the duty of the subject, viz. to obey the magistrate for conscience sake, because he is ordain’d of God; and that rulers being continually employed under God for our good, are to be generously maintained, by the paying them tribute; and that disobedience to rulers is highly criminal, and will expose us to the divine wrath. The liberty of the subject is also clearly asserted, viz. that subjects are to be allowed to do everything that is in itself just and right, and are only to be restrained from being guilty of wrong actions. It is also strongly implied, that when rulers become oppressive to the subject, and injurious to the state, their authority, their respect, their maintenance, and the duty of submitting to them must immediately cease; they are then to be considered as the ministers of satan; and as such it becomes our indispensable duty to resist and oppose them.

Thus we see, that both reason and revelation perfectly agree in pointing out the nature, and design of government, viz. that it is to promote the welfare and happiness of the community; and that subjects have a right to do everything that is good, praise-worthy, and consistent with the good of the community, and are only to be restrain’d when they do evil, and are injurious either to individuals or the whole community; and that they ought to submit to every law, that is beneficial to the community for conscience sake, altho’ it may in some measure interfere with their private interest; for every good man will be ready to forego his private interest for the sake of being beneficial to the publick. Reason and revelation (we see) do both teach us, that our obedience to rulers is not unlimited; but that resistance is not only allowable, but an indispensable duty in the case of intolerable tyranny and oppression. From both reason and revelation, we learn, that as the publick safety is the supreme law of the state, being the true standard and measure by which we are to judge whether any law or body of laws are just or not, so legislators have a right to make, and require subjection to, any set of laws, that have a tendency to promote the good of the community.

Our governours have a right to take every proper method to form the minds of their subjects so, that they may become good members of society. The great difference that we may observe among the several classes of mankind, arise chiefly from their education, and their laws; hence men become virtuous or vicious; good common wealths-men, or the contrary, generous, noble and courageous, or base, mean spirited and cowardly; according to the impression that they have received from the government that they are under, together with their education, and the methods that have been practiced by their leaders to form their minds in early life: Hence the necessity of good laws to encourage every noble and virtuous sentiment, to suppress vice and immorality; to promote industry, and to punish idleness that parent of innumerable evils; to promote arts and sciences, and to banish ignorance from amongst mankind.

And as nothing tends like religion and the fear of God to make men good members of the common wealth; it is the duty of magistrates to become the patrons and promoters of religion and piety, and to make suitable laws for the maintaining publick worship, and decently supporting the teachers of religion: Such laws (I apprehend) are absolutely necessary for the well being of civil society. Such laws may be made consistent with all that liberty of conscience, which every good member of society ought to be possessed of; for as there are few, if any religious societies among us, but what profess to believe and practice all the great duties of religion and morality, that are necessary for the well being of society, and the safety of the state; let everyone be allow’d to attend worship in his own society, or in that way, that he judges most agreeable to the will of God, and let him be obliged to contribute his assistance to the supporting and defraying the necessary charges of his own meeting. In this case no one can have any right to complain, that he is depriv’d of liberty of conscience, seeing that he has a right to choose and freely attend that worship, that appears to him to be most agreeable to the will of God; and it must be very unreasonable for him to object against being obliged to contribute his part towards the support of that worship, which he has chosen. Whether some such method as this might not tend in a very eminent manner to promote the peace and welfare of society, I must leave to the wisdom of our legislators to determine; before it would take off some of the most popular objections against being obliged by law to support publick worship, while the law restricts that support only to one denomination.

But for the civil authority to pretend to establish particular modes of faith, and forms of worship, and to punish all that deviate from the standard which our superiors have set up, is attended with the most pernicious consequences to society: It cramps all free and rational enquiry; fills the world with hypocrites and superstitious bigots; nay with infidels and scepticks: It exposes men of religion and conscience to the rage and malice of fiery blind zealots; and dissolves every tender tye of human nature: In short, it introduces confusion and every evil work. And I cannot but look upon it as a peculiar blessing of heaven, that we live in a land where everyone can freely deliver his sentiments upon religious subjects, and have the privilege of worshipping God, according to the dictates of his own conscience, without any molestation or disturbance: A privilege which I hope, we shall ever keep up, and strenuously maintain. No principles ought ever to be discountenanced by civil authority, but such as tend to the subversion of the state. So long as a man is a good member of society, he is accountable to God alone for his religious sentiments: But when men are found disturbers of the publick peace, stirring up sedition, or practicing against the state, no pretence of religion or conscience, ought to screen them from being brought to condign punishment is either to make restitution to the injured, or to restrain men from committing the like crimes for the future, so when these important ends are answered, the punishment ought to cease; for whatever is inflicted upon a man under the notion of punishment, after these important ends are answered, is not a just and lawful punishment, but is properly cruelty, and base revenge.

From this account of civil government we learn, that the business of magistrates is weighty and important: It requires both wisdom and integrity: When either are wanting, government will be poorly administered; more especially if our governours are men of loose morals, and abandoned principles; for if a man is not faithful to God and his own soul, how can we expect, that he will be faithful to the publick. There was a great deal of propriety in the advice that Jethro gave to Moses to provide able men; men of truth, that feared God, and that hated covetousness, and to appoint them for rulers over the people. For it certainly implies a very gross absurdity to suppose, that those who are ordain’d of God for the publick good, should have no regard to the laws of God; or that the ministers of God should be despisers of the divine commands. David the man after God’s own heart, makes piety a necessary qualification in a ruler; he that ruleth over men (says he) must be just, ruling in the fear of GOD: It is necessary it should be so, for the welfare and happiness of the state; for to say nothing of the venality and corruption, of the tyranny and oppression, that will take place under unjust rulers; barely their vicious and irregular lives will have a most pernicious effect upon the lives and manners of their subjects; their authority becomes despicable in the opinion of discerning men: And besides, with what face can they make, or execute laws against vices, which they practice with greediness? A people that have a right of choosing their magistrates, are criminally guilty in the sight of heaven when they are govern’d by caprice and humor, or are influenced by bribery to choose magistrates, that are irreligious men, who are devoid of sentiment, are of bad morals and base lives. Men cannot be sufficiently sensible, what a curse they may bring upon themselves, and their posterity, by foolishly and wickedly choosing men of abandoned characters and profligate lives for their magistrates and rulers.

We have already seen, that magistrates who rule in the fear of God, ought not only to be obey’d as the ministers of God; but that they ought also to be handsomely supported, that they may cheerfully and freely attend upon the duties of their station; for it is a great shame and disgrace to society, to see men that serve the public, laboring under indigent and needy circumstances; and besides, it is a maxim of eternal truth, that the labourer is worthy of his reward.

It is also a great duty incumbent on people to treat those in authority with all becoming honour and respect, to be very careful of casting any aspersion upon their characters. To despise government and to speak evil of dignities is represented in scripture as one of the worst of characters; and it was an injunction of Moses, thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people. Great mischief may ensue upon reviling the character of good rulers; for the unthinking herd of mankind are very apt to give ear to scandal: And when it falls upon men in power, it brings their authority into contempt, lessens their influence, and disheartens them from doing that service to the community of which they are capable: Whereas, when they are properly honoured, and treated with that respect which is due to their station; it inspires them with courage and a noble ardor to sere the publick; their influence among the people is strengthened, and their authority becomes firmly established. We ought to remember, that they are men like to ourselves, liable to the same imperfections and infirmities with the rest of us, and therefore so long as they aim at the publick good, their mistakes, misapprehensions and infirmities ought to be treated with the utmost humanity and tenderness.

But tho’ I would recommend to all Christians, as a part of the duty that they owe to magistrates, to treat them with proper honour and respect; none can reasonably suppose, that I mean that they ought to be flattered in their vices, or honoured and caressed while they are seeking to undermine and ruin the state: For this would be wickedly betraying our just rights, and we should be guilty of our own destruction: We ought ever to persevere with firmness and fortitude in maintaining and contending for all that liberty, that the Deity has granted us: It is our duty to be ever watchful over our just rights, and not suffer them to be wrested out of our hands by any of the artifices of tyrannical oppressors. But there is a wide difference between being jealous of our rights, when we have the strongest reason to conclude, that they are invaded by our rulers, and being unreasonably suspicious of men that are zealously endeavouring to support the constitution, only because we do not thoroughly comprehend all their designs: The first argues a noble and generous mind, the other a low and base spirit.

Thus have I considered the nature of the duty enjoin’d in the text, and have endeavoured to shew, that the same principles that require obedience to lawful magistrates, do also require us to resist tyrants; this I have confirm’d from reason, and scripture.

It was with a particular view to the present unhappy controversy that subsists between us, and Great-Britain, that I chose to discourse upon the nature and design of government, and the rights and duties both of governors, and governed, that so, justly understanding our rights and privileges, we may stand firm in our opposition to ministerial tyranny, while at the same time we pay all proper obedience and submission to our lawful magistrates; and that while we are contending for liberty, we may avoid running into licentiousness; and that we may preserve the due medium between submitting to tyranny, and running into anarchy. I acknowledge that I have undertaken a difficult task; but, as it appear’d to me, the present state of affairs loudly call’d for such a discourse; and therefore I hope the wise, the generous, and the good will candidly receive my good intentions to serve the public. I shall now apply this discourse to the grand controversy that at this day subsists between Great-Britain and the American colonies.

And here in the first place, I cannot but take notice, how wonderfully providence has smiled upon us by causing the several colonies to unite so firmly together against the tyranny of Great-Britain, tho’ differing from each other in their particular interest, forms of government, modes of worship, and particular customs and manners; besides several animosities that had subsisted among them. That under these circumstances, such an union should take place, as we now behold, was a thing that might rather have been wished than hoped for.

And in the next place, Who could have thought, that when our charter was vacated, when we became destitute of any legislative authority; and when our courts of justice in many parts of the country were stop’d, so that we could neither make, nor execute laws upon offenders, who I say would have thought, that in such a situation, the people should behave so peaceably, and maintain such good order and harmony among themselves! This is a plain proof, that they having not the civil law to regulate themselves by, became a law unto themselves; and by their conduct they have shewn, that they were regulated by the law of God written in their hearts. This is the Lord’s doing, and it ought to be marvelous in our eyes.

From what has been said in this discourse, it will appear, that we are in the way of our duty, in opposing the tyranny of Great-Britain; for if unlimited submission is not due to any human power; if we have an undoubted right to oppose and resist a set of tyrants, that are subverting our just rights and privileges, there cannot remain a doubt in any man, that will calmly attend to reason, whether we have a right to resist and oppose the arbitrary measures of the King and Parliament; for it is plain to demonstration, nay it is in a manner self-evident, that they have been, and are endeavouring to deprive us not only of the privileges of Englishmen, and our charter rights, but they have endeavour’d to deprive us of what is much more sacred, viz. the privileges of men and Christians ²i.e. they are robbing us of the unalienable rights, that the God of nature has given us in his written word as Christians, and disciples of that Jesus, who came to redeem us from the bondage of sin, and the tyranny of satan, and to grant us the most perfect freedom, even the glorious liberty of the sons and children of God; that here they have endeavour’d to deprive us of the sacred charter of the king of heaven. But we have this for our consolation, the Lord reigneth, he governs the world in righteousness, and will avenge the cause of the oppressed, when they cry unto him. We have made our appeal to heaven, and we cannot doubt, but that the judge of all the earth will do right.

Need I upon this occasion descend to particulars? Can anyone be ignorant what the things are of which we complain? Does not everyone know, that the King and Parliament have assumed the right to tax us without our consent? And can anyone be so lost to the principles of humanity and common sense, as not to view their conduct in this affair as a very grievous imposition? Reason and equity require that no one be obliged to pay a tax that he has never consented to, either by himself, or by his representative: But as divine providence has plaed us at so great a distance from Great-Britain, that we neither are, nor can be properly represented in the British parliament; it is a plain proof that the Deity design’d, that we should have the powers of legislation and taxation among ourselves: For can any suppose it to be reasonable, that a set of men that are perfect strangers to us, should have the uncontroulable right to lay the most heavy and grievous burdens upon us that they please, purely to gratify their unbounded avarice and luxury? Must we be obliged to perish with cold and hunger to maintain them in idleness, in all kinds of debauchery and dissipation? But if they have the right to take our property from us without our consent, we must be wholly at their mercy for our food and raiment, and we know by sad experience, that their tender mercies are cruel.

But because we were not willing to submit to such an unrighteous and cruel decree; tho’ we modestly complain’d and humbly petition’d for a redress of grievances, instead of hearing our complaints and granting our requests, they have gone on to add iniquity to transgression, by making several cruel and unrighteous acts. Who can forget the cruel act to block up the harbor of Boston, whereby thousands of innocent persons must have been inevitably ruin’d had they not been supported by the continent? Who can forget the act for vacating our charter, together with many other cruel acts which, it is needless to mention? But not being able to accomplish their wicked purposes by meer acts of parliament, they have proceeded to commence open hostilities against us; and have endeavour’d to destroy us by fire and sword; our towns they have burnt, our brethren they have slain, our vessels they have taken, and our goods they have spoiled. And after all this wanton exertion of arbitrary power, is there he man that has any of the feelings of humanity left, who is not fired with a noble indignation against such merciless tyrants; who have not only brought upon us all the horrors of a civil war, but have also added a piece of barbarity unknown to Turks and Mahometan infidels; yea such as would be abhor’d and detested by the savages of the wilderness: I mean their cruelly forcing our brethren, whom they have taken prisoners, without any distinction of whig or tory, to serve on board their ships of war, thereby obliging them to take up arms against their own countrymen, and to fight against their brethren, their wives, and their children, and to assist in plundering their own estates. This my brethren, is done by men who call themselves Christians against their Christian brethren against men who till now gloried in the name of Englishmen, and who were ever ready to spend their lives and fortunes in the defence of British rights: Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Ashkelon, lest it cause our enemies to rejoice, and our adversaries to triumph. Such a conduct as this, brings a great reproach upon the profession of Christianity, nay it is a great scandal even to human nature itself.

It would be highly criminal not to feel a due resentment against such tyrannical monsters. It is an indispensable duty my brethren which we owe to God, and our country, to rouse up and bestir ourselves, and being animated with a noble zeal for the sacred cause of liberty, to defend our lives, and fortunes, even to the shedding the last drop of blood. The love of our country, the tender affection that we have for our wives and children, the regard we ought to have for unborn posterity, yea everything that is dear and sacred, do now loudly call upon us, to use our best endeavours to save our country: We must eat our plow-shares into swords, and our pruning hooks into spears, and learn the art of self-defence against our enemies. To be careless and remiss, or to neglect the cause of our country thro’ the base motives of avarice, and self interest, will expose us not only to the resentments of our fellow creatures, but to the displeasure of God Almighty: For to such base wretches in such a time as this, we may apply with the utmost propriety that passage in Jer. 48 chap. ver. 10. Cursed be he that doeth the work of the Lord deceitfully, and cursed be he, that keepeth back his sword from blood. To save our country from the hands of our oppressors, ought to be dearer to us, even than our own lives, and next the eternal salvation of our own souls, is the thing of the greatest importance: A duty so sacred, that it cannot justly be dispensed with for the sake of our secular concerns: Doubtless for this reason God has been pleased, to manifest his anger against those who have refused to assist their country against its cruel oppressors. Hence in a case similar to ours, when the Israelites were struggling to deliver themselves from the tyranny of Jabin the king of Canaan, we find a most bitter curse denounced against those, who refused to grant their assistance in the common cause; see Judges 5th, ver. 23. Curse ye Meroz (said the angel of the Lord) Curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof, because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty.

Now if such a bitter curse is denounced against those, who refused to assist their country against its oppressors, what a dreadful doom are those exposed to, who have not only refused to assist their country in this time of distress, but hae thro’ motives of interest or ambition shewn themselves enemies to their country by opposing us in the measures that we have taken, and by openly favouring the British Parliament. He that is so lost to humanity, as to be willing to sacrifice his country for the sake of avarice or ambition, has arrived to the highest stage of wickedness, that human nature is capable of, and deserves a much worse name, than I at present care to give him; but I think I may with propriety say, that such a person has forfeited his right to human society, and that he ought to take up his abode not among the savage men, but among the savage beasts of the wilderness.

Nor can I wholly excuse from blame those timid persons, who thro’ their own cowardice, have been induced to favour our enemies, and have refused to act in defence of their country: For a due sense of the ruin and destruction that our enemies are bringing upon us, is enough to raise such a resentment in the human breast, that would (I should think) be sufficient to banish fear from the most timid make: And besides to indulge cowardice in such a cause, argues a want of faith in God; for can he that firmly believes and relies upon the providence of God, doubt, whether h e will avenge the cause of the injured when they apply to him for help: For my own part, when I consider the dispensations of providence towards this land, ever since our fathers first settled in Plymouth, I find abundant reason to conclude, that the great sovereign of the universe, has planted a vine in this American wilderness, which he has caused to take deep root, and it has filled the land, and that he will never suffer it to be plucked up, or destroyed.

Our fathers fled from the rage of prelatical tyranny and persecution, and came into this land in order to enjoy liberty of conscience; and they have increased to a great people: Many have been the interpositions of divine providence on our behalf, both in our fathers days and ours: And though we are now engaged in a war with Great-Britain, yet we hae been prospered in a most wonderful manner: And can we think, that he, who has thus far helped us, will give us up into the hands of our enemies? Certainly he, that has begun to deliver us, will continue to shew his mercy towards us, in saving us from the hands of our enemies; he will not forsake us, if we do not forsake him. Our cause is so just and good, that nothing can prevent our success, but only our sins. Could I see a spirit of repentance and reformation prevail through the land I should not have the least apprehension, or fear of being brought under the iron rod of slavery, even though all the powers of the globe were combined against us: And though I confess, that the irreligion and prophaneness, which are so common among us, gives something of a damp to my spirits, yet I cannot help hoping, and even believing, that providence has designed this continent for to be the asylum of liberty and true religion; for can we suppose, that that God who created us free agents, and designed that we should glorify and serve him in this world, that we might enjoy him forever hereafter, will suffer liberty and true religion to be banished from off the face of the earth? But do not we find that both religion and liberty seem to be expiring and gasping for life in the other continent, where then can they find an harbor, or place of refuge but in this?

There are some who pretend that it is against their consciences to take up arms in defence of their country; but can any rational being suppose, that the Deity can require us to contradict the law of nature, which he has written in our hearts, a part of which I am sure is the principle of self defence, which strongly prompts us all to oppose any power that would take away our lives, or the lives of our friends: Now for men to take pains to destroy the tender feelings of human nature, and to eradicate the principles of self preservation, and then to persuade themselves that in so doing, they submit to, and obey the will of God, is a plain proof how easily men may be led to pervert the very first and plainest principles of reason and common sense, and argues a gross corruption of the human mind. We find such persons are very inconsistent with themselves, for no men are more zealous to defend their property, and to secure their estates from the encroachments of others, while they refuse to defend their persons, their wives, their children, and their country against the assaults of the enemy. We see to what unaccountable lengths men will run, when once they leave the plain road of common sense, and violate the law, which God has written in the heart: Thus some have thought, they did God service, when they unmercifully butchered and destroyed the lives of the servants of God; while others upon the contrary extreme believe, that they please God while they sit still, and quietly behold their friends and brethren killed by their unmerciful enemies, without endeavouring to defend, or rescue them. The one is a sin of omission, and the other is a sin of commission, and it may perhaps be difficult to say under certain circumstances, which is the most criminal in the fight of heaven; of this I am sure, that they are both of them great violations of the law of God.

Having thus endeavoured to shew the lawfulness and necessity of defending ourselves against the tyranny of Great-Britain, I would observe, that providence seems plainly to point to us the expediency, and even necessity of our considering ourselves as an independent state: For not to consider the absurdity implied, in making war against a power, to which we profess to own subjection, to pass by the impracticability of our ever coming under subjection to Great-Britain upon fair and equitable terms; we may observe, that the British parliament has virtually declared us an independent state by authorizing their ships of war to seize all American property, wherever they can find it, without making any distinction between the friends of administration, and those that have appeared in opposition to the acts of parliament. This is making us a distinct nation from themselves; they can have no right any longer to stile us rebels; for rebellion implies a particular faction risen up in opposition to lawful authority, and as such the factious party ought to be punished, while those that remain loyal are to be protected: But when war is declared against a whole community without distinction, and the property of each party is declared to be seizable; this, if anything can be, is treating us as an independent state: Now if they are pleased to consider us, as in a state of independency, who can object against our considering ourselves so too.

But while we are nobly opposing with our lives and estates, the tyranny of the British parliament, let us not forget the duty which we owe to our lawful magistrates; let us never mistake licentiousness for liberty. The more we understand the principles of liberty, the more readily shall we yield obedience to lawful authority: For no man can oppose good government, but he that is a stranger to true liberty. Let us ever check and restrain the factious disturbers of the peace, whenever we meet with persons, that are loth to submit to lawful authority, let us treat them with the contempt, which they deserve, and ever esteem them as the enemies of their country, and the pests of society. It is with peculiar pleasure, that I reflect upon the peaceable behavior of my countrymen, at a time when the courts of justice were stopped, and the execution of laws suspended; it will certainly be expected of a people, that could behave so well, when they had nothing to restrain them, but the laws written in their hearts, that they will yield all ready and cheerful obedience to lawful authority: There is at present, the utmost need of guarding ourselves against a seditious and factious temper; for when we are engaged with so powerful an enemy from without, our political salvation under God does in an eminent manner depend upon our being firmly united together in the bonds of love to one another, and of due submission to lawful authority. I hope we shall never give any just occasion to our adversaries to reproach us as being men of turbulent dispositions, and licentious principles, that cannot bear to be restrained by good and wholesome laws, even though they are of our own making, nor submit to rulers of our own chusing: But I have reason to hope much better things of my countrymen, though I thus speak. However, in this time of difficulty and distress, we cannot be too much guarded against the left approaches to discord and faction. Let us while we are jealous of our rights, take heed of unreasonable suspicions, and evil surmises, which have no proper foundation. Let us take heed, lest we hurt the cause of liberty by speaking evil of the ruler of the people.

Let us treat our rulers, with all that honor and respect, which the dignity of their station requires; but let it be such an honor and respect as is worthy of the sons of freedom to give: Let us ever abhor the base arts, that are used by fawning parasites, and cringing courtiers, who by their low artifices, and base flatteries obtain offices and posts, which they are unqualified to sustain; and honors, of which they are unworthy, and oftentimes have a greater number of places assigned them, than any one person of the greatest abilities can ever properly fill; by means of which, the community becomes greatly injured, for this reason, that many an important trust remains undischarg’d, and many an honest and worthy member of society is deprived of those honors and privileges to which he has a just right; whilst the most despicable worthless courtier is loaded with honourable and profitable commissions. In order to avoid this evil, I hope, our legislators will always despise flattery as something below the dignity of a rational mind, and that they will ever scorn the man that will be corrupted, or take a bribe. And let us all resolve with ourselves, that no motives of interest, nor hopes of preferment, shall ever induce us to act the part of fawning courtiers towards men in power. Let the honor and respect, which we shew our superiors, be true and genuine, flowing from a sincere and upright heart.

The honors that have been paid to arbitrary princes, have often been very hypocritical and insincere: Tyrants have been flattered in their vices, and have often had an idolatrous reverence paid them. The worst princes have been the most flattered and adored: And many such in the pagan world assumed the title of gods; and had divine honors paid them. This idolatrous reverence has ever been the inseparable concomitant of arbitrary power, and tyrannical government: For even Christian princes, if they have not been adored under the character of gods, yet the titles given them, strongly favor of blasphemy, and the reverence paid them is really idolatrous. What right has a poor sinful worm of the dust to claim the title of his most sacred Majesty; most sacred certainly belongs only to God alone, for there is none holy as the Lord; yet how common is it to see this title given to kings? And how often have we been told, that the king can do no wrong, even though he should be so foolish and wicked as hardly to be capable of ever being in the right? Yet still it must be asserted and maintained, that it is impossible for him to do wrong?

The cruel savage disposition of tyrants, and the idolatrous reverence that is paid them, are both most beautifully exhibited to view by the apostle John in the revelation, 13th chap. from the first to the tenth ver. Where the apostle gives a description of an horrible wild beast³ which he saw rise out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns, and upon his heads the names of blasphemy: By heads are to be understood forms of government, and by blasphemy, idolatry; so that it seems implied, that there will be a degree of idolatry in every form of tyrannical government. This beast is represented as having the body of a leopard, the feet of a bear, and the mouth of a lion, i.e. an horrible monster possessed of the rage and fury of the lion, the fierceness of the bear, and the swiftness of the leopard to seize and devour its prey; can words more strongly point out or exhibit in more lively colours, the exceeding rage, fury and impetuosity of tyrants in their destroying and making havock of mankind. To this beast we find the dragon gave his power, seat and great authority, i.e. the devil constituted him to be his vicegerent on earth; this is to denote that tyrants are the ministers of satan, ordained by him for the destruction of mankind.

Such an horrible monster we should have thought, would have been abhorred and detested of all mankind, and that all nations would have joined their powers and forces together, to oppose and utterly destroy him from off the face of the earth: But so far are they from doing this, that on the contrary, they are represented as worshipping him, ver. 8. And all that dwell on the earth shall worship him, viz. all those whose names are not written in the lamb’s book of life, i.e. the wicked world shall pay him an idolatrous reverence, and worship him with a godlike adoration. What can in a more lively manner shew the gross stupidity and wickedness of mankind, in thus tamely giving up their just rights into the hands of tyrannical monsters, and in so readily paying them such an unlimited obedience, as is due to God alone.

We may observe farther, that these men are said, ver. 4. To worship the dragon; not that it is to be supposed that they in direct terms paid divine homage to satan, but that the adoration paid to the beast, who was satan’s vicegerent, did ultimately center in him. Hence we learn that those who pay an undue and sinful veneration to tyrants, are properly the servants of the devil, they are worshippers of the prince of darkness, for in him all that undue homage and adoration centers, that is given to his ministers. Hence that terrible denunciation of divine wrath against the worshippers of the beast and his image: Rev. 14th, ver. 9th, 10th, and 11th, If any man worship the beast and his image, and receive his mark in his forehead, or in his hand, the same shall drink of the wine of the wrath of GOD which is poured out without mixture into the cup of his indignation, and he shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of the holy angels, and in the presence of the Lamb; and the smoke of their torment ascendeth up forever and ever: And they have no rest day nor night, who worship the beast and his image, and who receive the mark of his name. We have here set forth in the clearest manner by the inspired apostle, God’s abhorrence of tyranny and tyrants, together with the idolatrous reverence, that their wretched subjects are wont to pay them, and the awful denunciation of divine wrath, against those who are guilty of this undue obedience to tyrants.

Does it not then highly concern us all to stand fast in the liberty wherewith heaven has made us free, and to strive to get the victory over the beast and his image, over every species of tyranny. Let us look upon a freedom from the power of tyrants, as a blessing, that cannot be purchased too dear; and let us bless God, that he has so far delivered us from that idolatrous reverence, which men are so very apt to pay to arbitrary tyrants; and let us pray that he would be pleased graciously to perfect the mercy he has begun to shew us by confounding the devices of our enemies, and bringing their counsels to nought, and by establishing our just rights and privileges, upon such a firm and lasting basis, that the powers of earth and hell shall not prevail against it.

Under God, every person in the community ought to contribute his assistance to the bringing about so glorious and important an event; but in a more eminent manner does this important business belong to the gentlemen, that are chosen to represent the people in this general assembly, including those, that have been appointed members of the honourable council board.

Honoured fathers, we look up to you in this day of calamity and distress, as the guardians of our invaded rights, and the defenders of our liberties against British tyranny; you are called in providence to save your country from ruin. A trust is reposed in you of the highest importance to the community, that can be conceived of, its business the most noble and grand, and a task the most arduous and difficult to accomplish, that ever engag’d the human mind. (I mean as to things of the present life). But a you are engaged in the defence of a just and righteous cause, you may with firmness of mind commit your cause to God, and depend on his kind providence for direction and assistance. You will have the fervent wishes and prayers of all good men, that God would crown all your labours with success, and direct you into such measures as shall tend to promote the welfare and happiness of the community, and afford you all that wisdom and prudence, which is necessary to regulate the affairs of state, at this critical period.

Honoured fathers of the house of Representatives: We trust to your wisdom and goodness, that you will be led to appoint such men to be in Council, whom you know to be men of real principle, and who are of unblemished lives, that have shewn themselves zealous and hearty friends to have liberties of America, and men, that have the fear of God before their eyes; for such only are the men, that can be depended upon uniformly to pursue the general good.

My reverend Fathers and Brethren in the ministry will remember, that according to our text, it is part of the work and business of a gospel minister, to teach his hearers the duty they owe to magistrates. Let us then endeavour to explain the nature of their duty faithfully, and shew them the difference between liberty and licentiousness; and while we are animating them to oppose tyranny and arbitrary power, let us inculcate upon them, the duty of yielding due obedience to lawful authority. In order to the right and faithful discharge of this part of our ministry, it is necessary, that we should thoroughly study the law of nature, the rights of mankind, and the reciprocal duties of governours and governed: By this means, we shall be able to guard them against the extremes of slavish submission to tyrants on one hand, and of sedition and licentiousness on the other. We may I apprehend, attain a thorough acquaintance with the law of nature, and the rights of mankind, while we remain ignorant of many technical terms of law, and are utterly unacquainted with the obscure and barbarous latin, that was so much used in the ages of popish darkness and superstition.

To conclude, While we are fighting for liberty, and striving against tyranny, let us remember to fight to good fight of faith, and earnestly seek to be delivered from that bondage of corruption, which we are brought into by sin, and that we may be made partakers of the glorious liberty of the sons and children of God: Which may the father of mercies grant us all, thro’ Jesus Christ!

AMEN.

Endnotes

¹. This shews the reason, why the primitive Christians did not oppose the cruel persecutions, that were inflicted upon them by the heathen magistrates: They were few compared with the heathen world; and for them to have attempted to resist their enemies by force, would have been like a small parcel of sheep endeavouring to oppose a large number of ravening wolves and savage beasts of prey: It would without a miracle have brought upon them inevitable ruin and destruction. Hence the wise and prudent advice of our Saviour to them is, when they persecute you in this city, flee ye to another.

². The meaning is not, that they have attempted to deprive us of liberty of conscience, but that they have attempted to take away those rights, which God has invested us with as his creatures, and confirmed in his gospel, by which believers have a covenant right to the good tidings of this present life and world.

³. Wild beast,–By the beast with seven heads and ten horns, I understand the tyranny of arbitrary princes, viz. the emperors and kings of the eastern and western roman empire, and not the tyranny of the pope and clergy, for the description of every part of this beast will answer better to be understood of political, than of ecclesiastical tyrants. Thus the seven heads are generally interpreted, to denote the several forms of roman government; the ten horns are understood of the ten kingdoms that were set up in the western empire; and by the body of the beast it seems most natural to understand the eastern or greek empire; for it is said to be like a leopard, this image is taken from Daniel 7. V. 6. Where the third beast is said to be like a leopard. Now by the third beast in Daniel is understood by the best interpreters the Grecian monarchy; It is well known but that John frequently borrows his images from Daniel, and I believe it will be found upon a critical examination of the matter, that whenever he does so, he means the same thing with Daniel; if this be true, (as I am fully persuaded it is) then by the body of this beast being like a leopard in the revelation of John, is to be understood the eastern or greek empire, which was that part of the old roman empire that remained whole for several ages after the western empire was broken into ten kingdoms. Further, after the beast was risen, it is said that the dragon gave him his seat; now by the dragon is meant the devil, who is represented as presiding over the roman empire in its pagan state; but the seat of the roman empire in its pagan state was Rome: Here then is a prophecy that the emperor of the east should become possess’d of Rome, which exactly agrees with what we know from history to be fact, for the emperor Justinian’s generals having expelled the Goths out of Italy, Rome was brought into subjection to the emperor of the east, and was for a long time governed by the emperor’s lieutenant, who resided at Ravenna. These considerations convince me, that the greek empire, and not the pope and his clergy, is to be understood by the body of the beast, which was like a leopard: And what further confirms me in this belief is, that it appears to me that the pope, and the papal clergy are to be understood by the second beast, which we read of in Rev. 13th ver. 11—17th, for of him it is said that he had two horns like a lamb: A lamb, we know, is the figure by which Jesus Christ is signified in the Revelation, and many other arts of the new-testament, the pope claims both a temporal and spiritual sovereignty denoted by the two horns under the character of being the vicar of Jesus Christ, and yet under this high pretence of being the vicar of Jesus Christ, he speaks like a dragon, i.e. he promotes idolatry in the Christian church, in like manner as the dragon did in the heathen world. To distinguish him from the first beast, he is called Rev. 19. The false prophet that wrought miracles, i.e. like Mahomet he pretends to be a lawgiver and claims infallibility, and his emissaries endeavour to confirm this doctrine by pretended miracles: How wonderfully do all these characters agree to the pope? Wherefore I conclude, that the second and not the first beast, denotes the tyranny of the pope and his clergy.

Sermon

Preached before the Honorable House of

Representatives

On the Day intended for the Choice of

Counselors,

Agreeable to the Advice of the

Continental Congress

By William Gordon,
Pastor of the Third Church of Roxbury

The text upon which I shall ground what I have further to say, you have in these words of the Prophet Jeremiah, recorded 30th chap. 20, 21, 22 ver. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregation shall be established, before me, and I will punish all that oppress them; and their nobles shall be of themselves—the sentence is not perfected without the addition of –and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them—but the wisdom of the Continental Congress, in which we cheerfully confide hath restrained me from making it a part of the text. In an abler hand and some fitter time, it may of itself single and alone, suffice for a complete text, Amen. So let it be.

Sin having entered the world depraved mankind, and given a pernicious bias to every human heart, and best constitutions, whether civil or sacred, do after a while degenerate the spirit of them departs, they retain only their outward forms, and by degrees lose even these. That millennia stare, in which many believe, could not continue vigorous and flourishing, through the period of a thousand years, without the constant miraculous interposition of divine power in restraining and keeping down the corrupt disposition of mortal men.

The Jewish establishment, both in church and state, was the ordinance of heaven given in an uncommon manner, and, at the time, the best in the whole world; but it was soon corrupted, and at length so enormously, that the patience of God would not spare the people. The Jews were exercised with heavy divine judgments for their various transgressions in civil and sacred matters, and at last carried away captive to a distant country. However it was not their destruction, but reformation that the Lord Jehovah intended; and therefore, to encourage their repentance, by letting them see that their case was not desperate, and keep them from fainting under their sore trials, the prophet Jeremiah is commissioned to deliver to them the following gracious, soul-reviving message, viz. “Thus saith the Lord, behold, I will bring again the captivity of Jacob’s roots, and have mercy on his dwelling places: and the city shall be built upon her own heap—her former foundation—and the palace shall remain after the manner thereof. And out of them shall proceed thanksgiving, and the voice of them that make merry: and I will also glorify them, and they shall not be small. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregation or assembly (for they are synonymous terms) shall be established before me, and I will punish all that oppress them: and their nobles—leading men of rank the intermediate persons between the assembly and first magistrate in the land—shall be of themselves; and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them, and I will cause him to draw near, and he shall approach unto me: for who is this that engaged his heart to approach unto me, faith the Lord? And ye shall be my people, and I will be your God.” [Jeremiah 30:20-22] Here it’s promised the Jews, by Him, whose veracity might be relied on and whose power could accomplish the event, that their affairs should be brought back to their original state, that they should possess their old form of government, and that they should have the satisfaction of seeing those punished, who had in instrumentally occasioned their calamities, for that the Lord himself would punish them.

A people, when under national judgments or the iron rod of oppression cannot help looking back to those times, when the constitution was in a prosperous and healthy condition—nor having an attachment to those modes of government, to which they had been long habituated, and which they had experienced to be peculiarly favorable to the common rights of human nature, and to have secured them a greater share of the same, than is enjoyed by mankind in general. And when they are encouraged by a divine promise, to look back to them as what they shall be re-possessed of, they must feel the most pleasing emotions, next to those arising from actual enjoyment.

The Jews are told in our text, that their children should be as aforetime. The word children doth not necessarily refer to minors, being frequently used in a much larger sense: Thus the children of Benjamin means the tribe of Benjamin the people of Israel and the people of Judah, the people of Israel and the people of Judah. Their children may therefore intend the body of the Jewish nation; and their being as aforetime, their enjoying that former freedom and prosperity with which they were acquainted in the best days of their political existence.

The best times that the Jewish people ever knew were, I apprehend, those of the judges; before their taste for grandeur, and foolish fondness for being like neighbors, states, made them weary of their plain, simple modes and manners, and put them upon choosing a royal government. During the period of the judges, they were once and again, for their iniquities, given into the hand of oppressors: but when their vices did not bring them under the divine judgments, they were in the full enjoyment of liberty. Every man’s house was his castle—every man’s property was his own—he exercised a supreme authority under, and over his own vine, and his own fig tree; and, wherein he trespassed not upon the rights of his fellow creatures, nor interfered with the Mosaic establishment, did that which was right in his own eyes, without being subject to the counsel even of a crowned head, much less of crown officers; for in those days there was no king of Israel. He could plant or pluck up; could build or destroy; could go here and there; could exercise dominion over the fishes of the sea, no less than over the beasts of the field; and could trade where and in what he would.

The period of the Judges was not only a time of freedom, but a time of prosperity, viewed both in a civil and sacred light. Where fancy, the lusts of the flesh and of the eye, together with the pride of life, captivate the judgment, the Jews may have thought to have been in the greatest prosperity under the reign of Solomon; when the king made silver to be in Jerusalem as stones, and cedars as sycamore trees that are in the vale of abundance; when the Jewish court shone with a superior and dazzling luster; and when their public and private buildings were executed in the highest taste, and with the most costly magnificence, so as to be the wonder of mankind,. But had it been really the case, would the people of Israel have united as one, in the commencement to the next reign, and have complained, to his son and successor Rehoboam, of his grievous service and heavy yoke? Would they have been so enraged with Rehoboam’s answering them roughly, as to forget their fondness for his grandfather, and to revolt from him, crying out, “What portion have we in David? Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: to your tents, O Israel; no see to thine house, David”? [I Kings 12:16] Would all the tribes have revolted except Judah and Benjamin, where the seat of government was established, court influence was the greatest, and the inhabitants monopolized the advantage of those taxes and imports that were collected through the kingdom? There is a national prosperity consisting in superfluities, that catches the imagination of the vulgar, whether in high or low life, but that weakens the internal strength of a people, and breeds many public disorders. And there is a national prosperity, formed out of the temperance, valor, firmness, and virtue of a people, in easy though not affluent circumstances, having enough to make themselves safe and happy, though not to entice others into the attempt of making them a prey. Of this last kind was the civil prosperity of the Jews in the days of the judges. The nearer a state approaches to, and the more its confirmed in, this kind of civil prosperity, the safer and longer, in all probability, will be the enjoyment of its liberties. But besides a civil, the Jews were acquainted with a sacred prosperity in the days of the judges. Allowing for numbers, ‘tis probable that religion in the powers of it, never flourished more among them, than in the beginning of that period. It is certain that Moses himself was not only a lawgiver to but a judge of Israel. Joshua succeeded him in the exercise of all his power, subject to the observance of that law which Moses had given, by which even Moses himself was bound having received it from God. The people said to Joshua, all that thou commandest us we will do, and whithersoever thou sendest us we will go. According as we hearkened unto Moses in all things, so will we hearken unto thee. [Joshua 1:16-17] And we further read, that they served the Lord all the days of Joshua, who had seen all the great works of the Lord that he did for Israel. [Judges 2:7] But we are told, that after all that generation was gathered unto their fathers, there arose another generation after them, which knew not the Lord, nor yet the works which he had done for the sight of the Lord, and served Baalim, and forsook the Lord God of their fathers, which brought them out of the Land of Egypt, and followed other gods. [Judges 2:10] The earliest days of a state are generally the most pure and religious. The prevailing principles of individuals at such a seasons, providential interpositions that they are eye-witnessed to, and are strongly affected with from the peculiarity of their situation, and the modes they are under a necessity of necessity of adopting , lead to it.

Having considered the first sentence in our text, let us attend to the next, in which the Lord says, and their congregation (or assembly) shall be established before me. The Jews having a fixed code of laws, and a provision for confusing and knowing the mind of the Lord upon special occasions, they needed not as other Free governments, an house of representatives or assembly. But they had three grand festivals annually, when all the males, whose age and health admitted, repaired to Jerusalem. The enjoyment of these stated seasons, calculated, to keep up the remembrance of what great things God had done for them, at the commencement of their national existence, to promote mutual affection by bringing individuals from the most distant part of the land into an acquaintance with each other, and to afford them an opportunity for promoting any schemes for public utility, was considered as a blessing and not as a burden by the wife and prudent. The restoration and confirmation of these seasons, after they had been interrupted by the captivity, is therefore enumerated in the catalogue of mercies with which the Jews were to be favored. The congregation or assembly of the people, before the Lord in the capital of the country, should be fixed and confirmed; be made certain and perpetual. The Jewish festivals should be again observed with the voice of joy and the voice of gladness, without the hazard of a suspension; and should be even heightened by the exemplary punishment, that the Lord would inflict upon those that oppressed the Jews.

Thus saith the Lord, I will punish all that oppress them. Was it absolutely unlawful for a people to wish for the punishment of those, who have been the instrumental occasion of their calamities, or to have a pleasing satisfaction in finding that they are punished, we cannot imagine that the same would be promised, in order to sooth the sufferings of the oppressed. Some may indulge a private revengeful malicious spirit against their oppressors, which neither scripture nor reason will justify: but an attachment to one’s country, the cause of truth and equity, and the rights of man-kind—the love of justice—a desire of benefiting the earth by public examples—and the expectation that the providential government of God will be thereby glorified, may lead us to hope that punishment will be inflicted, though not upon all, yet upon the chief promoters of our oppression, and that they will not be suffered to escape God’s righteous judgments in this world; while in the spirit of true Christianity we pray, that they may be brought to that unfeigned repentance and genuine faith, which by interesting them in the righteousness of the blessed Jesus, shall procure them an escape from the punishments of hell, and raise them to the joys of heaven. While the Lord promises the Jews to punish all that oppressed them, He gives them no intimation of the manner in which he would do it. They might be apt to wish that he would punish them in some certain particular way preferable to all others: but in this they might be disappointed. Infinite wisdom often varies the mode of punishment. Providence shall see that the law of retaliation is executed upon on oppressor, as in the case of Adoni-bezek—shall appoint a second to die by the established laws of the country, wherein the oppression hath been committed—shall cut off a third in attempting to establish and perpetuate those cruel plans he hath projected and promoted—shall catch a fourth by that pit and in that snare which he hath contrived and prepared for the innocent—and shall torture a fifth for the remainder of his days , though life is spared, by oversetting all his designs; by causing his contrivances to produce those very effects he meant to prevent; by taking away the mask and cloak under which he concealed himself, and so rendering him odious to former friends and acquaintance; by leading mankind to slight and shun him as the pest of society; by making a by-word and a proverb; and, in direct opposition to the strongest desires of his soul, filling him with a just apprehension that his name will be infamous to the latest posterity.

The last article in our text, which remains to be considered, is, and their nobles shall be of themselves. The persons, occupying the first posts of honor, trust, profit & importance, should be of themselves, either as they should be natives, instead of foreigners and strangers, appointed and set over them, by those that oppressed and kept them in subjection: Or, as they should be of their own choosing and approving, and not forced upon them. In some few rare instances strangers may be equally useful, friendly and acceptable with natives; but in general, the latter are more likely to possess the confidence, to understand the prevailing temper and to accommodate themselves to it, to find the interests, and to promote the happiness, of the people among whom they reside. ‘Tis also desirable that the choice, appointment and continuance of their own nobles should rest in and remain with a people, that there may be the firmer reliance upon them, and the fatal influences that they might be otherwise under may be the more effectually guarded against. Evils may ensure at times, from a nation’s having and exercising this right; but these evils, in the present state of human nature, will not, in all probability, be so many great and permanent, as where ‘tis not enjoyed. Applicable to the present case is that trite observation, that absolute monarchy would be the best government in the world, were monarchs and their successors perfect and infallible, they are not to be trusted with an unlimited power; and the best form of government is that, which provides best against the abuse of power in rulers, while it entrusts them with a sufficiency thereof for the good of the public.

We have gone over the promise made in our text to the Jews; we cannot view it as a divine promise made to ourselves, but it may lead us, to conjecture how it was with this people in the earliest days of their existence—to search into their degeneracy, for which we may conclude that they are now under the correction of heaven— and to remark, that a reformation in principles and practices will be likely to procure the approbation of the supreme ruler, so far as to warrant our expecting, that, through the orderings of his providence, the children of this colony shall be as aforetime, and their congregation or assembly shall be established before him; that he will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves.

Suffer me, ye worthy Representatives of the People, and this respectable audience, to spend a few minutes in conjecturing how it was with the colony in the earliest days of its existence. The love of liberty, but chiefly of religion, induced to take up their abode in this then inhospitable wilderness. They were under the strong influence of the most noble principles; though not perfect, and tinctured with the prevailing notion of the age, that religious errors were to be opposed by the sword of the magistrate as well as of the Spirit, which produced those baneful effects, that have stained their annals, and that their posterity pretend not to justify: But may I not say, that those who with rancor condemns them in the lump, without allowing for their misconduct, from the temper and ignorance of the times as to the rights of conscience, know not of what spirit they themselves are, and would be in danger, under the like temptations, of falling into the same mistakes. The most valuable diamond is not without its flaw. And a change of circumstances may prevail upon different religious sects, to give up what they once viewed as leading and essential tenets in their profession; so that even those who are the most peaceable disposed, may at length think with Solomon, that there is a time of war, as well as a time of peace; and that everything is beautiful in its time.

The first settlers being under the strong influence of the most noble principles, we may suppose that, in their private capacity, they exercised a benevolent disposition, and assisted, instead of preying upon, and taking an advantage of each other under their respective difficulties, being mindful of the apostolic direction, bear ye one another’s burdens, and so fulfill the law of Christ. Gal. 6. 2. —that they treated religion as a matter of importance, and were not indifferent to it—that they had their families under a proper regulation, and discouraged all intemperance, impiety and uncleanness—and that they were strict in their morals. We may suppose, that in transacting public affairs, they were disinterested, were not actuated in the choice of Representatives or Counselors by low selfish motives, a view to their own particular advantage, or the aggrandizing their own relations; that, when they sought to the Lord by prayer for his guidance in their elections, they were not absolutely and unalterably detrimental, right or wrong, for whom they would vote, though they might have thought the matter over before, and talked upon it among themselves, in order to their being the better prepared for proceeding in the business with proper expedition and regularity; that they considered the qualities requisite for the persons designed to fill the several departments in the state, and whether such individuals were so qualified; that they had a regard not only to abilities, but integrity and morals, having an eye to Jethro’s advice, whereby Moses was counseled to provide out of all the people, such as feared God, men of truth, (true men) hating covetousness, whom to place over them for rulers and judges. We may suppose, that they did not needlessly entertain jealousies of each other, and suspect those of being traitors, who did not think exactly with themselves, as to the methods to be adopted for the service of the public; that they were not bent upon having their own way, but in their debates and consultations were in search of light to direct them in the best; that there was the least degree possible of all kinds of bribery and corruption; that the strictest care was taken, that the commonwealth should not suffer damage; that they willingly submitted to all necessary expenses to provide for its safety; that they did not, through either a timid or penurious narrow contracted disposition, hazard either its existence or liberties: in a word, that next to the glory of God and the interest of religion, they labored to serve the public, and not themselves of it.

I shall not go on with my suppositions, lest I should trespass upon your patience; but shall proceed to enquire into those degeneracies, that have got footing in the community, since the earliest days of its existence. However some, mistaking the sense of Solomon, may object; Say not thou, what is the cause that the former days were better than these? for thou doest not inquire wisely concerning this: [Ecclesiastes 7:10] Yet I have the best authority, that of the late Provincial Congress, for asserting that as a people we are chargeable with sinful declarations, and a great abuse of those inestimable blessings which God hath bestowed upon us. What those sinful declensions are, the Congress did not mention; but, I humbly conceive, the general voice will justify me in remarking, that a strange degree of selfishness has crept in among us, leading us aside from that golden rule, whereby we are directed to do unto others, as we would that others should do unto us—that the importance of religion has been most sadly overlooked—that the very form of it has been neglected by multitudes, while the generality have given themselves no concern about the powers of it—that ordinances have been slighted, Sabbaths profaned, and the name of the Lord blasphemed—that families have not been properly taken care of; the heads of them have not called them together to worship from day to day; due restraints have not been laid upon children and others, who have been left much to their own guidance, instead of receiving line upon line, precept upon precept, here a little, and there a little, through the help of which they might learn to flee youthful lusts, to mortify the deeds of the body, and to approve themselves unto their heavenly Father. Were cursing, swearing, drunkenness and debauchery of various sorts proportionally prevalent in former times? Were there the like immoralities among the first settlers? They that are acquainted with the history of this country will not venture to asses it. I may also remark that it has been complained of, that there has been great faultiness in the management of public affairs—that improper men, from sinister designs, because of family connections, and to serve a turn, have been chosen, put into, or continued in places of trust or power—that proper ones have been opposed and kept out, through an unwarrantable prejudice, and because they would not be so the slaves of a party, as to be led, or commanded, or act without being convinced or seeing, their own selves, good reason for what they did—that modes of corrupting have been adopted with success—that representatives, instead of being in their place, attending the service of the public, agreeable to the expectations of their electors, have been spending the time in transacting their own business—that it has been evident, that many, in their votes and elections, have not been directed by judgments and conscience, but by other motives, and that by praying to God for his guidance, they have been only increasing their criminality, by the addition of the most daring hypocrisy. These things have been complained of, and reported from one and another. It is well known, that I have not been long enough in the country, and cannot be sufficiently acquainted with the characters of individuals, and the secrets of government, as to venture upon asserting that these complaints are in general, or in diverse instances just. They may have sprang chiefly from disappointment, vexation, malice and envy; though I cannot but fear, that the complainants have had, in past years, some foundation to go on.

Our degeneracies, we must conclude from the light of nature and revelation, have contributed to bring us under the present calamities. God, the infinitely wise Governor of the universe, may (and I trust, almost to a degree of assurance, doth) design, by the contest now existing between Britain and the Continent, to establish us in the enjoyment of our liberties, besides favoring the several Colonies with an enlargement of them. But the divine wisdom could have contrived to have secured us these blessings, without making us acquainted with the horrors of war; and it becomes us to impute it to our transgressions, that we must pass through a scene of difficulties, ere we can be brought to the enjoyment of them. That same all-perfect Being, who, as Creator, hath so wonderfully made mankind, that vicious courses should produce, and be punished by bodily disorders; hath, as moral Governor of the world, so constituted nations, that the like courses should occasion public diseases and convulsions, far their correction, and, if not reformed, their destruction. Do we desire, that our contest would finish in the manner just now hinted at, and that we may soon come to the end of our troubles, and not be destroyed, we should certainly repent and reform.

You have had it already remarked to you, that a reformation in principles and practices will be likely to procure the approbation of the supreme ruler, so far as to warrant our expecting, that, through the orderings of his providence, the children of this Colony shall be as aforetime, and their congregation, or assembly, shall be established before him; that He will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves, this remark remains to be insisted upon. I have not mentioned in it the word repentance, but a reformation in principles and practices necessarily includes the thing itself. There can be no such reformation without a change of mind; and our entertaining different thoughts of past conduct, which will of course lead us to repent of it; and no repentance is genuine and godly, that does not produce a reformation in principles and practices. We are now in an unusual way called upon to wash ourselves, to make ourselves clean, to put away the evil of our doings from before our eyes, to cease to do evil, to learn to do well, and to seek every kind of judgment. But considering that the fast recommended, much to the satisfaction of the religious of all denominations, by the Continental Congress, is at hand, when these matters will of course be fully discoursed of, I only touch upon them; at the same time observing, that an alteration of practice must flow from a change in principles, or our relief will most likely prove no better than a temporary expedient. The Sovereign of the universe may so far honor, in the fight of the world, an outward reformation of manners, as to grant deliverance upon the account of it; but where there is nothing beyond such outward reformation the deliverance will probably be neither complete nor permanent. Indeed should we make thorough work of it, and return in principles as well as practices, we have sufficient warrant to expect, that God will gratify all our wishes, wherein they are just and proper, he having once and again declared in holy oracles what is tantamount hereto, though I shall quote the following passage only, out of the 18th of Jer. 7, 8 ver. At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to push down and to destroy it; if that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. On the morrow there is, in some respects, to be a new thing under the sun, that hath not been already of old time, the several united British American colonies are to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God. May the spirit of the Lord prepare and carry us all through the right discharge of so reasonable a service, there may we hope, on the most rational grounds, that the children of this colony will be as aforetime that their assembly will be established before the Lord; that he will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves.

A man of a timid make, of little faith, no ways conversant with or forgetful of historical facts, may be apprehensive, that, though our assembly is gathered, and we are about to have our nobles of ourselves this mode of government will not be established, and that the present appearances are only like those sudden revivals that frequently proceed the total extinction of life. He may tremble at the thoughts of that power with whom we are to contend. He may be terrified with the notion, that sooner or later we must fall before it: and he may therefore be willing to compound for life and the precarious tenure of a little property, with the tame surrender of his liberties. Was the cause of the Ministry the cause of Great Britain, supported by the united endeavors of the nation, instead of being execrated by persons of the first character, for wisdom, courage, experience, nobility and piety, and opposed by multitudes waiting for advantages against administration. Was there not an immense debt of more than 130,000 millions sterling, hanging like a millstone round the neck of the public—an exhausted treasury—a decaying trade—and the most alarming prospects to the merchant, trader and manufacturer. Were not the internal distresses of the state, through a multiplicity of poor, the dearness of provisions and a load of taxes, exceeding great. Did the interest and policy of France and Spain require their remaining in peace with Britain, during a civil war between her and the colonies, instead of the contrary. Had not the wide Atlantic set us at so great a distance from Europe, and the American winds and seasons promised us their assistance in their respective months. Had the colonies been less united or zealous. Had not officers of courage and conduct, conversant with the arts of war, and warm for the liberties of mankind, offered their assistance, and readily undertook our defense. And had not the individuals of the Continental Congress, regardless of threats and wrath like the roaring of lions, boldly ventured to engage in maintaining our common rights, upon forming and supporting a Continental army, and in appointing able Generals to command it, in whom we can confide and do rejoice, but whom we cannot compliment to any advantage, by reason of their being so superior to everything we can offer of that kind. Had they not adopted those measures, which will expose them to suffer as rebels unless success prevents—Then we might have had a fearful looking for of fiery trials for a long continuance; and might have felt great discouragements: But, when besides the favorable circumstances already hinted at, we reflect, upon he military spirit that the Lord of hosts hath providentially diffused through the Continent, so as in some to overcome the most powerful prejudices of education and denomination: that the British ministry have not succeeded in any one part of their plan, but have been involved in greater difficulties every step that they have taken: God has wonderfully appeared for us, crowning our military operations with unusual success, and disconcerting those of the enemy: that the British troops, instead of ranging at large without opposition, or driving the country before them and being at liberty to riot upon the fat of the land, and to gratify their brutal lusts upon our wives, daughters, or more distant relations, are confined within narrow limits, and cut off from the enjoyment of diverse comforts, by those they have been taught to consider as infamous cowards: that our people, who have suffered the most, lost very considerably, and been reduced to many difficulties and hardships before unknown, have been strangely preserved from dejection and fainting, as though by the special interposition of heaven, and, so far from murmuring and complaining wherever they have gone, have been in common cheerful and pleasant—though strangers before to the desolations and cruelties of war, they have born them as if they had been familiarized to them. When we further reflect, upon the importance and goodness of our cause; how the number of our enemies has been wonderfully kept down from time to time, notwithstanding the reinforcements they have been frequently receiving; how they on the one hand appear to be greatly dispirited, while on the other our forces are animated; that on the side of administration have been all manners of lies, deceit, wicked cunning, corruption, profaneness and blasphemy; but that multitudes are continually supplicating the divine favor and blessing for us. I say, when all these particulars are considered, we are justified in hoping, that the proceedings of this day, instead of being the last of the kind will prove the renewal of our constitutional privileges, and that this mode of government will be established before the Lord. We should certainly rebel against the Sovereign of the universe in his providential dispensations, and reject the divine council communicated to us by that medium, did we not resolve to persist in our present opposition to the wicked designs of an arbitrary ministry. And let but the several members of this honorable house of Representatives exert themselves in their public legislative and private capacities, to bring back the manners of the people to what they were originally, so that our children may be as aforetime, virtuous, disinterested, patriotic and pious; and to extirpate those vices that have crept in unawares among us. Let them approve themselves the genuine descendants and successors of those that composed the most early assemblies, keeping out from among them all those evils, that have been complained of in past years: and we may be almost certain, not only that our assemblies will be established, and our nobles continue to be from among ourselves; but that the Lord will punish those that oppress us, in some way or other, as to him shall seem best, and lead the world to cry out, Verily there is a reward for the righteous: verily He is a God that judgeth in the earth: [Psalm 58:11] Yea, we may probably live to see our governor proceed from the midst of us.

I shall detain this venerable audience no longer than just to mention the few following observations.

No member can consistently take his place, or be admitted to fit in the house of Assembly, who hesitates about setting up government, seeing, that the Continental Congress advised to the latter, no less than the choice of Representatives in order to it; and that there is the like original authority for the one as the other.

He that does not mean to bear a part in the public burdens of the day, but to escape wholly unhurt in person and property is o patriot; while he that, instead of serving, designs only to serve himself of the public, to acquire riches and raise a fortune out of the general calamity, must be really one of the worst men, cannot deserve the protection of the state, and when discovered must be detested by every true son and daughter of liberty, as being a most odious character.

There is not an individual but may be aiding and assisting to the common cause one way or other. The wicked and unrighteous may help it materially, the one by forsaking his wickedness, and the other his unrighteousness. The godly by their inwrought fervent prayers, which avail much with their heavenly father; thus may pious women contribute to the success of those arms, which the feebleness of their sex will not admit of their bearing. Infants may be helpful by moving their parents to exert every nerve, and strain every sinew, rather than train them up to be bond-men and oppressors. The aged and expiring, by encouraging all about them not to surrender the best part of that fair patrimony which they are now leaving behind them. The martial and courageous by their personal bravery. The timid by concealing their fears, withdrawing themselves whenever their fears would be apt to appear and produce a baneful influence, and when they discourse upon a public affairs, by insisting upon the divine interpositions with which we have been favored, and the goodness of the cause wherein we are engaged. The poor may assist by determining, that though poor they will be free; and that if they cannot have riches, they will not wear chains: and the rich by the loan of their, money, that so the necessary expenses may be supplied, and the defense of the country may not fall through, for want of the requisites for carrying on. Nothing can be more faulty than for the rich to decline hazarding their cash, while exempted from hazarding their persons; nor more simple, than for them, through fear of losing some of their riches, to endanger the losing them all, together with their liberties. Could the state be secured, a person would be provoked by such preposterous conduct to say to each of them, confining the words to the body only, Thy money perish with thee. May heaven influence every one of us to contribute our best abilities, according to our several stations and relations, to the defense and support of the commonwealth! Amen.

William Symmes (1731-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1750. He was pastor in the North Parish in Andover (1758-1807). The following sermon was preached on May 25, 1785 in Massachusetts.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Honor

THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,

The Honorable the

COUNCIL,

AND THE

TWO BRANCHES OF THE

GENERAL COURT,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 25, 1785:

Being the ANNIVERSARY of

GENERAL ELECTION.

By WILLIAM SYMMES, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN ANDOVER.

I. CHRONICLES, XXVIII. 8

Now therefore, in the sight of all Israel, the congregation of the Lord, and in the audience of our God, keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord your God; that ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance for your children after you forever.

It has generally been observed by historians of the best hearts and information, that the rise and growth, the decay and fall of States and Empires, have corresponded in a great measure to their virtues and vices. These have been deservedly considered as the great hinges on which the fates of nations turn. If in every instance their advancement to splendor and power is not to be ascribed to the influence of moral principles, degeneracy and dissolution of manners have never failed to pull down their banks, and lay them open to such an inundation of miseries, as have at last overwhelmed them in ruin.

To prevent so sad a catastrophe, and ensure their civil happiness, the Ruler of nations and Father of men, required his ancient favorite people to employ themselves in that holy service, to which they were bound by his laws, and their own consent.

Their kings were expressly required to write a copy of the law, which was to form their private character, and be the rule of their administration. Nor was there any other test whereby abuses in government could be rectified, or the faith of the church and worship of God restored to their primitive purity.

Accordingly David, who was by divine commission a ruler and a prophet, and by principle a devout patriot, having subdued the enemies of the State, and established the regular course of justice, near the close of his life prescribes, in the passage before us, the only means whereby a professing people can secure the continued favour of Heaven, and consequently their own and their children’s freedom and happiness.

Invested with the supreme authority in the State, he assembled the princes and heads of the twelve tribes at Jerusalem. Constrained by the social affections of a good and great mind, and ardently wishing the prosperity of the people committed to his care, he in the most solemn manner impresses the charges of God upon them.

“All Israel, the congregation of the Lord,” are supposed to be present by their representatives, in whom they had reposed an honorable trust. A faithful discharge of the proper duty of their station obliged them to deny themselves for the general good, and use their utmost efforts to promote the interest and increase the happiness of their brethren.

A stranger to the insolence of little minds in an elevated station, the Jewish monarch addresses the assembly of the elders in the soft endearing stile of brethren; gives them a sketch of his own history, and points out his successor by name, who should perform that pious service which he himself had designed, and would gladly have executed, had he not been denied that honor.

Solicitous to support the distinguishing character given him by the unerring Judge of real worth, he reminds the “assembly of the mighty” of the peculiar presence of the Deity; gives him the attractive title of the “Lord our God,” which imports parental affection, and covenant privileges: And then fixes their attention to the main point, endeavouring to persuade them to “keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord their God.”

Their punctual obedience is required for their own sake, but principally as a fit and probable means of diffusing a similar spirit of piety and virtue among the people; and as the only course they could take to secure to the present, and transmit to future generations, the possession of that good land, and a fair inheritance of civil and religious privileges.

In some instances there is a similarity of circumstances betwixt the ancient congregation of the Lord and us. Were they a people nigh unto God; since their rejection we have been taken into a like visible relation to him? Were their long and arduous contests for freedom happily terminated? Our redemption from the hand of the enemy is completed by the establishment of “peace in our borders.” Did their civil constitution secure the rights and privileges of the people, ours is like to theirs before they trespassed in asking a king? Our religious advantages are greatly superior, and our land is perhaps as good and fertile as theirs, were it equally cultivated. And the late revolution in America, tho’ not effected by the wonder-working rod of a Moses, was accomplished in the course of the divine administration under the auspices of a leader, great and good next to him: And in a manner which carries evident marks, and signatures of his hand, who “changes the times and the seasons, who removeth kings and setteth up kings,” and possesses all perfections in their highest exaltation.

Thus circumstanced:–

The advice given in the text to the rulers and people of Israel, is as suitable and proper for us as it was for them. We have as much to gain by complying with it, and as much to lose by slighting and neglecting it.

That the following discourse may coincide with it, and in some degree be adapted to our circumstances, and the occasion of the present solemnity:

The nature and extent of the charge in its primary reference to the rulers of a people, first offers itself to consideration.

And then secondly,

The natural and moral tendency of a general subjection or disobedience to the divine government.

The first object of our consideration and improvement is the nature and extent of this all-important duty, of “keeping and seeking for all the commandments of the Lord our God,” more especially as it concerns the rulers of a people.

Such are the perfections of the ever-blessed God, that he will not, he cannot enjoin anything unsuitable to the nature and powers of his creatures. Such is his supreme commanding authority, that in whatever way and degree his will is made known to men, either by reason or revelation, from that moment they are laid under indispensible obligations to obedience. Nor can they refuse their immediate compliance, or neglect to regulate all their conduct by the laws of Heaven, without injury to themselves, and injustice to their maker. Hereby rulers (to say the least) are equally bound with the lowest order of their confederate fellow-citizens.

“The weightier matters of the law,” are not a few. “Thy commandment,” faith the inspired Psalmist, “is exceeding broad.”—So extensive as to reach every man, and direct his behavior at all times, and in every station and condition in life. So equitable as to require improvement in proportion as men are distinguished by power, wealth, or other advantages for doing good.

What a wide extended field of service is here opened before the trustees of the Commonwealth? As the offices they sustain are by divine designation, and it is in the power of their hands to abound in God’s service; they are under additional obligations to “Keep and seek for all his commandments.” Their talents for improvement are many, and that injunction of the Lord of Christians, “occupy ‘till I come” merits their particular regard.—An upright punctual discharge of the duties of their station demands their time and utmost efforts, their assiduous persevering attention.—

Seeking implies positive industrious exertions in the use of all proper means, to obtain the end proposed. If he that runs may read those divine precepts that regulate the common actions of life; we may not from hence conclude that those who move in a higher sphere can obtain all needed information at so cheap a rate. Many cases may occur in which a virtuous ruler may not easily discern the path of duty and safety. To remain heedlessly ignorant, is inexcusable. To act while his mind is in suspense, is inconsistent with his character. What other course then can he take, but to seek for more light, and pursue that line of conduct which has had the sanction of his reason, conscience, and the revealed law of God. “The cause which I knew not, I searched out,” said an eminently worthy and beneficent magistrate in ancient times.—

The maxim “that public affairs cannot be transacted without corruption and iniquity” however zealously abetted by mercenary courtiers, or whatever reputation it may have acquired by customary practice in regal governments; its aspect on a republican form is very unpropitious. Experience evinces that monarchies may flourish in some degree for a time, tho’ probity be not the favourite virtue of those in power: But the very existence of free republican States depends upon the reign of justice. This comprehensive virtue is, in a manner, “all in all.” Nothing can atone for the want of it in the legislative, judicial, and executive departments. The prophet describing the humiliating, unsafe, and even wretched situation of the Commonwealth of Israel at a particular period, does it in this expressive language: “Justice standeth afar off, truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter.”—

But what saith the scripture of civil government? One apostle saith, it is the “ordinance of man”—another saith, it is the “ordinance of God.” There is a sense no doubt in which the latter position is as true as the former. And if civil government be in any sense the ordinance of God, and the laws of virtue, which are the laws of God, are not to interfere in the administration of it: Is not this quite what has been ironically termed, “a divine right of governing wrong?”

A submissive respect paid to all God’s commandments, at the same time that it raises a ruler above the pursuits of injustice, and a faulty ambition, is perfectly consistent with the greatest degrees of political wisdom that are subservient to the honor, preservation and support of society.

It is not in an immediate way that the Governor of the world usually dispenses good or evil to communities or individuals. He employs means and instruments in accomplishing the purposes of his providence, and the designs of his grace. It is by helping men, by improving and heightening their faculties, assisting and invigorating their endeavors; that he prepares them to receive, and bestows upon them temporal and spiritual blessings. Nor does he in this way of conferring his favours “give his glory to another.” For all the natural and gracious endowments of men are equally his free gifts, are derived from the same source, and applied by his unerring direction to effect the designs of his wise and universal government. “It is the same God who worketh all in all.”

In conferring favor on a people, especially in effecting any great revolution, he employs the fittest instruments, and raises up men of piety and public spirit, of prudence, penetration and fortitude, to do great things, and if necessary, to suffer gloriously. Persons possessed of such qualities, are most likely to render essential service to their country. The Jews never had a better king than David, to whose honor it is recorded, “that he fed them according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them with the skillfulness of his hands.”

The annals of other nations furnish examples of men invested with the most important offices, who, disdaining every mean illusory artifice, were very successful in transacting the affairs of the public. Slight advantages may be sometimes gained by perfidy and deceit: But no acquisitions of power or property will counterbalance the loss of honor. In every mode of government, especially in a republic; the reputation of being just and faithful to its engagements, is of the last importance.

Insidious politics are the proper element of loose unprincipled minds, engrossed by private selfish views—How often has the pretence of mysteries in government served for a cloak of unrighteousness? Whereas the art of governing well requires a sacred regard to truth and equity: And in some exigencies, a profound judgment and sagacity to take the best expedients.

Prudence and caution constitute another trait in a ruler’s character, of the utmost importance in our present circumstances. In “keeping and seeking for all the commandments of God,” and knowing that “a kingdom divided against itself cannot stand;” he will follow after the things which make for peace. Whilst the war continued, many things concurred to unite these States in their common defense, to strengthen the confederacy, and hold them together, to the great disappointment of their enemies. They have now, as it were, entered on a new stage of existence. If they are not summoned to unite for protection against the foreign enemy, the union can be continued and cemented only by friendly hearts, pacific counsels, and conciliatory measures. The advice Joseph gave to his brethren is good at this time, and claims the particular attention of those who are at the head of our affairs: “See that ye fall not out by the way.” Happy for us if rulers supreme and subordinate, are directed and instructed by the maxims of prudence and discretion, “in the things of our peace.”

The light of nature condemns such a confidence in God, as hinders the wise and industrious use of means for safety. At the same time, the success of the most opposite means, and best concerted measures, always supposes the divine concurrence. Had not the “God of peace and love been with us” hitherto, and blessed us, our mouths had not now been filled “with songs of deliverance.” He has still all times and hearts in his hand, and can so influence our public counsels, as to strengthen and perpetuate the union: Even as he “bowed the hearts of all the men of Judah to David, as the heart of one man.”

As in a good constitution of government there is no absolute power but that of the laws; a reverential regard to the divine presence and approbation will have an happy influence in making and executing such as are wise and salutary. The Father of the universe has not imposed his laws upon men merely as tests of obedience; but as lessons to prevent their ruin, and teach them how to be happy. A model, which eternizes the benignity of those human laws which are suggested by preventive wisdom; a standard of benevolence, from which subordinate legislators should never deviate. Acting in character as the “ministers of God for good to men,” they will ever esteem it more eligible to prevent crimes, than to punish them.

It being the sole end of government to secure the civil happiness of the community, (and, as far as may be, of every individual) it is fit and proper that the laws by which men submit to be governed, should be as few, clear, and easy in their application as possible. For laws themselves, when needlessly multiplied, become a vexatious and intolerable burden.

The laws of Heaven, being a transcript of perfect rectitude and benignity, no objection can weigh against their being executed. In like manner human laws ought ever to be so mild and equitable as to interest the community in their punctual execution, and in no instance fail of being enforced. “Either” (says a writer) “never attempt anything, or go through with it, is an excellent maxim, and nowhere more rationally applied than in the matter of legislation.” It is necessary to civil happiness that government be supported and respected. But will this be the case, if good laws are evaded with impunity? What has a greater tendency to weaken the authority of a state, than to continue laws in being which “the powers that be,” cannot, or care not to execute? Every sincere friend and lover of his country, must wish to see the dignity of the Legislature preserved; and consequently regret every instance, in which it is disparaged by the contempt that is case upon its institutions. If the occasion allowed me to mention one instance only, it should be the law that relates to grammar-schools. It having been of so long standing, the presumption is, that it is a good one. Should it not then be carried into execution, according to its full meaning and extent?

This Commonwealth is favored with divers valuable literary institutions, which owe their existence and endowments to the well directed liberality of particular patriotic members of society. A charity recommended by this circumstance, that the community reaps the benefit of it whilst the donors are living. But these institutions were never designed to interfere with the law above-mentioned, or to prevent general education: Much less to vie with the University in the neighborhood, to which we look up for that degree of literature, that is requisite to complete an education for the learned professions. May all that love and seek its prosperity, prosper.

We have had a long and arduous contest for freedom and independence; and the “mercies of our God have been upon us according as we hoped in him.” He hath said in his never-failing providence, “Let there be light.” He spake, and it is done. A day of the gladness of our hearts has succeeded a long and dark night of affliction. But what would have been our present situation, had not light and knowledge been spread among the people? Would our “Souls have made their boast in the Lord,” this day, for unexampled privileges, had he not been on our side, not only controlling the councils of men, and the events of war, but by the gospel and general education, diffusing a cultivated patriotic spirit, fatal to the evil genius of despotism? Will “wisdom and knowledge be the stability of future times, and strength of salvation,” if the minds of children and youth are neglected? Especially if they are not taught to esteem “the fear of the Lord their best treasure.” It is true in a political as well as religious sense, that “fools die for want of wisdom.”

Other nations have been chiefly concerned to cherish lucrative and commercial arts: Perhaps the singular honor is reserved for America, of making it the principal object of her attention to improve human nature, and produce the greatest degree of moral worth.

The fathers of the people, bound by the ties of nature, religion, and interest, cannot be indifferent to anything that has a tendency to strengthen and improve their morals. However opposite men’s sentiments are respecting the interposition of civil authority in matters of religion; one thing is clear, that a constitution of government, that bids fair to be durable, must make provision for curbing the lusts, and bounding the riotous appetites of men. But if piety be an essential part of morality, how can the secular power take cognizance of the one, without interfering at all with the other?

Every man who is so happy as to have free access to the sacred scriptures, has a right to search them. It is his duty to endeavour to understand them in their true sense, and regard them as the only writings that can authorize the religious sentiments he imbibes, or the mode of worship he prefers. And when all the members of a community enjoy the free use of their reason in matters of religion; when they are left to pursue the dictates of their own consciences, which are subject to God only, and no particular mode of worship is established by law; where is the grievance if public worship is required in some mode or other, to preserve order, and prevent the infection of bad examples?—

We cannot set too great a value on our civil and religious liberties: But we can place ourselves in no point of view, in which we can have the least colour of right to any kind of liberty that disturbs the peace of society, or discharges us from the service of God.

Constant experience shews the influence of example to be greater and more powerful, than that of precept. The guardians of the Commonwealth, by copying the law of God in their lives, will be likely to influence the public manners in some proportion to the elevation of their rank and dignity. Or should “the generation in which they shine as lights be faithless and perverse, they shall not lose their reward.” By their righteousness they shall deliver their own souls.”

The greatest assemblage of civil virtues, will not always screen a man in a public station from censure. The venal, the licentious may reproach him: but having the verdict of conscience in his favor, he has the approbation of his Maker, and the ineffable consolation that his “judgment is with the Lord, and his reward with his God.

It is as true that society cannot subsist without order and government, as that man was made for society, and if those who “rule over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God;” then no person can plead an exemption from the duty of submission to wise and just government. The same absolute authority that requires fidelity in rulers, obliges the people to honor, support, and obey them in all things lawful. This is to act on the principles of an equitable requital for necessary and useful services, agreeable to an express ordinance of the apostle Paul: “Render therefore to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor.”

These sentiments may derive some support by considering secondly,

The natural and moral tendency of a general submission or disobedience to the divine government.

The adoption of the Hebrew nation to become the peculiar people of God, did not hinder them from abusing their privileges by numberless sins and rebellions against him. When he gave them his laws, it was supposed that they might refuse to obey his voice. Therefore he annexed promises to their obedience, and threatened to dispossess them of the good land which he had given them, if they refused and rebelled. Every engagement to reward them with prosperity if they “kept his ways,” implied a threatening that he would “visit their transgressions with a rod.” In this light we are to consider the animating motive to obedience in the text, “That ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance for your children after you forever.”

By many signal instances of Providence in our favor, the great Proprietor of all things hath enabled us to keep possession of the good land which he gave to our fathers. A country which well repays the toils of the husbandman, and would do it in a more ample manner, were agriculture (the most useful and necessary of all arts) better understood among us. We not only enjoy those things which constitute the riches of a soil; but also those privileges, civil and religious, which are “the glory of all lands.” What should we not do that we may possess ourselves, and transmit so rich an inheritance to posterity?

Next to self-preservation, the welfare of succeeding generations will be uppermost in every mind, not debased by infidelity, or laid waste by unbounded ambition and avarice. Can we view our cotemporaries, and look down into posterity, without the tenderest emotions of joy or grief, as we conceive good or evil to be coming on them? Is it not from the religion and morals of our country, that we must take our prospect of the happiness or misery of the present and future generations?

Virtue and vice are not more opposite in their nature, than in their effects. If men diseased in mind, and vicious in practice, confounded them in speculation; when they feel the different effects of them, they shew that they are not insensible of the reality of moral distinctions.

Nor is reigning vice less productive of infelicity to national communities, than to individuals. The former have as little reason as the latter, to expect prosperity in a course that naturally tends to ruin and misery. What the prophet says of Israel has been often exemplified in the fate of other nations; “thou hast fallen by thine iniquity.” As the connection between “living after the flesh” and that “death is the wages of sin,” cannot be broken; so the general prevalancy of vice in a nation has never failed sooner or later to involve it in national calamities and ruin.

It naturally tends to create dissentions, and disband society. It produces an opposition to the most apposite schemes, and best concerted measures to promote the common good. It diverts men from that seasonable and regular attention to important affairs, upon which the welfare of a people depends. It exhausts their treasures, and impoverishes them; ruins their reputation, and brings them into contempt. It enervates their spirits, debilitates their understandings, infatuates their counsels, lulls them into security, and lays them open to innumerable calamities.

The kingdoms of Israel and Judah, are remarkable examples of sin and judgment. If they are deemed an exception to the rest of mankind, let the point be decided by the fate of other nations. Have not their vices been their ruin? Was not the declension of manners in the states of Greece, attended with that of empire and dominion? By gratifying a taste for expensive living, and other arts of effeminacy and luxury, they lost their freedom. A Roman historian dates the corruption of his country from the destruction of Carthage, and ascribes the ruin of the Commonwealth to Grecian refinements, in voluptuous manners.—“Asia, conquered by the arms of Rome, in its turn conquered Rome by its vices.” This passage may supply the place of many examples. If in every instance the decline of nations has not been in the same proportion as they were remarkable for their vices; this has commonly been attended with the loss of liberty and territory, as its natural and proper effects.—

The same thing has a moral tendency to produce the same unhappy events. When irreligion prevails in a land, and gross immoralities abound; they put a people out of favor with the great sovereign of the world, break down the hedge of his protection, and open a gap for all manner of evils to rush in upon them. According to the established order of Providence, prevailing iniquity causes a separation between God and his people. “He turneth rivers into a wilderness, and the water springs into dry ground: A fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. If God depart from us, our glory and defense will depart: And we can expect success in none of our undertakings. It will be “in vain to rise up early, to set up late, and eat the bread of carefulness.” If the Lord be not our helper, the business and labor of the city and of the field, will perish.—

A nation favored with gospel privileges, cannot flight and neglect their religious advantages, without endangering their civil liberties. If they have reason to “tremble for the ark of God,” their temple of freedom totters to its very foundation. But when impiety and profaneness, luxury and extravagance, become national; it does not require an omnipotent arm to sink such a people. If left to themselves, they will do the business effectually. The poison may be slow in its operation, but not the less fatal in the event.

On the contrary:

A practical acknowledgment of the divine authority by rulers and people, has a natural and moral tendency to make a nation prosperous and happy.

We live under a civil constitution, formed with a particular view to support the honor and power of government, and protect the rights of the people. But the wisest rules are of no advantage to those who do not observe them. The best civil institutions will not promote the public happiness, unless they are supported by able and upright magistrates; and the people in general are disposed to “lead peaceable and quiet lives in all godliness and honesty.” It is the character of a people that renders them happy at home, respected abroad, and constitutes their strength. Their best defense (under God) is the regularity and hardiness of their manners.

The path of the just is safest and best for every man. No person in any other course can secure true self-enjoyment: Nor in any other way advance the public happiness, than by serving the will of God in his generation. If he be a magistrate, he will maintain his just character, keep in view the ends of his institution, and by putting salutary laws in execution, “be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.” If he be in a private station, he will “study to be quiet, and do his own business.” Supposing this to be the real character of the community, all things will be in a regular train; exhibiting a hopeful prospect of prosperity in times to come. For in the nature of things, probity and integrity create confidence. Industry and frugality, tend to opulence. And benevolence, truth and justice, promote peace, unity and good order.

“He that tilleth his land,” saith Solomon, “shall have plenty of bread.” It is not God’s ordinary method to rain down bread for the food of men, as he did manna for Israel in the wilderness. He blesseth the labor of their hands, and maketh their fields yield their increase; or the fields of others from whence they may be supplied. He ensures the advantages of commerce, and smiles upon the industrious endeavours of the citizen in the way of his calling, that he may have wherewith to procure the fruits of the earth.

Happy America! If its inhabitants, detesting the degenerate manners of Sodom, and the vile language of Ashdod, prove sober, industrious, and “temperate in all things.” Thrice happy, if they sincerely love and venerate the civil and sacred institutions of their country. Then vice, the prolific source of misery, will be discountenanced and abhorred; the virtues of the mind preferred to the ornaments of the body; and our public and private interests have the glorious smiles of God upon them.—

If those who govern are inspired with integrity, wisdom, courage, and vigilance for the public safety; and the governed with worthy and good affections; we shall then unite in pursuing “the things of our peace.” Society will be improved, our understandings enlarged, our morals refined, and the interests of time will not interfere with those of eternity. “Happy is that people that is in such a case; happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

Can we wish for greater encouragement to “keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord our God: Since while we do thus, we may expect that the “hand of our God will be upon us for good,” and upon our posterity! At the same time, we shall take the right course to prepare ourselves for going up into the house of our God, and to have our feet stand within the gates of Jerusalem above; “whither the tribes go up, the tribes of the Lord, to give thanks unto the name of the Lord.”

Such are the observations which this text of sacred scripture has suggested. And by the blessing of God they may be of use seriously to remind this respectable audience, that “pure and undefiled religion before God and the Father,” is the first bond and tie to all duty, and the great means of national prosperity. It was this principle that influenced the conduct of our ancestors, and animated the expressions of their concern for the welfare of their country, and the flourishing circumstances of its civil and religious interests, in all generations: Induced by similar sentiments and impressions, “the elders of the congregation of the Lord” are now assembled “to enquire in his temple;” and with others,” to seek of him a right way for ourselves, for our children, and for all our substance.”—

A tribute of unceasing praise is due from us to the supreme Ruler of the universe, for that established form of government, which allows and encourages all ranks of men to pursue their religious interests. And while so many at the present day appear to have thrown off the divine government, and affect to “despise the commandment of the Lord;” the exemplary regard which the heads of our tribes continue to pay to divine institutions, is a “way of well-doing” that has a peculiar tendency to “put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.”

The civil fathers of the country, and particularly of this Commonwealth, being honored with the highest title that men can bestow; a title that infers an obligation to do everything which the good of the State requires; can never be supposed to lose sight of the sole end of their exaltation above the multitude of their brethren. Having introduced the important public concerns of the ensuing year, with the “word of God and prayer,” you will bear it in mind that your debates will be “in the audience of our God;” your motives of conduct open to his inspection; and that your duty, honor and interest, are all comprised in the real conscientious service you render, or use your best endeavors to render, to the community.

The character of David in his political capacity, is worthy of being emulated by all who are at the head of our affairs. He ruled justly, in exact conformity to the divine will. An high degree of national prosperity and honor, being the result of an administration founded on mild and equitable principles; the people congratulated themselves upon the multiplied favors shewn them on the part of Heaven. We read that they were “joyful and glad of heart, for all the goodness that the Lord had done for David his servant, and for Israel his people.”

The gentleman who without intermission since the commencement of the constitution, has been seated in the second chair of magistracy and government, has obtained in his re-election a renewed and sure token of respect, and a substantial proof that his past services have been well received.

When the privileges of election are extensive, and the body of the electors properly jealous of their liberties; the less rotation in office, the stronger the proof, that such a people enjoy one of the greatest of all temporal blessings, an incorrupt Legislature.

We doubt not the honorable Senate will continue to deserve that great share of public confidence and respect, so justly due to so important a branch of our civil constitution.

The honorable House of Representatives, by making probity and equity the standard of their proceedings, will, we trust, justify the public wisdom in assigning them a station of so great moment, to the honor, safety and welfare of their country; and uniting with the other Branch of the Legislature in the elections of the day, will strictly regard that ancient rule;–“Take wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes,”—men of real worth, capacity and integrity—men who reverence the awful government of God, and “set no wicked thing before their eyes.” Other principles or qualities are often productive of good to the community; but are too weak to bind men to strict duty at all hazards. Conscience bears witness to a man’s fidelity and uprightness of intentions; and will hold him fast, when all other obligations are disregarded.

Our dependence under God (honored fathers) is upon “your keeping and seeking for all his commandments,” which are “pure, enlightening the eyes,” and of universal utility, for “in keeping of them there is great reward.” You have it in the “power of your hands to do worthy deeds” for the honor of God and the general good of the community.

The improvement of agriculture, the present state of the militia, of commerce, and manufactures, deserve your serious attention. We have a hopeful prospect that we shall not feel the rod of tyranny and arbitrary power. How greatly would it relieve our apprehensions, and refresh our spirits, were those things that have a malignant influence on society, suppressed; a spirit of industry, sobriety and frugality, invigorated; a regard for the Lord’s day, revived; and a taste for religious and moral pleasures, more generally cultivated.

To you, gentlemen, the guardians of our liberties and laws, have we in a great measure confided our national liberty, honor and independence; even all that is, or ought to be dear to us. “The Lord will be with you while you are with him.” “He is with you in the judgment.” And though you now sustain the character of “God’s,” you are admonished by the “fall” of others ¹ (lately your associates in honor and power) that you must “die like men.” A tribunal awaits you, before which no titles of honor, but that of Christian; no mark of distinction but that of moral goodness and worth, will avail anything. God grant that in your political, and every other capacity, you may finally receive the plaudit of your Judge.

Of all people we shall be the most inexcusable, if we are not “obedient to the voice of the Lord our God, whose goodness has been so signally manifested in the dispensations of temporal and spiritual blessings. When we consider “how great things he hath done for us,” should not our hearts glow with gratitude, and our obedient lives proclaim his praise? Should not all the powers of the creation conspire to exalt his name? His authority binds all ranks of men to strict duty, to “keep and seek for all his commandments.” He requires rulers in pursuing the ends of their institution, “to serve him with a perfect heart, and with a willing mind,” and that all others should do all they can to strengthen their hands, by assisting in the execution of good laws, promoting peace and good order, and cheerfully contributing to the support of government.

Were the present prevailing follies and vices, exchanged for their opposite virtues, such an alteration of habits and moral qualities, would in many instances lessen the burden of taxes; which we may reasonably suppose, are now s light as possible, since those who impose them are equally bound to observe the laws, and pay their proportion of the public expense.

What a pleasing sight would it be to see all ranks and professions contributing by their prayers and endeavors to the safety and prosperity of our country. Then might we hope that the “Lord our God would care for our land, and we should see the good of his chosen.” If “we keep his covenant, and remember his commandments to do them; the wilderness shall blossom as the rose, and it shall be well with us, and our children after us.”

But let us not forget what we are,–creatures made for another state of existence. Delightsome as our native soil may be; it is “not our rest.”—In this life, we have no permanent city. “Our fathers where are they? We also are “strangers and sojourners on the earth:” Therefore we “look to another, a better country, that is, an heavenly.” If we are the true subjects of a kingdom which is not of this world, we shall through the voyage of life, be fed with the “bread which came down from Heaven.” We shall “have right to the tree of life:” And the Lord our God will give us to rejoice in the view of our interest in the “unsearchable riches of Christ, the blessings of the perpetual hills, and of the everlasting mountains.”

May that God who has been our “dwelling-place in all generations, rejoice over us to do us good.”

Happy for us, if with seriousness and assiduity we practically regard that advice and caution, which the Hebrew law-giver in the last year of his life, gave to the people committed to his care, for whom he had a sincere affection. “When thou hast eaten and art full, then thou shalt bless the Lord thy God, for the good land which he hath given thee. Beware, that thou forget not the Lord thy God, in keeping his commandments, his judgments, and his statutes.”

FINIS.

Endnotes

1. Hon. Jeremiah Powell, Esq; President of the Council, in the most perilous stages of the war; and a member of the Council after the commencement of the Constitution, Hon. Josiah Stone, of the Senate.

Moses Hemmenway (1735-1811) graduated from Harvard in 1755, a classmate of John Adams. He preached at Lancaster, Boston, Townsend, Wrentham, and New Ipswich after graduating college; then settled as pastor of Wells (1759-1810). This sermon was preached by Hemmenway on May 26, 1784 in Massachusetts.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN HANCOCK, Esq.

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR

THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

MAY 26, 1784.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By MOSES HEMMENWAY, A.M.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the House of Representatives,
May 26, 1784.

ORDERED,

THAT Mr. Smith, Mr. Bragdon, and Mr. Hill, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Mr. Moses Hemmenway, and thank him, in Behalf of this House, for the Sermon delivered by him, this Day, before His Excellency, the Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and to request a Copy of the same for the Press.
SAMUEL A. OTIS, Speaker.

Vth Chap. to the GALATIONS, 13 Ver.

“For brethren ye have been called unto liberty; only use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.”

When Moses, being called by God from an obscure state of life, to stand before a court, and deliver the message of Heaven to them, would have excused himself, alleging that “He was not eloquent,” his false modesty was frowned upon; his pleas were all over-ruled; and he was animated to his great work, with a promise of special assistance from God: “I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt say.”

This instance may, I think, encourage us to hope for divine assistance, whenever we are by the providence of God called to undertake services for which we may seem too unequal. It is this hope emboldens me now to appear in this place: and it is also hoped that the present attempt, undertaken in obedience to authority, may be favorably accepted, or at least excused.

On this occasion, it will not, I presume, be expected, or desired, that I should attempt to go beyond my own line, or affect to discourse as a connoisseur in politics; but that I assist as a Christian Minister at the solemn acts of religious worship which are this day publicly offered by a Christian State to the supreme King of nations, whose ordinance civil government is; from whom all the authority of rulers and all the rights of subjects are originally derived; to whom the mutual duties of all orders of men are to be ultimately referred; and by whose blessing alone, communities, as well as individuals, can be happy.

The knowledge of ourselves is confessedly a capital and fundamental point of true wisdom. “The proper knowledge of mankind is man.” And of this there is no branch which more deserves the attention of everyone, than to understand our duty on the one hand, and our rights and privileges on the other. For want of clear and just apprehensions of these things, some have been ready to imagine that there is a kind of opposition between duty and right; or in other words, that the bonds of duty are a restraint and abridgment of liberty; and that liberty is a license to do whatever we please.—Hence different men have inclined to different extremes. Some by urging the obligations of duty in such a manner as tends to beget and cherish a spirit of bondage, and by lying heavy burdens on the consciences of men in things where God has left them free, have entrenched on the rights and liberties of mankind. Others, in their unguarded zeal for liberty, have relaxed the bonds of duty, and have given and taken too much encouragement to licentiousness, “using liberty for an occasion to the flesh.”

But our duties, and our rights or privileges, if rightly stated, are so far from interfering, or being inconsistent, that they mutually infer, establish, and support each other.

The apostle, in the words now read, appears to have had both the mentioned extremes distinctly in his view. As there were some who, by endeavouring to impose the observance of the abrogated ordinances of the Jewish law, encroached on the rights and liberty of Christians, St. Paul asserts these their rights, reminds his Christian brethren that Christ had made them free, and exhorts them to stand fast in their liberty to which they were called, and not be entangled with a yoke of bondage. At the same time he cautions them against the opposite extreme of abusing liberty for an occasion to the flesh; or of indulging themselves in a carnal licentious life; and then directs them “by love to serve one another,” and not think such mutual subjection to be any way unsuitable the honor they were called to, of being the Lord’s free men.

But whatever may be the special occasion of the words, and however we may expound them in reference to that occasion, we may, I think, be allowed to consider them as applicable to all those liberties which belong to us either as men, or as citizens, or as Christians. GOD has called us to liberty in all these different respects; and the gospel furnishes us with a good warrant to assert and claim these our rights. And though the main design of the sacred writers be to instruct us in the great concernments of our eternal salvation; yet they have also given us to understand, that liberty, in a more general sense, is our indefensible right. Christianity is indeed alike favorable to the liberty of subjects, and the rightful authority of rulers; and is the best security and support of both in their proper consistency with each other. And we are more beholden to the oracles of GOD than to the schools of philosophy, for just and generous notions of the rights of mankind.—A Christian, besides his peculiar spiritual privileges, holds his natural and civil liberty by a stronger handle than any other, and can maintain it to better advantage. He has by the gospel, a new covenant right to the common privileges of humanity, as well as to those special ones he is entitled to as a child and heir of GOD. That state of liberty to which he is called, and which he is authorized to claim and maintain, comprehends those natural and civil rights which belong to him as a man, or as a member of the commonwealth, as well as those special privileges which appertain to him as a subject of the kingdom of heaven. If I should therefore take occasion to offer some considerations on LIBERTY in this general view, the argument would, I conceive, be not foreign to my text, nor unsuitable to the present solemnity, nor unworthy of the attention of this grave and respectable audience.

Here are three points which require to be distinctly considered, as the time will allow: and I shall take them in the same order in which they lie before us in our text.

First. That GOD has called us to liberty?

Secondly. Liberty ought not to be used for an occasion to the flesh, or a pretence for carnal and licentious indulgencies.

Thirdly. It is our duty, and no infringement of our rights and privileges, to serve one another in love.

First. GOD hath called us to liberty.—

It is his declared will, that mankind should be free. The cause of liberty is the cause of GOD, which he approves, favors, and befriends. The law and light of nature make it evident that liberty is the right of all mankind. But the scriptures make it yet more evident that the people of GOD, the subjects of his heavenly kingdom, are entitled to, and invested with, this invaluable privilege, of which they have in the gospel an authentic charter, ratified, sealed, and sworn by GOD himself.

But it seems necessary that we here examine what we are to understand by that liberty which we claim as our right, by virtue of a Divine grant. For thou we are generally forward to profess ourselves to be its friends and advocates, and the love of it is said to be natural to us; yet there are many who do not well understand what they say, or whereof they affirm, in their flourishes on this subject. Indeed, if the matter be duly considered, we shall have reason to think that none but persons of real virtue are heartily friendly to true liberty, or desire the enjoyment of it either for themselves or others, whatever flattering encomiums they may bestow upon it.

When we speak of liberty as our right or privilege, we must be supposed to mean something valuable, dignifying, and desirable; something which our nature and state are capable of; something which is consistent with our moral agency, and our being under the obligations of law, and duty to our maker and our fellow-creatures.

Hence it follows clearly, that human liberty cannot consist in lawless licentiousness, or in being independent, and not subject to any authority; or in being allowed to invade the rights of others; to act unreasonably, and make ourselves and our fellow-creatures miserable. Far be it from any of us to imagine that the state of liberty, to which God has called us, dissolves the bonds of our duty, or confounds the essential differences of right and wrong: or to conceive that an exemption from the obligations of morality, and from subjection to rightful authority, would be any desirable privilege.—A lawless person is the basest, most odious and contemptible creature in the world.

Every man is necessarily subject to the authority of God. This is indeed an argument of our imperfection and dependent state. But we are so far from having any reason to be uneasy at it, that it is matter of joy and glorying to us that the Lord is our king. And his authority over us is so far from depriving us of any desirable liberty, that it is indeed the basis, guard and security of it. We therefore claim it as our right to be free from every yoke of bondage which can justly be accounted any grievance, because we are the servants of God, who allows none to tyrannize or usurp authority over any, and forbids our submitting to such unauthorized claims. And though we are required to be subject to our lawful superiors in families, in church and state, yet God requires us to yield this obedience not with a slavish, but a free and liberal spirit—we are to be subject to the higher powers in the Lord, and for the Lord’s sake, whose ordinance they are. And while we obey their lawful commands, it is our right and duty to disown them for our absolute masters. For we are not the servants of men, but of God alone.

If I should attempt a definition or description of liberty in general, considered as a right or privilege claimable by mankind, I would say that it consists in a person’s being allowed to hold, use and enjoy all his faculties, advantages, and rights, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with the rights of others, and the duty we owe to our maker and our fellow creatures. Liberty must never be used but within the bounds of right and duty. God allows us not to hold, use, or enjoy anything to the injury of anyone. A licence to do wrong and encroach on the rights of others, is no part of that liberty which God has granted us; nor is it any restraint of our true freedom for us to be restrained by laws from wicked, unreasonable and injurious actions.

But that we may understand more distinctly the nature and extent of our liberty under the government of God, we may consider ourselves in three different states—1st. As individual persons in what is called the state of nature, that is previous to such confederation as forms a civil community.—2dly. As united and incorporated into a political society.—3dly. As members of the church of God.—Answerably to these several states or capacities, we may consider that liberty which we claim as our right as coming under a threefold distinction and denomination: supposing anyone to be in a state of nature, he has then a right to NATURAL LIBERTY: if we consider him as a member of a civil body, he has a right to CIVIL LIBERTY; and if a member of the Christian church, he is entitled to CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.

NATURAL LIBERTY does not consist in an exemption from the obligations of morality, and the duties of truth, righteousness and kindness to our fellow men; nor does it give anyone a right to seize by force or fraud whatever he may have a mind for, how much soever it may be to the damage of others; as some have most absurdly taught. The obligation of the law of God, which we are all under, and which requires us to love our neighbour, and do as we would be done unto, does not take its force from human compacts. Our natural rights are bounded and determined by the law of nature, which binds us to be subject to the will and authority of God, to love and worship him; to be just and benevolent to our fellow creatures, doing them all the good in our power, and offering no injury or abuse to anyone. It is therefore no violation of our natural liberty and rights for us not to be allowed to do wrong, and to be restrained by force and punishments, from invading the right and property of others.

But in a state of natural liberty, everyone has a right to be exempt from subjection to the authority of any man. There is also a right to think, speak, and act freely, without compulsion or restraint; and to use our faculties and property as we please, provided that none are thereby injured, nor the obligations of morality infringed. Liberty of conscience is also the natural and unalienable right of everyone: a right of which no man can be justly deprived; which can never be forfeited, never given up to anyone upon earth. Our Supreme Lord allows us not to subject our consciences to the authority of any but himself alone. If therefore anyone should consent to give up this previous branch of liberty, and acknowledge any man as the Lord of his conscience, such an unwarrantable act would be null and void.—In a state of natural liberty, men have also a right to form such associations with others, and enter into such confederations, and submit to such laws and constitutions, as shall be for the general good. In other words, they have a right to form into a civil society, and authorize fit persons to exercise the powers of government necessary to effectuate the good ends for which the social union is formed.

But it is to be carefully remembered, that no man has ever any rightful liberty to consent to any constitution or compact inconsistent with his own safety and welfare, and that of his fellow men: for instance, to authorize any to govern unrighteously and oppressively.—The establishing a pernicious tyranny is a great injury to mankind, and so is beyond the limits of our natural rights. No human laws or covenants can give any authority or validity to an act which God disallows: and if any people have been so imprudent and blameable as to consent to, and put themselves under a tyrannical government, they are so far from being bound in honor or conscience to support it, that it is their duty to overthrow and abolish it as soon as they can—As individual persons in a state of natural liberty have no right or leave from God to make themselves miserable, or to injure and oppress others; so they have no right or leave to join and concur with others in any measures inconsistent with the interest of mankind.—And as no society has a right to oppress any of its members, it cannot convey to anyone a rightful authority to oppress. All tyrannical government is therefore an unauthorized invasion of the rights of mankind, and no obedience is due to it.

A just apprehension of our natural rights is very useful and necessary in order to our conceiving aright the nature and extent of CIVIL LIBERTY, which is next to come under our consideration. And we are now to view mankind as united together in political societies or states, that so the united wisdom and strength of a community may be employed to advantage for the good of the whole, and of the several individual members, in a consistency with the public interest.

That the human species were formed and designed for civil union, appears from the rational faculties, and social affections which God has given them. It appears also from their moral character, and state, and the need they stand in of mutual assistance, in order that their rights and properties may be better secured, and enjoyed to greater advantage. The state of nature, tho’ attended with some peculiar privileges, is yet very unsafe, and subject to great and manifold difficulties and disadvantages. Civil polity is evidently for the interest of mankind: and in a well constituted and regulated state, subjection to civil government is no way prejudicial to true liberty. For though some of our natural rights and property are, as it were, put into a common stock, under the management of the community; yet this is supposed to be done by our own free consent, and in the prudent exercise of our natural liberty. And as each one continually receives his share of the vast profits thence accruing to the community, and has his most important rights so secured and improved as to be much more valuable; he is, upon the whole, a great gainer by all the expense he is at for the public service, and enjoys more liberty for the restraints he submits to.

Nay, further: since civil polity is evidently for the good of mankind, and since no individual ought to hold his natural right of independence, if it stands in opposition to the general interest—it would seem that men’s entering into civil society was a matter of duty as well as right; and that they may be justly compelled to it, when the general interest so requires.—

Now, in every civil body there must be a governing authority and power, to be exercised on the behalf of the community, over the several members—ordering matters of common concernment for the good of the whole: and the rightful authority of those who are entrusted with the powers of government, is the ordinance of God. They are not only the trustees of the state, but the ministers of GOD, who ratifies their commission, requiring every soul to be subject to them, and not resist them on their peril, in the due exercise of their authority.

From the brief account here given of a state of civil polity, it is plain that civil liberty divides into two branches, which will require some distinct notice. It includes the freedom of the state considered as a system or collective body. It includes also the freedom of the several parts or members of which the community is composed.

The FORMER BRANCH of civil liberty is possessed by a people, when they hold and are allowed freely to exercise the rights, powers, and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES. These are much the same with those of an individual in the state of natural liberty and independence; of which we have given some account: and are alike limited by the law of nature and of GOD, who is the sovereign of nations as well as of particular persons. But it is to be observed, that free states have also right to rule their own members: whereas individuals have no natural right which properly answers to this.

Notwithstanding what has been so boldly pretended by some, of the transcendent authority, and omnipotency of the supreme civil power, and of those who are entrusted with the administration of government, it is plain that the whole authority of a state over its members is limited. The liberty and authority of a free commonwealth to enact and execute laws and ordinances for the public good, must be always understood with this limitation, viz.—that the sacred rules of righteousness are not to be violated at any rate. The liberty and sovereignty of a state implies no right or authority to serve its own interest by unjust or immoral measures; even though such measures should be thought for the public advantage. It has no rightful liberty, under any such pretence, to violate the laws of GOD, or the rights of any of its members, to oppress or injure any of its neighbours, or falsify the public faith. That common maxim, “that the safety and welfare of the people is the supreme law,” how much soever it has been applauded, is, therefore, unfound morality, unless it be understood and applied in an invariable agreement with that divine rule, “that evil is not to be done that good may come.” Every man has his private, unalienable rights, particularly the right of conscience, which he ought to hold and use without restraint or disturbance from any human authority. There can scarce be a worse mistake than to think that the laws of morality must give way to serve any interest, whether public or private; or that all personal rights in the subjects are absolutely at the disposal of the supreme civil power.

The liberty of a state may be violated and abridged several ways. It is so when a foreign authority, to whom the state owes not subjection, claims and exercises a governing and controuling power over it. This is also the case when a part of the state, without right, seizes on the powers of government, or hinders the free exercise of them: or, when those who are entrusted with authority, stretch their prerogatives beyond due bounds, to the enslaving of the people. If the whole authority of a state over its members be limited, as has been shewn, much more is the authority of rulers so, who have not the whole authority of the state put into their hands to be used by them as they please, but only so much of it as is judged to be needful to fit them to answer the end of their appointment. The supreme civil authority remains always in the community at large, whose will and order is the supreme law of the state. And they have always a right, when their rulers are evidently unfaithful and unworthy of their trust, to restrain them and revoke their powers.—They have a right to alter and reform their laws when they are found to be pernicious; any law or compact to the contrary notwithstanding. Civil rulers are indeed to be considered as the ordinary representatives of the state, and the laws enacted by them as the will and law of the state, when the contrary does not appear: but surely such laws ought not to stand in force against the manifest will and interest of the community.—For a people to be so enslaved, either to their rulers, or even their own laws, as not to be able to exercise their essential right of sovereignty for their own safety and welfare, is as inconsistent with civil liberty, as if they were enslaved to an army, or to any foreign power. Whatever form of government a people may choose to be under, the supreme civil authority remains always attached to, and diffused through the whole body: nor can they give it up without injuring and enslaving themselves, their fellow-citizens and their posterity, which they have no natural right to do.

It is therefore a wise provision in our frame of government, that an orderly way is left open, and pointed out, for the state to revise its civil constitution, and make such amendments as may be found necessary. Alterations of this nature, are not, indeed, to be attempted for light reasons, since they are always attended with inconvenience and danger. But when the safety and interest of a people requires that such alterations be made, they have an indefeasible right to make them.

Having thus far considered the first great branch of civil liberty, and then touched a little on the rights of a free state, I will now attend to the other branch, which includes the rights and privileges of the several members of a political body IN THEIR INDIVIDUAL AND PERSONAL CAPACITY.—Liberty is the right of every member, as well as of the whole body, or system. And a person may justly be accounted a free citizen, when he is allowed to hold and use his natural rights and faculties, together with the civil privileges proper to his rank in the commonwealth, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with his obligations to the community, and his fellow citizens, and with the just and reasonable laws of the state.

The order and interest of a civil society require that there should be different ranks of men, with different civil rights and privileges annexed to them; and subject to different restrictions. Nor is the true liberty of any rank infringed by this subordination, but rather secured, improved and enjoyed by all to better advantage. But through the several ranks in a political system may rise one above another in a long scale of subordination, yet we may conveniently distribute them all into two general classes, viz. Rulers and Subjects. Indeed in a free state the right of authority and the duty of subjection are interwoven, and, as it were, incorporated together through the whole system, so that they are mutually tempered by each other. They who are vested with most authority are yet fellow-subjects with their inferiors, who are governed by them. They are not only alike subject to the law of GOD, but also to the law and authority of the state, whose ministers they are. And the lowest orders of men have a rightful share in that sovereignty or supreme civil power which is lodged in and diffused through the whole community.

As the bounds of civil liberty are determined by just and reasonable civil laws, it is plain that when RULERS are allowed freely to use the powers committed to them for the public good, and enjoy the privileges annexed to their rank, they then enjoy that civil liberty which is their right. But when they are overawed and controlled in the exercise of their rightful authority, or are not allowed the privileges they have a right to, their civil liberty is then infringed. But as rulers have no rightful liberty to claim and exercise powers to which they are not entitled by law, or to violate the rules of righteousness, or to oppress the community, or any of its members, by hindering them from holding and using their just rights, their liberty is not infringed in the least, if the state interposes its sovereign authority, when it is necessary to restrain them from effecting unrighteous and pernicious designs; which, whenever they attempt, they act without authority. GOD never gave them authority for any such purpose: the people never meant to do it: they could not do it if they would: they had no such authority to give.

And though subjects, as such, have no rightful claim to the peculiar civil privileges of rulers, they have yet a right to civil liberty, and to all the privileges of citizens of their rank, unless they have forfeited them by some high misdemeanor. And they may justly be said to enjoy this their right, when they are allowed the free use of their natural unalienable rights, the most important of which are, the rights of conscience; and also to speak and act, to use and dispose of their property, to hold and enjoy every rightful privilege, without disturbance or control, in such ways as are not injurious to any, or contrary to the reasonable laws of that civil body of which they are members. And though such laws as lay the subject under needless and burdensome restraints may justly be accounted an abridgment of liberty, yet no one has any reason to complain that he is denied the liberty of a free citizen, when he is restrained by human laws and penalties, from vice and immorality, and obliged to yield due obedience to civil authority, and observe such ordinances, and pay such taxes, as are necessary for the support of government, and to maintain the order, peace and welfare of the commonwealth.

Natural and civil liberty is the right of every man and member of a civil community. But there is yet another branch which belongs peculiarly to Christians, and which we may therefore fitly term, CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.

The gospel does not curtail any of our natural rights, or civil privileges, but allows and acknowledges them, and ratifies the right which Christians in common with other s have to the enjoyment of them. But the new covenant contains a grant of special privileges, and those of the highest importance. It calls us to, and invests us with the “glorious liberty of the children of God.” The apostle seems to have had the peculiar privileges of Christians most directly in his view, when he said in our text, “Brethren ye have been called to liberty.” It seems therefore but fit that some distinct notice should be taken of these, though the time and present occasion will not allow of enlargement.

The liberty we are called to as Christians, does not in any measure relax the obligation we are under to be subject to the authority and laws of GOD, and also to submit ourselves to those who, under him, have rightful authority, whether economical, political, or ecclesiastical. But the gospel calls us to liberty from the bonds of guilt, the condemning power and curse of the divine law, and from the obligations to punishment which sin had laid us under, which is a most miserable bondage. We are also called to liberty from a slavish subjection to the power of sin, and of Satan the God of this world, who rules in the children of disobedience, and leads them captive at his will; than which what slavery can be more wretched, abject and ignominious? We are called also to liberty from a slavish spirit in the service of GOD, and of one another; so that a Christian is not driven on in the way of his duty against his inclination, but acts with a cheerful, free, and ingenuous spirit. “Where the spirit of the Lord is there is liberty.” We are also discharged from subjection to any master or dictator on earth, in matters of faith and worship; and are to acknowledge no lawgiver to the church but Christ alone. We have liberty to use the ordinances instituted by Christ for the edification of his church, and to have communion with him, and his saints in them, and that without any human inventions, or unscriptural terms of communion imposed on us. Finally, we may think, and speak, and act, and use our spiritual privileges with all freedom, according to the measures of wisdom and grace given to us; nor may any human authority forbid or restrain us from it.

I have taken the freedom to enlarge a little in opening the nature and stating the extent and proper bounds of NATURAL, CIVIL and CHRISTIAN LIBERTY; because the right understanding hereof might, I conceive, be of great use to us: and at this day in particular, it may seem to be a matter which needs to be considered with some special attention. In the next place, I am to shew “that we have been called to liberty.” It belongs to us by virtue of a divine grant—we claim it as our RIGHT; and blessed be GOD, we hold and enjoy it as our INHERITANCE. The expression “ye have been called to liberty,” may be taken both ways, and may signify either that GOD has given us a right to liberty, or that he has given the possession and use of this right. In the former sense, he calls us to liberty, by declaring to us that it is his will that we be free, and requiring us to assert and maintain our right. In the latter sense, he calls us to liberty, when he gives us the possession of it, and breaks those yokes of bondage which had been imposed upon us.

That God has called to the RIGHT of liberty; that he allows us to claim and maintain it, against all who would bring us into bondage; that he favors the glorious cause, and would have us stand up for it, is evident from the light of nature, and from the oracles of divine revelation.

The light of our own REASON and CONSCIENCE, that “candle of the Lord” which he hath put within us, makes it plain that we have a right to be free. There is no need of long and subtle trains of reasoning in the case. We appeal to the moral sense, the inward feelings and resentments of every honest heart. Can it be right that men, made in the image of God should be slaves? That fellow servants of the same Lord should usurp and tyrannize over one another? Are not the pretences urged to justify such usurpation so weak, so pitiful, so unfair, that it is a painful exercise of patience to a man of reason and virtue, and generous feelings, to have his understanding and heart affronted, and harrowed with them? It is true, the interests of society require subordination: but this deprives none of liberty, but helps all to enjoy it better. In short, if equity, requires us to do to others as we would that they should do to us; if the plainest and surest dictates of our reason are to be believed; if the law of nature be of force, then liberty is our right; and consequently it is the will of God that we be free. Nor is it easy to determine, whether the injustice of those who would put a yoke of bondage on their brethren, or the meanness of those who would tamely stoop to take it on, be the greater reproach to human nature.

If we now turn our eye to the oracles of DIVINE REVELATION, we shall find clear and manifold evidence that God approves and favors the cause of liberty, and that tyranny is most offensive to him—This appears in his delivering the Israelites from a state of miserable bondage, and punishing their oppressors with a mighty hand, and stretched-out arm. It appears in the laws and form of government he gave them; whereby liberty and property were secured to everyone. It appears in the awful threatnings denounced by the prophets against the enslavers and oppressors of mankind; and which have been terribly executed. It appears in the whole strain, spirit, and tendency of the doctrine and religion taught and inculcated throughout the scriptures; which is to promote the practice of goodness, righteousness and truth, with all other divine and social virtues; and to dissuade men from all acts of injustice or unkindness, whereby the rights or liberties of any might be violated. It appears further, from express directions and exhortations to Christians, that they stand fast in their liberty, and be not entangled with a yoke of bondage; nor be the servants of men; nor call any man master upon earth; nor exercise lordly dominion over one another. Finally, it appears from the example of Christ, and the apostles, prophets, and holy men, whose characters and conduct are recorded for our imitation; who spoke and acted with the most ingenuous freedom, and most reverse to a base servile spirit. These hints might be copiously illustrated from the scriptures, ¹ which might be both instructive and entertaining. But I must wave it.—

But this call to liberty, which we are now considering, may be understood to import God’s giving us the ACTUAL POSSESSION of, as well as a right to this invaluable privilege. And here this divine goodness deserves our grateful notice, that, through the kind and wonderful disposals of providence, mankind enjoy so much liberty. For though it is a melancholy truth that there is much tyranny and oppression in the world, and all are more or less entangled with yokes of bondage in some kind, and are not so free as they ought to be; yet it must also be acknowledged, that as every degree of liberty which men enjoy, is the gift of God, so there are none but have a share of this sweet blessing: and indeed the greater part enjoy considerable degrees of it.—Notwithstanding the despotic claims of tyrants, we see that their pernicious and oppressive power is restrained by God in ways innumerable. These fierce beasts are chained, their horns are shortened, their mouths muzzled, and they are diverted from their purposes. By this means men often enjoy no small share of liberty, even under those forms of government which are most unfriendly to it.

It is, however, to be observed, that as God has a sovereign right to deal out his own gifts in what measure and proportion he pleases, so he calls different men to different kinds and degrees of liberty. Though the natural rights of men may, in general, seem much alike, they being, in this respect, “all FREE and EQUAL;” yet it is in different degrees that they are permitted to use them. According to the different civil constitutions which men are under, their civil liberty is larger, or more restricted.—And, indeed, under every form of government it is necessary that some ranks and denominations of men should be allowed more ample civil privileges than others. And as to Christian liberty, this is the peculiar right and privilege of the disciples of Christ: no others have any lot or portion in this matter. And though all Christians are free indeed, and are by the special grace of GOD, entitled and admitted to the liberties and privileges of his heavenly kingdom; yet all do not enjoy them in like measure: nor is the liberty of any perfect in this world; but is more or less entangled and restrained by the power of sin and Satan, and the men and things of the world. It will, however, gradually work itself clear of all these clogs; and our call to the glorious liberty of the children of GOD, will, in the heavenly state, have its full effect.

As it is a great happiness to a people when their civil constitution and laws are favorable to civil and religious liberty; so there is perhaps no part of the world more happy, in this respect, than these United State, or that have been called by Divine Providence to the possession and enjoyment of such a degree of liberty as we have been.

If what has been offered under this first head should seem too long, abstruse, and speculative, I will endeavour to make some atonement by being shorter, plainer, and more practical in what remains.

OUR SECOND GENERAL POINT is, “That they who are called to liberty should be careful not to abuse it for an occasion to the flesh.” They should not run wild because they are free; or take encouragement to indulge themselves in a lawless and licentious temper and practice.

It is a great evidence of the weakness and folly of men that they, in general, can no better bear that state of freedom to which they are called; and when they have such a price in their hands, they so seldom use it wisely and soberly, and to advantage. Their lusts and passions are ready to break out into wild excesses when they find themselves free from outward restraints. The apostle, well aware of this danger, has left this caution in the text, “use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh.” And St. Peter also speaks to the same effect; “As free, but not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness.” We are pleased with the thought of being free; but how often do we shew that we have not a heart rightly to improve our privileges? When we get the helm into our own hands, what wild courses do we often steer! When we find ourselves at liberty to direct our steps, how prone are we to turn aside into crooked paths!

We cannot therefore be too much on our guard against these licentious abuses: for, besides our liableness thereto, it should be considered that they are highly criminal. When we make an ill use of liberty, we shew ourselves most unworthy to have it, and deserve to have our talent taken from us. It is ungrateful to GOD, and injurious and uncharitable to men. It turns our glory into shame, and exposes to reproach that perfect law of liberty by which we profess to be governed.

The public abuse of liberty draws after it also a train of the worst consequences. It is, we may say, “the root of all evil.” It makes our privileges become our grievances, and turns our blessings into curses: yea, it destroys liberty itself, and is an inlet to tyranny and slavery. True liberty is a tender thing: it languishes and dies under licentious abuses. Rulers, by abusing their liberty, betray their trust; and their authority degenerates into tyranny. And when subjects abuse their privileges, and become disorderly, ungovernable, undutiful, factious, and irreligious, their social union is greatly weakened, and they suffer the worst effects of slavery, while they have only an empty shadow of freedom. It is true virtue, and religion, and subjection to the laws and ordinances of GOD, that can only preserve the liberty of any people. Without this, declarations of rights and forms of government are vain: And I know not whether it be not better for a licentious people to be under a despotic government than any other. Such a people may well expect to come under such a government, as the natural and penal effect of their vices—Thus it befell the Israelites as they had been forewarned: “That if they would not serve the Lord they should serve their enemies, who would put a yoke of iron on their necks.”

No less prejudicial is the abuse of religious liberty to the spiritual interests of the Christian church. From this source an inundation of infidelity, and manifold corruption in doctrine, discipline, worship, and practice, with most uncharitable contentions, and schisms, have issued, which have made terrible havoc in God’s heritage. Hence—But I must leave it to my hearers to pursue these reflections. The evils flowing from this source are so many, that it is impossible to give a detail of them.

For the like reason I can only suggest a few short and general hints, respecting the several ways in which we might be in danger of abusing our liberty; a point highly worthy of special attention, and which I had thought to have considered more particularly: But on such a subject one would hardly know where to stop. I shall therefore only say, we should take heed that Liberty of thinking for ourselves, or the right of private judgment become not an occasion of infidelity, or skepticism, or of our being carried away with unsound doctrines, and our minds corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ. Liberty of speaking our thoughts must not be abused to the dishonor of God, and religion and virtue; to the encouragement of vice, or hurtful errors; to the detriment of the commonwealth; or to the injury, grievance, or scandal of anyone. Liberty of conscience must not be abused into a pretence for neglecting religious worship, prophaning God’s Sabbaths and ordinances, or refusing to do our part for the support of government and the means of religious instruction. In a word,–as we would avoid the abuse of liberty, let us all take heed that we use it not irreligiously, by transgressing God’s commands, or by neglecting or prophaning his worship and ordinances: nor undutifully, by refusing due honor and subjection to rightful authority, in families, churches or commonwealth: nor injuriously, unkindly, and uncharitably, to the wrong, the damage, the grief and offence of our brethren: nor inordinately, exceeding the bounds of moderation, sobriety and expediency, even in things that are in themselves lawful.

As a preservative from these, and all other abuses, let it be our care thoroughly to imbibe the spirit of the gospel, “that perfect law of liberty,” and have our sentiments, our temper, and manners, formed by its divine doctrines and rules. Let us cherish in our hearts the fear and love of God, with that benevolence and charity which is the fulfilling of the law, and which only can effectually correct the inordinacy of those selfish affections which are the malignant root of these abuses. And, to add no more, let it be our care to understand, distinctly, the nature and extent of our liberty, and of our duty, in their connection and consistency with each other; and that our freedom can no otherwise be maintained and exercised, so as to be any real privilege, than by our being the servants of God, and “by love serving one another.”

This was the THIRD POINT contained in our text, viz.—That it is our duty, and no infringement of our liberty, to serve one another in love. Though God has made us free, yet it is no disparagement to be, in a liberal sense, servants to each other: nay, it is our honor to be so-this gives true dignity to men of the highest rank. It is a very honorable character given to David, a great and excellent King, that he SERVED his generation by the will of GOD—And a far greater King, even David’s Lord, and the heir of all things, when he assumed our flesh, and dwelt among us, “came to minister,” and “was with us as one that serveth.” We ought, as the apostle directs to “be all of us subject one to another.” Rulers, as has been observed, are all of them FELLOW SUBJECTS with other members of the civil body, and hold their authority under the state. They who exercise the highest ordinary powers of government do it as the trustees and servants of the people; and it is their duty to serve the Commonwealth faithfully, and not tyrannize over any. And it is no less the duty of everyone, whatever his rank may be, to perform the services properly incumbent on him, with like fidelity. But as the duty of mutual subjection was considered at large upon the last anniversary of this kind, I shall insist no further upon it.

There is one thing, however, our text suggests, relative to the mutual service required of us, which should not be passed over unnoticed: and that is the principle by which we are therein to be moved and actuated. “By love serve one another.” Love must be the vital spring to put every member of the body in motion, and set the whole system at work in a circulation of services, and then they will be all free. We act most freely when we are prompted by love. If we have a sincere and warm affection one to another, our services will not be performed with slavish reluctance, but in the full enjoyment of liberty. A ruler, or a subject, who is of a truly public spirit, who tenders the interest of his fellow-citizens, and sympathizes with them in their joys and sorrows, will rejoice in an opportunity of serving them; nor will he grudge the pains it costs him. Love makes his services easy, pleasant and free: and he never enjoys his liberty more to his own satisfaction, than when he is most engaged in the service of his generation.

The REFLECTIONS with which it is time to close this discourse must be confined to the present occasion.

We in this land have great reason to bow our knee before God in humble thankfulness that he has called us to liberty. He has not only given us a right to natural and civil liberty in common with others of our fellow men, but has also given us the possession of this invaluable blessing, and that in such a degree as few in the world are favored with.—It is an happiness almost peculiar to these United States, for an enlightened people to have the opportunity of deliberately forming and freely choosing the plan of government under which they are to live. And though we do not presume to say that there is nothing amiss or defective in our civil constitution; (it is the prerogative of God alone to have his work all perfect) yet the form of our government, and spirit of our laws are, to speak modestly, favorable to the free enjoyment of our natural rights, so far as can consist with our political union, and the interest of the commonwealth. And we should be unthankful to GOD and man, not to be sensible of, and own the wisdom and fidelity of those who had the chief hand in this important and arduous work. Besides the ample civil privileges which are secured to all orders of citizens, we rejoice to find that the right of enslaving our fellow men is absolutely disclaimed. That inhuman monster SLAVERY, which has too long been tolerated, is at length proscribed, and is no longer suffered to lie with us. And it is devoutly wished, that the turf may lie firm upon its grave. The rights of conscience also, in matters of religion, are strongly guarded, and the door is happily shut and fast barred against ecclesiastical establishments by human laws, which have done so much hurt in the world. Everyone is now fully at liberty to worship GOD in the way which he judges to be most acceptable to him, while he demeans himself as a good citizen. Nor should we forget our Christian privileges in having the ordinances of the gospel administered among us, which we may with all freedom attend upon for our spiritual edification, if it be not our own fault. Add to this the sovereignty and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, which at length are acknowledged and solemnly recognized as belonging to us. How much reason have we to account ourselves happy that our lot has fallen to us in pleasant places, and we have so goodly an heritage. Blessed are our eyes which see the things we see, and our ears which hear the things we hear. And blessed be the Lord who hath visited and redeemed his people; who hath called them to liberty, and grante4d them the blessings of peace, that we, being delivered out of the hand of our enemies, might serve him without fear, in holiness and righteousness before him, all the days of our life.

And is it not then our duty to stand fast in this liberty to which GOD hath called us? We should shew ourselves most unworthy of our birthright, if, like Esau, we should sell it for a contemptible price; nay, if we should sell it at any rate. Liberty is a pearl of too great price to be bartered. We may fitly accommodate the words of Solomon; “She is more precious than the rubies; and all the things thou canst desire are not to be compared to her. Length of days are in her right hand, and in her left are riches and honor. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. She is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her; and happy is everyone that retaineth her.” We have done ourselves great and lasting honor by our brave, vigorous, and, by the blessing of GOD, successful and effectual defense of our civil liberty. Though in respect of right, we were free born, as every man is; yet it is with a great sum that we have obtained the possession of this our inheritance, clear of the encumbrance of being dependent on, and subject to the control of foreign power. To secure the continued enjoyment of the prize which has been won with so much expense of blood and treasure, is surely an object worthy of the attention of everyone. And we can do nothing better for this purpose than to make it our most serious care to use our liberty aright, that is, piously, equitably, charitably, and soberly; and that we abuse it not for an occasion to the flesh.

This caution against the abuse of liberty ought to sink deep into our hearts; for here seems to be our greatest danger. Our conduct, at the time when attempts were made to wrest our privileges from us, is a witness for us, that we were not insensible of the value and importance of them. By the blessing of Almighty GOD our struggle is now happily terminated, and we are now unbuckling the harness, having accomplished our warfare with desired success. WE ARE A FREE PEOPLE. We have maintained our claim to liberty effectually against those who disputed it; and have indeed more liberty than we at first thought of claiming. And if we are so wise and sober as not to abuse it, we trust in God that we shall be happy ourselves, and leave this fair inheritance to succeeding generations. But we flatter ourselves, if we think that our having legal securities of civil and religious liberty will ensure our prosperity. Nay, if our privileges are licentiously abused, we shall have no solid advantages of them, but they will rather prove, as was said, intolerable grievances. The name itself of liberty has been reproached, I had almost said blasphemed, on account of these abuses, which have given occasion to some to call it a popular idol. And we shall make an idol of it indeed, if it draws away our hearts from the service of God, and emboldens us to strengthen ourselves in wickedness, and bless ourselves in our own hearts, saying, we shall have peace though we walk in the imagination of our hearts.” That people only can be truly free and happy who have the Lord for their God, their law-giver, and king; and who demean themselves as his obedient servants. O that there were such an heart in us, that we might fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us, and with our children forever.”

Our honored RULERS will consider themselves, as, under God, the guardians of this PRECIOUS DEPOSITUM, which divine providence has put into our hands. In this light we view them, and not with an evil eye of malignant jealousy, as those who would willingly rob the commonwealth of its crown, or steal the jewels out of it; that is, abridge our privileges, to extend their own prerogatives. As the places of highest authority are disposed of by the free suffrage of the people, they are to be considered as marks of great confidence in the wisdom and fidelity of those whom they call to fill them; and as public testimonies to their merit. Nor will they take it amiss to be stiled the servants of the people; but will accept the title as it is meant, for a title of distinguished honor. For it holds equally true in a free commonwealth as in the church, that “He who is greatest, is most eminently servant of all.”

We have confidence in our civil fathers, that their upright and faithful endeavours will not be wanting to secure and perpetuate the blessings of peace and liberty, which God hath given us, and to promote the true interest of this people; and that their integrity will preserve them and us. While the measures of righteousness are faithfully observed in their administrations, we doubt not but that they will, by the blessing of God, be crowned with good success. “Unto the upright ariseth light in the darkness,” to direct, cheer, and comfort them, in their greatest difficulties and straits. It is “by righteousness that the throne of government is established, and the nation is exalted.” And indeed the grand secret of political wisdom is to maintain a steady, thorough and untainted integrity: a secret hidden from those serpentine politicians, who think it necessary to turn aside into crooked paths to compass their designs. Unfair artifices and intrigues may sometimes answer a present turn; but they do more hurt than good: they breed worse distempers than they remedy or prevent. Whatever designs cannot be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried at all. God will curse that policy which sets the rules of righteousness at defiance. If this sentiment should be ascribed to the simplicity of one who is unexperienced in the affairs of the world, it may be confirmed by the attestation of the great HARRINGTON, who says, “That the pretended depth and difficulty in matters of state is a mere cheat. From the beginning of the world to this day you never found a commonwealth where the leaders having honestly enough wanted skill enough to lead her to her true interest, at home and abroad.” And, that I may not seem to have gone beyond my own line, a yet greater authority may be adduced; even that of the wise and inspired king Solomon, who says, “He that walketh uprightly walketh surely; and the integrity of the upright shall guide him.”

Alas! for that people whose rulers think it can be good policy to break over the sacred rules of justice. We hope in God that the conduct of our public affairs will never fall into the hands of those who are given up to such an awful infatuation. If indeed we could persuade ourselves that the world was governed by chance, such a strict adherence to these rules might not seem needful, or fit to be insisted on. But under the government of a righteous GOD, we may be sure that unrighteous measures can never be for the true interest of a people. It is the blessing of GOD that must render the means successful we make use of to answer our ends. What madness then must be in their hearts who imagine that GOD will annex a blessing to the presumptuous transgression of his own laws!—It is ordered indeed for the trial and discipline or virtue, that it should sometimes have to struggle with great difficulties and opposition, which might be avoided if we would let go our integrity: but the avoiding these difficulties in this way, will, without fail, run us into much worse ones. The advantages of unrighteousness are dearly bought. If our country, nay, if the world can no otherwise be preserved than by violating the rules of truth and righteousness, IN THE NAME OF ALL THAT IS SACRED LET IT SINK. But while the throne of GOD stands unshaken, we may trust in him, and not fear that we shall ever be losers by our fidelity and obedience to his laws.

That corrupt craft, and those cunning contrivances, which politicians have often had recourse to in state affairs, when they were resolved to carry a favorite point at any rate, have been the disgrace of policy, and the pest of states. They who turn aside into these crooked ways, will soon find themselves in a perfect labyrinth. Tricking will soon sink a man’s credit and reputation, and lose him the confidence of mankind, which is of the utmost importance in order to a successful prosecution of designs of public concernment. Unfair artifices are an insult upon the moral government of GOD, who knows how to take the wise in their own craftiness and turn to foolishness the counsels of the Ahitophels, who applaud themselves most in their skill and address.

It may well discourage wise observers from attempting to promote the public interest by iniquity, that such attempts are constantly found to be of unhappy and pernicious consequence. The laws by which GOD governs the world must be quite altered, the course of nature must be reversed, before it can reasonably be hoped that unrighteous schemes will operate for the real advantage of a people. And it is the fervent wish of those who have the true interest of their country most at heart, that there may be a full and fair experiment made what effect a strictly righteous and equitable administration of government will have upon the national interest. And they have raised expectations, that in that case we should soon see our public affairs in a situation much to our satisfaction and honor, and the honor of virtuous policy, which would appear in its proper dignity after such a triumph over its intriguing rival. The eyes of the world are turned to observe our conduct at this important period, which will be likely to fix the stamp of honor, or the brand of infamy, on our national character. We hope our rulers will not be less tender of the honor of the commonwealth than of their own, or that of their families: and that they will not give occasion to any to apply to them what has been observed by some, “That such deeds have been often done by bodies or communities of men, as most of the individuals of which such communities consisted, acting separately, would have been ashamed of.” And it is also to be remembered (which ought much more to move us) that the eye of the great KING OF NATIONS is upon us to observe whether we will be obedient to his laws: and he is, as it were, saying to us in the words of the prophet, “Prove me now herewith, whether I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing.”

As for those who sneer at righteous policy, integrity and public spiritedness, and who represent all men as being alike perfectly selfish, I shall only say, that if the picture of mankind which they give us was taken from their own hearts, we will not dispute their skill in drawing, but will own it may be a striking, yea, a shocking likeness of the persons who sat for it. But let them go—My honorable hearers know, as every honest man does, that there is such a thing in the world as integrity, and virtue, and public spirit, and that it is no hypocritical pretence.

As righteousness is the root and bias of liberty, I have not, I hope, wandered from my subject in inculcating a due regard thereto in the administration of government. And it is also hoped that the freedom of speech which has been used on this occasion, (a freedom which the presence of those before whom it has been taken, has no tendency to check, but rather to inspire and animate,) will not be deemed an abuse of liberty. But if more has been said than may be thought needful, or if any expressions should seem to warm or bold, they will I hope, be candidly imputed to an honest zeal for public virtue, and for the liberty, the interest, and the honor of my dear country; and to an earnest and inexpressible desire that this vast political structure, which to the wonder of the world has rose so suddenly as a temple of liberty6 in North-America, the building of which has been carried on so far with such happy success, may receive the finishing touch to the utmost advantage, and may stand as a glorious and lasting monument far more grand and magnificent than MAUSOLEUMS, PYRAMIDS, OR TRIUMPHAL ARCHES.

The present state of our affairs is such as calls for the utmost attention of our civil rulers, and affords them uncommon opportunities for services of the most important kind. It is, I think, needless, and might seem presumptuous, for me to go into a detail of those objects which claim their special attention: their own more just, penetrating, and comprehensive views, will readily suggest the vastness of their trust, in having the care of the liberties and properties, the religion and morals, the means of education and literary improvement, of this people; besides such regulations as are necessary to maintain and strengthen that connection between the several parts of this united system of states, which is of so much importance to the welfare of the whole. We are not insensible of the difficulties they have to struggle with,–and sympathize with them on that account. But these should rather animate than discourage them. THESE ARE THE TRIALS AND PROOFS OF VIRTUE, whereby it is distinguished from counterfeit pretences, and is found unto praise, and honor, and glory. If they are faithful they may expect to displease some: but they will have the applause of their own consciences, and of the best friends of their country: their children will rise up and call them blessed, and GOD himself will think on them for good. “The armour of light” will repel the darts of calumny which may be thrown at them. They will only need to stand forth in open day. The light will render them invulnerable; and their being known will be their security.—And GOD forbid that any of us should be backward to support them in their faithful endeavours, or that we should cease to pray for them, that GOD would be with them: that their hearts may be encouraged, and their hands strengthened with a double portion of his spirit: that they may be inspired with the wisdom, integrity, fortitude, and unfainting resolution necessary to prosecute and accomplish their designs for the public good. “We wish them a blessing from the house of the Lord; yea, we bless them in the name of the Lord.”

This day may well be accounted the day of the gladness of our hearts. We enjoy, at length, the blessings of peace and liberty:–Blessings,–for which, saints, now with God, have earnestly prayed—heroes, of glorious memory, have fought and bled—and patriots have worn out themselves with care, travail and exertion. The joy of reaping the harvest which has been sown and watered with so much tears and blood, is reserved for us. This day, UNITED AMERICA sees the issue and fruit of her travailing throes, and is satisfied. The fight of so sweet and lovely a birth, comforts and rejoices her, after her agonizing labor.

This day, we have the happiness to see our CONGREGATION, even the legislative assembly of the commonwealth, established before the Lord—our NOBLES from among ourselves—and our GOVERNORS proceeding from the midst of us. We view this august body as representing the whole republic, vested with its majesty and authority; the distinct branches of which unite and concentrate in the Governor, the common representative of the whole state. As his EXCELLENCY and his HONOR are here present, it would seem scarce decent for us to give them their due encomium, or to express freely how worthy we esteem them of the pre-eminence to which they are advanced; but their continued and often repeated election to the highest seats in the Commonwealth, speaks louder and more significantly than words can, the peculiar esteem and confidence of the people, and in such a way as leaves no suspicion of flattery.

We regard his EXCELLENCY in particular, as most eminently authorized to act as the guardian of our rights, and take care that the Republic receive no detriment. His prerogatives and powers we consider as a wise provision for our security against the pernicious effects of that narrow policy which may prompt some to aim at serving their own particular connections in ways prejudicial to the general interest, or injurious to other parts of the state—Nor do we wish that the due exercise of these powers and prerogatives should be cramped or discouraged; but that they be exerted with all freedom and firmness for the good of the people, whenever it shall be needful. It is, we doubt not, his sincere aim to improve those talents with which GOD has distinguished him, in promoting the true interest of the Commonwealth, and of the United States.—May he have the sublime satisfaction of seeing the accomplishment of his wishes, and the success of his endeavours, to serve his generation.—And the honorable COUNCIL will, we trust, be always ready to assist and co-operate in these arduous and important services, with their wise, upright, and faithful advice.

The honorable SENATORS and REPRESENTATIVES of the Commonwealth, who sustain and exercise so great a share of its authority, and in whom the people repose so much confidence, will not take it amiss to be reminded of the expectations and just claims of the State, that its interests be faithfully attended to and pursued by them, not only in the elections of this day, but in all other matters on which they may afterwards have occasion to act. Their views will be as extensive as the field of service they have before them; and not only the interests of their particular constituents, but that of the whole Commonwealth, yea, of the whole United States, will be duly regarded in their deliberations and resolves—liberality of sentiment, love to their country, a truly public spirit, with untainted, unshaken integrity, will give dignity to their proceedings, and throw light upon their paths: whether they consider themselves as the ministers of God, or the trustees of the people, they can no otherwise support the dignity of their character, or answer the just expectations of God and man, than by a faithful discharge of the duties of their station; nor should it be forgotten that all mankind of whatever rank, must another day stand before an impartial tribunal, where an account will be taken how every talent has been improved, and a recompence will be adjudged to everyone according as his work shall be. Happy then will he be beyond expression, who has maintained his integrity in a corrupt and ensnaring world; who has kept “a conscience void of offence towards GOD and towards man;” who can hold up his face before the Judge and say, “Remember, O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart;” and who will receive from him an answer of acquittance and approbation, “Well done good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of thy Lord.”

Will this grave and venerable audience bear with me while AI add one reflection of general concernment;–that if we would enjoy true liberty, we must not only maintain our civil privileges, and guard against a licentious and malicious abuse of them, but it is above all things necessary that we be delivered by GOD’s special grace from the bondage of guilt, and the slavery and service of sin and Satan, and that we be called effectually to the spiritual freedom of the children of GOD. Little reason shall we have to boast of liberty, or bless ourselves in our external privileges, if we are the ignominious servants of corruption. This spiritual liberty, Christ has obtained for all his true disciples: and it can no otherwise be enjoyed by any of us, than by taking his yoke upon us, learning of him, and continuing in his word”—Then shall “we know the truth, and the truth shall make us free indeed.” It is the true Christian alone who is the LORD’S FREE MAN, and a denizon of the new Jerusalem. An honor and privilege to which we cannot maintain our claim, unless we realize our profession of Christianity, by serving the Lord Christ with all good fidelity, and serving one another in love. Be this the object of our greatest care and ambition. We may then with hope and earnest expectation, wait for the day of our complete redemption. The GRAND JUBILEE will at length be proclaimed by the sound of the Arch-Angel’s trumpet, which will call the sons and heirs of GOD to the CONSUMMATE LIBERTY of his heavenly kingdom, and induce them to the inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reserved for them.

May this be the lot of us all, through the grace of GOD our Saviour.

Endnotes

1. See Mr. Stevens’ election Sermon.