Sermon – Election – 1824, Massachusetts


Daniel Sharp (1783-1853) immigrated from England to America in 1805. He was a pastor of a Baptist Church in Newark, NJ (1809-1812) and a Baptist Church in Boston (1812-1853). Sharp was also a Brown University fellow (1828-1853). The following election sermon was preached by Sharp in Massachusetts on May 26, 1824.


sermon-election-1824-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

PRONOUNCED BEFORE HIS

EXCELLENCY WILLIAM EUSTIS, ESQ.

GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND

THE TWO HOUSES, COMPOSING

THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 26, 1824.

BEING THE ANNIVERSARY ELECTION.

BY DANIEL SHARP,
PASTOR OF THE THIRD BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOSTON.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHURSETTS.
House of Representatives, May 27th, 1824.

Ordered, That Messrs. Thurber of Mendon, Train of Framingham, and Bassett of Boston, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Daniel Sharp, and to return him the thanks of this House for his Excellent Discourse delivered yesterday before the Governor and Council and both Branches of the Legislature, and to request of him a Copy for the Press.

 

DISCOURSE.
JEREMIAH……CHAP 30, VERSES XIX, XX, XXI.

And out of them shall proceed thanksgiving, and the voice of them that make merry: and I will multiply them and they shall not be few; I will also glorify them and they shall not be small. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their Congregation shall be established before me, and I will punish all that oppress them. And their Nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor shall proceed from the midst of them.

In this chapter the Prophet foretells the deliverance of the Jews from captivity in Babylon, and the blessings connected with their return to the land of their fathers. When we recollect the deep-toned anguish with which he elsewhere records the sufferings of his countrymen, it is easy to conceive, that he should announce the termination of their calamities, and the commencement of a happy era in their history, with all the glow of patriotic delight.

And as a man of piety, his delight must have been greatly increased, when he foresaw, that in the enjoyment of profusion of blessings, the author of them would not be forgotten. He was told, that the voice of joy and thanksgiving should be heard, and that the people would have such a conviction of the kindness of their deliverer, as to engage their hearts to approach unto Him.

There can be nothing more pleasing to God, or more in unison with a spirit of enlightened piety, than a devout and grateful acknowledgment of his benefits. This is a duty which we all owe to our Maker. But if we would perform this duty acceptably, and make it a reasonable service, we must meditate on our personal and relative condition; we must ponder on the nature, extent, and variety of our blessings; and not only review the history of the past, but look forward to the cheering prospects of the future. When our thoughts are thus employed, whatever may be our situation, whether we dwell in the shades of private life, or are elevated by the suffrages of our fellow citizens to public and honorable station, we shall feel innumerable reasons for thanksgiving to Almighty God.

As the Civil Authorities of the Commonwealth are assembled in this house, to render homage to the Governor of the World, and to pray that he would guide their Counsels and bless their measures for the public good, it will not perhaps be deemed unsuitable to the occasion, should I remind them, and my fellow citizens who are present, that the past kindness of Providence to our Country, and the excellent nature of our Civil Institutions, have special claims on our gratitude.

It would be impossible in one discourse, to enumerate all the blessings of our social and political condition. I shall therefore confine myself to such topics as are suggested by the prediction in our test. In doing this you will not fail to observe, a remarkable coincidence between the blessings that were promised to the Jews, and those for which our nation is so highly distinguished.

1st. it was predicted, that their population should greatly increase. “I will multiply them and they shall not be few.” In the sacred writings, nothing is more common, than to describe the prosperity of a nation by the number of its inhabitants. The promise made to Abram, that his seed should be as the stars of Heaven for multitude, was an assurance that they would become a mighty and prosperous people. When Moses was about to resign the cares of office, he expressed his desires for the prosperity of the Israelites in the following prayer; “The Lord God of your fathers make you a thousand times so many as ye are, and bless you, as he hath promised you.” It was also mentioned by another prophet as a special token of divine favor, that a little one should become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.

There may indeed, be such a state of society, and such arrangements concerning the distribution of property, that an increase of population may be viewed with dread. Even men of enlarged and philosophical minds, may only consider it, as the introduction of so many human beings to swell the tide of misery and vice which already flows through the poorer classes of the community.

But there is nothing in our political Institutions, or the possible limitation of our means of subsistence, which can make an increase of population, a subject of gloomy foreboding to us. So far from this, when we read the history of our country, and learn from how small a beginning we have already become a numerous people, we are sensible that we have great cause for gratitude.

When the pious but feeble band of Pilgrims landed at Plymouth, and asked as a boon, that they might be permitted to dwell among savages; who among them could have thought, that their posterity would have extended over so many States? Had any of the number been endowed with the gift of prophecy, and like the bards of old described, what would be the condition and increase of their descendants after the lapse of two hundred years, he would have been to them as one that dreamed. They could not have believed him for joy. But God has multiplied us, so that we are not few. There are at this time more than a million and a half of inhabitants in New-England; and it has been stated by respectable authority, 1 “that there are now more than a million of people, descendants of New-England ancestry, living free and happy, in regions which sixty years ago, were tracts of unpenetrated forest.” And what is still more gratifying, these people have carried with them from the home of their Fathers, the love of literature and religion; and those habits of industry virtue and economy, for which New-England has been so justly celebrated.

When from the sons of the Pilgrims, we direct our attention to the present number of inhabitants in the United States, we shall find, that the population of no other modern nation has advanced with equal rapidity. At the commencement of the war of the Revolution, there were about three millions of people, and now there are nine millions enjoying the blessings of rational freedom; and having the means of support within their power. There are also physical and moral causes peculiar to this country, now in operation, which render it certain, that in the ordinary course of Providence, its inhabitants, will become exceedingly numerous.

Now as a great population must bring within our reach more of the necessaries and comforts of life; and by facilitating to a greater extent the distribution of labour, must also make us less dependent on other nations, and less liable to insult and wrongs; we cannot do otherwise, than view it as a great blessing, that God has multiplied us and we are not few.

I need not tell you, my respected hearers, that the real glory and prosperity of a nation does not consist in the hereditary rank, or titled privileges of a very small class in the community; in the great wealth of the few, and the great poverty of the many; in the splendid palaces of nobles and the wretched huts of a numerous and half-famished peasantry. No! such a state of things may give pleasure to proud, ambitious, and selfish minds, but there is nothing here on which the eye of a patriot can rest with unmingled satisfaction. In his deliberate judgment;

“Ill fares the land, to hast’ning ills a prey,
Where wealth accumulates, and men decay;
Princes and lords may flourish, or may fade;
A breath can make them, as a breath has made;
But a bold peasantry their country’s pride,
When once destroy’d, can never be supplied.

It is an intelligent, virtuous, free and extensive population, able by their talents and industry to obtain a competent support, which constitutes the strength and prosperity of a nation.

2d. One of the advantages arising to a community possessing the character I have just described, is, the impression made on other nations of their greatness and power.

Here we perceive a very distinct resemblance between the promise made to Israel, and the commanding attitude in which the United States stand forth to the view of the kingdoms of the earth. The Lord said, concerning his ancient people; “I will also glorify them and they shall not be small.” That is, he would make them appear great and formidable in the eyes of surrounding nations. The same promise in substance had been made to their ancestors, just before they entered Canaan. “This day, said the Almighty, will I begin to put the dread of thee, and the fear of thee, upon the nations that are under the whole heaven, who shall hear report of thee.” You can easily suppose, that this must have operated as a powerful check on the unjust and ambitious designs of neighbouring princes, and thus have contributed much to the peace of the nation. In the same manner God has glorified the American people. And the fruits of this blessing are seen in the quiet repose they enjoy at home, and he unrivalled prosperity of their commerce abroad.

Events have taken place in the history of our country, which have indelibly impressed every European Government with the conviction of our power. It was remarked, by one of your most eminent statesmen, more than half a century ago, when referring to the difficulties which finally terminated in the Independence of his country; “Our Fathers were a good people, we have been a free people, and if you will not let us remain so any longer, we shall be a great people.” 2 Whether these words were written in the spirit of prophecy or not, they have literally been fulfilled. God has exalted us in the sight of the nations. They have had the most indubitable proofs of the wisdom and sagacity of our statesmen; they have seen the skill and valor of our warriors; they have acknowledged the prowess of our navy; they have been convinced of the universal patriotism of our citizens; they have heard of the enterprise of our merchants; the ingenuity of our artisans; the industry and happiness of our husbandmen; and the respectability of our men of literature and science.

Now the estimation in which we are held by foreign powers, lays us under special obligations of gratitude to God. To this cause, we may in a great measure ascribe our peace and prosperity; the preservation of our fellow citizens from the toils and dangers of war; and the undisturbed endearments of domestic life. It is because God has glorified us, that our rights are not infringed; and that no wicked design of subjugating us or of dictating to us; under what kind of government we shall live, has been attempted. I have made these statements, not to excite within you a spirit of national pride, but the feelings of joy and humble gratitude to the author of all good.

3d. The permanency of their Civil Institutions is enumerated among the causes why the people of Israel would be thankful. “Their children also, shall be as aforetime, and their Congregation shall be established before me.” They shall be restored to the blessings which their Ancestors enjoyed. The people at large shall be established. The compact which binds them together, shall be indissoluble. And is there I ask, a people under Heaven, who in this respect have equal cause of thankfulness with ourselves? We have a government founded in reason, and the fitness of things. It emanates from the will of the Sovereign People. It is adapted as all Governments should be, to promote the greatest good of the whole. And while it wisely provides for the honour and dignity of the Officers of State, yet it also provides, that all their power and authority shall be derived from, and dependent upon the people.

When our social compact was first formed, the enemies of freedom predicted its speedy destruction. They asserted, that it was too weak to hold the distant and diversified parts of the union together; and denounced it as an experiment of doubtful tendency, and were fearful that it could not be permanently established. But not one of these gloomy predictions have been verified. The Demon of Anarchy has not desolated our land. Our social compact has held the different parts of the Union together. It is firmly established. And it proves to be a wise and beautifully organized system; diffusing its salutary influence from the north to the south, and from the east to the west. It blesses alike the rich and the poor, and has this distinctive excellence, that it neither favours nor oppresses any particular denomination of professing Christians. While it is perpetually conferring the most substantial benefits upon us at home; it is viewed from abroad, by the Philosopher and Philanthropist of every other Country with wonder and delight.

What cause have we my hearers for thankfulness. While the political Institutions of other countries are tottering under the infirmities of age; ours just in their prime, are receiving firmness and solidity by the addition of years. While wise men in other nations are hoping, and yet fearing a change; while they are expecting, and yet dreading alterations in the social edifice; we are dwelling in ours with security. Relying on the continued kindness of Providence, we are neither agitated by the fear of storms from without, or strife from within.

Our satisfaction would indeed be greatly diminished, could we perceive anything in the character or condition of the community, that portends the probability of a change in our rational form of Government. But we are confident that our political Institutions will be permanent. Scarcely any of those causes exist in our Country, which have been so unfavourable to the attainment or preservation of Civil Liberty in other nations.

We have no great Military power to awe us into submission to unjust and arbitrary measures; or to put on us chains of bondage, and make us wear them. The means on which we chiefly rely for national defense consists in a Militia, whose interests and happiness are identified with those of the people, and who in fact are the people. There can therefore be no danger, that an organized body of men, who are habitually engaged in the peaceful and profitable avocations of life, should ever use their arms for the insane purpose of destroying their own sacred rights and dear bought liberties.

It is also a circumstance peculiarly favourable to the permanency of our free Institutions, that we have no established Priesthood. It is a melancholy fact, that wherever a union between Church and State has been the last in granting a particle of liberty to the people; and always the first in aiding to take it from them. This has not happened because they were worse than other men, but from the very nature of their connection with the State. They have felt, that it was only dutiful and grateful to strengthen the hand that fed them. And they have known, that it was in vain to aspire at clerical dignity, or the smiles of Court favour, unless they were strenuous supporters of the prerogatives of Princes. Hence both interest and inclination have made them the unblushing advocates of the divine right of Kings and of the Doctrine of non-resistance and passive obedience.

We sincerely bless God, that the ministers of every denomination in this Country, are shut out from all hope of ever being connected with the State; and that they are under no temptation to degrade Religion by employing it as an instrument of secular power. We hope few have the disposition, and we are glad that none have the ability either to control the consciences, or abridge the liberties of their fellow men on account of their religious opinions. It is the glory of our social compact that it leaves truth and error, equally unshackled, to contend against each other; and that it knows nothing of that monstrous system which inflicts fines, imprisonment and tortures on the body under the hypocritical pretence of doing good to the soul. An entire separation of the Church from the State, is then, a subject of congratulation, because this circumstance is favourable to the permanency of the freedom of our Government.

Neither is there with us, that utter destitution of knowledge in the poorer classes of the community, which, were it exists, renders them incapable of self-government, and of discerning the nature and proper boundaries of Civil Liberty. Notwithstanding all that has been written on the semi-barbarous state of Society in this Country, there is not a nation on the Globe, with perhaps, the exception of Scotland, where the means of Education are so free and extensive, and where the people so generally avail themselves of them, as in the United States.

“By the Constitution of the United States, says Mr. Ingersoll, it is the duty of government to promote the progress of science, and the useful arts. Not one of the eleven new States has been admitted into the Union without provision in its Constitution for Schools, Academies, Colleges, and Universities. In most of the original States large sums in money are appropriated to Education, and they claim a share in the great landed investments, which are mortgaged to it in the new States. Reckoning all those contributions, federal and local, it may be asserted, that nearly as much as the whole national expenditure of the United States, is set apart by laws to enlighten the people. Besides more than half a million of pupils at public Schools; there are considerably more than three thousand under graduates matriculated at the various Colleges and Universities, authorized to grant academical degrees; not less than twelve hundred at the Medical Schools; several hundred at the Theological Seminaries; and at least a thousand Students of law,” with a population thus informed, and who feel all the lofty consciousness of being freemen; we may well be confident that “their children shall be as aforetime; and their congregation shall be established.”

Nor ought we to omit a consideration of the fact, that as a people, we are strangers to that extreme poverty which, by creating a sense of dependence is unfriendly to the liberty of the citizen. When a large population, however virtuous and industrious they may be, find it difficult to obtain the necessaries of life, they must have cares which claim their attention much more effectually than the consideration of government and laws. Hence to procure a bare subsistence, they are frequently obliged to give their suffrages in support of measures which are subversive of the dearest rights of man. But where the state of property is different; where the great body of the people are possessors of the soil; and feel that they have a personal interest in all the enactments of the State which affect the liberty or property of the individual; they will be careful that the blessings they enjoy shall be transmitted to their posterity unimpaired.

And I may add that the infrequency of elections which has operated against the rights and liberties of the subject in other countries, is an evil which does not exist here. The frequency of elections produces a sense of responsibility in those who are appointed to office; it prevents in a great degree that abuse of power and inattention to the interests of their constituents which has frequently marked the conduct of Legislators when they have held their office for a long term of years, or for life; and it also gives the people an opportunity of expressing in a silent but forcible manner, their views of the public measures which have been pursued. From this general, but rapid view which we have taken of our situation, we may anticipate with pleasure the permanency of our political Institutions. We cannot perceive in them any elements of decay; nor anything in the condition or future prospects of the Republic, that should lead us to expect they will be changed.

4th. It was stated by the Prophet, that his people would be joyful, because their Nobles should be of themselves, and their Governor should proceed from the midst of them.

Such a change in their political condition, must have appeared to them an invaluable blessing. They had been long under a foreign yoke. The nobles who had governed them, were regardless of their welfare. They took their young men to grind, and the children fell under the wood. They also added insult to injury. For they that carried them away captive, required of them a song; and they that wasted them required of them mirth. It was therefore impossible for them to be restored to liberty and independence, and to have rulers from among themselves, without sensations of unutterable joy.

Nor can the possession of similar blessings be overlooked by us without incurring the guilt of ingratitude. There was a time which some off you are not too old to remember, when your nobles came from abroad, and strangers exercised authority over you. Men whose feelings, habits, and pretensions were dissimilar to your own, held the highest offices in the State. Many of them no doubt, were persons of much private worth and general excellence of character. But the source from whence they derived their dignity and power, and the conditions on which they retained them, forbade their taking that earnest and undivided interest in the welfare of the Commonwealth, which may always be expected from men of principle, when chosen by the people.

The right to choose our Governors from the midst of us, when wisely exercised, is attended with many and great advantages.

It gives the people an opportunity of placing in the Chair of State, men of talents, integrity and patriotism. Nor can any good reason be assigned, why our civil rulers should not always be persons, of clear and comprehensive views, capable of discerning the complicated interests of the community, and determined impartially to promote them. If we are just to ourselves, our social condition must be superior to that of any nation whose Chief comes to the possession of supreme authority by natural descent. In this case it is altogether uncertain, whether he who is to reign will be wise or foolish; devoted to his pleasures or the welfare of his country. Notwithstanding the general joy that is manifested at his birth, no one can tell whether he will be a blessing, or a scourge; a benefactor, or a tyrant. It is then a right, not to be valued lightly, that we can select the ablest and best citizens amongst us to direct the affairs of the Commonwealth.

There is another advantage in the election of our Civil Rulers from the midst of us, perhaps as great as the one I have just mentioned. They must feel a greater interest in the welfare of the people, and exercise a deeper sympathy in their situation, than could be expected under any other form of government. In other nations, Rulers are not from the midst of the people. In their own estimation at least, they form a distinct and higher order of beings. They pride themselves in their birth and blood; and look upon all others as an inferior race of mortals. Hence they do not consider themselves as occupying important stations for the good of the people. They consider them as a vulgar herd, made to minister to their pride and pleasure. They view their own interests not only as separate, but at variance, with the interests of the common people. Under the influence of these views and feelings the most powerful Monarchs on the Continent of Europe, have entered into what we believe to be a base and unholy alliance against the rights and liberties of all their subjects. When the Empress Catharine of Russia wrote a letter of advice and sympathy, to the unfortunate Queen of France just before the Revolution; she expressed it as her opinion that, “Kings ought to proceed in their career, undisturbed by the cries of the people, as the moon pursues her course unimpeded by the howling of dogs.” While the feelings of horror come over us at a recollection of the atrocious cruelties of the French Revolution, yet we cannot but detest the cold hearted selfishness that could dictate such counsel as this. And yet, what is it, but the proud, unfeeling, and despotic spirit of Catharine, which governs the Cabinets of continental Europe?—Whatever may be the oppression and sufferings of the people there, they must stifle their groans and endure all with patience. For should they seek a redress of their grievances, this misnamed Holy Alliance has determined, that for every such presumptuous attempt, their chains shall be doubly riveted. While we devoutly pray, that He who sitteth in the heavens, would break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us,” let us also be thankful, that our Governors proceed from the midst of us, and not from a rank of men, who because they are elevated by the artificial distinctions of society, are gazing down on the multitude with the aspect and feelings of utter contempt. Instead of this, they feel that they belong to the people; that they have with them a common interest; and that whatever measures will affect the rights, liberties and happiness of their fellow citizens will also affect their own. They also expect in the course of events to resign the cares and honors of office, and again appear as private citizens. Now all these considerations combined, will have such an influence on their feelings, that they will labor to promote the best interests of the Commonwealth. Proceeding from the midst of us, notwithstanding the honorable station which they hold, and the respect that is justly shewn them, yet they cannot forget their accountability to the people who have chosen them. This supplies them with motives to diligence and fidelity, which owing to the imperfection of our nature the very best of men sometimes need.

And although last mentioned, yet perhaps, it is not the least advantage of a popular government, that it brings into operation a greater amount of talent than any other. It is acknowledged by everyone, that the occurrence of great events, awakens the dormant energies of the human mind, and calls forth the most splendid and powerful abilities. It was the momentous question whether your country should be free and independent, and the declaration that it was so, which gave to you, Orators, Statesmen and Generals, whose names all future ages will delight to honor. The characters of men are generally moulded by the circumstances in which they are placed.—They seldom put forth all their strength without some powerfully exciting motives. But what motives can those have to qualify themselves for stations from which they are forever excluded on account of Plebeian extraction? How can those be expected to prepare themselves for the service of their country when they know, that their services would be rejected, because unfortunately, they dissent from the established religion, and have honesty to avow it? But in a country like ours, where the most obscure individuals in society, may by their talents, virtues, and public services, rise to the most honorable distinctions, and attain to the highest offices which the people can give, the most effectual inducements are presented. It is indeed true, that only a few who run in the race for political honor can obtain the prize. But although many come short, yet the exertions and progress which they make are not lost either on themselves or society. The suitableness of their characters and talents for some other important station may have been perceived; at least the cultivation of their minds, and the effort to acquire an honorable reputation may render them active and useful members of the community. These are some of the benefits peculiar to a popular government. Benefits which we have long enjoyed. And if we form any just estimate of their value, from us will “proceed thanksgiving and the voice of them that make merry.”

His Excellency will permit us on this occasion to offer him our respectful salutations. During a long life spent in the public service of his Country, he must have witnessed her increasing prosperity at home, her fame abroad, and he permanency of her free institutions with inexpressible satisfaction. It must be gratifying to his Excellency, that he is not indebted for his present elevation to noble birth, but to the suffrages of a free and enlightened people.

Republics have been charged with ingratitude.—And if to erect magnificent palaces, and make large grants of money, be necessary expressions of national gratitude, then, we have been ungrateful. But such as the people have had, they have freely bestowed on the distinguished Patriots and Heroes of their country. All the Presidents, and nearly all the Vice Presidents of the United States, have been persons who either by their wisdom or valor, assisted in achieving our Independence. And who, possessing any greatness of soul would not prefer to be like Washington, “first in the hearts of his countrymen;” or like the venerable sage of Quincy, happy in the unfeigned respect and gratitude of nine millions of freemen, rather than receive a price for his services, which should release his country from more honorable obligations?

It is only necessary to look over the list of governors in our own State, to be convinced that gratitude for public services has not been an inactive principle here. Our last Chief Magistrate for whose private and public character men of all parties feel a sincere and profound respect, was a soldier of the revolution. Nor has it been forgotten by the people that his Excellency held an important station in the army during the whole of that eventful period. Besides other considerations which I need not name; gratitude has had its influence in assigning to his Excellency the distinguished office which he now occupies.

The resignation of his honor the Lieut. Governor, would have been a source of regret to his fellow citizens, had they not known, that his services for the State are not withdrawn. Having acceptably discharged Legislative and Executive duties, he is now clothed with Judiciary power. We doubt not that his Honor will fill the seat of justice, with high reputation to himself, and add another name to the eminent men in that department. Should he need any incitement in the performance of new and arduous duties, he will call to recollection his learned, able and upright predecessor.

The honourable Council, the Senate the House of Representatives, will please to receive our congratulations. Proceeding from the midst of the people, and appointed for the express purpose of superintending the public interests, the objects of your labors are clearly defined. But how to attain these objects in the most effectual and satisfactory manner will frequently be a subject of painful solicitude. In cases which are brought before you, where there are interfering claims, you will find it of great advantage to divest yourselves as much as possible of local and sectional prejudices, and to act under the impression, that you represent the whole, and not merely a part of the Commonwealth. There is one statute of our common Lawgiver, which if sacredly regarded, will often do more in giving a right direction to your measures than the most able and eloquent arguments. “Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them: for this is the law and the prophets.”

It has been a part of the system of despotic governments to keep the people in a state of gross ignorance. But a polity like ours can exist to no valuable purpose unless knowledge be generally diffused. Our Legislators have always perceived this; and to their honor it should be recorded, that they have made liberal provision for our Schools and Colleges. As our wealth and population have increased, Literary Institutions have arisen in different parts of the State; nor have they been left to wither and die from an apprehension, that they would impede the growth of those already planted.

Believing that knowledge and virtue, are the pillars which support our political Fabric, we indulge the hope that our Civil Rulers will continue to bestow, impartial, and liberal aid to Seminaries of learning. The multiplication of these, is an indication that the people are rising in the scale of intellectual improvement, and one of the best pledges that we shall remain virtuous and free. And it may be expected that each College in exciting an honorable rivalry, will be ambitious to enlarge its foundation, and provide more ample means for the instructions of its Students. But these considerations, have no doubt, already occurred to you and will have their due weight in your deliberations.

With the congratulations of this day, the Governor and Council, and the two branches of the Legislature will allow me to suggest that they need the blessing of God. Whatever experience and talents, you may bring to the Councils of State, your best efforts will be fruitless without the favor of the Almighty. “Except the Lord build he house: they labor in vain that build it: except the Lord keep the City, the watchmen waketh but in vain.” It was a conviction of his entire dependence on God for prosperity, which caused a Chief Magistrate of Judah to pray; “Do good in thy good pleasure unto Zion: build thou the walls of Jerusalem.”

Influenced by the same views, are we not ready with one consent, to offer the supplication; “O satisfy us early with thy mercy; that we may rejoice and be glad all our days. Let thy work appear unto thy servants, and thy glory unto their children. And let the beauty of the Lord our God be upon us: and establish thou the work of our hands upon us; yea, the work of our hands establish thou it.”

 


Endnotes

1. Vide Hon. Daniel Webster’s discourse at Plymouth.

2. Hon. James Otis, Esq.

Sermon – Election – 1823, Massachusetts


Nathaniel Thayer (1769-1840) graduated from Harvard in 1789. He was a pastor in Wilkeshare, PA and in Lancaster, MA (1795-1840). The following election sermon was preached by Thayer in Massachusetts on May 28, 1823.


sermon-election-1823-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

PRONOUNCED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN BROOKS, ESQ.

GOVERNOR,

HIS HONOR WILLIAM PHILLIPS, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE TWO HOUSES, COMPOSING THE

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 28, 1823.

By Nathaniel Thayer, D. D.
MINISTER OF LANCASTER.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
IN SENATE, MAY 29, 1823.

Ordered, That the Hon. Messrs. Adams, Gardner, and Tufts, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Nathaniel Thayer, D. D. and in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon, by him delivered before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and both branches of the Legislature; and to request a copy thereof for the press.

Attest,
PAUL WILLARD, Clerk.

 

DISCOURSE.
DEUTERONOMY…CHAP. XXVI., VERSE XIX.
And to make thee high above all nations which he hath made, in praise, and in the name, and in honor; and that thou mayest be an holy people unto the Lord thy God, as he hath spoken.

It is appropriate duty of an assembly of Christian patriots, to meditate the condition and destiny of their country. They will anxiously inquire after the means, which will extend and perpetuate its honor, peace, prosperity, and happiness. From a variety of sources they may derive aid in this review. They will weigh the probable result of the form of civil government, which is adopted. They will consider the natural tendency of the degree of encouragement given to learning. Their hope will be measured by the evidence which exists of the faithful application of a correct system of morals and religion. They will be assisted in forming a judgment by the veneration which is paid to Christian ordinances. They will take into the account the character of the rulers, the course of their policy, the manners of the great, the general taste and habits of society. They will not overlook the estimate which is declared of the sacrifices and services of the founders, friends, and defenders of their nation. They will survey the history of other countries and kingdoms, and from the causes which led to their rise or decline, prosperity or adversity, will learn the reasonable grounds of expectation. They will especially consult the sacred records. From the principles there published, the conditions of national glory or debasement there revealed, they may come to a safe conclusion.

Every community may collect lessons of instruction, encouragement, and warning from the divine communications to ancient Israel. It will be found without variation, that when a purpose is affirmed, promise made, or threatening pronounced, the accomplishment is to depend on an important condition. This condition is at the direction and control of the individuals or people, who are addressed. The instance before us is an illustration. If the Israelites should “perform their solemn vows on the day, that they avouched the Lord to be their God, should walk in his ways, keep his statutes, and his commandments, and his judgments, and should hearken unto his voice,” which would be in the most comprehensive sense to gain and support the character of a holy people, they might then rely on the promise, that they should be “high above all nations, in praise, and in the name, and in honor.”

Many causes combine to raise the hope, that America is destined by providence to distinction. One of the first efforts of patriotism will be, to ascertain and urge the adoption of a course, which will lead to the highest national honor and happiness.

The attention of this respected auditory is invited to a reference to facts in the situation and prospects of our country, which encourage the expectation, that it may hold a pre-eminent rank amongst civilized and Christian nations; and to a rehearsal of the means, which in the nature of things and by the appointment of heaven, are essential to the attainment of it.

In the history of communities is found a reason for the opinion, that the character and prospects of a people depend in a degree on climate and local situation. The salubrity [fitness] and uniformity of a temperate zone have proved favorable to physical strength and intellectual vigour. Inhabitants of countries, thus located, are happily formed to endure labor; engage in enterprise; secure a reputable subsistence; and perform the responsible duties of social and civil life. When surveying our scenery, our attention is arrested by a wonderful exhibition of river, lakes, and mountains. At these, the partiality of the native citizen leads him to gaze as designed by Him, “who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, meted out heaven with the span, comprehended the dust of the earth in a measure, weighed the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance,” as indications of the uncommon grandeur of his country. He will also find much to raise his attachment to it in its remoteness from powerful nations, who, if they have the desire, can with difficulty exert the means for retarding its elevation. There is also some merciful provision, if it be duly regarded, against the rise of envying, jealousies, and evil surmisings in the inhabitants of this favored land. Each section of the territory has some distinguishing excellence. It has either an atmosphere, which is a pledge of general health; a soil, suited to the luxuriant growth of some valuable articles of subsistence, convenience, or comfort; special advantages for the amassing of wealth by agriculture, manufactures, or commerce; liberal provision for extending to the members of every class the benefits of knowledge; or circumstances, which have excited ardour in the investigation of Christian truth and support of religious institutions. We may without reservation and with patriotic pride, adopt the sentiment of a writer, who has with elegance recorded the scenes most interesting to this nation. It is a wonderful fact, that a people inhabiting such an extent of territory, of such a diversity of views and principles in politics and religion, combining so many separate and apparently discordant and jarring interests; and at the same time exhibiting “fewer diversities of character, language, habits, and interests than any empire of similar extent in the world; all this accumulation of happiness and strength would have seemed only a splendid vision, beyond the conception of prophecy.

The natural equality of this people is a source of their most sure and rapid advancement. It is not the design, nor would it be for the growth and prosperity of our republic, to present any insuperable obstacle to the existence of outward, intellectual, or moral distinctions. The great value of these is, that they are not hereditary; that they proceed from the assiduous application of talents, and that in their acquirement are developed all the energies of the human character. So long as the political principles, by which we are professedly guided, remain uncorrupt and in active force, merit and service will form the only title to exaltation and honor. We shall look upon the badge of office as a splendid phantom, if it be gained by hollow professions, a morbid state of the public feeling, and the abandonment of principles, which the experience of ages has proved the only adequate source of individual or general prosperity.

A vast variety of causes operates to the introduction of inequalities in condition and character. Natural talents, education, associations, examples, seasons for exertion, motives to excellence do each conspire to form the difference. Let it be the desire and aim of every lover of his country, to disseminate and preserve in entire activity and influence the principle, that civil distinction shall in no case be the purchase of caprice, honorable descent, party views, local considerations, sinister or ambitious designs. Let it be an avowed maxim, coextensive with our limits and existence as a people, and boldly propagated wherever a correct term of promotion or claim to public confidence may with propriety be urged, that “able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness, shall only be exalted to any office of emolument, honor, or trust.”

Territorial extent, and the opportunity it gives for all talents to be put in successful requisition, is another fact promising distinction to this nation. Enterprise is often checked, and talents are paralyzed by the intimation and belief, that the field for exertion is limited, that the professions and various employments are so crowded with labourers, that such as are now in preparation for service have little prospect of success. Centuries will probably elapse, before this may be urged to excuse the suspension of a spirit of adventure, or extinguish the hope of finding a field for honorable activity. Let it not be said, because that speck of the country with which we are conversant is occupied, that there is no remaining scene for diligence and usefulness. Shall the Divine cherish the narrow belief, that he cannot to spiritual advantage scatter the incorruptible seed; the Physician, that he will have no opportunity for skillfully arresting the progress of disease; the Lawyer, that he cannot aid in the distributions of law and justice; the Mechanic, that he is unable to subsist by his handiwork; the Citizen, that he can accomplish no object of personal or public utility, but in the centre of a thickly inhabited village, or amidst the refinements and luxuries of a populous city? May the patriotic sentiment find many advocates, that it is greater evidence of original and strong powers, to subdue the untrodden forest, than to till the cultivated field. May the Christian belief be diffused, that he is a fairer candidate for the honors of this world, and the glories of immortality, who shall be a humble instrument of causing the moral wilderness to blossom, than he, who shall contentedly remain an inefficient and dronish incumbent on cultivated society. May it in no instance operate as a hindrance to the growth of this nation, that parental weakness and partiality, or local attachments and prejudices have stifled in our young men a spirit of emigration. May they go, and evince the benefits of their early education, by establishing for the basis of domestic happiness and civil prosperity the principles and institutions, which have hitherto been the honor and security of this people.

All the remaining facts in the situation and prospects of this nation, which are necessary to confirm the hope of pre-eminence, may be comprised in some remarks on the peculiar character of our civil and religious institutions.

The former had their origin under more favorable auspices than those of any other country. There have been governments called free besides our own. Too often were they the fruits of usurpation and conquest, and in them liberty existed only in name. Of no other may it with equal justice be said, that the government is the result of the cool, deliberative wisdom of the native inhabitants, uncontrolled by foreign influence, and oppression at home. In men of superficial judgment, or constitutional despondency, the gloomy and extravagant predictions of the frailty of our political fabric, and the short life of our republic, may be reconciled with the purest patriotism. ON the page of history they have read an unbroken narrative of the premature birth, ephemeral and monstrous growth, convulsive throes, anticipated and awful dissolution of ancient republics. Hence they have hastily concluded, that in no state of things, or period of the world could a collection of moral beings be found, capable of a protracted enjoyment of liberty. They have slightly surveyed and misjudged the broad foundation on which our government rests. The thought has escaped them, that the two massive pillars, learning and religion, which are equal to the support of a civil structure of any dimensions, were raised and consecrated on the first possession of the soil. They have forgotten too, that the original architects were not under the control of inordinate ambition, selfish and mercenary views; not the builders of an edifice, which should simply provide a shelter for themselves and the men of their own generation, but which should be a safe and commodious habitation for their successors of the most distant times. Hurried in forming a judgment by ill-boding apprehensions, they have likewise overlooked, that these were men religiously educated, resolved to jeopardize everything else, that they might remain in quiet possession of liberty of conscience.

No period can be set to the durability of this confederated republic, if the design of the original projection be not perverted. In the establishment of schools and seminaries of learning, and in the erection of temples, the most effectual means were devised for attaching permanency to our civil privileges. While these fountains of knowledge are liberally supplied, these temples saved from destruction, and furnished with a learned and faithful ministry, we have little to fear from the encroachments of despotism. A well informed and religious people are in no danger of losing their liberties.

Still more may be said of our religious institutions, should they retain their primeval character. It is an unprecedented and singular fact in the history of nations, that the first settlers of this had for a paramount motive of their adventure, in search after a resting place, the enjoyment of religious liberty. When about to form a community, they justly believed that a nation without religion could have only a limited existence, and must be in degradation and disgrace. But little inferior to this degradation did they consider the state of the inhabitants of a country, who professed and supported religion, but had in operation means to keep the understanding and conscience in fetters. In accordance with the enthusiasm for religious freedom shown by our ancestors, their descendants, when framing constitutions of government, rested the responsibility of interpreting scripture, and of electing forms of worship, with the subjects.

No enlightened and upright statesman has dared to defend the licentious opinion, that the body politic would be in a healthful and vigorous state, if the right of choosing a mode of worship were treated with general indifference. We do not plead for anything resembling a national religious establishment. Forms of worship and systems of faith, supported and embraced by us, cannot be of a truly Christian character, or accord with the liberty of inquiry and choice, supposed and ensured by the Great Teacher from heaven, but when they are the result of a candid and independent investigation of revealed truth, and are adopted with the deliberate and settled conviction, that they correspond to the general spirit of his Gospel.

We can with difficulty make an exaggerated representation of the value of religious institutions, in their effect on the state and character of communities. Let it be tested by a small corporation. The habitual attendance on the duties of the Sabbath, has a benign influence on the domestic state, social intercourse, ordinary transactions, general manners. It tends to allay the turbulence of passion, liberalize the feelings and sentiments, restrain corrupt propensities, give a regular and moral direction to the whole conduct.

Imagine Christian ordinances to have universal patronage, and you will find a diminution of crimes, a gradual but incessant elevation of the moral taste, an industrious and upright use of all the means of outward prosperity. Should this nation be thus distinguished, you may expect that it will be high above all nations in praise, and in name, and in honor.

The things, to which we have referred, all tend to national dignity. From them has come the unexampled rise, the present standing, and whatever is admirable or exhilarating in the prospects of this community. Apart from the public opinion and course, they have not in themselves the power of preservation and progress. There are means, which are essential evidence of the nurturing care of the possessors of these advantages, and without a continual application of them we shall not advance, but be retrograde. In their moral state, neither individuals nor nations can remain stationary.

What are these means?

1. A correct and ardent love of country.

The sentiment is collected from reason, receives an affecting illustration in the example of the Redeemer, and is involved in the obligation to universal benevolence, which is an irreversible law of his religion, that this love of country is an essential principle of virtue, and is connected with all which is elevating and ennobling in the human character. It needs much to chasten, guide, and carry it to perfection. Patriotism, which is wild, boisterous, regardless of means to express itself, undirected by a knowledge of the tendency and history of nations and men, unsanctified by piety, is always suspicious, and frequently the source of mischievous operation. It subordinates concern for country to the accomplishment of purposes of ambition. It exhausts itself in high sounding protestations. It patronizes the pernicious theory, that a man may attain to eminence as a patriot, who has no liberality of feeling, no disposition to sacrifice personal convenience, interest, or happiness for the common good, and no veneration for religion, which shall prompt to vigorous and unwearied exertions for its support. This can with no shadow of reason be called Christian patriotism.

Is it to propose a visionary project, and which is unworthy the attention of a free people, that there be added to our means of education more systematic and pointed instructions relating to this virtue? Could ordinary teachers, or instructors of any class, be more usefully employed, than by exciting in the young a fervid attachment to the land of their fathers’ sepulchers; instilling as some of the first and best lessons, that the origin, growth, institutions, interests, character, and prospects of their country should often be contemplated, and never but with profound veneration? Might we not without giving rise to a dangerous pride, and without encouraging a supercilious contempt of the people of any nation, or age, frequently refer to the facilities at our command for obtaining a livelihood; attaining to distinction; accumulating wealth; acquiring knowledge; and laying up in store a good foundation for the generations, who shall live when we are sleeping in the dust? Might we not in special give birth to a glowing, inextinguishable, operative attachment to their country, should we dilate upon the Christian opportunities here enjoyed; the love of truth which is promoted; the spirit of free inquiry which has gone forth; the universal toleration of opinions and worship, which form a precious part of our liberties? If some of the first lessons which are given be of this character, it cannot be delusive expectation that a spark of patriotism will be enkindled in the youthful breast, which “no waters can quench, or floods drown.” It must then be, that the children, who are yet to be born, will have for their guides and protectors a race of men, who have the enlarged and philanthropic views, which give the surest promise of a steady advancement of their country toward perfection.

2. Liberal care and solicitude for the education and employment of the rising generation.

The opinion is not novel, but as ancient as the existence of civil government, and of republicanism in particular, that families are nurseries of the Commonwealth; children and youths the future pillars and guardians; that the dispositions, views, and habits which are cherished in the domestic circle from the husband and parent; mark the magistrate; characterize the civil ruler; shape the citizen. Nor has any sure expedient been yet devised, as a substitute for the first rudiments of learning, or the more advanced lessons. The most romantic and licentious have not found any plausible qualification for an actor on the public stage; nothing which could make him a safe depository of the great interests of society; nothing which could render him a faithful protector of its liberties, or an impartial and wise dispenser of justice, short of early, scientific, and moral instruction. Take knowledge from a republic, and you remove the corner stone. Cease to dispense and instill moral and Christian maxims into the youthful mind, and you leave the state without the prospect of trusty guides, and the certain and easy prey of every wanton assailant. It would be no miracle, but according to the course of things, and it would be a natural addition to the swoln catalogue of fallen states, if America, stripped of the means of learning and moral improvement, should furnish a triumph to some daring usurper, or a throne to some relentless despot. Keep alive the spirit of literary emulation, which pervades our land, and place your children in the way of knowing their relation to a moral Governor and Judge, and we may in vain attempt to set bounds to the rising glory and happiness of our country.

Every parent or guardian of a liberal mind will be as solicitous to form in his children a habit of industry, and to train them to some reputable employment, as that they should be scholars. Would it not establish free states upon a more firm and immovable basis, if the Athenian regulation should be rigidly enforced? It was there a standing law, that the son was exonerated from the support of his father, if he had neglected to initiate him into some regular and lucrative trade. Look upon him as a dangerous member of society, who shall advance the sentiment, that virtuous industry is at any time degrading. Let the youths who are coming upon the stage, and have not in view a learned profession, aim to be well skilled in some mechanic art, or devoted to a gainful and laborious enterprise. If by personal diligence or a prosperous event, they are raised above the necessity of manual labor, they need not fear, that their capacity for usefulness in any condition, will be reviewed by them with regret or mortification. No. They have the most solid cause of self respect, because they have done something to make industry reputable, and to gain for this people, on account of their skill and diligence, a name and a praise amongst all nations.

3. A vigilant and faithful regard to civil rights.

It is not difficult to know what these rights are, the value to be set on them, and the extent to which they are to be defended, if we form correct ideas of republican liberty. It is a liberty to pursue any course of thought, judgment, action, whether relating to our persons, property, performance of relative or civil duties, which is approved by nature and reason, and can be reconciled with the regulations and laws, which as a people we have voluntarily adopted for our guidance and restraint. We cannot but notice and admire the correspondence of a liberty of this character to that by which Christ hath made us free. He has guaranteed to all moral beings the liberty to think, judge, and act in the view of motives, within the limits prescribed by the law of nature and reason, and which by his gospel, containing a perfect republication of that law, is sanctioned.

There are civil rights, which are by all admitted. Such are the right of coming to a decision in our mind, and decorously expressing this, on the reasonableness and constitutionality of laws, the character and measures of rulers. We have also a right lawfully to resist assaults of our person, encroachments upon our property, an unauthorized invasion of any of our liberties, whether this come from persons in elevated stations, or in retirement. We have moreover the right of electing rulers. An awful responsibility rests upon subjects duly to exercise and guard these civil rights. IN the former cases they are at all hazards to maintain their liberty within the bounds of righteousness and law. In the choice of rulers they are to exercise judgment, unbiased by sinister, party, or local considerations, with a sacred regard to the qualifications and claims of the candidates for promotion, to the general good, and in strict submission to the scriptural character given of those, who are worthy of being clothed with authority. Neglect these things, undervalue these civil rights, and you may consider this state of torpor, this predisposition to moral blindness, as the sure precursor of your own disgrace, and the downfall of your country. Respect those rights. Use with caution but intrepidity this liberty. Guard against licentiousness. After a full investigation of the talents, the moral qualities, the political knowledge, the evidences of public spirit, and religion, in such as are offered for your suffrages, aid only in the appointment of the faithful of the land. Do thus, and you will be the nursing fathers of this nation. You may consider as certain its continued progress toward the perfection of civil glory.

4. Acting from concern for posterity.

Each age has an influence upon the external state, literary improvements, moral and religious character of such as shall succeed. A habit of imitation, a reverence for what is customary and ancient, and the idea that a principle, a mode of life, a regulation, an institution are transmitted under sanction of the attachment and value of a venerated progenitor will make them precious in the eyes of the descendant. He will cling to each and all of them as to the image of a much loved, respected, and departed friend.

In a qualified sense both virtue and vice continue in the world by descent. “The iniquities of the fathers will be visited upon the children unto the third and fourth generation;” will from one of the causes above recited or their joint operation have a control over their state and moral standing. Without any limitations of the number of generations, or the period of their existence, will the descendants of those, who have been and done good, derive essential benefits from the liberality and intrinsic excellence of a worthy ancestry.

The present age may not, with the profusion of means, have done all, which was practicable for their own good, and for the improvement and well being of after generations. To their honor be it publicly proclaimed, they have done much. Charities have been wisely applied to relieve the sufferer, reanimate the apparently dead, restore the insane, ameliorate the state of the indigent, and extend the advantages of science. These will be perpetual monuments of the liberality and Christian proficiency of our times. Nor will it cease to be remembered in commendation of this generation, that it has given birth to the mighty enterprise of terminating wars, spreading far and wide the blessings of the gospel, and sending “the word of life” without mutilation, or “words which man’s wisdom teacheth,” to those, who are perishing for lack of knowledge. Show yourselves worthy of being the children or cotemporaries of such men, by a solicitude to cherish and disseminate this heaven-born spirit, to patronize and recommend these measures. You are scattering seed, which will yield a rich harvest in distant ages. You are at work for the reputation and happiness of those, who shall then live. Your magnanimity and disinterestedness will inspirit the generations, which are yet to be born, to go, think, and do likewise. You may indulge a prophetic spirit, and announce to a listening world, that yours will be the land, which God hath chosen, and in which he will condescend to dwell.

Finally. A practical dependence on moral and religious principles, as they are enforced y Christianity.

We cannot but indulge the hope, that the idea, that nations can exist without the active prevalence of correct views of morality and religion, is exploded. We do hope for the honor of the present and of coming periods, that the individuals or people will not again be known, so bereft of reason and judgment, devoid of decency, regardless of character, blunted in moral sense, unworthy of life or its blessings, as to defend the preposterous idea, that any community can exist in dignity, prosperity, or safety without a sense of God, his government, and providence.

Is it to be licentious in charity to believe, that this address is made to an assembly, who, without exception, are ready to admit, that in the Gospel of Jesus alone is embodied such a system of morals and religion, as accords with the best wishes of man, approves itself to the enlightened understanding and judgment, is suited to exalt and make happy individuals and nations? If any have the boldness to deny this, let them be told, that they are indulging an opinion, and uttering language, which are rejected by common sense, are in open resistance to nature and reason, contradicted by the experience of the vile and unbelieving, subversive of all which is great and good in the world, and full of danger to themselves in every stage of their existence. Go then to the work, to which Christianity calls you. Abandon every corrupt propensity and sin. Independently oppose all excess and luxury. Be the friends of charity, truth, and rectitude. Exemplify “whatsoever things are true, honest, pure, lovely, praiseworthy, and of good report.” Have the faith in the Son of God, which is the surest principle of purity, and which shall incite you to the observance of all his ordinances and laws. Be examples of habitual piety. You may then believe, that whatever you have imagined or been taught of the future greatness, glory, prosperity, or blessedness of your country, will be accomplished. You or your children will be the witnesses of a fulfillment of the purposes and promise of God, in that he hath made you high above all nations which he hath made, in praise, and in name, and in honor; and this because you are a holy people unto the Lord your God, as he hath spoken.

Americans! This is the renown, to which your country by natural and adventitious advantages seems to be destined, and these are the means of attainment and security. A deliberate observer cannot reflect upon the course of his nation from comparative insignificance to distinction; from poverty to wealth; from weakness to power; from oppression to liberty; without holding in high veneration the honored instruments of these changes. Men of every succeeding age will celebrate the adventurous spirit, fortitude, wisdom, disinterestedness, and piety of our ancestors. None will have the hardihood to deny, that the latest generations will reap the benefit of their patriotic feelings, liberal provisions, and prospective aims.

We review the revolutionary struggle as an eventful epoch in our national history. The actors in that scene and their achievements cannot fail to be prominent articles in the annals of America. We should commit an act of the grossest injustice, and be unworthy of our blessings, did we not identify with the history of Washington, and his military and civil associates, much which is excellent and stable in our government; useful and permanent in our institutions; animating and estimable in our prospects.

The associations of the present hour awaken in our mind the days and scenes, with which our destinies as a people are intimately united. Called to take a respectful leave of our Chief Magistrate, he will permit us to remind him of the privilege of having lived in the most perilous times, shared the affection and confidence of the political deliverer of this nation, and aided him and other worthies, in founding, rearing in full proportions, and embellishing the Temple of Liberty. We ascribe praise to the giver of all good dispositions, that His Excellency, on retiring from public life, can bear testimony in honor of his countrymen, that ingratitude, which is the common legacy of Republics, forms no part of his reward. He may feel assured, that “our tongue will cleave to the roof of our mouth,” before we shall cease to recount his sacrifices and efforts for the common good, and the solicitude he has evinced for the ark of God. It is with joy and gratitude that we express our belief, that this administration will have a conspicuous place on the page of history. It will be held up as a model for the rulers of all free people, for success in allaying the rancor of party; for the principle which has been in exercise, to reward merit without regard to political distinctions, and for the lustre it has shed upon our Commonwealth. We offer a devout prayer, that His Excellency may live, to witness the continued purity and prosperity of our institutions, and to support them by his example. On the day, which God hath appointed, may the Lord, the righteous Judge, bestow upon him a crown of righteousness.

It will be gratefully remembered, that His Honor the Lieutenant Governor cheerfully obeyed the call of patriotism, and devoted the most valuable years of his life to the public interest. It is to us a cause of consolation, that in retiring from political life he has not separated himself from duties and objects, essentially important to the welfare and happiness of the world. Now that the repose of nations is again disturbed, and the people, who delight in war, ostentatiously boast of their preparations for the work of human destruction, we felicitate ourselves, and the cause of peace, and Christianity, on finding him at the head of a band of Peacemakers. We congratulate them on the unexampled diffusion of their principles. It is a favorable symptom of the moral state of the world, that nations signalized by ambition and martial prowess, esteem it honorable to learn of them the art of causing wars to cease from the ends of the earth. May they have good success in the prosecution of their work. We supplicate for their President, and all who co-operate with him, the highest of blessings and titles, even that they may be called “the Children of God.”

The Honorable Council, the Senate, and the House of Representatives will accept our congratulations on the tranquil and prosperous state of our country. They will appreciate the privilege and honor of being raised to office at a period, in which our humane, scientific, and civil establishments are in the height of their growth and vigour. Their duty chiefly consists in protecting, and carrying to perfection schemes of elevation and affluence, projected by their distinguished predecessors. The rulers of a free government cannot be unapprised of their moral and religious obligations. The state of order, and the general virtue, which it is expected will be produced under the reign of despotism, by compulsion and force, they may hope will be effected in a greater degree by instruction and their own example.

As many of the enterprising in this community are investing their property in manufacturing interests, as the most probable means of accumulation, and they are receiving the highest patronage, one request may be preferred to our Civil Fathers. If it be possible by early legislative provision, or by other means, which your wisdom shall suggest, we offer an earnest petition, that the class of labourers may be saved from the degradation of mind and character, which we deplore in those who are thus occupied in the elder world.

Imperishable fame redounds to the memory of preceding Legislators for their assiduity and vigilance in the promotion of useful knowledge. We commit to the keeping of their successors our Schools and Seminaries of learning, in the hope that they have an unshaken faith in the doctrine, that knowledge and virtue are the only safeguards of republicanism. We have a full persuasion, that while the seats in our halls of legislation are retained by the lovers of learning, and religious liberty, and by those, who venerate an Institution, which under God is a great source of our respectability and happiness, the University in this vicinity will be the object of their watchful and paternal care.

May we also from political as well as Christian motives bespeak your sympathy as citizens, and disciples of Jesus, in behalf of our Corporations, which by reason of indigence or divisions are without stated religious instruction and the ordinances. This appeal is made with the greater assurance, as the station you occupy is proof of the general confidence in your rectitude and public spirit. It is likewise believed, that much good might be produced by your example. Use your influence then in securing for your destitute brethren the means of religious knowledge. Keep them from being witnesses of a spirit of proselytism in any of its excesses. Provide for them such plain, reasonable, practical instructions as were dispensed by the Saviour, and his immediate disciples. Seed, which is thus sown, with the blessing of heaven, will spring up and bear fruit, “some thirty fold, some sixty fold, some an hundred fold.” You may hope to convert what are known to be abodes of anarchy, vice, and impiety, into scenes of Christian purity and order. You may hope in the best possible way to add strength and stability to our Republic; to convert those, who are now the servants of corruption, to the regularity and usefulness of good citizens; to “the stature of perfect men in Christ Jesus, and to the liberty of the Sons of God.”

With a reference to the retributions of eternity may you execute your labours for the suppression of vice, encouragement of virtue, preservation of order, and security of the common welfare. May you attain to the dignity and reward of good and faithful servants.

Christian Ministers! The enlightened and patriotic have been ready to acknowledge your agency in advancing the civil interests, independence, and moral distinction of this community. They rely on the religion you preach, with its momentous sanctions, and the ordinances you administer, to multiply the refinements of domestic and social life; impose restraints on the inclination to libertinism and excess; strengthen the arm of the magistrate; establish in the ordinary intercourse of men a love of charity, truth, justice, and right; eradicate all in their speculations or practice, which savours of superstition; give fervency and elevation to piety; minister consolation in affliction, sickness, and death; and to keep alive a sense of accountability at the tribunal of heaven.

An order of men, whose personal influence is owned, whose office is respected, whose work is admitted to involve the best interests of time and immortality, will suffer the word of exhortation, that they in nothing fail to sustain their appropriate character. Brethren! Ye are called unto liberty. It is your privilege to live where there are no hierarchal establishments. It is your happiness to have fallen upon times, too enlightened, to tolerate or fear the general triumph of a lust of spiritual domination. Let it be your great solicitude to give no just occasion for a prejudice against your profession. How can we better fulfill our commission, than by repressing in ourselves, and aiming to overcome in others, everything which is allied to religious indifference, illiberality, or censoriousness, and by showing that we have “put on the meekness and gentleness of Christ?” How can we reflect higher honor on our office and religion, than by bending all our energies to the discovery of truth; and by uniting in an earnest and well directed effort to advance the kingdom, which consisteth in righteousness, peace, and joy? How can we do more to make our nation high above all nations in praise, and in name, and in honor, than by dispensing such lessons, as shall persuade our fellow Christians to “deny all ungodliness, and worldly lusts, and to live soberly, righteously, and godly in the world?” How may we give more full effect to the Gospel, than by displaying the evidence of integrity and charity in our temper, preaching, and life, which must and will result from a cordial belief, that “one is our Master, even Christ, and all we are brethren?”

Each inhabitant of this land has a reputation and interest, which must rise or sink with the character, condition, and prospects of his country. To none but the stranger to genuine patriotism will it be a matter of indifference, whether the scene of his nativity shall be in honor or disgrace. Let it therefore be admitted by every citizen as an obligation, which he cannot alienate, to stand as a sentinel to guard the public welfare. Whatever may be his rank or station, he may by his principles and habits contribute to establish, or sully his country’s fame. Who does not admire to gaze in imagination on the glory and grandeur to which his nation may attain! Who is not prepared to give wings to his fancy, that he may survey the millions of people in distant times, who shall ascribe the existence of their privileges, and the sum of their safety and joy, to the liberality and foresight of the present and preceding ages!

Be as virtuous and pious as the land you inhabit is excellent, and you may hope to transmit this inestimable inheritance for the possession and enjoyment of future generations. They will rise up and call you blessed, who aided in forming and giving permanency to their institutions, and in devising so many of the means of their improvement and happiness.

 


Endnotes

1. Tudor’s Life of J. Otis.

2. Priestly’s Lectures on History.

Sermon – Election – 1823, Connecticut


Nathaniel Taylor (1786-1858) graduated from Yale in 1807. He was pastor of the First Congregational church of New Haven from 1812 until 1822, when he was appointed Professor of Didactic Theology at Yale. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Taylor in Hartford, CT on May 7, 1823.


A

SERMON,

ADDRESSED TO THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE STATE OF

CONNECTICUT,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION

IN

HARTFORD,

MAY 7, 1823.

BY NATHANIEL W. TAYLOR,
PROFESSOR OF DIDACTIC THEOLOGY IN THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
ATTACHED TO YALE COLLEGE.

HARTFORD:
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE LEGISLATURE.
Charles Babcock, Printer.

1823.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the first Wednesday of May, A. D. 1823.

RESOLVED BY THIS ASSEMBLY, That the Hon. William Moseley and Cornelius Tuthill, Esq. be a Committee to present the thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. NATHANIEL W. TAYLOR, for the Sermon delivered by him before the Assembly, at the opening of the Session, and to request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
THOMAS DAY, Secretary.
 

SERMON.
ISAIAH LIX. 14.

“And judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off; for
Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter.”

WITH the exception of a few political visionaries, the world has concurred in the opinion, that mankind must be governed. Man finds so many opportunities and inducements to injure others for his own benefit, he is so destitute of any principle within him to rise up for their defence, that if there were no influence from without, to overawe him into a respect for their rights, like a beast of prey, he would be ever ready to destroy.

Conspicuous as are the wisdom and goodness of God in upholding human society, without the prevalence of the benevolent affections, even his mercy has provided no relief from the ravages of overt injustice. The moment that mutual injury begins, the moment that mutual animosity controls the social intercourse of a community, all its bands are broken. Even a company of highwaymen must abstain from robbing and murdering one another, or abandon their association. Justice then, as opposed to overt acts of injustice, is the main pillar of human society. Take this away and the whole edifice crumbles into ruins.

Hence the grand object for which civil government is required, and at which it aims, is to enforce the observance of justice.

The text refers us to a period in the history of Israel, when this great design of civil government was wholly defeated. A total disregard of the rights of men, distrust and violence prevailed in their most appalling forms, and were felt in their most dreadful results. Of these calamities the text also assigns the cause: “For truth is fallen in the street—and equity cannot enter.” Truth, as it unfolds the rules and motives of moral action, was contemned and disregarded throughout the community. The sense of an ever-present Ruler and Judge, the restraints of laws enforced by sanctions drawn from eternity, had lost their power on the consciences and conduct of men. Of such a prostration of the standard of public morals, the consequence was natural. There was a disruption of social ties, and a lawless spirit, that let loose human selfishness to invade human peace and happiness, without check and without relief.

The text then will lead me to shew, that a corrupt public opinion, on the subject of morals, destroys the efficacy of civil government.

This will appear, if we consider

1. The inherent weakness of civil government—The efficacy of civil government, to secure the observance of its laws, must consist wholly in its rightful authority, and in its penal sanctions.

All authority in civil government must be founded in the right of the Ruler to claim the obedience of subjects; and all the influence of such authority must result from an acknowledged obligation on the part of the subject to submit to its demands. But a corrupt public opinion disclaims such obligation; and of course the validity of every claim for obedience on the ground of rightful authority. Shall the subject be told that protection and obedience are reciprocal duties? Shall he be told that he has entered into the social compact, and by virtual stipulation relinquished his natural right into the hands of the ruling power? Shall he be told of the public good and of the anarchy and the woes which result from trampling on the laws of the land? But what are duties, compacts, the public good, or the public ruin, to the man who disclaims all moral obligation? Civil laws, in such a case, are mere appeals to human selfishness in one form, to repress human selfishness in another, leaving man accountable simply to himself. The rightful authority of the Ruler, as “a minister of God for good,” being disclaimed, every man’s inclination is his law, his tribunal, and his judge.

Nor is the fact changed by the influence of penal sanctions. To man, viewed simply in relation to laws enforced by civil penalties, this world is the only place of retribution; and every question of obedience or disobedience is with him merely an arithmetical problem respecting the amount of his present personal advantage. Aside then from the success which attends the active invention and unwearied artifices of those who devise and pursue their own interest in defiance of human laws; aside from the confidence with which crime relies on concealment or escape; there is often an energy in human passion, which penalties, threatened by human power, cannot restrain. Bodily suffering is of light estimation, compared with the restlessness or anguish of ungratified desire. The death-song of the savage, which he sings when expiring under the hands of his tormentors, shows how the spirit within can sustain the pressure from without. But the spirit, tortured by its own fires, awakes to desperation. Obstruct the path of excited avarice or excited ambition, by toil, by suffering or even by torment, and the influence to check its career is as stubble before the spreading flame. Let then a corrupt public opinion detach from civil government its moral obligation, and leave it only the influence of penal sanctions, and let the prospect of wealth or fame open bright to their appropriate passions, and the deeds of the pirate and the hero tell us what men would do. How would terror and consternation seize every heart in a moment, did we know that there was nothing but the feeble arm of magistracy to protect us from the daggers of assassins.

2. The truth of our position is apparent from the direct influence of public opinion on civil government. Public opinion, in fact, governs the world. Its influence in elective governments, where all authority returns back into the hands of the people at frequent intervals, is absolutely paramount to every other.—That which forms the laws, is the opinion of the people, expressed by the voice of the people. It is through this influence that governments, and their specific regulations, are modified or wholly abandoned by revolution and change. That, on which the administration of a government depends, is the opinion of the people, expressed by the voice of the people. So much so, that any exceptions, to the decisive control of this authority, is a sure preliminary to changes that shall restore its supremacy. That, which determines the execution of the laws, is the opinion of the people expressed by the voice of the people; so much so, that a law which carries not with it the sanction of its own popularity, becomes extinct by repeal, or obsolete by desuetude. What then is civil government, with its laws and their sanctions, before the controlling power of public opinion? What are legislators, what are judges, what are executive officers? The mere vehicles of expressing public opinion; the instruments of the will of the people; the v0x populi forming its edicts and its laws, and carrying them into execution. Nor is this any perversion of republican institutions. It shows, however, the controlling principle of the whole machinery, the presiding genius of our whole political system. This, I say, is public opinion, and it should be so; it is essential to the very existence of that form of government which, under God, has so long blessed us. Still it is a fact, and a fact which may serve to show us where our strength lies, and whence, if at all, weakness and ruin will overtake us. Let public opinion, with all this omnipotence of control, become deeply corrupt, and still government, its laws, their framers, their executors, are all subservient to its dictates. What do laws against murder avail, under the frown of public opinion? Let the laws against dueling, in many parts of our own country, answer. What are laws against bodily torture, when the practice of it is countenanced by public opinion? Barbarities, which are enough to make our blood curdle, inflicted on many unhappy victims of slavery, furnish the answer. What are laws against drunkenness, when the popular voice forbids their execution? The woes and the groans of the land bring the reply to every ear. Now let public opinion advance in degeneracy, till it shall decree into its public enactments, the maxims of infidelity and atheism; let the living God be voted out of existence, and death, the door of eternal retribution, be transformed into the unbroken sleep of the grave; let evil be called good and good evil, darkness be put for light and light for darkness; and what would be your legislators, your judges, your witnesses, your executive officers? The mere panders and patrons of crime. What would be your subjects?—The mere perpetrators of crime. And how long before a tide of woes would overwhelm all that is fair and happy in the land? How long before an impatience under miseries, which humanity could not endure, would madden and convulse the nation, till every foundation of order, peace and happiness, would be subverted as by the shock of an earthquake.

3. A corrupt public opinion destroys all that subsidiary influence, on which the efficacy of civil laws chiefly depends. It is a fact, which admits of no denial, that not the love of God, not the disinterested love of our species, but selfishness, is the governing principle of the great bulk of mankind.

When we reflect on this fact, on the countless temptations to selfish gratification, and the facilities of attaining it by deceit and violence, and when at the same time, we look over the face of society, and witness the security with which man counts on his enjoyments, it is truly a cause of astonishment to see on what all this security depends. Human laws do indeed put their restraints on many crimes; they do promote many of the practical moralities of life; and thus exert an influence, without which, every vestige of social good would be swept away. But then how entirely dependent are these laws for their results on an influence not their own? How innumerable are the actions of men, over which they can exert no more influence, than we can extend to the elements of future storms when preparing for their desolations?

It is precisely in these circumstances that a sound public opinion holds a check on human selfishness, for which we might look in vain to the combined strength of nations. This it does, through the medium of custom and fashion, of a regard to moral character, and of conscience and the fear of God.

There is perhaps no kind of moral action to which custom and fashion cannot reconcile man, or which they cannot render even agreeable. Their power to divest bestiality itself of its offensiveness, and crime of its enormity, may be learned in the politest city of Europe. It is this influence which, even in this country, tolerates slavery with its tortures and its murders, among those who in other respects are humane and liberal. It is this which sustains in vogue, the honorable way of killing by single combat, and which often gives sanction and currency to practices in one age, which it interdicts with the deepest frown of abhorrence in another. In short, what custom and fashion require or justify is the way of the world; and they will retain the great mass of a community in the path which they prescribe, though it be the path of death.—In vain then is the voice of legislation lifted against the voice of fashion. What the latter demands or patronizes will infallibly compel legislative submission or legislative connivance.

Now it is public opinion which imparts this high and commanding supremacy to custom and fashion, and thus creates and sustains a standard of moral action which sets legislative power at defiance. Let then public opinion, through this medium, I do not say sanction the violation of civil statutes, but give currency merely to those vices, and proscribe merely those moralities which no human laws can reach; let all that strictness of morals, that regularity of conduct, and those proprieties and decencies of deportment, which prevail in a well ordered family, neighborhood, or larger community, become repulsively unfashionable; and how soon would distrust and suspicion sunder every tie of social life, and human selfishness awake in the forms of malice, revenge and cruelty, and be witnessed in all the horrors of its fierce and relentless struggles!

Another influence of public opinion, indispensable to the efficacy of civil laws, is a regard to moral character. Pride of character is the master passion of an unsanctified world. No man can endure the misery of being despised by all around him, with the consciousness that he deserves it. When he can no longer look society in the face, and when he feels himself to be case out of affection and fellowship with all, he retires to a solitude of still deeper wretchedness. There he feels those inward pangs from which no secrecy can protect, under which no hardihood of soul can sustain him; and which, like avenging furies, haunt his guilty spirit and drive him to desperation or distraction.

Here then is a mighty influence of counteraction on human selfishness; an influence to which, in this world, society owes most of its tranquility and enjoyment; an influence so powerful on the one hand, that were the standard of moral character to be raised so high, and to become so imperious in a community, s to banish every enemy of its peace into an exile of self-contempt, a solitude where he should be greeted neither by human sympathy, nor human affection, civil laws would be superseded, or required only as rules of counsel and direction; an influence so powerful on the other hand, that obedience to civil statutes which should involve in disgrace and infamy, no weight of penalty could enforce, for torment and death would be more welcome than the retribution of such obedience.

Now this regard to reputation, with all its power of control, is not so much the desire of meriting, as of actually obtaining public approbation. It makes all wish to be accounted fit for society; in none does it awaken the purpose of being really fit. It therefore secures simply that degree of moral virtue, and of exemption from crime, which constitute such fitness in the judgment of those who arbitrate the question. Of course in man, as a member of civil society, it is a desire and an aim exactly graduated by the standard of moral character which public opinion erects. Beyond the limit which public opinion prescribes as honorable, human selfishness will not go, in obedience to legislative requirement; within this limit it will advance to its object, regardless of legislative prohibition though its way be tracked with blood.

In vain then do we look to human laws, deriving no support from public opinion, to curb the fury of human passions. Let this single influence be unfelt, let public opinion cease to attach infamy to crime, and award only shame and contempt to the sanctity of virtue, let there be none anxious to maintain nor willing to make a single sacrifice to maintain an average moral character, and how common would licentious and barbarous deeds become? How would the quiet of mutual confidence be displaced by the excesses and alarms of unbridled ferocity? Human selfishness would become its own lawless avenger in the retaliation of wrongs, in violence and in massacre; and we should go into an assemblage of men as we should enter a den of lions.

Public opinion acts no less powerfully in securing to human laws their efficacy, through the medium of conscience and the fear of God. He who formed and protects us has provided, within our own bosoms, a check for that injustice which is beyond the restraining power of man. There is a voice within which gives to moral sanctions an efficacy more powerful than that of a thousand gibbets. In the presence of conscience, man is in the presence of God; and the same voice speaks to him, which speaks to angels and to arch-angels from the throne of the eternal. Through the same medium, rewards and punishments adjudged by omnipotence and operating at tall times and in all circumstances, bring their palpable and pressing power to bear on moral action. I need not say how entirely all this influence on the great mass of the community depends on the soundness of public opinion. It is public opinion, as it upholds the standard of duty and obligation, which gives to conscience all its power. Thus it exhibits the moral turpitude of crime to steady inspection, and by anticipation constrains the criminal to read in every eye that meets him, the reproach that echoes in his own heart. Were the light of moral truth, then, to be extinguished from the public mind; were a corrupt public opinion to dispense with the moral and religious instruction of children, with the institution of the Sabbath, with the revelation which God has made of himself, of his law, and of human destiny, with all the appointed vehicles of conveying moral truth to the mind; conscience would become extinct in the soul of man. And what, then, would be the power of human edicts? Let there be none sensible to the high and commanding authority of moral excellence; none who revolt at the turpitude of crime; let conscience, at no point on the descending scale of profligacy, utter an admonition or forebode approaching wrath; let the being of a God be excluded from human belief, and the mind robbed of all idea of his perfections and majesty; let every element of that character which exalts him on the riches of the universe, as its beneficent Parent, and gives him the throne as its Almighty Sovereign and Judge, be done away from human thought, and then measure the efficacy of civil statutes on the conduct of men. Follow that child, who grows up without these restraints, through his profanity and strifes, and pilfering and thefts; his forgeries, robberies and murders, till he terminates his career on the gallows, despising alike the hand of his executioner and the wrath of his God; and you have no overdrawn picture of what every member of the community would be, under a similar exemption. What, then, would be the fact, were these restraints not merely removed, but every child, from early infancy, initiated into all the arts and excesses of vice, and every step of his progress animated by the counsel and the example of ruffians, old in crime, till he should become as much a child of hell as themselves! Oh, what scenes of wretchedness and horror would spread every field of observation! How should we see human selfishness in all that malignity and death which give to hell itself its moral aspect and its eternal woes!

4. We appeal to facts. Did time permit, we might trace the truth before us in a comparison of one Christian country with another; we might refer to different parts of our own country; and to that period of its history when infidelity and its practical licentiousness threatened “to subvert foundations.” We might recur to the history of England in the different eras of its moral light and moral influence. We might recur to the state of the pagan nations of antiquity, and show that, false and corrupt as their moral systems were they inspired an elevation of feeling and character which gave to society all its value. Though such appeals might furnish a convicting, they would not furnish the fullest illustration of the point we aim to establish. If we would justly estimate the evil of a corrupt public opinion, we must recur, not to examples of its partial corruption; not to examples where the subversion of Christianity has been followed by the morals of enlightened heathenism, but by the desecration of all that is pure, and exalted, and holy in Christianity itself, without any substitute; where it leaves too much light for the superstitions of heathenism to restrain man, and where by way of reprisal for its past odious authority, it is put down under all the ignominy and hatred of detected imposture. Passing by, then, the sufferings which so long distressed the nations, when popery took away from men the word of life, and substituted the commandments of men for the commandments of God; and the scenes of horror and of woe that desolated the nations under the reign of Mahomedanism, we have a memorable example, never to be forgotten, witnessed in our own age. In one country, and that the seat of arts, of science and of refinement, the revelation of God underwent a total eclipse. On that theatre of darkness, infidelity and atheism performed their horrid tragedy. Convulsion succeeded convulsion; every mound of authority was thrown down, and the voice of law, and the pleas of anguish, were alike drowned in the fury of the tempest. It was not a war of common atrocity; not a war for liberty or conquest; but a war of extermination of all that blesses man in time, and brightens his prospects for eternity. Men stuck the dagger of their enmity not only into the bosoms, but into the souls of men, nor did they deem their triumph complete till they had demolished every altar where human guilt had wept, and human misery been comforted; yea, till God and his Son were exiled from human thought. Law, order, civilization, were overwhelmed, as by the sweep of a tornado. The fires of hell kindled on the devoted land; and while the smoke of its torment ascended up to Heaven, Europe with its thrones trembled to its centre. And when we remember how the dark cloud rose over us, and how it looked like the preparation for the final storm, it becomes us to be instructed.

The subject leads us to the following remarks:

1. There is no form of government better than our own for a virtuous community; and none worse for a vicious community. In a monarchy and an aristocracy, where subjects are held in awe by the terror of military establishments, there is an independent sovereignty, which can augment its power, and enforce submission. But in a republic, rulers are governed while they govern; and in a virtuous republic, the people govern themselves by the ennobling influence of moral principle. Does liberty then consist in exemption from the grasp of despotism, and in doing our own will in accordance with enlightened duty and moral obligation? If this be liberty, where can it be found in perfection, except in a virtuous republic? And what is social happiness? What but the operation and effects of moral principle, of the fear and the love of God, and of the love of man, producing the whole train of social virtues, with their benign results? A moral influence, as it operates only on the reason and the conscience, is of mighty efficacy; operating on the heart, it gives perfection to human character and human happiness. This is not a dream. There is a world where this influence pervades every heart, animates every action, and reigns in the diffusion of universal blessedness. The same influence would bless earth, as well as heaven. And so long as sense and reason are left us, we shall look to this influence to bless this state; and so long as it shall here be felt, earth shall furnish no spot to rival this goodly land in the moral character and social happiness of its inhabitants.

But what is a republic without this influence? The people have no monarch to fear but themselves; no lords to whom they are vassals; their lords are dependent on them. Unlike a monarchy, or an aristocracy, a republic has no power of coercion by which it can reach degradation of principle and character, and compel visible loyalty from a spirit of rebellion. The government is the will of the people, and where that will becomes corrupt, as the prostration of moral sentiment will make it, everything is left to the fury of human passions, unchecked by power, or by principle. At the moment of such deficiency, human selfishness is lawless, and, from its woes, despotism is a welcome refuge. So sure then as a general corruption of moral sentiment shall pervade this republic, those principles of human nature which, unchecked, will invade human peace and happiness, will be found in the full play of their deadliest energies, in these fields, and streets, and dwellings, where all is now peace and joy. Then, highly as we prize our political institutions, grateful as we ought to be to heaven for the blessings they impart, should welcome monarchy, aristocracy, despotism, anything but a corrupt republic.

2. The subject suggests several reasons why we have to expect the continued efficacy of our civil institutions. Probably no state or nation has existed, in which there has been a combination of circumstances so favorable to the moral character of its inhabitants, as in this state, and of course none so favorable to the efficacy of political institutions. Here none are compelled to crime by the desperate state of their circumstances. Their employment, as an agricultural people, while it gives dignity to character, precludes, by a powerful tendency, a taste for the pleasures of sensuality and the vices of idleness. The husbandman, by his very occupation, is every placed amid the wonders of an omnipresent God, and summoned to praise him as the Great Parent of existence, and of all that blesses it. We are placed at a distance, also, from the wars and revolutions and crimes of older countries. What a mighty drama has been acting on the theatre of Europe, for the last age, while we have stood as on a safe and lofty eminence, to survey its horrors and learn wisdom from its follies and its crimes! Our political institutions have also secured, in no common degree, the great ends of social union. We have had, indeed, our political conflicts with their sins and calamities, but they have been without blood. There is a moral sentiment pervading the community, which demands the execution of many of our wholesome laws. There is a dark frown of popular opinion to meet open crime, and awe the gross daring of licentiousness and impiety. The sanctuary of justice has not been violated by the approach of bribery and oppression; nor has atheism been heard in the hall of legislation, to decree, amid the plaudits of an infuriated populace, the fool’s wish, “no God,” into a civil enactment. Religious liberty is not yet in chains. We are all born to feel, that no power on earth has a right to interpose between our conscience and our God, and that the prerogative of forming religious opinions, with its solemn responsibilities, is our own; a prerogative highly auspicious to the cause of truth and virtue. With the conviction that ignorance will make the place of its dominion “the region and valley of the shadow of death,” we look with joy to the institution of our common schools, by which provision is made to carry the light of useful knowledge, like the light of heaven, into every dwelling; and with still more bland emotion we look to our seminary of science, as the sun of the whole system, from which emanates a most benign influence on every department of social life, while it extends the light of salvation, and carries on the high enterprise of redeeming grace, in this state, in the neighboring states, and throughout the nation.

The Christian ministry in this state is distinguished by purity of doctrine, and the success of its labors. Without allusion to sectarian peculiarities, for I can easily overlook these distinctions in the present estimate, the clergy of our country, generally, are unrivalled in those qualifications which give to Christianity its effects on the conscience and the hearts of men. It is here that a laborious ministry brings the religion of the gospel home to the bosoms and business of the people, and makes them feel that they have a personal concern with it. It is here, if anywhere, that the sacred page of God’s revelation is opened, to show man his character and his destiny; that Christianity makes known her laws and her precepts, and reveals the bright visions of her promises, and the deep terrors of her denunciations. It is here, that she gives all her solace to human sorrow, and all her joys to human hope; and it is in this land that we seem to hear the exclamation—“Behold how beautiful on the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings, of good, that publisheth salvation, that saith unto Zion, Thy God reigneth.”

With that series of religious revivals which has blessed our country, in its power and extent, there is nothing to be compared, in any other portion of Christendom. While we can trace these footsteps of the Great Deliverer from sin; while his life-giving spirit departs not from us, this shall be the glory of all lands, and ours the privilege to blend the confidence of hope with the fervor of our petition—“Thy kingdom come, and thy will be done here as it is in heaven.”

Such are some of the principal causes of moral influence in this state, whose perpetuated operation will ensure the stability and the efficacy of our political institutions. So long as they exist, in their present state, the vital principle of our political existence will not be destroyed; it will still beat strong at the seat of life, for the requisite causes will exist to sustain a vigorous pulsation. We may indeed be agitated by political or religious commotions; ambition may project and execute and convulse; party conflicts may be even more violent than ever; error may spread its pestilential clouds and vapors; persecution may light its fires; foreign invasion may approach; the ark of God may be cast upon the floods; and the tempest may thicken and sweep around us—but Connecticut will be remembered by the Ruler of the storm, and in the hour of his mercy he will say to the winds, “cease,” and to the waves, “be still.”

3. Our subject suggests some of the principal sources of danger to our political prosperity. It is not believed that we have reached that prostration of moral sentiment, which resists the efficacy of all wholesome laws. The danger is that we shall reach it; and it is well to advert to the causes which may hurry us down this fearful declivity.

One principal source of danger is our party competitions. In this country we have, for many years, gone largely into the experiment of party conflicts. And who can assign limits to the ravages they had long since made, had a sound public opinion by shame and infamy, and moral sanctions, put no restraint on their feuds and their violence? Who has not seen their tendency, not only to proceed to every excess, which public sentiment would patronize or justify, but to corrupt that sentiment, and thus to remove every barrier to their own most baleful progress and calamities? Who has not seen enough to satisfy him, how easily the integrity of rulers, the majesty of law, and the sanctions of morality may be trodden in the dust before the march of party spirit?

Now we know that in a republic there are peculiar causes to augment the violence of contending parties. There are always enough to lead on the most desperate enterprises of ambition. There is a dependence of rulers on the people, which puts into the hand of the demagogue the most powerful engine of revolution, and which inspires a party with the consciousness of its own strength, and prompts its revenge and its excesses. There is in rulers a spirit of servile accommodation, which impairs the prerogative of government, and instead of maintaining the strait onward course of independent integrity, fearless of popularity or place, gives to “the voice of the constitutents,” the devotedness of an oracular annunciation; as if legislators had no further use, for either sense of honesty, than to ascertain and conform to the pleasure of those who give them their office. The extension, perhaps I ought to say the unavoidable extension, of the elective franchise, with the increasing unequal distribution of property, in this county with fearful probability, will one day operate in the violence and rage of party contests. A finer field is never opened for the career of unprincipled ambition, than when it can enlist its associates, and draw around it its dependants, and raise the outcries of faction, to redress the oppressions of the rich and the great. At the same time, no rights are dearer to most men than rights of property; there are none, the invasion of which is more sure to provoke resistance and conflict, or to awaken the most desperate struggles for their protection. Let then the state be convulsed, let party collisions become as violent and revengeful and excessive, as there are causes enough to make them, and how soon would every mound, reared by a sound public opinion on morals, be overflowed by the waves of popular fury! The men, on whom God should most visibly frown, would stand highest in popular estimation. From the hall of legislation, and the sanctuary of justice, would be heard the decrees of popular licentiousness. Crimes would be legalized by dignified example, by legislative license, and by judicial protection; and all the security, with which we now look at the joys of our pilgrimage, would be broken up, by the barbarities of anarchy, or the oppressions of despotism.

Another source of danger to our political welfare, is the declining estimate of the value of religious institutions. Long before the formation of our present Constitution, an increasingly low estimate of religious institutions was visible, in a considerable part of our population. Of this, a former law of the state, not the abolition of it, was, it is believed, a principal occasion. With the hostility which the law excited, was associated, to some extent, hostility to the object which it aimed to support. To this hostility, the repeal of the law, by gross perversion indeed, secured a triumph, and was considered, by many, not only as a release from the obligation to support religious institutions, but as a public sanction of the sentiment, that these institutions are unworthy of support. It thus gave to avarice the power, and to enmity to the gospel the gratification, of being avenged of their old enemies; and in many instances they have turned their backs on this only guardian of our political and social welfare. Neither the necessity of the change adverted to, nor the wisdom and the integrity of many who were active in producing it, is called in question. There were dangers and evils without the change, it is believed, greater than exist with it. All that is asserted is, that these perils have not wholly ceased. The danger is that future excesses will be the greater, as the consequence of former restraints; that this particular corruption of public opinion will increase, will withdraw patronage and support from religious institutions; reduce the “hire” of the laborers in God’s vineyard, and hold up the ministry of reconciliation as an object of suspicion and obloquy, till the message it brings from heaven will be despised and unheard; that custom and fashion will soon exempt a man from the disgrace which he merits for refusing pecuniary patronage to the institutions of divine mercy; that an indifference to the gospel, and an aversion to its grand peculiarities, will prevail, which will exchange it for damnable heresy; that those inadequate views of its benign efficacy upon the social state of man will obtain, which will consent to go without its weekly ministrations, and to leave posterity to grow up untouched and unblessed by its power; and that such contempt of the gospel, under the retributive providence of God, will exile that gospel from the land, bring on the community all the woes which mark its departure, in time, and lead away future generations from its great salvation, to the tribulation and the wrath of a ruined eternity.

Another source of danger is the difference of religious faith, and the sectarian zeal it awakens among different denominations of Christians. Contests, dictated simply by passion, are comparatively of feeble influence and of short duration. But those which are fortified, by the convictions of the judgment, are usually calamitous and lasting. Hence, religious differences are capable of exciting the passions of men, and perpetuating their animosities beyond any other cause. This has been well understood by the leaders in revolution, in every country. Never have they counted, with stronger confidence, on the adherence of their followers, than when they could enlist them through the medium of their religious partialities and zeal. It is in such contests, that animosities become the fiercest and the most relentless. Then, passion is sustained, in its utmost height, by the imagined rectitude of its cause, and from it, as the supposed cause of millions, even ferocity derives a steady impulse, to invigorate and sanctify all its movements. Then it is that the cause of truth and righteousness, which ought to be dearer to its professed votaries than every other, is abandoned for the cause of a sect; and the standard of moral action, the whole influence of religion in a community, is exposed to an effectual prostration. Then it is that infidelity and sectarian zeal, Herod and Pilate-like, find a common interest, and embark in a common cause; and the polluting union issues in death, to what is most beloved of God, and most desirable to man. In this country, the separation of Christians into distinct detachments, by its familiarity, loses much of its alarming aspect. We fondly hope that no apprehensions of evil, from this source, will be realized, but we cannot esteem them wholly groundless. While this separation exists to create uncharitable and exclusive spirit, while it converts every attempt to adjust external differences, into the occasion of exasperated feeling, and more distant alienation, the danger is, that the breach will continue to widen, that the cause of God will be relinquished for the cause of a sect, that professed love to God will be found in friendly concert and active co-operation, with infidelity and atheism; that a corruption of moral sentiment will pervade the community, to sanctify the excesses of passion in a cause deemed so holy; that jealousy of power on the one hand, and pretensions to it on the other; that superstition, in all its bigotry and impiety, in all its fury, will apply their combined energies to civil disunion, and civil conflict. Nor are there more fearful ingredients which an avenging God mingles in the cup of his indignation, when he would root up and destroy. Nor should it be forgotten that these very causes, which exist only in an incipient state with us, have, from similar beginnings, proceeded to these foreboded results; and that, by their help, even in this land, some future Cromwell may be seen.

“To wade through slaughter to a throne.”
The only other source of danger to our political and social welfare, which I shall mention, consists in the prevalence of open vice. As the population and wealth of a country increase, the means and the opportunities of vicious indulgence are greatly multiplied. The relative influence of the righteous and the wicked though the proportion in numbers remains the same, greatly changes. In a dense population, there is enough of the latter to retire from the influence of the former, into a separate association for mutual countenance and support. The effects of these and other causes are visible in the sensualities of luxury and the extravagances of pride, in the more frequent occurrence of the more desperate crimes of robbery, assassination, and plunder, in violations of the Sabbath, by business, amusement, and a diminished attendance on its worship, in falsehood and fraud, and pre-eminently in the crime of drunkenness. These sins subvert foundations. They not only indicate but form the standard of public morals, and this by a most powerful tendency to corrupt public sentiment. Familiarity with crimes impairs the sense of their enormity; reputation and character cease to operate as restraining motives, for disgrace and infamy lose their influence by division among the multitude; the public conscience is rendered callous by the impunity and prevalence of vice, and by the fond conceit, that what the world approve, God will. These tendencies are all visible among us in actual results. There is a toleration of vice, an unsuspecting freedom and openness in the commission of many crimes, which in other days were unknown, and which indicate a great change in the public sentiment and moral character of this community. Through the prevalence of vice, and the countenance given to it, our habits are changing, and we are in fact becoming another people. I shall not attempt exactly to measure the depth and force of this stream of moral corruption. Fearful as its progress is, it may perhaps now be arrested. But let it roll on unchecked another generation, and who shall say that its accumulated tide can be stayed from the most fearful desolations? Profanity, Sabbath breaking and drunkenness do not indeed directly invade the rights of men, but they bring in their train every crime that will do it. Let public sentiment be corrupt enough to tolerate these crimes, and it will soon detach from every other crime its infamy and its turpitude, and banish the fear of God from the human mind. The single sin of drunkenness may obtain a prevalence in a community, that will prostrate all moral influence, and paralyze all moral sensibility. It is the unfailing cause of moral debasement. It is this crime which, in the infinitude of its guilt and its woes, comprises every element of ruin, and provokes the deepest frown of Heaven’s vengeance. And to say nothing of other crimes, if we have already reached that prostration of moral sentiment and moral influence, which compels the sword of magistracy to sleep over this, if the men whose profession is to make drunkards, and to people Hell with the victims of their art, are kept, in countenance by public opinion, if the products of our fields, the very bread of human sustenance is reputably converted, almost without a metaphor, into “the fire and brimstone” of the pit, who will say that there is no cause for alarm?

Such are some of the dangers to which our political and social blessings are exposed. Some of the causes are inseparable from the nature of our government: all of them are in actual existence, and in actual operation. We may, indeed, flatter ourselves into security, with the dream, that something, we know not what; some redeeming spirit; some tutelary Genius, will protect and save us. No, my hearers, nothing but the spirit and genius of Christianity can save us. If we cannot uphold a moral influence, through the medium of moral sentiment, which shall be adequate to counteract these causes of ruin, then, as the ordinances of heaven go on to their appointed results, so will this republic descend, through convulsion and anarchy, to the vast cemetery of nations. All our dreams to the contrary will only hasten our descent to that fearful abyss.

4. Our subject calls on every friend of his country, to fulfill his part in upholding and augmenting a sound public opinion on the subject of morals. Among the most prominent and effectual means of this end, are the following:

In the character of subjects, the most important duties devolve upon us. The authority of God enjoins, that we “lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty;”—that “every soul be subject unto the higher powers.” Whatever may be thought of the unqualified import of these injunctions, whatever may be said of the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, undeniably there are rights and privileges of freemen; undeniably, it may be their duty to bring their influence to affect the issue of party competitions; and to redress injustice and oppression on the part of government. But it is maintained, that in this state, with a government and a people like ours, no good, but immense evil, must result from perpetuated party conflicts. In such circumstances, a thousand fold more injury is done by one party campaign of a few years, than any administration of our government will go right. On the contrary, if anything can make that administration go wrong, it is the influence of party zeal. If anything tends to corruption among the people, and oppression on the part of rulers, it is party zeal. Whatever party, then, be dominant, and whatever be the means by which it acquired the ascendency, yet when it has acquired it, our highest security, in regard to the wisdom and the rectitude of its measures, lies in an enlightened sound popular opinion. To secure this influence, and to prevent the ravages of party spirit, it is indispensable that the contest be abandoned; and, instead of committing our interests to the heat, and revenge, and maddening zeal of party commotions, we must place our reliance on the steady, unimpassioned energy of enlightened virtue in the people. Let the one cease, and the other pervade the community, and we shall exchange the darkness and fury of the tempest, for the clear shining of the sun, and the mildness of the zephyr.

Laying aside, then, our party contests, together with their jealousies and suspicions, let our hearts unite in a common interest. Let us remember that submission to the powers that be, which are ordained of God, is a duty which can scarcely need qualification, in this community. Let it be remembered, that injustice and oppression, on the part of government, are seldom prevented, but often provoked, by party contests. Let the political oracle, who is loud in the cry for improvement and change, be counted as he is, a political maniac; and the party zealot be eyed and scorned as the enemy of his country.

In the character of Christians, we have solemn duties to perform, in regard to the peace and welfare of the state. We have already adverted to the dangers and the evils, in this respect, of sectarian zeal and sectarian conflicts, when connected with political contests. Such dangers and evils are not fictitious; and they summon Christians, of every denomination, under solemn responsibilities, to union.

Every denomination of Christians should depend, simply, for the maintenance of its numbers, and its influence, on the purity of its doctrines, the sanctity of its morals, and the zeal and labors of its ministry. It always has been, and it always will be, an ultimate curse, to any religious denomination, to strengthen and build up itself by political patronage. If Christians are to be less concerned, for the cause of God and of souls, than for the success of their religious party; if sect is to clash with sect; if to augment their secular influence, and to pervert it to build up their cause, they are to become political factions; and if the community are to witness only their mutual hostility and contests, the most fearful results may be foretold with the certainty of prophecy.—Nothing, nothing can atone for “the broken unity, the blighted peace, the tarnished beauty, the prostrate energy, and the humbled honor of the church of God.” Every barrier, between the church and the world, would be swept away; ignorance of God and of duty would thicken apace, and the broadest sunshine of the gospel be eclipsed by the spreading darkness. Moral influence, the only safeguard of social order and social happiness, would cease from the community; and when God should come to make inquisition for blood, the death of whole generations would be found at the door of this disgraceful, guilty strife among brethren.

Let Christians, then, bury in oblivion their sectarian contests, with all those animosities, jealousies, and suspicions, which mar their intercourse. Without a pretence of differing on essential truths, or that each sect has not every desirable means of promoting the cause of God, what can justify alienation, and mutual competitions? When, by union and concert, we might do so much to uphold and extend that influence which the wisdom of God has appointed to bless men, in time and eternity, what can justify us in wasting our strength in the work of proselytism, and for this purpose merging the Christian in the sectarian, and the sectarian in a political partisan? Ah! Brethren, we want more of the sacred fire that glowed in the breasts of the early Christians; more of the spirit of heaven; more fellowship with angels, with God and his Son, in the work of bringing men to repentance and to salvation. God calls his people to other service than mutual contention. While the enemy, rushing in like a flood on the one side, calls us to defend a common Christianity, the field, whitening to the harvest on the other, invites to its toils and its rewards. “The New Jerusalem is descending from God out of Heaven,” and we seem to hear “voices in heaven,” voices of acclaiming gladness, saying, “the kingdoms of this world are becoming the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ.” Let us, then, open our hearts to higher and nobler inspirations. Let us strike our hands in a covenant of love; let our hearts accord with the designs, and our efforts keep pace with the movement of God’s beneficence. Then shall the church of God be one, and secure, from the most profane, the acknowledgment of her divinity in the blessings she bestows on our land. Then, in firm encounter, her sons shall meet the legions of error and of death, and go on to new triumphs, till earth shall hear and welcome the salvation of God.

As members of the community, and especially as those who have authority and influence, we are called to counteract vice, and to uphold the institutions of religion. What might not be done by men of talents, and wealth and influence, to change the moral aspect of a whole State; and to cause it to assume, as it were, the face of another Eden? And why do they not do it? Because they want the heart.—I know that every plan of moral improvement is met by the paralyzing prediction, that nothing can be done. I know too, that there is a point of moral degeneracy from which a people will not choose to rise, and from which God will not choose to raise them. But heaven forbid that we should have reached this place of despair and woe. Nor do we believe, that there are no existing laws which can be executed, and especially that no laws can be formed, which can be executed, for the suppression of Sabbath breaking and drunkenness. Which is the town in this state, a majority of whose freemen, would not approve and support decisive measures for such a purpose? There is yet left a correctness of moral sentiment, which would uphold any legislature, who should strenuously bring the power of its provisions to bear on these evils. Nay, there are friends of good order and good government enough to create a sound public opinion, that shall secure an active co-operation with legislative efforts, which neither the sectarian, nor political partisan can withstand. Criminals, and the abettors of crime, are cowards. Conscience and God are both against them. And let the civil statute, and public opinion, be arrayed against them, and their defeat is certain. At any rate, let the experiment be tried; and let us have the appalling decision that nothing can be done, if at all, as the result of thorough experiment. Look at the ravages of the single crime of drunkenness, in families, in neighbourhoods—go to your poor-houses and prisons, and see the prostration of moral principle, what desolations of domestic peace, what crimes, and woes, and death, it spreads through the land! What a tax every sober and industrious member of the community has to pay for the support of this soul-destroying sin. More than nine tenths of the poor-tax of our country result from this single cause. Think of nearly fifty millions of dollars of annual expenditure in this nation, for strong drink. See how this crime associates with it every crime and every woe;-sabbath breaking, profanity, idleness, lying, fraud, the extinction of natural affection, theft and murder, and sorrows, griefs and broken hearts, ruined parents, and a ruined offspring. It is no exaggeration. Look, and you shall see the raging of a pestilence, before which the bloom of paradise would wither. And must we only sit still to contemplate its desolations? Shall sectarian and party zeal, to secure the auspicious patronage and support of drunkards, consent to defeat this cause of humanity? And every heart be cold, and every hand idle, as if panic struck by the fear of popular odium? Then, a few generations passed, and we are a ruined people. Liberty and religion will here mingle their tears of despair over all that man holds dear and God counts holy.—Oh, for some spirit of emancipation—that some Howard, or Clarkeson, or Wilberforce might rise up to set us free from this bondage, or to alleviate its horrors; embarking all his talents in the enterprise, and persevering in it, in defiance of every obstacle. Never was there a finer field for benevolence and philanthropy to shed abroad their blessings; never a cause, which might better draw around it adherents from the friends of humanity, and secure the active concert of every virtuous member of society. Would it not be well if any of the wretched victims of this vice could be reclaimed? Would it not be well if our sons and our daughters could be saved from entering the same path of woe? Would it not be well if every virtuous member of the community, every legislator, and every executive officer, and every parent, and every friend and brother could be enlisted in the cause, and if an influence of counsel, and warning, and example, of shame and infamy, and legislative provision, and of a sound public opinion could be made to reach every member of the rising generation, that should check the career of so many thousands whose steps take hold on hell? And would not the man, who should commence the work, and prosecute it with any measure of success, call forth the warmest tribute of gratitude from his country, and stand high in the approbation of his God?

Not less imperious is the duty of upholding the institutions of religion. Our argument, on this point, is not now drawn from the interests of eternity. It is simply an appeal to patriotism. If men had no souls; were there no judgment day; no preparation requisite for the immortal state; the well-being of society, in time, demands the support of Christian institutions. These are the institutions which divine wisdom and mercy have appointed to bless man on earth. Without them, the laws of civil government, salutary and indispensable as they may be, are but a cobweb provision. The great ends of government must fail in every nation, without national morality. This is well understood by the friends of revolution, in every Christian country. When they would corrupt, and overturn, and destroy, their first and most sanguinary measures have been directed against Christian ministers and Christian institutions. Change, innovation, revolution in a community, where religious institutions exert their proper influence, are hopeless.—These must first be brought into contempt, and when this is done, the work of ruin is complete. Even the wiser heathen knew this, and defended their religious rites with a spirit and a wisdom which disgrace many in this enlightened country. Let then the friends of their country, and of social happiness, be as wise as their enemies. Why should they not understand where their strength lies, and be as solicitous to preserve it, as the invaders of national happiness and prosperity are to destroy it? Why should not legislators, judges, magistrates of every description, with every friend of his country, uphold those institutions which are its strength and its glory? May not institutions, which the wisdom and goodness of God have appointed to bless man in time as well as in eternity, be upheld without intolerance and persecution? Are we thus prepared to libel their Author, and, for the sake of liberality and charity to men, are we to have no charity for the living God; and, to show that we have none, by laying aside his ordinances as useless? Shall clamors, about the rights of conscience, induce us to throw away Heaven’s richest legacy to earth? Shall the murderer plead the rights of conscience, for the privilege to kill, and the incendiary for the privilege to burn? Has any man rights of conscience which interfere with a nation’s happiness? Or is it yet to be made a question, whether Christianity be not a wretched imposture; whether it have a salutary influence on civil society? Have we, in this land, to hold this point as yet in debate? Can we decide that theft, and robbery, and murder are evils, and yet not decide whether the influence of the gospel of God be to bless or to curse those who feel it? Is it right to punish crimes which invade social peace? Does the public welfare demand it? And yet is it persecution so to bring the light and influence of moral truth to bear on the mind of man, as to prevent these crimes? But you will make men Christians. And what if we do? The sin is not unpardonable. Besides, is it not as truly an act of kindness to make men Christians, by the exhibition of duty and its sanctions, in the light of God’s truth, as it is to make men infidels and atheists, by means of falsehood and sin? But you’ll make sectarians. God forbid. We plead for no such influence. We only ask for those provisions of law, and that patronage from every member of the community, in behalf of a common Christianity, which are its due, as a nation’s strength and a nation’s glory. In this country, and pre-eminently in this state, the unity of our councils, the vigor of our government, our laws, our habits, have resulted from the moral influence of Christianity. Annihilate this influence, and you bid he soul depart, and prepare a grave for our liberties, our religion, our morals, and our happiness. And who would put his hand to this work? Who are the men that would empty our sanctuaries, and our pulpits; break down the Sabbath, and all the institutions of Christianity; and exclude its influence from their own minds, and the minds of their fellow beings? They are men who would extinguish the idea of Jehovah in the mind of man, as if that were the most painful to human contemplation, and the most destructive to human happiness! Great God! What deeds of horror have these men to perpetrate, that makes them thus dread thine inspection? Unhappy, wretched men! The presence that enraptures Heaven is their chiefest torture; nor can they find relief but in the persuasion that the world is forsaken of its God!—Are these men to be listened to! No—brethren, they are the enemies of God and man, and so ought they to be accounted.

Let us then remember that the safety and welfare of nations is not to be chiefly sought either in arts or in arms—and that the utmost barbarity may be united with the highest refinement. We may dream of a philosophical millennium, and banish the fear of God and dependence on his mercy; but he who ruleth among the nations has fixed the laws of national prosperity. By his resistless decree, no vigor of the body politic can long survive the decay of religious institutions. No wisdom or policy, that despises the power of his Gospel, can withstand that wrath of the Almighty by which he avenges his abused goodness. Let then every friend to his country do what he can to secure to Christian institutions their place and influence in that system of means which God has appointed to bless humanity in time. Let the being of God, as the ever present Ruler and final Judge of men, be recognized. Let the Saviour’s name be adored and trusted. Let “the teaching Priest” be heard in the sanctuary—Let the Sabbath be consecrated as the day of salvation. Let the family and the school be the nursery of youthful piety. Let the magistracy of our land, by a faithful execution of the laws, become a terror to evil doers, and the praise of them that do well. In a word, let all those institutions be upheld, by which God would bless, and we shall be blessed. Angels or embassies of love will still visit our land, and minister to the heirs of salvation. The spirit of grace will still breathe on the dry bones of the valley and quicken to immortal life. The Saviour will be satisfied with the trophies of his mercy. The sun of our nation’s prosperity will rapidly rise to its meridian, and the voice of a reigning God, command it to stand still in fullest splendors.

The application of our subject, to the civil authorities of our State now assembled, is obvious.

Respected Rulers, while the pulpit is not the place to discuss measures of state policy, nor to offer the incense of flattery to any one administration, or to regale the passions of any political party, I am happy in the conviction that I need not hesitate to employ it in speaking of some of your duties to “the blessed and only Potentate.” “The powers that be are ordained of God.” To you, then, under God, we look, in no small degree, for the perpetuity of our civil rights and social blessings; not only by the wisdom of your laws; not only by acts, to encourage the industry and commerce of our state; but by giving your countenance and patronage, your private example, your public influence, to uphold that standard of public morals which is the only pillar of society, the only safeguard of nations. High responsibilities pertain to your station. You live not, you act not, merely for yourselves. Your influence will outlive you; your virtues will survive these tabernacles of clay; your errors and vices will not go down with you to the tomb. They will alike reach future generations, and be felt in other worlds. On the one hand, by disregarding the means of national morality, by indifference or hostility to God’s appointed means of national happiness. You may become accessory to the profanation of the name and of the Sabbath of God; you may silence the embassy of his grace, and extinguish the light of salvation; you may even direct the midnight robber to his neighbor’s dwelling, and put the dagger into the assassin’s hand. On the contrary, by the contribution which your countenance and example as men; your acts and measures as rulers of the people, may tend to sustain Christian institutions, and to uphold a correct standard of morals; you may exert an influence that will descend to save and to bless, till the latter day of glory. Virtue and piety have a peculiar lustre to awe and to attract, when adorned with the rays of honor and authority. While, then, it is the desire of some to shine, and of some to govern, and of some to accumulate, be it yours to execute the high prerogative of ministers of God for good! The time is short–one 1 whose presence has often honored this anniversary, and who occupied a distinguished place in your councils, is no more. We lament the death of the able jurist, the upright counselor, and the wise and honorable magistrate. We revere his virtues, and would embalm his memory as a faithful servant of his God, and of his country. You, his associates in public life, and public responsibility, must soon follow him to his last account. And when the distinctions of earth shall pass away; when death shall take from rank its pageantry, and from royalty its crowns; what will then cheer the retrospect of time, and gladden the anticipations of eternity? Not to have heard the plaudits, and drawn the gaze of men; not to have been breathed on by the applauses of your fellow worms; but to have been actuated by that ennobling principle, which reason ratifies, and conscience approves; which God enjoins, and his spirit inspires—that of being and doing good. And then, too, how endeared will a seat in glory be, whence you shall look down on earth and see, as the effects of your instrumentality, the joys of social life, and preparation for eternal glories, perpetuated through future generations; how will it swell the joy of that world, to meet from this, through the ages to come, your brethren and kinsmen, according to the flesh, bringing their crowns of immortality, and laying them at your feet as an acknowledgment of your influence in imparting to them the bliss of such an inheritance!

 


1 Lieut. Governor Ingersoll.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1822, Massachusetts


Daniel Huntington (1788-1858) graduated from Yale in 1807. He was pastor of a church in North Bridgewater, MA (1812-1832, 1841-1858). The following election sermon was preached by Huntington in Massachusetts on May 29, 1822.


sermon-election-1822-massachusetts

An intolerant Spirit, hostile to the interests of Society.

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN BROOKS, ESQ.

GOVERNOR,

HIS HONOR WILLIAM PHILLIPS, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE TWO HOUSES COMPOSING THE

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 29, 1822.

BY REV. D. HUNTINGTON.

 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In House of Representatives, May 29, 1822,

ORDERED, That Messrs. Keyes, of Concord, Billings, of Boston, and Phelps, of Hadley, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Dan Huntington, and return him the thanks of this House, for the Discourse delivered by him, before them, this day; and request a copy for the press.

Attest,
P. W. WARREN, Clerk.

 

SERMON.
ACTS….CHAPTER XVIII….VERSES XIV AND XV.
“If it were a matter of wrong, or wicked lewdness, O ye Jews! Reason would that I should bear with you: But if it be a question of words, and names, and of your law, look ye to it; for I will be no judge of such matters.”

THESE are the words of Gallio, the deputy of Achaia, one of the old Grecian States, then a province of the Roman Empire. The Apostle Paul was now before him, in Corinth, the capital of the province, under an accusation brought against him by the Jews. He was charged with worshipping God contrary to the law. The charge was in connection with his having recently become a convert to the faith of the Gospel. From having been a proud persecuting Pharisee, he becomes an enlightened Christian. Commissioned from on high, he goes forth into the world, a preacher of righteousness. In the cities which he visits, to carry the glad tidings of the Gospel, he occasionally meets with the Jews, his “brethren and kinsmen, according to the flesh.” His conversion to Christianity, does not make him a stranger to them. He does not avoid their society, neither does he conceal his sentiments. Very frankly he expresses to them his convictions and his hopes. He appeals to his conduct, as the test of his sincerity. So far as they are disposed to accord to him the civilities of life, he accepts them. He takes up his residence with them: he labors with them, in his occupation: he goes with them “to the house of God in company,” occasionally addressing their assemblies, on the weighty subjects “pertaining to life and godliness.”

While he avails himself of their hospitality and their fellowship, however, he does not forfeit his independence as a man, nor does he forget his message as an Apostle. The theme of his preaching is “Jesus and the resurrection:” Jesus Christ, the Son of God; the hope of the sinner; in whom, as he often repeats, “we have redemption through his blood,” and the animating hope of “life everlasting.” His instructions “distil as the dew,” and drop as “the small rain upon the tender herb.” The desired effect is produced. Many of the Corinthians, both Jews and Greeks hearing, believe and are baptized. It is noticed by his former friends with a jealous alarm. Soon does he perceive among them, the consequences that too commonly follow disappointed ambition and wounded pride. Their indignation at length bursts forth, in acts of open violence. The banners of a religious warfare are unfurled. The usual engines of persecution are brought into operation. The Apostle is denounced. His name is cast out as evil. The doors of their synagogues are closed against him. The harshest epithets are applied. He is “a babler;” “a setter forth of strange God;” “a fellow that persuadeth men to worship God contrary to the law.” Wherever he goes, he is met by the Jews, “stirring up the people against him.”

Not having been convinced, however, by their arguments, nor duped by their flatteries, he is not now to be awed by their menaces. Alluding to their conduct, afterwards, in his epistle, to the inhabitants of this very city, he says, “Wherein soever any is bold, I am bold also. Hare they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I. Are they the seed of Abraham? So am I. Are they ministers of Christ? I am more.” He ventures still to think for himself, and to teach as he believes.

Such being the nature of his crime, he is arraigned before the Proconsul of the province.

Gladly would he have availed himself of such an opportunity, at once for attesting to his innocence of the charge brought against him; and for exhibiting to those around him, as he had before done, in similar instances, the consolations of the religion of Christ.

But when now about to open his mouth, Gallio said unto the Jews, “If it were a matter of wrong, or wicked lewdness, O ye Jews, reason would that I should bear with you: but if it be a question of words, and of names, and of your law, look ye to it, for I will be no judge of such matters. And he drave them from the judgment seat.”

The story is instructive, showing us that there is a disposition in men, to control the opinions of their fellow men:

The means used to accomplish the object:

And that such a disposition, wherever it exists, is not only hateful in itself, but hostile to the interests of social happiness.

It deserves attention, as one of the opening acts of a scene, in which, for ages, the human character has been unfolding, in events disastrous to society beyond description, and which, we trust in God, is now drawing to a close. Happy shall I think myself, if anything may be said on this occasion, to hasten a consummation so desirable.

The subject shows us,

I. That there is a disposition among men, to control the opinions of their fellow men; especially their religious opinions.

The disposition often originates in a restless desire for power. To be able to dictate without contradiction, gives an ascendancy, always congenial to the feelings of the aspiring partisan.

The origin of this disposition, however, need not always be resolved into depravity of character. We often perceive its commencement, in some of the best feelings of our nature. Honestly believing our own opinions, on important subjects, to be right, the wish that others may embrace them, is not only innocent, it is kind, and commendable. Regarding our principles, as the rule of conduct, and the basis of character, we cannot be too much in earnest, to have them established in our own minds, and in endeavoring by fair means, so to recommend them to those within the circle of our influence, as to persuade them to see, and feel, and act with us.

But how few, comparatively, have appeared to be satisfied with this! How many, not content with being right themselves; and with the best arguments they can use to influence others; making their own speculations the standard of truth and duty—are too ready to insist, that all around shall conform to it! A want of conformity, is in their estimation, a proof of their error. If the question in agitation, be of a religious nature, they are fatally wrong. Religion, from its native importance, heightening as it does, every passion on which it acts; and rendering every contest into which it enters, uncommonly ardent—their principles, their motives, and their characters, are condemned by those who differ from them, with unfeeling severity.

Being thus deep rooted, in the very principle of our natures, we must expect to find the development of this spirit, in every period of the world. And do we not find it, in fact, coeval with the history of man? For nearly six thousand years, has it not been producing its baleful effects among the nations?

Confining our attention, however, to what has taken place, since the introduction of Christianity, how has its mischievous power here displayed itself in all its atrocity! It was visible, even in the family of our Saviour. It was one of his own disciples who said, “Master, we saw one casting out devils in thy name, and we forbade him, because he followeth not with us.” More than once, had our Lord occasion to reprove this spirit, in those around him.

Constantly, were both he and his disciples, harassed by the Scribes and Pharisees, on account of the doctrines which they taught. Of him the complaint was “He deceiveth the people.” And with respect to the disciples, the imposing interrogatory was, “Why do they transgress the tradition of the elders.”

And what was the result? Said our Saviour, “The disciple is not above his master, nor the servant above his Lord. Beware of men, for they will deliver you up to the councils, and they will scourge you in their synagogues. If they have persecuted me, they will also persecute you.” This is now history. He himself soon fell a victim to their intolerance; and his disciples, in every succeeding period of the church, have, in a greater or less degree, been drinking the same bitter cup.

Innumerable, almost, are the examples of this spirit, both in the conduct of Jews and Pagans toward the primitive Christians; in the conduct of Christians among themselves; and in their conduct toward the heathen, whom by violence, they undertook to proselyte to Christianity. Under its infatuating influence, the persecuted, for conscience sake, have become persecutors; and these, in their turn, have suffered the evils they had inflicted on others.

The subject leads us

II. To consider the means which have been used by those who have undertaken thus to control the opinions of others. The means employed on this occasion, were violence and fraud. We have already seen the Apostle before the Roman governor, both falsely accused, and grossly insulted—and had the clamors of his persecutors prevailed, probably the loss of life, would have been the immediate consequence of an adherence to his opinions. Where the state of society has favored it, something similar to this, has been the usual process for making free inquiry hazardous.

The first step has been, to produce an impression of infallibility, in the person, or the body, assuming the controlling power. They must be resorted to, as the unerring oracle. Claiming the keys of the kingdom, the door to its immunities must be opened or closed by them; and their decisions must be received with the most unwavering confidence.

Implicit faith, on the part of those to be controlled, is no less necessary, in establishing the desired ascendency, than infallibility in those who assume the power of controlling. The common people, as if incapable of understanding the word of God, must resign themselves to their teachers. As if blind, they must be led. When led, they must not hesitate to follow. Their reason, their judgment, their conscience, their moral agency; their interests for time and eternity, are no longer at their own disposal. And to have it known that they are not, frequent experiments must be made upon their credulity and good nature. If they hear it inculcated with uncommon ardor, that a few speculative points in theology, are the essentials of religion, no doubts may be entertained. If taught that “all error is fatal,” they must believe it. They must often, be made to understand, that all the remaining piety on the earth, has taken up its last abode with the people of their denomination; and that to them it belongs exclusively, to preserve and perpetuate sound doctrine and a pure church. It has been found, at some periods, and among some classes of Christians, not too great a stretch of credulity, for the proper exercise of implicit faith, to believe that dishonesty, falsehood, calumny, cruelty oppression, and wickedness of almost any description is venial, if in practicing it, what is called a good object may be promoted.

Other notions, similar to this in their spirit and tendency, such as that the correctness of opinions, is to be estimated according to their antiquity and prevalence; and that it is reproachful for a person to change his opinions—have been equally current. Where these expedients have failed of producing their desired effect, others have not been wanting.

The last resort of the persecuting bigot has been, to compel men to believe right. Aided by mystery, creeds, canons, decrees and councils, with all their appropriate appendages of terror, he commences the dreadful work. If they are few in number, who dissent from the common faith, he avails himself of the vantage-ground afforded him from this circumstance, for exciting, if possible, a general prejudice against them. This is done, by identifying them with everything odious; by indiscriminate censure; by vague and unfounded charges often repeated; by ungenerous allusions; unjust insinuations; unfair reasonings; and terrific denunciations. To these have succeeded, vexations ecclesiastical processes, beginning in making men offenders for a word, and issuing in the highest acts of discipline. Where the times have been favorable, in how many instances has death, in all its dreadful forms, been the consequence of a conscientious adherence to truth!

The object under the

III. General head of this discourse, is to show that the disposition manifested in these efforts to prevent free inquiry, is not only hateful in itself, but hostile in its effects, to the interests of social happiness.

Its effect, at Corinth, was an insurrection. The disturbance arose, as we have seen, from the exclusive spirit of the Jews, in their attempts to silence the Apostle.

The most violent dissentions, and the most bloody wars have arisen among men, in attempting by authority to regulate each others opinions.

Much has been said on the subject of heresy, and much has been done to suppress it. But it is worthy of remark, that all the mischief in society, has arisen rather from opposition to heresy, than from heresy itself.

The Apostle was now successfully preaching the gospel; and both he and his converts were walking worthy their vocation as Christians. But the Jews and others were continually dissatisfied. Their craft was in danger. Their pride of opinion, their prejudices, their interests were affected by his success. He had his adherents, and they had theirs. Hence the tumult.

Like causes, producing like effects, we must always expect the exclusive and controlling spirit, to produce disorder.

It is a gross insult offered to the understandings of men. The language of it is, either you have not the necessary faculties to comprehend what you are taught from the sacred oracles, or you have not integrity to avow what you really believe. A charge, founded upon either alternative, is touching a man of common feelings, where his sensibility cannot fail to be excited; and brings into action those passions, which are always unfavourable to social intercourse.

It is also a violation of right: and whenever the rights of men, and especially their religious rights, are invaded, there will be a reaction. The peace of society will be disturbed.

Let none infer, fr5om what may be said in contending for freedom of inquiry, that it is supposed to be of no importance, what a man believes. Our sentiments are our principles of action. Good sentiments, legitimately derived from the word of God, are unquestionably the foundation of religion. But in determining what these are, every man must judge for himself.—“Why even of yourselves,” saith our Lord, “judge ye not what is right.” “Not for that we have dominion over your faith,” saith our Apostle. And again, “Who art thou, that judgest another man’s servant.” Every man must judge for himself, and any attempt to subject him to any inconvenience on this account, is usurpation. It is an invasion of an unalienable right. Any man, or body of men, attempting to deprive me of that right encroaches upon Christian liberty, and is to be resisted. “If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do.” The first principles of religious freedom being invaded, what security have we, for anything valuable.

Of the evils of persecution, nothing need be added. Its name is legion. Wherever the persecuting spirit has had power, it has been destructive beyond description. In resisting its impious claims, what torrents of blood have flowed; what privations and pains; what afflictions, in a thousand forms, have been endured!

It may, however, and often does exist, where the civil arm is wanting. There is a persecuting heart, and a persecuting tongue, as well as a persecuting sword. Hard names, uncharitable censures, rash dealings, are the very essence of it. Public slander, bitter reviling, “babblings,” “wounds without cause,” are as inconsistent with the spirit of the gospel, as to banish, imprison, and destroy men for their religion. With such a spirit walking about like “a roaring lion, seeking whom it may devour,” what have society before them but contention and woe?

The demoralizing effects of certain popular sentiments, which have sometimes obtained currency, must be evident to all.

That the end sanctifies the means, though too gross to be avowed, it cannot be denied, has had a secret and most pernicious influence.

Nor is it less evident, that the reproach so often cast upon men, for changing their opinions, is unfriendly to the progress of truth, and of course to human happiness.

To be “carried about by every wind of doctrine;” to change our opinions from mere whim and caprice, is certainly a disgrace and a sin.

But it is not less degrading and sinful, for a man, from the same motives, to defend opinions contrary to his convictions.

Implicitly to receive for truth, the speculations of those who have gone before us, is indeed, an effectual bar to all improvement. Said the venerable Robinson, in his well known parting advice, to that part of his flock who have been styled the pilgrims of New England, “I cannot sufficiently bewail the condition of the reformed churches, who are come to a period in religion, and will go, at present, no further than the instruments of their reformation.”

The notion, also, that the correctness of opinions is to be estimated according to their prevalence, is equally calculated to mislead mankind.

There was a time, during the Jewish monarchy, when a popular leader seduced the affections of the body of the people, placed himself at the head of ten tribes, and drew them off from the worship of the true God, to the idols, set up in Bethel and Dan.

Was it the duty of the two remaining tribes, to follow the example of the ten? Had they done it, and had they left upon record for it, that they thought it not justifiable to oppose the majority, would it have been evidence that they were a wise and virtuous people?

When there were only seven thousand in Israel, who had not bowed the knee to Baal, among the hundreds of thousands, who had, did they wisely, or did they not, in opposing the multitude?

When the darkness of superstition and idolatry overspread the face of the Christian Church, what would have become of pure religion, had not the Albigenses, and the Waldenses, and a few others, retired to the mountains of Italy, that they might there enjoy, unmolested, the blessed truths of an uncorrupted gospel.

If Wickliffe, Luther, Melanethon, and a few others, the fathers of the reformation, had not dared to make themselves singular in contending for Christian liberty, we might still have been groping in the darkness, and groaning under the burden of a most blind and cruel superstition.

We are never at liberty to “follow a multitude to do evil.” To be singular in a good cause, is proof of superior virtue. And to all who have their rials on this subject, it is said, “be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life;” while of those, who by their numbers, are embolden to harden themselves in transgression, it is said, “though hand join in hand,” they “shall not be unpunished.”

We have now attended to several thoughts suggested by the subject. We have seen from it, that the disposition in men, to control, by authority, the opinions of their fellow men, which has always been a dominant passion in the human breast, has been productive of an immense mischief to society. And it is because of its deleterious influence upon society and social happiness, that it has been made a topic for the present occasion. To this view of the subject, I have endeavoured, and shall still endeavour to confine myself.

It only remains to inquire, is it applicable to us?—and if so, how shall the evil complained of be remedied?

Does the subject then admit of an application to our own community?

Let the intelligent look at what is passing in many of our Congregations and Churches; in Ecclesiastical Associations and Councils, and answer for themselves. Let them listen to the voice of clamor and contumely, of terror and exclusion, issuing from the pulpit and the press, and echoing from one extremity of our limits to another, impeaching the purest motives, maligning the fairest characters, and enkindling unjust suspicions among the uninformed.—Let them observe the movements of those who set themselves in opposition to every gentle and tolerating measure; let them notice the projects that are put in operation for enlisting partisans, and for augmenting their resources. To gain the control of funds, see them, not only fawning upon the widow, and those who are so unhappy as to be destitute of near relatives, but watching around the dying pillow of the opulent, crying like the horse leach, “give, give;” encouraging the belief, that every cent committed to their disposal, shall be a gem in that crown of glory finally to be bestowed as a reward to the fidelity of their votaries.

Who that has read the history of Ignatius Loyola, and his followers; of their objects; of the peculiarities of their policy and government; of the progress of their power and influence, and of the pernicious effect of this order on civil society, that does not sometimes feel the mingled emotions of grief and indignation, at what he still sees passing before him?

Guarded, however, as the cause of religious liberty, at the present day is, by Genius, Literature and Religion, under the government of a holy God, she has nothing to fear. It ought to be mentioned with gratitude, to the great Author of all good, that we live in a day, when the principles of civil and religious liberty are so well understood. Many are disposed to open their eyes to the light of truth, and are roused to act. The reign of terror is past. The Inquisition is no longer in force. The thunders of the Vatican have ceased to roar. The dogmas of the school-men are no longer in vogue. The Gibbet is not now to be seen planted before our doors. The fires of persecution no longer blaze around our dwellings. Our sanctuaries of justice are unpolluted. Our rulers are enlightened, and the people are free.

It daily becomes more and more evident, that an imposing spirit, as it is not suited to the genius of a free people, cannot long be sustained by them. In very respectable portions of the community, it has been tried, and is well understood, that men will not be controlled in their opinions.

But still “the yoke of every oppressor” is not broken. There are burdens and impositions, which are still felt. If the power is taken away, the disposition to prevent free inquiry by authority is not wanting. It is not to be disguised, that in some sections of this enlightened Christian community, there is too much evidence of a disposition for spiritual domination, which is producing in society a perpetual mischief. There are bodies of men, still claiming a jurisdiction as absolute, if not as extensive, as was ever claimed by the most imposing Pontiffs of the dark ages.

It is what some constantly see, and hear, and feel. We are daily conversant with those, the language of whose conduct is, “Stand by thyself, I am holier than thou:” and who, considering themselves “to have attained,” in every necessary qualification, gratuitously assume the prerogative, of dictating to their fellow Christians, on disputed points, what they shall believe. With no superior claims to the necessary means of enlightening their fellow men; having had no more than common advantages for information: having no credentials of any special illumination: from their lives appearing to be, certainly, as much uninspired men as others: and differing as much from one another, as from those, whom they unite in condemning – they seem to be constantly saying to those around then, “The secret of the Lord is with us,” “hear his word at our mouths.” And if any, after this, in exercising the right of private judgment, fall into “the way that some call heresy,” the harshest epithets are applied. They are denounced, as introducing “another Gospel”; as “Apostates”; as “Deists in disguise.” If moral, they are accused of making a merit of their morality. If pious, it is hypocrisy.

In all these means, which are used for controlling the right of private judgment, do we not perceive the shattered remnants of the machinery of a once formidable and most mischievous hierarchy? And shall we see our fellow men collecting and arranging these remnants; and endeavoring again to bring them into action, without letting them know, that we are not insensible to their operations, and the evils of them.

Can we reflect that the subject admits of a direct and unequivocal application to ourselves; that the evils complained of do exist; and sink down under it, into a state of total unconcernedness? Realizing that the blessings of Independence are our birthright: being inhabitants of the Commonwealth, whose Constitution was the first to acknowledge the great principles of civil and religious liberty: living as we do, where those principles have ever been well understood and firmly maintained: occupying the ground where those struggles commenced, which issued in the freedom of our country: surrounded as we still are, by those who bore a conspicuous part in those struggles: in view, too, of those blood-stained heights, where the friends of freedom first met the shock of battle, and where now repose the ashes of the virtuous brave: surrounding, also, these altars, where, in the days of our fathers, the prayers of many a wrestling Jacob, in favor of the same cause, have ascended to the throne of God, and have prevailed; offering our devotions, as we do, at the present hour, among a people, who have not only prayed, but have lived like Christians; where the ministers of religion and the people of their respective charges, have, for the most part, like the primitive disciples maintained a delightful and harmonious intercourse;–can we contemplate with cold indifference, a spirit, which is at work, not only to dissolve this harmony where it exists, but which is calculated, also, to exert a most destructive influence throughout all our Towns and Churches?

Apprized of the evil, we inquire, How may it be remedied? As we would be a happy people, every encroachment upon Christian liberty, must be resisted. The resistance, where there is occasion for it, should be mild, courteous and dignified; at the same time, it should be frank and determined. It should be made, under a deep and solemn impression, that all other privileges are comparatively trifling, unless we can, unbiased and unembarrassed, continue to open our eyes upon the light of divine truth as it is communicated to us.

But why do I speak of resistance? Rather let all endeavor that any occasion for it may be unnecessary.

In order to this, be it understood, that the great questions, which, at the present day, agitate the public mind, are not to be decided by the force of authority. Men must be left, undisturbed, to enjoy the fruits of their own inquiries, and to decide for themselves. In forming our opinions, there must be mutual condescension. What we claim for ourselves, we must willingly concede to others. This must be done with good feelings; in the exercise of kind affections; in the spirit of humility; remembering that those who differ from us, no less than ourselves, have interests of infinite moment at stake.

Let it be understood, also, that with the same upright motives, in their investigations, men will arrive at extremely different results; that the members of the body of Christ, of all denominations, do “drink into the same spirit.” Guided by the word of God, and endeavoring to regulate their lives by its rules, they are aiming at the same thing. The honor of God; the peace and prosperity of society; their own salvation, and the salvation of those around them, is what they are all seeking. Let every man have the credit of good intentions, so far as it is supported by fair and honorable conduct. In addition to this, let the means of information continue to be generally diffused, and be made easy of access.

A principal artifice of the superstition of former ages, has been to keep the common people in ignorance: and in the true spirit of such a procedure, we still hear them advised, with the appearance of great seriousness, “not to read the writings, nor be present at the instructions,” of those, who in giving their own opinions of revealed truth, dissent from the common faith.

But is there any other way of dealing honestly with a rational being, at liberty to inquire for the truth, than to give him the advantages for knowing it, and leave him to judge for himself. The influence of such a course, has been tested: its good effects are visible: let it be still pursued, and we may hope, that error will vanish like the mist of the morning, before the rising sun.

If any with whom we are conversant, appear to be mistaken in their views of religion, let us endeavor to instruct them; if ignorant, let us enlighten them; if censorious, insolent, and dogmatical, in the spirit of meekness and love, let us rebuke them; but by no means, let us take upon ourselves the awfully hazardous responsibility of determining their future destiny. “Judge not, that ye be not judged.”

Would we see unhappy divisions multiplied: friendly intercourse interrupted: and the charities of life destroyed, then let us indulge an exclusive spirit: go on to draw dividing lines: to erect separate interests: to form parties and combinations to hunt down and devour one another.

On the other hand, would we enjoy true happiness, so far as it can be enjoyed in the present state; then in addition to our other innumerable blessings, “Let us seek the things that make for peace, and things wherewith one may edify another.” Believing as we are taught, that he who is not against Christ, is on his part, let us aspire to an elevation of sentiment, and a generosity of soul, which will enable us to look beyond all petty distinctions of party and system; and which will lead us in making our estimate of men, to look principally at their life and conversation. “By their fruits shall ye know them.”

All have an interest in the subject. It has been selected for the occasion, under the impression, perhaps a mistaken one, that it calls for public notice. It has been freely discussed, with the conviction, that the great principles of the Reformation, from which society has derived such a rich harvest of blessings, should ever be cherished in grateful remembrance: that every encroachment upon them should be regarded with a jealous eye: and that open opposition should with a jealous eye: and that open opposition should, if possible, be awed into silence. So important a cause, hitherto so happily maintained, we trust will never be abandoned.

We cannot but felicitate ourselves and the public, in view of the progress of Christian light and liberty, not only in our own State; but in our common country, and through the civilized world. Of this there are evident tokens. We rejoice to believe, that the time is advancing, when Christianity, unencumbered with those errors and corruptions which have been heaped upon it for ages, and no longer haunted by the demon of persecution, will everywhere prevail, and will be found in all the relations of life, to have its peculiar effects.

The subject, we trust, will be suitably noticed by our political fathers, to whom we look with confidence, in all our concerns, connected with the public peace and prosperity. To them we look, on this occasion, not for legislative interference, but for their influence as men and as Christians, who always have at heart the high interests of the State.

To determine “questions of words and names,” and ceremonies, which have been too much the subject of angry dispute and bloody contest, the enlightened Christian Magistrate will not consider a duty of his office.

In questions of conscience merely, though he may have an opinion of his own, he will not feel himself at liberty to decide for others.

And above all, will he be on his guard against lending his aid to persecutors. The conduct of the Roman Governor, in this respect, will meet the approbation of every judicious man. So far did he well, in caring for none of those things—So far, is his example worthy of imitation.

In other respects, however, his conduct is altogether the reverse of what we should expect in a wise and virtuous Magistrate. With the credentials, which the Apostle offered, Gallio was inexcusable, for not hearing him with respectful attention, and for not listening to his defense. Clothed in the pride of office, he seems not only to have been regardless of the interests of religion, but seems not to have cared, whether the accused suffered justly or unjustly.

His conduct was unbecoming a good ruler, in refusing protection, at the same time, to Sorsthenes, and, and in neglecting to quell the tumult which arose on his account.

The members of every well regulated society, have a decided interest in its welfare. The man of generous feelings, will never stand the unconcerned spectator of suffering innocence; and if clothed with authority, as he will not see the rights of conscience invaded without rebuke, so will he not suffer disorder and excess to go unpunished. In every situation, as the bold reprove of vice, he will be “a terror to evil doers, and for the praise of them, that do well.” “He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” He will not forget, but with Gallio will remember, that “matters of wrong and wicked lewdness”—injustice and licentiousness, vice and immorality, are the subjects which peculiarly belong to his province; and that to restrain and suppress them, is the great object for which he is elevated to power. In dispelling the clouds that may have been gathered by ignorance, and prejudice and sin, his influence will be “as the light of the morning when the sun ariseth: even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.”

He will cultivate that peace in his own breast, which in some measure composes the turbulent passions. In private life, he will be an example of the virtues of the Gospel. His public administrations will be marked with that true dignity of character, in which, honor, integrity, wisdom, disinterestedness, benevolence, and genuine patriotism, are harmoniously blended.

We look to him as the guardian of our rights, civil and religious. In every situation, in short, we expect to find in him, and exemplification of “the wisdom, which is from above; which is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy.”

With such rulers, have the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, been richly blessed, for successive generations.

Assembled on this joyful anniversary, we offer them the congratulations of the occasion. We tender them the homage of our respects. We hail them as the friends of our liberties, and of social order. We implore, in their behalf, the choicest benediction, of the Supreme Ruler.

In their deliberations and decisions, may they have the divine guidance—And in the great day of final decision may it appear, that in our respective stations, we have so discharged all relative and social duties, that in the abundant mercy of God, manifested through our Lord Jesus Christ, our works may follow us to a blessed reward.

Sermon – Election – 1822, Connecticut


Thomas Church Brownell (1779-1865) graduated from Union College in 1804. He was ordained in 1816. In 1819, he was consecrated a bishop in the Connecticut Episcopal diocese. He served as the first President of Trinity College (1824-1831). This election sermon was preached by Bishop Brownell in New Haven, CT on May 1, 1822.


sermon-election-1822-connecticut

A

SERMON,

ADDRESSED TO THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE STATE OF

CONNECTICUT

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION

IN

NEW-HAVEN,

MAY 1ST, 1822.

BY THOMAS CHURCH BROWNELL, D.D. LL.D
Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of Connecticut

NEW-HAVEN:
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE LEGISLATURE.
J. Barber, printer.
1822.

 

SERMON.
PSALM 97TH, Verse 1st.

“THE LORD REIGNETH; LET THE EARTH REJOICE.”

The Providence and government of God extend to all the affairs of men. All his dispensations are administered with unerring wisdom and justice, and dictated by unbounded goodness. These ideas should be impressed upon the minds of all men; and both nations and individuals should embrace them as the grounds of their dependence and their trust.

Our religious ancestors cultivated a deep sense of the superintending Providence of God; and were accustomed to recognize it in all the great transactions of state, not less than in the private concerns of life. It is in pursuance of a pious custom derived from them, that the supreme Magistrate, and the Legislators of this Commonwealth, have now assembled to solemnize their election to office, and to seek the direction and blessing of God, in the exercise of their high responsibilities.

It will accord, then, with the occasion on which we have met, not less than with the import of the text I have chosen, that we should devote our thoughts to that directing and controlling Providence which the Supreme Being exercises in the affairs of the world; and establish our hearts by meditating on the perfect righteousness, wisdom, and goodness, with which its dispensations are administered.—“The Lord reigneth; let the earth rejoice.”

I. Man, in the pride and presumption of his heart, is fond of accounting for everything through the agency of second causes. Limiting his views to these, he disregards the unseen Ruler of the Universe, who gives to these causes their impulse and direction. Speculating upon national wars, he traces their origin to the ambition of princes, and the intrigues of politicians. Civil commotions, where the citizen is armed against the citizen, and where the brother’s hand is raised against the brother;–these he regards as arising from the machinations of demagogues, working on the passions of the turbulent, and on the ignorance and prejudices of the weak. Dearth and famine, he attributes to unpropitious seasons; and the “pestilence, which walketh in darkness,” he ascribes to noxious vapours, and a tainted atmosphere. These he beholds as regular effects, constantly flowing from the same causes, and he looks no further. He imagines himself prepared to explain and to decide, with perfect confidence and self complacency. He sees not, nor recognizes Him who regulates the course of nature, by laws established in infinite wisdom, and who over-rules the passions and the counsels of men to his own purposes: Him, who, “when he giveth quietness, none can make trouble:” Him, who can “make the heaven that is over our head brass, and the earth that is under our feet iron:” Who can send forth the “pestilence that walketh in darkness, and the destruction that wasteth at noon-day:” Who can turn “a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein.”

But let not the daring atheist think in his heart, which says there is no God, that these events are fortuitous. Let not the presumptuous speculatist ascribe them merely to the disorders of the elements, and the conflicts of human passions, in opposition to the plain dictates of revelation. Reason itself, no less than revelation, declares that amidst all these disorders of nature, and the confusion of nations, there is still a presiding and controlling Intelligence, secretly bringing light from the darkness: a Divine Spirit which moves over the troubled “face of the waters,” and harmonizes the chaos of the moral world, as it did originally that of nature.

If the order and beauty, the contrivance and design, which we observe in the works of nature, evince that the world was at first created by a wise, powerful, and benevolent Being; the continuance and preservation of the course of nature, demonstrate that it is upheld, directed, and governed by the same omnipotent wisdom and counsel. The celestial bodies are still kept and guided in their appointed orbits, and no planet dashes headlong from its course, spreading desolation through the system. All the elements of which the world is composed, however repugnant to each other they may be, are preserved in their original equilibrium. The fire consumes not the air; and the water which the atmosphere elaborates from the ocean, it returns again to the same great depository. The sun still comes daily “forth from his chamber, rejoicing as a giant to run his course.” Day and night; summer and winter; seed-time and harvest, are preserved in their regular vicissitudes; and the whole course of nature, upheld and directed by the hand that created it, still moves on without pause or decay. These facts demonstrate that there is a superintending and unerring Providence, “great in counsel, and mighty in work,” that guides the motions of the heavens, and bears up the pillars of the earth;” that recruits the decays of nature, and preserves the fabric ever the same.

Nor is the Providence of God less manifest in the affairs of men, than it is in the operations of nature. He who tempered the elements of the world, and moulded the minds of men as he willed, will sway them according to his pleasure. The great revolutions which decide the fate of nations, and change the face of the world, are moved and directed by his almighty influence. “Sitting upon the circle of the earth,” he wields and guides these moral phenomena, as he directs the comet’s path through the physical system; renovating the principles of life and growth, and by ways unknown but to himself, conducting all events to the great ends for which he first designed them.

“It is not in man that walketh to direct his steps,” independent of the divine concurrence. The deepest designs of the greatest politicians are often made to terminate in folly. Their counsels are distracted, their measures broken, and their plans defeated. The unjust oppressor is often ruined by the unjust oppressor, in his turn; and they who have spoiled the widow and the orphan, often leave their own widows and orphans a prey to other spoilers. In these events we cannot fail to trace the secret hand of Providence; that undiscernible hand, always wielded in righteousness, yet full of mercy and goodness; which governs and directs all the affairs of the world with unerring justice and inscrutable wisdom: which is so often opened to feed the hungry that cry for food; which is extended to relieve those who are oppressed, and to succor those who are in adversity or affliction; which “restrains the wrath of man,” checks the tide of iniquity, even when its current seems most uncontrollable, and rescues the world from confusion and distraction, by ways which no human wisdom could contrive, or force effect.

It is not merely to the great events of the world that the superintending Providence of God is confined. All things and all events are subject to his direction. As nothing is too great for the control of the Almighty, so nothing is too small for his notice. And the same providential care which preserves the balance of the universe, guides the planets in their courses, and directs the destinies of nations, suffers not a sparrow to fall to the ground unheeded, and even “numbers the very hairs of our heads.”

In the material world, the Providence of God is absolute, and independent of any concurrence or co-operation. The springs of nature are in his hand, and he moves them as he pleases. When her wheels roll on silently and harmoniously; when the rains from heaven moisten and refresh the earth, and the breezes fan the air with health, we seldom look beyond these second causes. It is when the waters descend in a deluge upon the land, and when the hurricane sweeps it with desolation, that we recognize the hand of Providence. And it is especially when we read in the sacred records of the course of nature suspended, or subverted; when we read of the sun arrested in the midst of his career, or of a dry pathway made through the midst of the sea, the waters forming a wall upon the right hand and upon the left, that we are compelled to acknowledge the existence and control of a power above nature, whose fiat everything in heaven and in earth must obey.

Towards his intelligent creatures, the Providence of God is exercised in concurrence with their own free-agency, and in consistency with their accountability. Having endowed them with the understanding to discern, and the will to choose, he does not subvert their rational powers; but his administration over them is exercised in a way which, however incomprehensible it may be to us, is still conformable to the capacities he has given them. We cannot, indeed, perceive the divine influence on our minds. We have no sense to convey to us an impression of it. It is not cognizable by our consciousness; and our knowledge of the nature and intercourse of spirits, is too imperfect to enable us to comprehend the manner, or the degree, in which it is exerted. We cannot understand the connexion between our mental faculties and our bodily organs, nor discover in what manner the volitions of our souls produce the corresponding movements of our bodies. How then shall we trace the connexion between the sovereign government of God, and the free-agency of man; or illustrate that obscure region, where they meet and blend together? “Such knowledge is too excellent for us; we cannot attain unto it.” Of this, however, we may be assured, that “though the heart of man deviseth his ways, yet the Lord directeth his steps;” and that having made man a rational and accountable creature, he governs and directs him in some way conformable to his nature, and compatible with the free exercise of his moral powers. The divine influence must, therefore, coalesce with our own free-agency. Its operations must combine with the voluntary operations of our own minds, though we are unable to distinguish or to separate them, or even to comprehend the manner in which they are exerted.

But perhaps we may properly make a distinction between God’s government of men, when considered as moral agents, and in their relation to himself, and in his government over them in their relations to society, and as the instruments of his providence, in the general government of the world.

As a moral being, it seems to be the province of the divine government, to give laws to man for the regulation of his conduct; to annex to them the proper rewards of obedience, and the punishments of disobedience; and to bestow upon him such inward supplies of grace, as may counterbalance the weakness and corruption of his fallen nature: and thus, leaving him to his freedom, to reward or punish him as he shall deserve.

But when we consider men as members of society, the consequences of their actions extend beyond themselves, and affect the condition of others. Under such circumstances, it should seem that the Providence of God must be concerned so to control and direct their actions, as may best serve the purposes of his government in the world, and conform to the deserts of those who may be affected by their conduct.

It cannot comport with the economy of divine Providence to make an individual good or bad; virtuous, or vicious, by irresistible force. But it may well accord with its dispensations, to induce men, by an unfelt influence, to do the good which they otherwise would not, and to abstain from the evil which they might be inclined to do. There will thus be a difference between the dispensation of Grace and that of Providence. The dispensation of Grace, looking chiefly to a future existence, will have for its object to ameliorate the nature of man, and make him virtuous and good, that he may be happy in another world. It can therefore admit of no greater force than is consistent with the free exercise of his moral powers. But there are general dispensations of Providence, which relate to the temporal condition of men and of nations; to the happiness or misery which may be awarded to them in the present world, for their own discipline and improvement, and to manifest the divine retributions. For such purposes, since it does not affect their future accountability, God may make individuals or nations, the mere instruments of his Providence, and the agents by which he will accomplish the wise counsels of his judgment or mercy to mankind.

In whatever unknown ways, then, the Providence of God may be exercised, in these truths we may rest: It will not destroy the freedom or accountability of his intelligent creatures: It will be administered in righteousness and mercy; and it will surely effect the great ends of his government in the world. The moral as well as the physical agent is in his hands, and he knows how to make both subservient to his gracious purposes, although both may be alike unconscious of the wonderful ministration in which they are employed.

Such seem to be the reflections suggested by the first proposition of our text—“The Lord reigneth.” The text also contains another proposition, which may be considered as a consequence of the first—“let the earth rejoice.”

II. The earth may rejoice in the government of God, because it is exercised in righteousness and mercy. Let us then proceed to a more minute consideration of the rules by which the Providence and government of God are administered.

It is a general rule, with respect to individuals, that the Providence of God is manifested in rewarding the right exercise of their moral faculties, and in punishing the abuse of them; and that men are made happy or miserable, according as they are virtuous or vicious. For the transgression of our first parents, pain, and disease, and death, were inflicted on the whole human race; as a standing monument of God’s displeasure against sin, and as a perpetual memento to mankind, of its awful consequences. If we look round upon society, we shall perceive that almost all the evils which it suffers, are the direct consequences of disobedience to the divine commands. Were each individual to “do to others as he would have other do to him,” the most perfect equity would become universal, and it would be impossible that anyone should suffer wrong. And were every man to “love his neighbour as himself,” the most perfect benevolence would prevail throughout the world. Instead of those malignant passions which destroy the harmony of social intercourse, every heart would be inspired with peace and love: and instead of those bitter contentions which self-interest and ambition create, the only emulation among men would be, who should contribute most to the diffusion of an universal charity. Thus the obedience and virtue of individuals, would ensure their own happiness and that of the community.

But since men will not obey the salutary laws of God, and since the present world is a state of discipline and probation, the economy of Providence has ordained pain and misery as the consequences of guilt; in order to check the devices of the wicked, and to deter the good man from transgression. Yet while it is the general dispensation of Providence, that happiness shall be the concomitant of a life of righteousness, while misery is attendant on guilt, the rule is not so universal as to destroy human liberty. It does not always make a man’s virtue and piety the exact measure of his temporal happiness—much less that of his worldly prosperity. The ungodly sometimes “prosper in the world, and increase in riches,” while the righteous man appears to have “cleansed his heart in vain.” Yet we need not distrust the righteous Providence of God. We need not become “envious at the foolish,” nor “stumble at the prosperity of the wicked.” When we take a more enlarged view of the divine government, and come to “understand their end,” we shall find that they ever “stand on slippery places,” and that they are often “brought to sudden desolation.” And even in these deviations from the general law of Providence, we shall discern the traces of that more perfect dispensation which will take place in another world. We shall read in them the intimations of that great day of final retribution, appointed by the Judge of “quick and dead,” when “for the work of a man shall he render unto him, and cause every man to find, according to his ways.”

It is, therefore, by connecting the dispensation of both worlds together, that we learn rightly to estimate the awards of Providence. Thus we shall learn, that though wickedness may for a time triumph, while goodness lies prostrate, and is trampled upon, yet there is, in the end, an indissoluble connexion between virtue and happiness—between vice and misery; and that justice is ever the great rule of the divine government.

The Providence of God with respect to nations, differs in one important particular, from the measure of its dispensations with regard to individuals. Its rewards and punishments extend not beyond the present state. In their national capacity they must receive the award of their deserts. They cannot await the retribution of the general judgment.

Human laws punish the individual, to preserve the peace of society. A nation stands in the same relation to the aggregate of mankind, that an individual does to the community; and if it violate the laws which the Supreme Being has imposed to secure the peace and happiness of the world, the good of the great society of nations requires that it should receive the penalties of its guilt. For national transgressions, therefore, God inflicts national punishments. He chastises sinful nations with the scourge of war. He sends upon them the blight, and the mildew; famine and pestilence; and he takes from them the blessings which they have abused or despised. “Jerusalem is ruined, and Judah is fallen!” Why? “Because their tongue and their doings were against the Lord.”—“Her staff and her stay is taken away from her, and the man of war, and the judge, and the prophet, and the prudent, and the ancient, and the honourable men, and the counselor—for she cast away the law of the Lord of Hosts, and despised the word of the Holy One of Israel.”

But though there be this difference in the dispensation of Providence to individuals, and towards nations, yet the rule of the divine government is ever the same, and the same great law is extended to both:–The practice of virtue and religion is rewarded with the blessings of Heaven, while wickedness and impiety as surely bring down the divine punishments upon the guilty.

So manifest has been the economy of Providence, in this respect, that it has not escaped the observation even of the Heathen. Such nations have always esteemed it necessary to be just and good, not merely from a sense of present advantage, but from a firm conviction that it was required of them by the gods. And if we trace the history of these nations, we shall find the brightest periods of their glory, to have been when this sentiment was the most deeply impressed on the public mind, and when the bonds of civil life were sanctified by a feeling of their dependence upon Heaven. The illustrious nation, which of all others most interests the youthful imagination;–of this nation it has been well remarked, that “if in many things the Romans were inferior to others, in piety to the gods they were superior to all.” Whether contending for their national safety, or warring for victory and conquest, it was the first care both of their senate and the people, to propitiate the deities, who were supposed to be the protectors of Rome: and nothing could inspire confidence in their generals, or their armies, if any of the prescribed rites had been neglected. When their eagles were sent forth to battle, they were first consecrated to the gods. And if disaster or defeat attended them, these were supposed to be the consequence of some neglected rite, or of the prevalence of national vice and impiety. These superstitions, however absurd or extravagant they may appear, seem yet to be the result of some impression of the retributive justice of Heaven, derived from an observation of the course of human affairs, or stamped originally on the creature man, by the Creator himself:–A sentiment, however, which causes the most ignorant tribes to strive to propitiate the favour of their deities, and deprecate their displeasure, through a thousand erring ways.

But if the natural powers of reason and observation, or the remains of some original light, still shedding its feeble ray over the moral world, enabled the very heathen nations to perceive (though “through a glass darkly”) that there must be some Superior Power which presided over the world;–a power on which they were dependent, and to which they were accountable;–which rewarded their virtue and their piety with blessings, and sent down its punishments for their vice and irreligion; how manifest must all these truths appear under the clear light of revelation?

In the pages of the Holy Scriptures, we are everywhere instructed in the great truth that “righteousness exalteth a nation,” but that “sin is a reproach to any people.” This lesson is inculcated by direct precept, and by historical instruction; and above all, by the dispensations of Providence towards that distinguished nation—so long the “peculiar people” of God. By his servant Moses, he “set before them blessing and cursing;”—the rewards of righteousness, and the penalties of sin. By his prophets, he expostulated with them for their disobedience, and warned them of his impending judgments. When they kept his laws, and sought the Lord in righteousness, he enlarged their borders, and blessed them with prosperity. When they rebelled, and worshipped other gods, he chastised them with famine and with pestilence, with the sword and with captivity. And notwithstanding all their perverseness, and incorrigible wickedness, it was not till they had filled up the measure of their guilt, by the rejection and crucifixion of his beloved Son, that the arm of divine justice fell upon their land, annihilated their national existence, and scattered the remnant of the inhabitants among all people that dwell upon the face of the earth.

If we except the Jewish nation, we shall find no portion of the world where the hand of divine Providence has been so clearly discernible, or where its dispensations have been marked with such distinguished mercies, as in our own happy country. When we look back upon the history of two short centuries, and trace the progress of the little bands of pilgrims which first landed on our shores;–when we see them rapidly converting the savage wilderness into fertile fields; while the tide of population spreads along the coasts, and swells beyond the western mountains;–when we see this people successfully sustaining the arduous struggle of the war of Independence, and advancing in the path of national greatness, till they become a mighty Republic of freemen, with the noblest literary and religious institutions, and with the most perfect government under heaven, we cannot fail to perceive, that if ever a nation experienced the peculiar favour of providence, we are that people. And adopting the language of the Legislator of Israel, we may say, “What nation is there so great, who hath God so nigh unto them, as the Lord our God is, in all that we call upon him for? And what nation is there so great, that hath statutes and judgments so righteous?”

Let these distinguished national blessings, excite in us a corresponding national gratitude; and let us cherish the consideration, that the destinies of our country are still in the hands of the same superintending Providence. And while we thus discharge the first of duties which religion enjoins, we shall also be laying the foundation of the most exalted patriotism. We shall learn to love our country, not merely on account of the selfish interests which bind us to it, but because it is the favoured place appointed by the Almighty for the development of our physical and intellectual faculties, and for the range of our moral affections; and because we can find no worthier resting-place for these affections, except in that better country, reserved for the righteous, in the heavens. Such a patriotism connects in one view, both the present and the future world, and combines its influence with that of religion, to induce us to act our parts well here, with a reference to the rewards of eternity.

According to the principles which have now been advanced, and if the divine government be administered in conformity to the rules which have been stated, it follows, that whether we consider ourselves as individuals, as members of the community, or as Legislators, we have all of us important duties to perform.—If the superintending Providence of God, be exercised in a way compatible with our freedom and accountability, it becomes our duty to concur and co-operate with its gracious designs, and to act in conformity to the righteous laws of its administration.

As individuals, it becomes our duty to live “soberly, righteously, and godly, in the present world;” to render a faithful and willing obedience to all the divine commands, and cordially to embrace that way of salvation, through the righteousness and atonement of a crucified Redeemer, which is revealed in the Gospel;–and then, submissively and confidingly, to await the issue of the divine counsels. Such a life, if it do not bring to us all that temporal happiness which the general economy of Providence allows us to hope for, will still be attended with the richest consolations; and in that future world, where the righteous dispensations of Providence shall be consummated, it will insure to us everlasting felicity.

As members of the community, and as Legislators, it becomes our duty to promote the principles of equity and justice, to cherish the public morals, and to cultivate a fervent and enlightened national piety; as forming, according to the order of Providence, the only sure basis of national prosperity.

The first principles of our private and our public duties are, therefore, the same. They coincide in their elements, and are alike connected with the cultivation of morality and religion. And if the blessedness of individuals is the reward of a life of righteousness, so also the liberty, the prosperity, and the stability of nations, are founded on the moral and religious character of the individuals who compose them.—If our country is now free, prosperous, and happy, it is the award of Providence for the piety and the virtues of our forefathers. The blessings can only be preserved and perpetuated by the virtues and the piety of their descendants.

In revolving the history of past times, we perceive that the most distinguished nations have had their periods of prosperity and decline. Many of the greatest empires which have excited the admiration of the world, are now annihilated, and nothing remains of them but their name. Some have fallen the victims of civil dissensions; others have been swept away by the tide of conquest: and some have dwindled into insignificance, by the natural progress of luxury and effeminacy. In the same pages which relate the decline and dissolution of these nations, we read of the general corruption of public morals, and the degeneracy of national character, which preceded their fall. It is the order of Providence, that in the moral, as well as in the natural world, the same causes shall produce the same effects. So long as the principles of a pure morality, and an enlightened religion, are cherished by individuals, and diffused throughout a nation, that nation will remain free, prosperous and happy. But whenever the people become dissolute and licentious; when the sanctuaries of legislation and of justice shall become venal and corrupt, and the temples of religion shall be neglected, or polluted by infidelity, the degradation and final overthrow of such a people, will be sure to mark the impartial justice of the divine administration.

While Heaven protects and blesses our country, then, let us bear it impressed on our minds, that the rewards of righteousness, will not be continued to the ungrateful, the vicious, or the profane. Let us carefully practice ourselves, and strive to diffuse throughout the community, the principles of a sound morality; let us cherish in our hearts, and profess before the altars of our God, the doctrines of his pure and undefiled religion; and let us appropriate to ourselves, and conscientiously observe, the exhortation of Jehovah to the leader of his ancient people;–“Only observe to do according to all the law which I command thee; turn not from it to the right hand or to the left;–so shalt thou make thy way prosperous, and so shalt thou have good success.”

Sermon – House of Representatives – 1822

Jared Sparks (1789-1866) did not receive much formal education. He worked as a carpenter and school teacher at age 18 and began studying math and Latin at age 20. Sparks attended Phillips Exeter Academy for about a year but had to leave the school because of financial reasons. He attended the Harvard Divinity School (1817-1819) while also working as a tutor. He was witness to a bombardment of the British during the War of 1812 and later wrote an account of it. Sparks was also a chaplain for the U.S. Congress for a year. He resigned from the ministry profession in 1823 and began working as a newspaper editor and became well-known as a historian.


sermon-house-of-representatives-1822-2


A

SERMON,

PREACHED IN THE
Hall of the House of Representatives
IN CONGRESS,

WASHINGTON CITY, MARCH 3, 1822;
OCCASIONED BY THE
DEATH OF THE HON. WM. PINKNEY,
LATE A MEMBER OF THE SENATE OF THE
UNITED STATES.

BY JARED SPARKS, A. M.
Minister of the First Independent Church of Baltimore; and Chaplain to the House
Of Representatives in Congress.

PUBLISHED BY REQUEST.

WASHINGTON CITY:
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY DAVIS AND FORCE,
FRANKLIN’S HEAD, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
1822.

ADVERTISEMENT

IT is proper to premise, that the following Sermon was not intended as a funeral discourse, nor written with a view to publication.  The death of so distinguished a man as  Mr. PINKNEY, made a strong impression on the public mind, and it was thought a suitable occasion on the Sabbath following to dwell on some of the topics, and impress some of the truths, which were in harmony with the feelings so recently excited by this melancholy event.  The Author hopes, that the reflections into which he was led, may not be unacceptable nor unprofitable even to some, who took no part in the temporary excitement of the occasion.  Yet he has no disposition to obtrude them on unwilling hearers; and if any apology be necessary, it must be found in the partiality of his friends, at whose solicitation he suffers this discourse to go before the public.

SERMON.
Man dieth and wasteth away; yea, man giveth up the ghost, and where is he?  Job. Xvi. 10.
There are few events, either in the course of nature or of society, which may not contribute to our instruction and improvement.  All the works of God are teaching as us useful lessons, unfolding some new treasures of wisdom and affording kindly aids to the best efforts of men to strengthen the intellect, refine the feelings, amend the heart.  Such are the ways of Providence, the wise, the inscrutable disposition of things.  Every vicissitude in the divine government presents a lesson for our benefit.  We learn wisdom by experience; trials improve our tempers; sufferings subdue our passions; disappointments moderate our desires.  All the incidents of life teach us to live better and happier; and especially such incidents, as are calculated to enlist the feelings, stir up the affections, as are calculated to enlist the feelings, stir up the affections, and rouse us from the slumbers of a false security.

No object is so insignificant, no event so trivial, as not to carry with it a moral and religious influence.  The trees that spring out of the earth are moralists.  They are emblems of the life of man.  They grow up; they put on the garments of freshness and beauty.  Yet these continue but for a time, decay seizes upon the root and the trunk and they gradually go back to their original elements.  The blossoms that open to the rising sun, but are closed at night, never to open again are moralists.  The seasons are moralists, teaching the lessons of wisdom, manifesting the wonders of the Creator, and calling on man to reflect on his condition and destiny.  History is a perpetual moralist, disclosing the annals of past ages, showing the impotency of pride and greatness, the weakness of human power, the folly of human wisdom. The daily occurrences in society are moralists.  The success or failure of enterprise, the prosperity of the bad, the adversity of the good, the disappointed hopes of the sanguine and active, the sufferings of the virtuous, the caprices of fortune in every condition of life; all these are fraught with moral instructions, and if properly applied, will fix the power of religion in the heart.

But there is a greater moralist still; and that is, Death.  Here is a teacher, who speaks in a voice, which none can mistake; who comes with a power, which none can resist.  Since we last assembled in this place, as the humble and united worshippers of God, this stern messenger, this mysterious agent of Omnipotence, has come among our numbers, and laid his withering hand one, whom we have been taught to honor and respect, whose fame was a nation’s boast, whose genius was a brilliant spark from the ethereal fire, whose attainments were equaled only by the grasp of his intellect, the profoundness of his judgment, the exuberance of his fancy, the magic of his eloquence.

It is not my present purpose to ask your attention to any picture drawn in the studied phrase of eulogy.  I aim not to describe the commanding powers and the eminent qualities, which conducted the deceased to the superiority he held, and which were at once the admiration and the pride of his countrymen.  I shall not attempt to analyze his capacious mind, nor to set forth the richness and variety of its treasures.  The trophies of his genius are a sufficient testimony of these, and constitute a monument to his memory, which will stand firm and conspicuous amidst the faded recollections of future ages.

The present is not the time to recount the sources or the memorials of his greatness.  He is gone.  The noblest of heaven’s gifts could not shield even him from the arrows of the destroyer.  And this behest of the Most High is a warning summons to us all.  When death comes into our doors, we ought to feel that he is near.  When his irreversible sentence falls on the great and the renowned, when he severs the strongest bonds, which can bind mortals to earth, we ought to feel that our own hold on life is slight, that the thread of existence is slender, that we walk amidst perils, where the next wave in the agitated sea of life may baffle all our struggles, and carry us back into the dark bosom of the deep.

Let us employ the present season in a few reflections on the solemn event to which we have alluded.  Let us dwell for a few moments on some of the sentiments and feelings, which it ought to revive.  We cannot bring the dead back to life.  We can do nothing for them.  They are beyond the reach of mortal power.  But we may do something for ourselves.  What has happened to them must happen to us; and their departure, if we will not be too deaf to hear, sounds to us, and loudly sounds, the solemn note of preparation.  What effect, then, should this breach, which has been made in our numbers, have upon us, who still remain?

I.  In the first place, it should impress us with the vanity of human things, and show us the folly of limiting our thoughts, and chaining or affections to this world.

When we look at the monuments of human greatness, and the powers of human intellect, all that genius has invented, or skill executed, or wisdom matured, or industry achieved, or labor accomplished; when we trace these through the successive gradations of human advancement, what are they?  On these are founded the pride, glory, dignity of man.  And what are they?  Compared with the most insignificant work of God they are nothing, less than nothing.  The mightiest works of man are daily and hourly becoming extinct.  The boasted theories of religion, morals, government, which took the wisdom, the ingenuity of ages to invent, have been proved to be shadowy theories only.  Genius has wasted itself in vain.  The visions it raised have vanished at the touch of truth.  Nothing is left but the melancholy certainty that all things human are imperfect, and must fail and decay.  And man himself, whose works are so fragile, where is he?  The history of his works is the history of himself.  He existed; he is gone.

The nature of human life cannot be more forcibly described, than in the beautiful language of eastern poetry, which immediately precedes the test. “Man, that is born of woman, is of few days and full of trouble.  He cometh forth as a flower and is cut down; he flees also as a shadow and continues not.  There is hope of a tree, if it be cut down, that it will sprout again, and that the tender branch thereof will not cease.  Though the root thereof wax old in the earth, and the stock thereof die in the ground, yet through the scent of water it will bud and bring forth boughs like a plant.  But man wastes away; yea, man gives up the ghost, and where is he?”  Such are the striking emblems of human life.  Such is the end of all that is mortal in man.  And what a question is here for us all to reflect upon!  “Man gives up the ghost, and where is he?”

Yes, when we see the flower of life fade on its stalk, and all its comeliness depart, and all its freshness wither; when we see the bright eye grow dim, and the rose on the cheek lose its hue; when we hear the voice faltering its last accents, and see the energies of nature paralyzed; when we perceive the beams of intelligence growing fainter and fainter on the countenance, and the last gleam of life extinguished; when we deposit all that is mortal of a fellow being in the dark cold chamber of the grave, and drop a pitying tear at a spectacle so humiliating so mournful; then let us put the solemn question to our own souls, Where is he?  His body is concealed in the earth, but where is the spirit?

Where is the intellect that could look through the works of God, and catch inspiration from the divinity, which animates and pervades the whole?  Where the powers that could command, the attractions that could charm; where the boast of humanity, wisdom, learning, wit, eloquence, the pride of skill, the mystery of art, the creations of fancy, the brilliancy of thought; where the virtues that could win, and the gentleness that could soothe; where the mildness of temper, the generous affections, the benevolent feelings, all that is great and good, all that is noble, and lovely, and pure in the human character, – where are these?  They are gone.  We can see nothing.  The eye of faith only can dimly penetrate the region to which they have fled.  Lift the eye of fait; follow the light of the Gospel; and let your delighted vision be lost in the glories of the immortal world.  Behold, there, the spirits of the righteous dead rising up into newness of life, gathering brightness and strength, unencumbered by the weight of mortal clay, and mortal sorrows, enjoying a happy existence, and performing the holy service of their Maker.

But let not the visions of faith deceive us away from the reality.  What we shall be hereafter we cannot know.  To die the death of the righteous is our only security.  To be prepared for this death is our chief concern.

II. Again, the instance of mortality, which we have witnessed, should cause us to reflect on the certainty of death.

If we were as thoughtful as we ought to be, we should need no admonition of a truth so obvious and trite as this.  The undeviating ways of God in his providence, bear testimony to the declaration, that it is “appointed unto all men once to die.”  But we are not thoughtful.  We suffer the interests of the world to absorb every other.  Although none of us has so far lost his reason, as ever to flatter himself, that he shall not die; yet how do we live?  Like Job, we all know, that God “will bring us to death, and to the house appointed for all living;” but what influence does a truth so awful and impressive have on our thoughts, feelings, characters?  We are apt to talk and think of death, as if it were a thing with which we have no intimate concern; an evil, which befalls others and to be lamented, but which is not likely to overtake us, nor to interrupt our worldly schemes.  We treat death as a stranger, an unwelcome intruder, on whom we have no time to bestow attention, and whom we desire to shun.

But why this backwardness, this aversion to become familiar with an idea, which we know must be realized?  We charge ourselves with folly and imprudence, if we undertake any enterprise without thought and preparation.  We are thoughtful of our most trivial gratifications; we are provident of all the means of enjoyment and pleasure; we deliberate with the utmost caution on everything, which is likely to affect our earthly condition.  But when we come to the great change, which is to make us beings of another world, to fix our eternal destiny, and to bring us trembling criminals before the throne of a holy and perfect God, we are then supine, indifferent, careless, blind.  How strange is the inconsistency, the infatuation of man!  How little does he know himself, and yet what a wretched use does he make of this knowledge, imperfect as it is!  Let us be more wise; and when we see those who stand by our sides, sinking around us almost without a warning, and taking their flight to the land of spirits, never to return, may we heed the admonition, and feel that the way is preparing for us, in which we must soon follow.

III. Death should be allowed to awaken the sympathy, and put in exercise the pious affections, and tender feelings of the living.  In other words, it is right that we should mourn for the dead.  Nature teaches us this lesson.  The Gospel and the example of Christ, confirm it.

There has been from early times, it is true, a rude and ungracious philosophy in the world, which is at war with this consoling dictate of nature.  But this is nothing more, than the pride of selfishness contending against the purest and most elevated principles of the mind.  If there be philosophers, who desire no support but the lofty resolutions and stern stoicism of their own minds, they are not to be envied.  If there be others, who never yield to the tide of misfortune, whose hearts are too hard to be pierced with the darts of sorrow, they are not to be envied.  We do not believe happiness consists in a struggle to get the mastery of our most refined affections.  This is not human nature.  It is he unnatural growth of passions tutored to pervert their office, and sink the tone and character of the mind below its native standard.

There is no fortitude, no magnanimity, in the hardness of heart, which refuses the tear of sympathy and mournful remembrance to flow, when a fellow-being is called from life; when our fondest attachments are severed, and the ties of our dearest friendships are torn in sunder; when a gloom is thrown over the bright visions of hope, and the whole world seems a wilderness, a boundless waste, without one green spot to revive our drooping spirits.  When we look around us, and see the trophies of death, and behold among them all that we most highly valued and cherished, it is not in human nature to resist these calls on the sensibility of the soul.  God expects no such testimonies of our fortitude, as will destroy the holiest sympathies of our nature.

Let no one call that weakness, which stirs up the fountains of sorrow, sinks deeply into the heart, and causes a tear to fall on the grave of the lamented dead.  Let no one call that weakness, unless he would blot out the light of heavenly peace, and mar the image of God within him; unless he would take from the mind its divine graces, and from the heart its most amiable virtues and liveliest joys; unless he would destroy the most refined pleasures and the sweetest charities of life, and extinguish the principles, which contribute to humanize our natures, and to fit us for heaven.

IV. Death is a monitor, which should make us reflect on the excellence and value of our religion, as revealed in the Gospel.

It is here, and here only, that life and immortality are brought to light.  It is here, that we are taught the certainty of a future life.  In the Gospel we learn, that the spirit, which constitutes our present existence, will live throughout all future ages. How infinitely is our condition improved, in this respect, by the religion of the Savior!  We know, that we are living for eternity.  The God of all truth has told us so.  How full of consolation is this assurance, when our friends depart from us, and the places, which have known them in this world, shall know them no more.  How could our sinking spirits be supported in many of the trials, which a Christian is called to endure, if we had no hope beyond the grave?

The promises of the Gospel will never fail.  The truths, which have been revealed from heaven, published by divine wisdom, and established by the miracles of Christ, will stand as firm as the pillars of the universe, or the throne of Omnipotence.  Such truths inspire a confidence, which no vicissitude of time can destroy.  The pious mind will make it the anchor of safety, and render thanksgiving to God for the manifestations of his love, in disclosing the prospects of a future world, where all cares shall cease to trouble, where the righteous shall dwell in peace and happiness; and where all voices shall join in songs of praise and adoration to the High and Holy One, whose presence fills the Heavens.

To prepare men for death is the object of the religion, which God commissioned his Son to publish and preach.  For the accomplishment of this important purpose, Jesus taught, and suffered, and died; for this, was he empowered from heaven to prove the truth and divinity of his doctrines; for this did he submit to a life of privation, want and pain, endure the reproaches of a scornful world, the tortures of wicked men, the pangs of expiring nature on the cross; for this was he raised from the dead, and taken in glorious triumph to the heavens; and for this does he still continue to be our mediator and intercessor with the Father of all mercies.  For this were the Apostles, according to his promise, endowed with the gifts of the Holy Spirit, and enabled to teach with power and conviction the truths, which they had learned from their divine master.  In Christ, “the grace of God, which brings salvation, hath appeared unto all men.”  He came to “redeem us from iniquity,” to restore us to the favor and holy service of God.  All the glorious displays of divine wisdom and power, which were manifested in his life and doctrines, were designed as means to remove the stains of sin, to take away the debasement of moral depravity, to disarm death of its terrors, and to fit the soul for that untried state of being, which must be experienced in the ages yet to come.

Shall we not turn our minds to heaven in humble adoration and joyful praise to the Almighty, for his great goodness and mercy, in providing these means of our future safety and well being?  Shall we not lift up our thoughts with unfeigned reverence, love, and gratitude to the Savior of men, for what he has done and suffered to execute the high commission of his Father, to redeem our souls from guilt, reconcile us to God, and make plain the way of salvation to a sinful world?  And above all, shall we not show the reality of our faith, the sincerity of our professions, and our deep sense of obligation, by adhering to the precepts, and obeying the sacred commands of Jesus, by following, with all humility, zeal, and piety, his purifying example, by imbibing his spirit, and cultivating his temper?  It is a declaration equally reasonable, solemn, and certain, that “without holiness no man shall see the Lord.”  The religion of the Redeemer, if we will embrace it in its truth, and accept its conditions, will make us holy, and qualify us to see the Lord, and dwell forever in the presence of his glory.

Let our reflections on death have a weighty and immediate influence on our own minds and characters.  We cannot be too soon, nor too entirely prepared to render the account, which we must all render to our Maker and Judge.  All things earthly must fail us.  The riches, power, possessions, and gifts of the world will vanish from our sight; friends and relatives will be left behind; our present support will be taken away; our strength will become weakness; and the earth itself, and all its pomps, and honors, and attractions, will disappear.  Why have we been spared even till this time?  We know not why, nor yet can we say that a moment is our own.  The summons for our departure may now be recorded in the book of heaven.  The angel may now be on his way to execute his solemn commission.  Death may already have marked us for his victims.  But whether sooner or later, the event will be equally awful, and demand the same preparation.

One, only, will then be our rock and our safety.  The kind Parent, who has upheld us all our days, will remain our unfailing support.  With him is no change.  He is unmoved from age to age; his mercy, as well as his being, endures forever; and if we rely on him, and live in obedience to his laws, all tears shall be wiped from our eyes, and all sorrow banished from our hearts.  If we are rebels to his cause, slaves to vice, and followers of evil, we must expect the displeasure of a Holy God, the just punishment of our folly and wickedness; for a righteous retribution will be awarded to the evil as well as the good.

Let it be the highest, the holiest, the unceasing concern of each one of us to live the life, that we may be prepared to die the death of the righteous; that when they, who come after us, shall ask, Where is he? – unnumbered voices shall be raised to testify, that, although his mortal remains are mouldering in the cold earth, his memory is embalmed in the cherished recollections of many a friend, who knew and loved him; and all shall say, with tokens of joy and confident belief, – If God be just, and piety be rewarded, his pure spirit is now at rest in the regions of the blessed.

END.

Sermon – Election – 1821, Massachusetts


Henry Ware (1764-1845) graduated from Harvard in 1785. He was pastor of the First Church at Hingham, MA (1787-1805) and was Professor of Divinity at Harvard (1805-1840). The following election sermon was preached by Ware in Massachusetts on May 30, 1821.


sermon-election-1821-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN BROOKS, ESQ.

GOVERNOR,

HIS HONOR WILLIAM PHILLIPS, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE TWO HOUSES COMPOSING THE

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 30, 1821.

By Henry Ware, D. D.
Hollis Professor of Divinity, in Harvard University.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
IN SENATE, MAY 31, 1821.

Ordered, That the Hon. Messrs. Williams, Tilden, and King, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Henry Ware, and in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon by him delivered before His Excellency the Governor, the Lieutenant Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request a copy thereof for the press.

Attest,
S. F. McCLEARY, Clerk.

 

SERMON.
ACTS………CHAPTER XVII. VERSE 26.
“And hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth.”

IN no point does our religion present itself to us with a deeper interest, in nothing does it recommend itself more strongly to cultivated minds, than in the representations it gives of the character of God, his relation to his creatures, and his dispositions towards them. That he is the creator of all things, and that all beings are the work of his hands, is not the only, nor is it the principal consideration that it offers to us. Images of a more tender kinds are frequently presented, and he is declared to sustain a relation, which implies more of interest, and expresses more of nearness and affection. The author of our being stands in the relation of a father to us; and we are declared to be his children, for whom he feels a parental kindness; over whom he holds a father’s authority. The same God, also, is to be acknowledged as the father of men of all nations. Nor only so; he has made them, as my text asserts, all of one blood, to possess a common nature as well, as to have a common origin; and thus to sustain not only the same relation of children to a common parent, but also that of brethren to each other.

The double relation in which our religion represents us as sustaining toward the author of our being, and toward one another, is closely connected with many of the most important duties as well, as the highest interests of the social state. It regulates the dispositions and the conduct, which individuals owe to each other. It relates also to those, which are due from collective bodies of men, from communities and states one toward another. It prescribes the principles, upon which the members of a government are bound to act, in the conflicting interests of the community or state, which they represent, and for which they act, and other communities, or individuals of the same, or of another community.

Indeed there is nothing in the intercourse of men with each other, in any of the political, or civil, or social relations, which will not be affected by a just view of this universal relation, which binds together and embraces in one, the whole human family.

I have thought the subject not an unsuitable one to b addressed, on the present occasion, to an assembly of Christian rulers; as it suggests a principle, which should serve as a guide to them, in all their endeavors to promote the public good.

While our religion teaches expressly the doctrine of the text, the spirit which it everywhere inculcates, and the whole system of its precepts are of a character correspondent to those relations, the nature and the obligations of which it discovers to us. On the one hand, it is everywhere implied, that all men of every nation owe the same obedience to the common father of our race, are alike objects of his care, subjects of his moral government, accountable to him, equally capable of obtaining his approbation, and securing his favor by holiness, or of forfeiting it by sin, and a life of impenitence. This view, while it leads us to a just sense of the duty we owe to the author of our being, is calculated also to give us enlarged and liberal notions respecting our fellow-men, and to prepare us to honor, esteem, and love them.

On the other hand, everywhere in the same manner is implied the obligation of universal good will to one another, grounded on the same considerations; the common origin of our race, our common allegiance to the universal parent, and the relation we sustain to each other as brethren.

We see then the design and the tendency of our religion in a point of view, in which it displays its most amiable and attractive features, and exerts its noblest powers. Not exclusive but comprehensive is its spirit. Not to separate but to combine, not to drive men asunder, but to unite them together, and bind them by new ties of interest and affection is its tendency. Breathing kindness and good will all around, it produces, not hatred and hostility, not mutual injuries and deeds of violence, but love, and harmony, and peace. Not within a narrow circle is its attractive power confined—repelling all that is beyond. There are no limits, beyond which its attractions are unfelt. It reaches beyond the bounds, which limit all the other principles of union, which operate upon the human mind, and draw men together. Beyond those of interest and personal affection. Beyond those of family, of nation, of country. It embraces every country, every nation, every region, and all the families and tribes of men. And throughout the whole range of its local influence, how various are the effects it produces! Its design is no less, than that of putting down all that is narrow, and selfish, and exclusive and hostile, in the intercourse of men, in the institutions of society, in the customs that prevail, in the feelings that are cherished. It is to break down all those walls of partition, which pride, and selfishness, and passion, and jealousy, and prejudice, and fear, have erected, between nations, and between the several tribes and families of men. It is to sweep away the barriers which local prejudice or interest have raised up, between those who inhabit different regions of the earth, or different portions of the same country. It is to annihilate the odious distinctions, which are grounded on difference of colour, and feature, and form, and manners, and laws, and government, and religion, and usages; distinctions, which have laid the foundation and furnished the pretext, of so much of the violence, and oppression, and slavery, and war, that has disfigured and disgraced the world in all ages, and rendered it too often a scene of hostility and blood, and desolation. It is, not indeed to do away entirely, but to reduce and soften, and to check all that is unkind and revolting in those distinctions, of which the providence of God, or human institutions have laid the foundation, in the conditions of men of the same community; between the rich man and the poor, the learned and the ignorant, the master and the servant, the parent and the child, the public officer, and the private citizen. For, in those institutions, through the instrumentality of which it produces all its great and salutary effects, it presents one spot, where all human distinctions are leveled. There, in the temple of the Most High; in the presence of Him, who alone is great, all human greatness disappears, and the rich and the poor, the prince and the peasant, the bond and the free, meet together upon equal terms.

These are the offices, in which our religion exerts its power, and displays its excellence. Thus does it cause men of different nations and of distant regions, to lay aside their spirit of hostility, to treat each other with justice, and kindness, and good faith; to live in peace, and in the interchange, as they have opportunity, of offices of good will. Thus does it bind together citizens of the same state, and members of the same community, by ties, that no competition of interest, or conflict of opinion, or difference of education, or variety of manners, have power to dissolve. Thus does it prostrate all those factitious, unnatural, artificial distinctions, which pride, and selfishness, and prejudice, and the love of power, have introduced; leaving only those, which the God of nature has established, and which are essential to the order, and peace, and well being of the moral and social system.

And all these effects it produces, without disturbing the regular course of human affairs, as established by the institutions of society; without interfering with any legitimate rights; without diminishing the authority of human government, or preventing the full exercise and influence of those private affections, and personal attachments, which belong to the domestic relations; or those which bind a man to his country, to the land that gave him birth, and to the society, with which are connected all his interests and attachments, and all the duties of a social being.

But Christianity has sometimes been reproached with teaching the obligation of universal benevolence and good will in a manner, which leaves no room for the private affections, no room for particular friendship, for any of the peculiar duties of the near relations, or those, which a man owes to his country. And it has been objected to it that, in the same spirit, it requires meekness, forbearance, and abstinence from resistance in a manner, that is incompatible with the rights of self-defense, and the authority of human government. But it is important to show, and it may be shown in the most satisfactory manner, that our religion is not liable to this charge; and that it is a mistaken view, and a false representation of its character, which subjects it to such an imputation. It is important for us to understand how far from the truth is the charge, that our religion is unfriendly to the full exercise and expression of the private and particular affections; those affections which are due from a man to his country, his kindred, his family, his friends; that it either renders him insensible to those relations, or that it requires of him anything, that is incompatible with either of them. Certain it is, that the enlarged and comprehensive spirit of the gospel has nothing in it adverse to private affection, and personal attachment. Its office is to control, to limit, and to give a right direction to the private and particular affections, not to destroy them, nor to set them aside.

By enlarging the circle through which its influence extends, it does not diminish the warmth with which it glows nearer the centre. While it carries abroad your affections, as far as there are objects, on which they can fall, and your good wishes and good offices as far, as there are beings to be benefitted by them, it permits and encourages a peculiar and warmer affection, a nearer interest, and a more active care toward your family, your friends, your neighbors, the members of the society to which you belong, your country; and you are bound to seek their good in a manner, and to a degree, in which you are not bound toward any, who are beyond those relations. But you are not to forget, that these affections and these obligations, though peculiar and specific, are not exclusive. They are not to diminish your affections, nor to relieve you from your duty to strangers; and those who are distant. They are not to be indulged and followed, where they would interfere with the obligations of general humanity, and the offices of kindness and good will, which are due to all.

But we are invited by this occasion to contemplate the spirit of Christianity chiefly in relation to its influence upon the conduct of men, who in public stations are acting for the public; and particularly upon the legislative and executive government of the state. Now, whether we consider those duties of a government, which arise from the relations of the state or nation to other states, or its relation to its own citizens, Christianity will require of each man, who has a share in administering the government, to act upon a higher and broader principle, than those common maxims of worldly policy, which are usually considered a sufficient to indicate to him the course he should pursue. According to these maxims and rules, the highest motive by which he is to be guided is what is called patriotism, or the love of country; and it is enough, if he faithfully devote himself to the interests of his country, if he pursue its prosperity, and seek its good with a steady zeal, and a single aim. If he suffer no personal interest to come in competition with it, so as to make him prefer the private to the public good, he is thought to act with sufficiently enlarged views, and from motives sufficiently elevated and disinterested. But our religion demands of him something more. While it approves and cherishes the love of country, and itself prompts to every proper deed by which the love of country can be expressed, it requires that it be controlled and limited by a higher and more enlarged principle, that of general benevolence; a principle which will not allow him to advance the interests of his own country upon the ruins of another; which will not permit him, from any prospect of advantage to his own country, to invade the rights of another, or to commit any act of injustice or oppression, or cruelty. Patriotism in its true and proper import is entirely coincident with the spirit of Christianity. In this large and liberal sense, it is inculcated by all those precepts of the Saviour and his Apostles, which tend to the peace and order of society, which require subjection to lawful authority, and promote rational liberty. It was exemplified by the Saviour himself in an affecting manner, when he wept over the approaching calamities of his country, and expostulated with her for that irreclaimable wickedness, which was bringing down upon her the vengeance of Heaven. And it appears with lively interest in the example of the Apostle Paul, expressing a readiness to suffer himself for his brethren, could he but thus save them from the punishment they had incurred, and which was about to fall upon them.

But that patriotism, which stops short of this, have little claim to our respect; it has no title to so honorable a name. Indeed, whatever name it may assume that is in fact but selfishness, a little disguised, and a little refined, which limits its affections, its exertions, its duties, and its cares, wholly to its own country and regards all beyond without sympathy, and as having no claims upon our benevolence or justice. For what is the character, and what the source and motive of that patriotism, which is thus limited and stinted, and makes not a part of universal benevolence, but is exclusive of it and stands opposed to it? The patriot of this school loves his country; but it is only because that country embraces all his own interests, comprehends all his friends; its prosperity is his own prosperity, that of his family, that of his children. In providing for it, and seeking to promote it, he is making the best and only sure provision for himself and his family. His own well-being and prosperity, his own honor and aggrandizement are identified with those of the state, and must rise or fall with it. All this is very well, but it has little praise. Christian patriotism is prompted by a higher motive, and is governed by other rules. It remembers the words of the Saviour, when he asks, “If ye love them that love you, if ye do good to them that do good to you, if ye salute them that salute you, what thanks have ye?”—The obligations of love, of good offices, and of courtesy, he confines not to his friends. He acknowledges the obligation of good will and good deeds, where there can be no return, and where there is no personal interest. He feels himself bound, to do justice to all, to wish well to all; and as he has opportunity to do good, not to his brethren, his kindred, his countrymen only, but to all.

How frequently will it happen, that in a competition of interests and conflict of rights between his own country and a neighboring state, the demands of justice and the calls of patriotism shall seem at variance. Justice to another state, requires him to forego important advantages, and will not allow him to avail himself in behalf of his own country, of opportunities for securing to her advantages, which would give her an ascendency over her neighbors. In such cases, what is the course, which patriotism, as it has been usually understood, and the common and approved maxims of worldly policy, will dictate? Will he, who has no higher principle to govern his conduct, hesitate to seek the aggrandizement of his own nation at the expense of neighboring or distant states? Will he feel himself bound to forego the opportunity of raising his own country to power, or wealth, or greatness, when he knows it can only be effected by taking undue advantages of the situation or the necessities of another; by measures, which tend in equal degree to their impoverishment, depression, and ruin? Will he refuse, will he not even feel himself required by the principles of patriotism which he professes, to give a check, if it be in his power to that prosperity of a neighboring state, which stands in the way of that of his own? There is no doubt, I presume, what answer the history of nations and of governments will report to these questions.

But Christian morality is of a more pure and elevated and disinterested character; and Christian patriotism founded on it, revolts at the thought of deriving a benefit from another’s wrong; of building his country’s glory, and greatness, and posterity, on the ruins of another people. It enkindles an ardent zeal for his country’s good. It impels him to all honorable and virtuous means for its promotion; to faithful exertions, to heroic personal sacrifices. It makes him ready to do and to suffer for the public safety and welfare. But it authorizes no act that is inconsistent with the rights, or that must impair the prosperity of another country, or another individual. The Christian patriot will no sooner pursue measures to erect his country’s glory, on the ruins of another people; to advance her power and prosperity by conquest, oppression, or slavery; or by any methods of checking the prosperity of a rival state, bringing a great evil upon it for the sake of some benefit to itself, or drawing off to itself the sources of its wealth, and the means of its safety, than he would raise his own private fortunes on the ruins of his country, or the injury of his neighbors.

Occasions may occur again, and they are likely to be frequent, in which the local interest of that section of the state, in which you live, and which you immediately represent, may stand in competition with the general interest of the state, or of some other part of it; and would be advanced by measures, that must prove hurtful to the whole, or to some other part. In such cases, a legislator, whose views of duty are narrow and contracted; who considers himself as acting for a part, and not for the whole; who is guided by no higher principle than a selfish policy, will prefer the private to the public good, will seek the particular at the expense of the general interest; will favor the views and wishes of one part of the community, where he knows he must y the same act, bring injury, distress, and loss, perhaps ruin, upon another, with which he is personally less connected, and to whose interests he feels himself less strongly bound.

How different, in each of these cases, will be the conduct of him, who carries with him into his public conduct, the enlarged views and liberal feelings of the gospel!—Who, in being a legislator, a statesman, or a magistrate, does not forget, that he is yet a Christian! Does not forget, that as all men are brethren, of one blood, of one parentage, of one nature, all are entitled alike and equally to the same measure of justice, and kindness, and humanity. He will revolt at the thought of the aggrandizement of his own country by a violation of that justice and humanity, which are due to another people; of advancing the interest of that portion of the country which he inhabits, by that which impoverishes, or lessens the prosperity of another part; or of attaining to personal ease, or affluence, or honor, by a course of measures, which bring undeserved disgrace, or poverty, or misfortune upon any other individual, however remote and unconnected.

Such, my respected hearers, is the general duty of all, and especially of those, who, in the important offices of government, are to watch over the public interests, and to give a direction to the public transactions; a duty resulting from the consideration, that God has made all men of one blood, that all constitute one great community. There are some particular things, which by the consideration of this tie, by which all are bound together, and of the duties implied in it, the rulers of a Christian community will keep in view in all their exertions for the public good. In the first place, in all measures, which have any influence on the elations of the whole, or the mutual relations of the several parts of the state, they will pursue a pacific policy. No measure will receive countenance and support, which has an evident tendency to interrupt, either with surrounding states, or between the several portions of the state, or of its citizens, the relations of peace, and the interchange of friendly offices. Care will be taken, that none be adopted; that are calculated to nourish a spirit of hostility, to awaken mutual jealousies or party prejudices, or to excite any of those passions, which alienate the members of the same community from each other, or by which their pursuits or their interests become irreconcilable. I need not say how adverse the spirit of war is to the spirit of the gospel; nor how well it becomes a Christian government, by a just and humane, and liberal policy, both in respect to its external and internal relations, to keep peace with all, and to endeavor to hasten the universal establishment of the kingdom of the Prince of Peace, and the universal reign of that righteousness and peace, which it was to introduce into our world.

Another circumstance, of which a Christian government will never lose sight, is, its duty to protect the personal liberty and maintain the equal rights of all. It is not required, in order to this, to bring all men to the same level by destroying those distinctions, which the constitution of nature has established, or the institutions of society have sanctioned. Equality of rights may remain amidst all the varieties of condition, and talents, and acquisitions, and character. It stands opposed to exclusive privileges, by which one section of the country, or one class of its citizens is enriched or aggrandized at the expense of another, or has advantages granted to it, which are denied to others under similar circumstances. It stands opposed to any favor or preference shown in the framing of laws, or in their execution to one political sect over another, or to one denomination of Christians over another. It is opposed to the subjection of any portion of the inhabitants of a country to a state of involuntary servitude, to the loss of personal liberty, or of any of their civil or political rights, which have not been forfeited by crimes, that render their continuing to possess them inconsistent with the public safety. It is opposed, in fine, to everything in the structure, and in the administration of the of the government of the state, which implies partiality, which grants to some, what it denies to others, under similar circumstances. It will be the care of a wise and righteous government to carry a steady hand, and maintain an impartial course, amidst the constant and ardent struggles for superiority and particular favor, which employ so much of the activity and zeal of the several religious and political sects, into which every community is divided, and the competition of each class of citizens to gain some advantages over other classes, and of each individual over other individuals of the same class.

Another, and it is the only other leading object I shall mention, will be to make provision for extending the means of good education to every section of the country, and to every class of the inhabitants. By the constitution of our nature we all come into being upon equal terms; equally helpless, equally dependent, and equally objects of the complacency and the care of our common parent. But, no sooner are we born into the world, than more circumstances, than can be named or imagined, contribute to destroy this original equality, and to produce that infinite variety, which we find, in the condition, and in the characters of men. The different discipline to which we were from the first subjected; the different fidelity or neglect of our parents in our early instruction; the different influences, to which we were exposed by the examples usually before our eyes in our early years; casual associations, to which in early and in mature years we were introduced; difference of industry, of activity, of enterprise, when we came to engage in the business of life; difference of occupation, to which choice, or accident, or necessity, or parental authority may have destined us; by all these, and numberless other circumstances, this equality of nature soon disappears, and human society is made up of an infinite variety of all extremes. Now it should be the great object of a Christian government, keeping steadily in view the common origin of all, “formed of one blood,” to restore, as far as can be done by proper means, that original equality from which men have departed so far. And this is to be effected, not by an arbitrary equalization of property, and leveling of all distinctions of rank and power, which industry and education, and talents, cannot fail to give; and which they must soon restore again, were they taken away by violence; but by correcting as far, as it is in their power, the source from which the difference between one man and another in all these respects, has in a great measure sprung. It is by providing that the means of education shall be extended to all. That education I mean, which is not confined to the rudiments of knowledge, but which relates also to all the principles and habits of an intellectual, a moral, and immortal being; a member of the social body, and a subject of the moral government of God. It is by multiplying the means and perfecting the system of intellectual, moral, and religious education in general, and by allowing no portion of the country, and no class or description of its inhabitants to be left by the necessity of their condition without them. It is by urging home to the very bosoms of men, the inducements to use the means and opportunities that are offered them, for themselves, and for their children. It is to press upon men the motives to habits of industry, frugality, sobriety and temperance. It is to encourage, by legal provisions and by their example, institutions and associations, which piety, humanity and patriotism have suggested, for promoting these most benevolent purposes.

It is the distinguishing glory of the age in which we live, to abound beyond all former example in the exertions of voluntary associations for preventing indigence and for mitigating its evils; for suppressing vice, and for encouraging and promoting industry, frugality, economy, and habits of temperance and virtue, and for sending that religious knowledge, which may form the whole character, and influence the whole condition of life, home to the families and firesides of those, who might never have been induced to put themselves in the way of receiving it. It is the spirit of that religion, which teaches, that we have all one father, and that we are all brethren, that is producing these effects; that is thus seeking to bring men nearer together, not by impoverishing the wealthy, but by enriching the poor; not by bringing down the lofty, but by raising the low; not by leveling the distinctions of learning, and wisdom and virtue, but by enlightening the ignorant, and raising men from the degradation of folly and the corruptions of vice to the elevation of the wise and the virtuous.

I observe, that it is the spirit of our religion, that is producing all these effects. But how late have Christians been in learning this application of its principles, and this method of accomplishing its design! How partial and limited still in the Christian world is the application of the great principles and spirit of the gospel to public transactions, and the conduct of governments. Not only has it been overlooked in the intercourse of nations with each other, so that they have regarded each other as natural enemies, rather than as brethren of one great family; but it has been unacknowledged and unthought of in the relation that subsists between the government and the citizens of the same state. How long were Christians in coming, from the fact, that “all were made of one blood,” to the just conclusion respecting the natural freedom and equality with which men are born into the world! It is a lesson, indeed, which most Christian nations have still to learn. Principles are acknowledged and practices pursued, that are utterly irreconcilable with that natural equality as to rights, which is the basis of all relation of all to a common parent, which Christianity teaches. Instead of this, it is practically admitted, that some are born to rule, and others to be subjects, some to possess power and rights, and others to have only the privilege, to obey and to suffer. And so long have the nations of the earth submitted to this unnatural state, so long have the many been subjected to the control and disposal of the few, that they have lost the power of self government and self direction. The chains they have worn so long, that they have grown into the flesh, and are not safely to be removed. Men have so long been without power, that there is reason to apprehend they would make a fatal use of it, were it suddenly put into their hands. So long have they been without liberty, and without rights, that they require time and discipline to teach them their value and their use, before it would be safe to entrust them in their hands. The evidence of this state of things, we have in the current events of the day, and in the history of the last thirty years. Men have been accustomed in most countries to pay their homage to hereditary power, and to be dazzled and awed by its external insignia, till they are unable to perceive the immeasurable distance between that which is intrinsic, and that which is adventitious in human greatness; to perceive how far the chief magistrate of a nation or state, elevated to the chair of government by his talents and his virtues, and placed in it by the free suffrages of an enlightened people, rises above him who is seated, by the mere chance of his birth, upon a throne, whatever the splendor and power with which it is surrounded.

Our religion teaches us, that God has made all men of one blood, and that we are all brethren; but by the institutions of society in some countries, and by common usages and the prevailing practice in almost all, one might well be led to suppose, that men believed themselves to be wholly unrelated to each other; that the several nations of the earth, and the several classes of the inhabitants of each country had no common origin, and no common interest. Confirmation of this opinion we should find in the general hostility manifested by the several nations toward each other. It has been such, that in all countries and in all ages, it has been reckoned one of the highest virtues of a citizen, to love his own country, and to seek her good, exclusively of all others, in a manner irreconcilable with the obligations of general benevolence, and with the notion of a common nature, common origin, and the relation of brethren belonging to all. Patriotism accordingly in the political vocabulary is defined to be a narrow, exclusive passion, which permits, if it does not even require us, to hate all the rest of mankind, whenever the supposed glory, or interest of our country comes in competition with that of any portion of mankind, who are out of those limits. We should find it also in the selfishness, and cruelties, and oppressions that are permitted in all countries; in the degradation and abject servitude to which, in many countries, a large portion of the population is born, as their natural inheritance, and inevitable lot, from the odious distinction of casts so disgraceful to pagans in the eastern hemisphere, to the still more horrible system of African and American slavery, by which so indelible a stain is fixed upon Christians in the western.

That Christians in other countries, besides our own, are beginning to understand, better than they have done, the spirit and the demands of their religion, and to apply it to correct the abuses of government, its false principles and maxims, and the evils of the social state, is a just cause of joy, and a reasonable ground of hope. That a cause against which so many passions, and prejudices, and interests are armed, should meet with opposition, and occasionally fail of success, is what we are to expect. But of its eventual prevalence, and final triumph, we have a sure pledge in the effects already achieved, and in the engines which are brought into activity to accomplish the rest; but above all in the assurance that it is the cause of humanity, the cause of truth, the cause of God—and that God will own and vindicate his cause.

There are several circumstances, which give peculiar interest to the present occasion, and furnish unusual reasons for public joy and gratulation [thanks]. I shall confine myself to the mention of two.

The first is the public sense, so clearly expressed in the recent election, of satisfaction in the past administration of the government of the state. As the highest reward that those, who serve the public, can receive, is to know, that their services have been acceptable; that their well meant endeavors to promote the public good have been successful, and have met the approbation of their fellow citizens: so is there no method, by which the public sentiment respecting the administration of government can be so distinctly expressed, as by the reappointment of the same persons to the important offices of the state.

In the reelection of those distinguished citizens to the two first offices in the government, whose faithful services, in high stations and important trusts, the public has enjoyed for so many years; and in the return of so large a proportion of the Senators and Representatives of the last year to compose the Legislature of the present; an honorable testimony is given of the public satisfaction in the wisdom, fidelity and usefulness of their past services, and of the general confidence which they have inspired. We contemplate the fact also in a still higher view; as an assurance to us of the strength and stability of our institutions, and of the good sense and good spirit of the community; and that there is intelligence enough in the people to enable them to understand when they are faithfully served by those, in whose hands they entrust the public interests; and correct principles enough to approve and to encourage public virtue, public spirit, and upright and well directed services.

While we notice, and mention on this occasion with great satisfaction, these tokens of a wise and faithful administration of the civil government, of the public prosperity and tranquility, which are its natural consequence, and the general expression of approbation it has received; we regard it, also, as a promise of the future. It invites us to confident hope, and the indulgence of pleasant anticipations of the future management of the interests of the state. It enables us to feel assured, that the administration of the government, will be committed hereafter, as it has been hitherto, to able and faithful hands; and that the people, after exercising with sound judgment and due care their right, in the selection of those, to whom their most important interests are to be entrusted, will be reasonable and just in the judgment they pass afterwards upon the manner in which the trust has been executed; and ready to express their approbation and gratitude, wherever they shall have been merited by a steady pursuit of the public good.

The other circumstance, to which I alluded, as imparting a peculiar interest to this, beyond what we have felt upon similar occasions, is the evidence we have had the opportunity of witnessing in the course of the past year, of the general satisfaction of our citizens in the principles and form of the government itself. The people have been called upon to express their opinion, not only as they have annually opportunity to do, of the administration, but also of the constitution of our government. The result is the most gratifying, the most encouraging, and the most honorable, that could have been anticipated. It has exhibited a new proof of the soundness of those principles upon which our government is founded. It has taught us what before was doubtful, and must have remained so until the doubt was removed by such an example, the practicability of perpetuating republican principles and republican institutions. We have now to offer, in proof of the stability of republican institutions, the example of a people, to whom, after an experiment of forty years, the form of their government has again been submitted for revision, to be wholly set aside, or altered, or preserved entire, according as experience shall have taught them to regard it as sound in its principles and forms, or defective, or radically wrong. That it has passed through the trial, to which it was subjected, without any injury, with so few alterations, and with all its important original features unchanged; while it is so honorable to the prospective wisdom of the illustrious men, its original framers, reflects not less honor upon the wisdom of the equally great men, who were appointed to revise the instrument; and upon the good sense and moderation of the people in the primary assemblies, to whose final decision the amendments which it was thought proper to make in it, were submitted. We have learned, what it is most consoling and encouraging to know, that there is not in them that restlessness and love of change, which would make them willing, in pursuit of an unattainable object, to put at hazard all that is valuable in their civil institutions.

There is probably no other country on earth, where the same experiment could have been made with safety; and it may be doubted whether, in every part of this, it could have been done with equal probability of a favorable issue. If it be asked, to what it is to be attributed, that we have been able, without violence, without force, without civil commotion to accomplish that, which in other countries, the friends of rational liberty and good government dare not attempt; the answer is easy and satisfactory. It is to be found in the principles and habits of the people; in the religious and moral character of the inhabitants of this state; in the state of society, derived originally from our ancestors; brought with them when they came to this country; preserved and improved by the institutions which they established, and the provisions which they made, and which are yet continued, for religious instruction, for general education, and for the general diffusion of knowledge and virtue.

It is to your reverence for religion and its institutions, the general respect paid to the Christian Sabbath, and the worship of God in public assemblies, to the general diffusion of knowledge among all classes of people, and the system of education, by which provision is made for extending competent means of instruction to every family and every child. It is to these, that you owe that elevation of moral and intellectual character in the great body of the people, those sober habits, and those just views, by which they are qualified for the enjoyment and the preservation of a free government; capable not only of selecting from among themselves, the men who are best qualified for the several offices in the administration of their government, but also of determining the great principles and rules upon which its administration shall proceed, of choosing the kind of government under which they will live.

The considerations which discover to us the causes, to which we are to attribute those circumstances in our condition, by which we are so happily distinguished, and for which we have so much cause to be grateful; point out to us also, and urge upon us, the means, by which a state of things so desirable, must be preserved. It can only be by a vigilant and faithful care of those institutions, to the influence of which we are so much indebted. Should it ever happen, that the people of this state, losing their sense of the value of religion and the importance of education, should cease to make provision for their support; our school houses and places of religious worship, be deserted, and suffered to go to de ay, or be converted to other uses; and our Sabbaths, instead of being consecrated to religious retirement and social worship, become seasons of business or amusement; then will our children grow up in ignorance and irreligion, and in those habits fatal to all purity and elevation of character, of which irreligion and ignorance are the unfailing source. Throwing off their allegiance to God, what is to be expected, but that they will throw off their subjection to parental authority; having learned to trample upon the laws of Heaven, that they will not be slow in casting off their respect for human laws? Corruption thus introduced, by the neglect or perversion of education, how rapidly will the whole mass be contaminated! Nor will it be slow in passing from the people to the administration, and thence to the very principles of the government. Then instead of the august spectacle this day before us, of the wisdom and virtue of the state assembled here, in the presence of God, and invoking his guidance and blessing, to legislate for an enlightened, and free, and virtuous people, we should have an assembly of men whose recommendation to office and the public confidence, was their hostility to all that is most valuable in the character, and habits, and institutions of the country. And how soon such a change in the character of the administration would be followed by a correspondent change in the constitution under which they act, and in all those institutions, upon which the public order, the prevailing morals, and the prosperity chiefly depend, may easily be seen.

If, with the enlightened views and liberal spirit of our holy religion, on the other hand, and following the maxims and the example of our fathers, we shall continue to make competent provision for the support of religious institutions, and a system of education, that shall extend to those, who are capable of becoming useful to the public in the most important stations, opportunities and means for the highest literary improvements, and to all ranks of men such advantages as may qualify them to fill with propriety their place in the social body, make them capable of understanding the rights and the duties of citizens and of moral and accountable beings, and of feeling the influence of the highest and best motives in the conduct of life; we may feel secure of the permanence of a free government, that it will gather strength with time, and become venerable by age, as it is beautiful and attractive in youth; and that with it, all those institutions which we so much value, brought to a more perfect state, with the advancement of knowledge, and progress of improvement, will remain to shed their blessings upon our children, when we shall be gone to mingle our dust with the dust of our fathers.

Sermon – Election – 1820, Massachusetts


William Jenks (1778-1866) graduated from Harvard in 1797. He was pastor of the First Congregational Church in Bath, ME (1805-1817) and a chaplain during the War of 1812. Jenks also was pastor of a church in Boston (1826-1845) and established free chapels for seamen in that city. The following election sermon was preached by Jenks in Massachusetts on May 31, 1820.


sermon-election-1820-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN BROOKS, ESQ.

GOVERNOR,

HIS HONOR WILLIAM PHILLIPS, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

MAY 31, 1820.

BY WILLIAM JENKS, A. M.
Minister of a Church in Bath, Maine, now resident in Boston.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
House of Representatives,
May 31, 1820.

Ordered, That Messrs. Noble, of Williamstown, Humphries, of Dorchester, and Lincoln, of Boston, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. William Jenks, to return him the thanks of this House, for his able and learned Discourse, this day delivered; and to request of him a copy for the press.

A true copy from the record……Attest,
BENJAMIN POLLARD, Clerk of the House.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
THE present year will complete two centuries since the first colony of the pious Forefathers of New England embodied on these shores. Gratitude for the efforts of those venerable men and regard for their principles prompt us to notice such a period. The solemnities of this day assist the impression. Our Fathers consecrated by religious services their civil rights and blessings, and have transmitted to us the hallowed custom. Standing here, therefore, at the call of Providence, to address, on our most distinguished civil anniversary, the Constituted Authorities of that Commonwealth, which enjoys peculiarly the result of antient sufferings and labors in the cause of freedom; the Preacher will feel happy if he be able to transmit the views and feelings excited in his own mind by the subject contained in these words of the inspired volume—

2 COR. 3, 17.
“Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.”

In making this assertion, the Apostle Paul had special reference to the distinctive features of the two divine dispensations, familiarly termed the Law and Gospel. The one he calls a covenant or dispensation of the Spirit, the other of the letter; and adds, the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life. Pursuing the comparison, he claims for the gospel an increased regard and a higher glory; for, if in various particulars honor had been bestowed on the system of commands, whose operation was fatal, it seemed fit that the benevolence of God displayed in later times should be acknowledged with every token of respect and joy.

In the process of his reasoning, he complains that the Israelites were unable to contemplate the grand design of the promulgation of the law by Moses, and asserts that their blindness will not be removed before they embrace the spiritual dispensation of Christ. For where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.

These words I cannot regard in any other light, than as manifesting, in a general view, the prominent feature of the Gospel itself. From the exposition, therefore, of the celebrated Macknight, by which he would make the passage indicate only “a freedom of speech” in the Apostles themselves, when explaining the revelation entrusted to them, I feel compelled to dissent, and in agreement with the greater number of commentators, 1 both of Romish and Protestant communions, assign to it the meaning already affixed.

Considering the text, then, as asserting the liberal, filial spirit of the gospel, I would in the present discourse derive from it, and endeavour to illustrate and apply the proposition, that THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IS EMINENTLY CONDUCIVE TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GENUINE LIBERTY.

In the first place, it vindicates the freedom of man in the concerns of religion.

But what is the freedom, to which, in the concerns of religion, man if entitled? Evidently, not a liberation from dependence on God, nor from the obligation of obedience to His requirements—the former of which is naturally, the latter morally impossible. Perfection in the Deity Himself excludes the possibility of doing wrong. To be permitted then to stray from the path of rectitude is no enviable liberty. To be as is our heavenly Father, must be regarded as well the height of happiness, as of perfection. With great propriety, therefore, is it said in the liturgy of that Church, from whose abuses only the founders of our Commonwealth dissented and removed, that the “service” of God “is perfect freedom.” 2For, to use the words of judicious Hooker, 3 “Of Law there can be no less acknowledged, than that her seat is the bosom of God, her voice the harmony of the world; all things in heaven and earth do her homage, the very least as feeling her care, and the greatest as not exempt from her power; both angels and men and creatures of what condition soever, though each in different sort and manner, yet all with uniform consent, admiring her as the mother of their peace and joy.” The authoritative voice of the Holy Scriptures asserts those to be free indeed, who are made free by Christ. Yet are they children and friends only as they observe His injunctions, and manifest His temper.

A cordial admission of obligation and accountability to God, and to Him alone, is essential to the idea of religious freedom. This relieves from the fear of man, recalls the mind to the contemplation of perfect rectitude, acknowledges the exhibition of that rectitude in revelation as the law and standard of right, and above all, delivers from the slavery of disordered passions and corrupt principles. It tends therefore to reduce the mind to order, harmony and duty; and, freeing it from the restraints of sin and error, enlarges its powers to their just expansion.

The ancient law given to the Israelites was not merely a declaration of eternal and unchangeable principles. Every part of it would then have been of perpetual obligation. Nor is it in such a view that the Apostle compares the two dispensations. Under each of them the great object of worship is the same. But the former covenant was encumbered with ceremonial observances, which the gospel abrogates. It severed the Israelites from the rest of the world, and consulted their benefit merely, as a nation. Its worship was local and restricted, and none could partake in it, but such as joined themselves to that peculiar people. Although the law of love was inculcated, as a rule of conduct toward a member of their own tribes, and occasionally toward the stranger, it is obvious to remark, that the result separated the Jews in affection as in fact from mankind at large; and though their system itself was confessedly introductory and imperfect, yet they could not stedfastly look to the end of that which is abolished.

The religion of the gospel, that dispensation of the Spirit of God, is, on the contrary, enlarged and free. Agreeably to express prophecy, Christ is given for a light to the gentiles as well, as a glory to Israel. The burdensome observances of the Hebrew ritual are no longer binding on the conscience. Equal privileges in religion are offered to all mankind, first indeed to the Jew, but still to the Greek—barbarian, Scythian, bond and free. The spiritual kingdom of Christ knows no national distinctions. One is the Master of all its millions, and they all are brethren.

The prevailing law of this kingdom is love. And love worketh no ill to his neighbour—suffereth long, and is kind, envieth not, vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up, doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth, beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, and never faileth.

It is not then abundantly evident that, where this heavenly religion diffuses its blessings, its tendency is, to transform into its own image the character of the selfish and arrogant, the violent and impure? And if, while it instructs the mind concerning truths most essential and important, it fill at the same time the heart, to the exclusion of pride, malice, covetousness, indolence and sensuality, what remains that can obstruct human freedom in the concerns of religion?

But the design of this day’s solemnities, the illustration of our subject, and justice to the ennobling principles of our Forefathers demand that we attend in the second place, to the salutary efficacy of the Christian religion in things of civil concernment.

I am well aware that difficulties attend the discussion of this subject. Some arise from the alleged fact, that liberty has been oppressed and silenced by ecclesiastical establishments; that in no countries has civil freedom been overwhelmed more effectually than in those, wherein the priesthood, instituted for the service and advancement of religion, has attained a temporal ascendency and power. It is then asked triumphantly, if the spirit of intolerance and bigotry, of which reproach a full measure is poured on the heads of our venerated ancestors, who first established the polity of this Commonwealth, has ever shown itself more, than when were hear the loudest professions of religion.

But what does this prove? It argues nothing effectually against the doctrine of the text. Let the potsherd strive with the potsherds of the earth. Human nature, to say the least, is confessedly imperfect. The collision of separate and opposite interests will ever produce confusion. What men strongly desire they will strive with ardour to obtain – and if, in the chase of the honors or profits of the world, there have been found those, who prostrate on the same level things human and Divine, profane the sacred name of religion, by using it as a cloak to conceal extreme cupidity, and even while officiating at here hallowed altars, in secret sacrifice to ambition, avarice and pleasure, she is guiltless of their excesses. The cells of the Inquisition were never her abode, nor the purview of the “Holy Office” her domain. It was not she, who lighted the fires of Smithfield, nor has she been often found in Conclave. She was alike, I fear, a stranger to the voluptuous, classic Leo, and the sanctimonious Cromwell. Her code requires internal purity and practical virtue. Whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely and of good report are the theme of her injunction and commendation. As well, then, might we charge upon the laws themselves the guild of a criminal, who falls under their just sentence, as upon religion the faults of those, whose lives evince, that they feel not its efficacy.

All men are subjects of the moral government of God. The simple acknowledgment of this principle virtually involves the whole system of duties and motives. There is no exception. No class or individual can claim to be exempted. The wealthy, who might bribe, the great and powerful who might intimidate a corrupt human judge or lawgiver, and the poor and abject, who might be thought beneath his notice, and whose rights or sufferings might attract no regard, are equal in the sight of our Divine Lawgiver and Judge. With Him, is no respect of persons.

Where these views prevail—and they must prevail wherever the religion of the gospel, bringing life and immortality to light, exerts its influence; there a responsibility to God will be felt. The selfish propensities will be checked and controlled by higher and nobler principles. It will be perceived that he who loves God, will love his brother also.

To establish, in this view of our subject, the doctrine of the text, it is not necessary to prove that inspiration is requisite in order to teach men their interest in establishing a recognition of civil rights. For this purpose, the mere love of power and hatred of control, prudently and intelligently directed, is generally sufficient. Heathens have had notions of liberty, and have established systems of legislation and government, from which the most enlightened nations of modern times have been proud to borrow both principles and exemplifications. It is, I conceive, incumbent on me only to maintain, that where the Christian religion has its genuine influence, it purifies legislation, checks the abuse of authority, and tends to liberate mankind from all oppressive exaction and degrading restraint.

Contemplate it in the civil ruler. He feels that he is a steward of God. He knows from the oracle of his daily consultation, it is required in stewards that a man be found faithful. The power lodged with him he regards as a sacred deposit. The government he exercises is an ordination of God, and he rules for Him. As a legislator, no partial or interested views are permitted to govern him. He shaketh his hands from holding of bribes. As a magistrate, while he despiseth the gain of oppressions, he will faithfully execute the laws, and exhibit himself a terror to the evil; but will also exert his influence for the praise of them that do well.

Contemplate it in the citizen or subject. If the ruler, raised apparently above the sway of ordinary motives, feel yet the obligation of religious motive, and be prompted to every salutary and honorable effort for the good he has been thus elevated; he who is subject to the ordinary operation of law feels on Christian principles bound to obey—to obey every lawful institution of man, for the Lord’s sake—as free, indeed; yet not using his liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as a servant of God.

If such, then, be the fruits of the Spirit, in all respects and among all orders of men beneficent and improving—must not the best interests of society be advanced, in proportion to the prevalence of the gospel? Its tendency is, to free the human mind from the shackles of ignorance and sin, from superstition, bigotry and false zeal—to inform it respecting human destination and duty—to exhibit in its just light the lovely and most venerable character of God, to reinstate man in His favor through the mediation of Jesus Christ, and to make his abode on earth introductory to his enjoyment of the felicity of heaven.

It will not be supposed, from the foregoing statement that the preacher inculcates the doctrine, that piety alone is to be regarded, as the sufficient qualification for the management of all the varied concerns of society. It must be obvious to all, that there are certain talents of indispensable necessity to everyone, who is invested with influence and power; information, without which he will be in perpetual hazard of mistake; sound wisdom and discretion, to enable him sagaciously to discern, and prudently to secure the public welfare.

The very idea of accountability to God for the employment of every talent demands the cultivation of the intellectual and moral powers, that we may serve Him with the first fruits—the best that we can offer. So thought our ancestors, when they provided schools. So prescribed the law of Moses, when it required, take ye wise men and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you. So, after the lapse of a thousand years, an indignant prophet 4 denounces thus a righteous malediction in the name of his Lord: if ye offer the blind for sacrifice4, is it not evil? Offer it now unto thy governor; will he be pleased with thee, or accept thy person? Cursed be the deceiver, which voweth and sacrificeth unto the Lord a corrupt thing; for I am a great King, saith the Lord of hosts.

That the gospel affords the best practical code of international and private law, and is as worthy to sway the scepter of princes, as to guide the crosier, we have, at this enlightened period, the express avowal of a cotemporary monarch—a Monarch, 5 whose consistency of character seems capable of redeeming from the reproach of policy and “kingcraft” the uncommon stand he takes in the defense and propagation of the kingdom of Christ. And though that kingdom be not indeed of this world, and therefore not established by mere worldly efforts, but by the Divine Spirit, and an unearthly influence; yet that the kingdoms of this world should become the kingdom of Christ, is, pardon the source of my remark, “a consummation devoutly to be wished.” The Lord hasten it in his time!

With some inferences, applying the subject, and the address customary on this occasion I will conclude.

I. God has been gracious to this Commonwealth, both in the circumstances of its settlement, and in subsequent events.

The time of its settlement is memorable, as several of the nations of Europe had just recovered their long lost liberty in religion. Church establishments had been formed, and the defects or excellencies of them were amply developed by experience. A century had elapsed, from the first successful struggle for emancipation from the spiritual tyranny of Rome to the time, in which the exiles at Leyden were contemplating a removal to America. The abuse of ecclesiastical authority had driven them from the land of their nativity indeed, but they sojourned with a people, whom Commerce and their own necessities had taught the convenient principles of religious toleration, and had opportunity to learn some at least, of its instructive lessons.

Protestant nations for a considerable period had been claiming the privilege of thinking for themselves; and this privilege our Puritan Ancestors claimed also. Their characters were mostly formed in the school of adversity, and their virtue must be acknowledged to possess a hardihood but seldom seen. They were well acquainted with the rights, and seem to have been well disposed to practice the duties of subjects—but that human power should prescribe for them in the concerns of religion they could not brook, nor submit to the arbitrary exactions of corrupt ecclesiastical courts. They drank into the spirit of the gospel, and demanded liberty of conscience.

The English nation early claimed a share in the diffusion of Christian knowledge. It was not Luther, nor Zuinglius, but Wickliffe, and his martyred pupils in Bohemia,6> who sowed first the seeds of reformation from Popery, and thus prepared the way for the growth of all those principles, the fruits of which succeeding generations gather. These seeds were disseminated from the precious Word of God. Nor is it easy to believe that there were not in the English nation, even from the time of the persecuted Lollards, many who mourned in secret, and prayed for times of freedom. Under the reigns of the 8th Henry, Edward and Elizabeth, the augmentation was of course rapid; a free communication was necessarily maintained with foreign protestants, especially during the arbitrary and cruel sway of Mary; and hence, with every advantage of religious instruction and discipline, our venerated ancestors were prepared to found their Commonwealth.

Do we wonder that, having themselves escaped from restrictions and persecutions, they should not readily adopt a tolerant system? Let the revered Pastor of their church at Leyden, the amiable and catholic Robinson, answer in their behalf. “It is not possible the Christian world should come so lately out of antichristian darkness, and that perfection of light should break forth at once.” That this good and great man felt the expansive spirit of genuine religious liberty is evident from his exhortation to his flock. “He charged us,” says one of them, “before God and His blessed angels to follow him no further than he followed Christ; and if God should reveal anything to us by any other instrument of His, to be as ready to receive it as ever we were to receive any Truth by his ministry; for he was very confident the Lord had more Truth and Light yet to break forth out of His Holy Word—but exhorted us to take heed what we receive for Truth, and well to examine, compare and weigh it with other Scriptures before we receive it”—“words,” says the New England historian, 7 who records them, “almost astonishing in that age,” the age of the bigot James—proving their author “capable of rising into a noble freedom of thinking and practicing in religious matters, and even of urging such an equal liberty on his own people. He labors to take them off from their attachment to him, that they may be more entirely free to search and follow the Scriptures.” Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there, indeed, is liberty. Hence the testimony of Governor Winslow; “the primitive churches in the Apostolic age are the only pattern which the churches of New England have in their eye; not following Luther, Calvin, Knox, Ainsworth, Robinson, Ames, or any other, further than they followed Christ and His Apostles.” This disposition prepared the way for the tolerant and liberal spirit of succeeding times, and gradually led our ancestors to perceive, that a contrary disposition and conduct are as unscriptural as impolitic. The sword, which religion wields, is the sword of the Spirit, and this is the word of God.

Do we examine subsequent events, still has God been gracious to this Commonwealth. Among our privileges the general diffusion of science and literature demands a primary notice. “Would you prevent crimes,” said the philosophic jurist of Milan, 8 “let liberty be attended with knowledge.” On this principle the civil fathers of Massachusetts had been acting a century and half before he penned the sentence. They came for the enjoyment of freedom. But, deeply sensible that mere intellectual liberty, however precious, would prove inadequate of itself, without the cultivation of piety and virtue—and that, deprived of the salutary restraints of religion, intellectual liberty but panders for the passions—they founded the first and most important seminary of our whole United Republic, “for Christ and the Church.”

The doctrines of the Reformation, which had begun to display their political tendency before our ancestors left their country, and which, conspiring with new views of the inherent rights of mankind, produced in the first place the Commonwealth of England, and afterwards temperate restrictions of royalty at “the Revolution,” were always cherished in New England. Here they virtually originated our own revolutionary struggle, were sanctioned and established with the acknowledgment of the national independence, embodied in our bill of rights, and exemplified in the code of our laws. But in all the series of events, how kind toward us was the providence of God! Neither the perils of “the Restoration,” the tyranny of Andros, the hostile fleet of France, 9 which was expected to annihilate the rising glory of New England, nor the sanguinary conflict with the mother country were permitted to destroy the vine, which God had planted. With every difficulty He provided relief.

II. Two errors, of opposite tendency indeed, but equally pernicious, it becomes us sedulously to avoid. One is ingratitude to the Author of our distinctions, the other a vain and overweening estimate of our character and advantages. And, perhaps, of each of these we are equally in danger. Let their cure be found in the reflection, that we fall far below the just improvement of our accumulated facilities; and that, in the advancing emancipation of mankind, to be effected by the gospel, we shall lose even their esteem, if we be not devoted to God.

Some distinctions we may overrate. But the distinction, which arises from the prevalence among a people of scriptural religion and the free enjoyment of civil liberty can scarcely be prized too high. These are precious gifts of God, and demand not gratitude alone, but consecration to His glory. Even the delusions of self-love will here be unable to exaggerate the favor. Yet the equitable rule must apply; unto whomsoever much is given of them will much be required. But,

III. The continuance of our blessings depends on our own fidelity—fidelity to God, to our own institutions, and to the best interests of our posterity.

Nations experience in this world the final ministration of providential awards. Only in the world to come can the individual behold the Divine system toward himself completed. Righteousness tendeth to life—and exalteth a nation. Sin is the reproach, and naturally effects the ruin of any people. What a course have the governments of this world hitherto run! Comparative purity in youth conducted to vigorous manhood. Jeshurun 10 then wantons in prosperity. The seeds of moral disease germinate, and a baneful harvest evinces the fatal tendency of corruption. To evoke the shades of departed states and empires is not needful here. They flit across the pages of history, both sacred and profane; and every citizen of our Republic, who addresses his country on the value of her dear bought liberty, compels them to reveal the causes of their fall. To his imagination the stagnant pool and loathsome haunts of reptiles, where once towered the walls of Babylon, testify the vengeance threatened on human pride. He questions Athens, and Rome and Carthage, and the sepulchral voice is heard to echo, “faction, ambition, avarice.” He asks the ruins of Jerusalem, and seems to hear her answer from the dust, “rebellion against my God, and rejection of His Anointed.”

The warnings of all ages, then, admonish us of our duty, and the improvements of all ages enlighten us to perform it. There has been a progress of genuine liberty in religion and in civil concerns. Nobles were once the asserters of human rights. But they meant their own; and while they wrested the Magna Charta from an imbecile despot, their vassals were slaves. But the rights, the wealth, the influence of nobles have at length migrated to citizens and yeomen. In more than one instance regal prerogative has been limited and curtailed by conventional provisions. Aristocratic insolence has been checked. Privileged orders sustain an investigation of their immunities. Divine Truth beams amidst the chaos of revolutions, and gradually reveals the principles of order and humanity. It shines on Africa and India, and breaks the bondage of caste and the chains of slavery. Wherever it diffuses its light, it raises the female character to a just elevation, leaving it by its excellence to illustrate Christian liberty. It visits the tribes of our own forests, and rears to civilization, science and religion the youth of Choctaws and Cherokees, redeeming the pledge of our pious ancestors, and fulfilling their sacred errand hither. The Bible spreads its salutary influence, and even the Russian peasant hails a dawn like his own northern Aurora. The Bible will spread its salutary truths, and no American Sparta, clamorous for “the rights of men,” will be long able to manacle her degraded Helots, or withhold instruction from them. Salutary Truth will still advance, will expel tyranny from thrones, prevent it in legislators and the people, will break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free.” 11 It will be seen, that licentiousness is not liberty—nor because one tyrant falls, that the liberty of a nation is necessarily established. True liberty is built on real virtue, not that alone, which Montesquieu establishes 12 as the principle of republican government, and terms political, but that which is founded on principles of the gospel. The patient labour of centuries may be needed to erect the fabric. One day of presumption and negligence may level it with the ground.

To protract the continuance and efficiency of our free institutions, or to advance the Commonwealth and Nation to their highest improvement, nothing seems more essential and promising than a sacred care of the education of youth. Happy it has been for ourselves, that our ancestors resolved thus in their wisdom, and were consistent in practice; and happy will it be for our posterity, if, in the true spirit of the gospel, their fathers train them up in the way they should go.

Would we then perpetuate our liberties, let us impress on the minds of our children and on our own, the vital importance of our holy religion—a religion, which is not a code of ceremonial injunctions, or merely of civil precepts, but points continually at the heart and life—a religion produced by the Holy Spirit of God, tending perpetually to the advancement of His Glory, operating by peace on earth and good will toward men, and assimilating the character of its votaries to that of the just made perfect.

His Excellency, the Governor, will be pleased to accept a cordial congratulation on the general condition of our Country and Commonwealth. The elective principles, which so early flourished in Massachusetts, now rule a Nation. Two centuries have at length witnessed their growth; and it will be no trivial distinction of your Excellency’s administration, that under it these principles have expanded into the legitimate proportions of a liberal constitution of government, now adopted as the Palladium of a Sister State, free, sovereign and independent.

That a question of such magnitude and importance, as the separation of Maine from Massachusetts, was discussed with so much magnanimity, and its erection into an organized civil community effected with so much ease and mutual good-will, as it is indicative of the progress of genuine principles of liberty, may well be a theme of this day’s respectful congratulation. And I trust your Excellency will allow the preacher, whose recollections of that part of his beloved country are mingled with many tender and grateful emotions, to express the fervent wish, that it may flourish in the hallowed principles, in which it has been nurtured, and with its parent Commonwealth enjoy the increasing blessings, which are promised to later ages.

His Honor, the Lieutenant Governor, in these felicitations of the day, will accept the tribute of respect for a professed attachment to those views and feelings, which pervaded the earlier periods of our history, and of gratitude for that beneficent and effective patronage, to which our charitable institutions bear witness. Descended from two of the most distinguished Ministers 13 of the gospel among the Puritan Forefathers of New England, your Honor is accustomed to survey their characters with tenderness and respect. May you see their piety revive, and blend itself with the more enlarged views and more graceful urbanity of modern times.

The Members of the Honorable Council, and of the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives demand the respectful attentions of the preacher.

To you, Gentlemen, is confided the execution of no easy task. Temporary expedients and feigned reasons of state may appear the height of wisdom to the shortsighted cupidity of the worldly; but religion offers the solid foundation of trust in God, introduces to His counsels, enables us to “act upon His plan,” and establishes the best claim to the esteem and confidence of mankind. Peculiarly necessary in free states, where ambition has a wider scope, exercises more power, enlists more passions in its service, and exerts a stronger influence; where habits soon affect the laws, and government derives its stability from opinion—need I say, Gentlemen, it asks your support? I could hardly be forgiven, were I not to say, its claims are as imperative on our legislators now, as on their venerable fathers. Yet it is not the guard of human enactions, nor the authority of civil law, much less investment with civil power, which she so much requires, as the almost irresistible power of personal example. The evil bow before the good, and the wicked at the gates of the righteous.

If the principles assumed in this discourse be correct, the power to legislate is a talent, for which an account is to be rendered. The consideration of this will impress deeply the mind of a conscientious legislator, and render the discharge of duty momentous. Nor are laws to be estimated by their numbers and penalties, but by the existing need of them, their intrinsic excellence, and their conformity to the unchanging principles of moral rectitude. Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty—a freedom from every bias, that might else prevent and misguide the mind, or corrupt the heart. May you partake largely of the sacred influence.

A word to this audience, and I close.

We have reviewed some distinguished favors of God toward our ancestors and ourselves. What people have greater reason than we to be devoutly thankful, and conscientiously vigilant? You are not assembled to do honor to the birth day of an arbitrary sovereign, or to cringe before his satraps; but to commemorate the beginning of your own civil year—the entrance on office of those, who are by your own suffrage made dispensers to you and your children of the blessings of freedom. Let me exhort you, then, to guard against your dangers. The Lord is with you while ye be with Him. His blessings, which maketh rich, and He addeth no sorrow therewith, will then alone be your inheritance and that of your families and posterity. But remember if you forsake Him, He will cast you off forever. Let us rather labor to emancipate ourselves from all impediments and restraints of error, ignorance, prejudice and vice; and renouncing solemnly our sins, approach Him in the Great Mediator, while He may be found, professing, with the Hebrew Psalmist, I will walk at liberty, for I seek Thy precepts.

 


Endnotes

1. See Rhemish Version, note; Whitby and Doddridge, in loco, and Schleusner, art. IINEYMA.

2. Collect for Peace.

3. Ecclesiast, polity, b. I.

4. Malachi.

5. The Emperor of Russia.

6. Jerome of Prague and John Hus.

7. Prince, in his N. Engl. Chronol.

8. M. de Beccaria, on crimes and punishments. Ch. 42.

9. Under the Duke D’Anville in 1746.

10. Heb. the upright, or perfect.

11. “So spreading may be the spirit for the restoration and recovery of long lost national rights, that even the Cortes of Spain may re-exist, and resume their ancient splendor, authority and control of royalty.” Thus wrote the late President Stiles in 1783. In 1820, this is history. He adds, “The same principles of wisdom and enlightened politics may establish rectitude in public government throughout the world.”

12. Esprit des Loix.

13. Rev. George Phillips, first minister of Watertown, and Rev. John Wilson, first minister of Boston.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1820, Connecticut


Elisha Cushman (1788-1838) was a carpenter before he decided to become a clergyman. He was pastor of a Baptist church in Hartford, CT. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Cushman in New Haven, CT on May 3, 1820.


sermon-election-1820-connecticut

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF

CONNECTICUT,

AT THEIR

ANNUAL ELECTION,

AT

NEW-HAVEN,

MAY 3D, 1820.

BY ELISHA CUSHMAN,
PASTOR OF THE BAPTIST CHURCH IN HARTFORD.

NEW-HAVEN:
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE LEGISLATURE.
J. Barber, printer.

1820.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at New-Haven in said State, on the first Wednesday of May, A. D. 1820.

ORDERED by this Assembly, that the Honorable Sylvester Wells, and Henry Seymour, Esq. present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Elisha Cushman, for his Sermon, delivered before this Assembly at the opening of the session, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
THOMAS DAY, Secretary.
 

SERMON.
If true patriotism consists in an attachment to the government under which we serve, it will become my profession to expatiate on the excellencies of Him.

Who is the blessed and only Potentate

I Timothy, vi. 15.

It was the design of the apostle in this text, and the preceding verses, to support the mind of his son Timothy under those discouragements which often overspread the prospects of the church. He well knew that the doctrine of salvation, by the cross of Christ, would be a scandal to those who were satisfied with nothing beyond sensible evidences, and, of course, that this doctrine would be made a subject of regard, or derision, according to its external prosperity or embarrassments. He was sensible that a system containing truths so humiliating to aspiring nature, imposing precepts so incongruous with the affections of the heart, and participating so little in temporal prosperity, would call forth the opposition of the world; and that through the infirmity of nature, Timothy would be tempted to despond under the reproaches to which his ministerial office would subject him, or to temporize with the popular influence which it was his duty to repel. He therefore enforces his charge to Christian patience and fidelity, by referring to the example of Jesus Christ, who before Pontius Pilate witnessed a good confession.

Jesus Christ has condescended to become the pattern, as well as the ruler of his people: He has exemplified every virtue which he commends for our observance: He lays no heavier burden upon his followers than he has endured himself; and perhaps no instance can be found in his life, which furnishes a more illustrious example of divine magnanimity in the deepest tribulation, than the one referred to by the apostle.—He was buffeted by his own people; hated and condemned by heathens; betrayed by one of his chosen apostles; denied by another, and forsaken by them all; and what was still more disheartening to human nature, he was apparently stricken, and smitten of God. But in the midst of all this, the afflicted Redeemer maintained his right to divine authority: He explained the nature of his kingdom, and referred who would admit no other proof of his dignity than the testimony of their senses, to an hereafter, when they should see the Son of man sitting on the right hand of the power of God.

This striking occurrence in our Saviour’s life, is calculated to inspire the most ardent devotion, to quicken us in the service of religion, to support our faith under the darkest human prospects, and teaches us to wait patiently for the victory over the world, when Christ, in his own time, shall shew who is the blessed and only Potentate.

That Jesus Christ is the blessed, and that he is the only Potentate, may be illustrated by a few following reflections.

I. He is the Blessed Potentate.

Were our reflections on the blessedness of Christ, to embrace all those divine excellencies which enrapture the celestial spirits, and which render him in the estimation of the church, the chief among ten thousands, and the one altogether lovely, we should transgress not only the bounds of prudence on the present occasion, but even the limits prescribed in the text; for if we consider him only in the character of a potentate, it is necessary to confine our reflections to the administration of his government, the blessedness of which consists in the purity and happy influence of his laws and the lenity of his dispensations.

1. The government of Jesus Christ is blessed on account of the happy influence of his laws on the morals of mankind.

Amidst the controversies which have arisen in the world respecting the necessity of a divine revelation, and its bearing upon the happiness of mankind, it has never been denied that virtue is preferable to vice, and that without the general prevalence of virtuous principles, social happiness cannot subsist: the important question has been, whether reason and philosophy, unassisted by the Christian revelation, are sufficient to influence mankind in the path of duty, and to fix a standard of morals adequate to the exigencies of the present state.

It must be acknowledged that reason and natural philosophy, have suffered in common with revealed religion, from the false pretensions of superficial professors. The tide of popular opinion, the sensual appetites, and the ambition of self interest, have each in their turn, held dominion over the human mind, under the title of reason; and in many instances inculcated principles disgusting to common sense. This accounts for the absurdities of that notorious infidel, 1 who after having resorted to the scriptures to justify and establish his theory of the rights of man, was taught by his reason to disbelieve the authenticity of that holy volume, and to impugn its sacred doctrine. This accounts also for the inconsistencies of a thousand others, who professing themselves to be wise, have become fools.

It is through the aid of reason that divine revelation commends itself to every man’s conscience; its precepts through this medium impress the understanding, and find an avenue to the heart. It is therefore equally repugnant to truth, and a departure from Christian candor to disparage the utility of reason, upon no other authority than the foibles of superficial beings, no less irrational in their notions than they are vicious in their lives. The power of reason and natural philosophy are nowhere more highly estimated than in the holy scriptures. Natural philosophy sets before the understanding a portrait of those divine perfections which claim the homage of the heart; reason, unbiased by the depraved affections, acknowledges the justice of the claim and ratifies the law of moral obligation: The invisible things of Him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even his eternal power and Godhead. So clearly were the perfections of God manifested to the heathens, that they are said to have known him; and so forcibly was their obligation represented by rational inference, that they were declared to be without excuse: Their being given over to a reprobate mind, was not because they adhered too closely to the dictates of reason, but because they DID NOT LIKE to retain God in their knowledge.

But after all the instruction imparted by the light of nature, it still remains a question, whether there be virtue enough in the human heart, unawed by the realities of a future state of retribution, and uninfluenced by the Spirit of God, to render that obedience to the Divine Being which reason dictates, and which conscience approves. On this question every candid man, acquainted with his own heart, will decide in the negative. It was the fault of the heathen philosophers, that when they knew God, they glorified him not as God.—It is the embarrassment of the Christian, that when he would do good, evil is present with him: and it is a fact, apparent on the very face of the world, that where the doctrine of a revelation is either denied or unknown, the dignity conferred upon human nature in creation, is debased by sordid habit; the understanding, capable of retaining a just knowledge of truth, is darkened by evil affections; and the morals proportionably corrupted by sensual lust.

The adversaries of Christianity, to commend the fruits of their own principles, have found it necessary to impress with the signet of virtue, many of the dissipating amusements and indulgences of life; and where vice has been too glaring to admit of an apology, it has usually been discarded in general terms; or, through fear of finding its true pedigree, ascribed to some indefinite cause. Where the greatest corruptions are allowed to be treated in this superficial manner, and their indirect fruits honored with the appellation of innocence, it is not difficult to rear a temple nominally to virtue, and to paint its foundation with the colouring of philosophy. But if social happiness depends upon the principles of morality, its extent will be in proportion to the purity of those principles, and therefore can never be complete so long as the standard of morals is biased by a depraved taste.

The task assigned to the advocates of truth at the present day, is not so much to prove that the doctrine and precepts of Jesus Christ are beneficial to mankind, as to represent them to be the only system of peace and good will to men. Open infidelity of late, seems in many instances, to dread that publicity she once labored to maintain; her hideous portrait, and disastrous effects, have excited the apprehension of many modern ‘free thinkers,’ and driven them back to the hypothesis adopted by Lord Herbert and others, that Christianity, though a friend to virtue, is not its only source.—On this ground the peculiar claims of Jesus Christ are now disputed, and on this ground the Christian is bound to contend with error.

It is a mark of human depravity, that whilst the pure streams of morality are conveying peace to the Christian world, their source is so generally unknown; as if, because God sends his rain upon the just and unjust, it were difficult to ascertain whether his blessings are designed as a reward of virtue, or as an encouragement to disobedience; or because the Christian and the infidel are made to enjoy the blessings of good order in common, it were doubtful whether these blessings of good order in common, it were doubtful whether these blessings spring from Christianity, or from atheism, or from some intermediate principle, or indifferently from them all.

The Christian religion must stand or fall alone; it can never hare with the systems of men, in the reputation of destroying the vices of the world, and restoring the happiness of mankind. If the scattered fragments of morality, collected from mere human maxims, can produce the effects for which we depend on the gospel of Jesus Christ, they deserve our superior regard, and our entire confidence: for they evidently have this preference—they impose no cross, they conduce to the end designed by revealed religion, and supersede the means; to concede a part therefore, is to yield the whole. If the requirements of Christianity are not necessary to the restraint of the passions, and the promotion of human happiness, it is justly chargeable with unwarranted austerity. It is conceded that the morality of Jesus Christ imposes a rigorous discipline upon the passions: In addition to prohibiting those notorious crimes which the votaries of no system whatever are willing to avow, it attacks the buddings of iniquity, and forbids those apparently trifling indulgences, the greatest evil of which consists in the mis-improvement of life, and their tendency to ripen into more flagrant vice. It requires not only that we abstain from murder, adultery, theft, &c. but also that we should be transformed by the renewing of our minds; that the affections should be set on things above; and that our conversation should be in heaven. But the very circumstance that renders these demands unwelcome, proves them to be of the utmost importance, by illustrating the opposition of the heart to that which is of itself just and good. The vitiated taste of man requires a remedy—and happy for us if an antidote, nowhere to be found on earth, is given us from heaven. The holy scriptures are wisely adapted to our fallen situation; they excite our hopes and fears, by revealing a future state, where righteousness is crowned with glory, and where iniquity is clothed with shame; they exhibit in the person of Jesus Christ a perfect model of excellence, calculated to elevate the mind above the level of itself; they furnish the only sufficient motives to restrain the sinful appetites; and where they are not enjoyed, a chasm is left in the moral world which no system, merely human, has ever been able to fill.

The individual and social happiness resulting from a life of holiness, might indeed convince the judgment, but can never win the affections; the present indulgence of a vicious appetite leads to a procrastination of that course of sobriety which reason declares essential to durable peace.

Nor can a sense of honor command the heart; a respect for public reputation might avail something in regulating the habits, if virtue only were approbated in the world, and vice universally despised: but this is not the case—many things highly esteemed among men are an abomination in the sight of God; as there was scarcely a species of iniquity among the ancient heathen which was not sanctioned by the example of someone of their gods, so there is scarcely a vice practiced in the world, which is not justified and applauded by some portion of mankind. What assistance therefore can rational argument obtain by appealing to a sense of honor, when the name of honor is associated with the grossest violations of order; when even the deliberate barbarities of the duelist receive applause from a considerable part of the world, and sometimes apologies from the Christian himself.

No less ineffectual are the tenderest sympathies of nature to prompt to a virtuous life. Go tell the unfeeling oppressor, who keeps back by fraud the hire of his labourers, that by his conduct he distresses the poor, and that by his example he contaminates the world; adjure him by the tenderest regard he feels for the happiness of his fellow men, to cease from his misanthropy and to become the benefactor of mankind. Go entreat the barbarous assassin to abandon his cruel purpose; tell him that he is spreading misery through the unhappy community by his nefarious practices; that whilst he is plundering the mangled corpse, he is breaking a widow’s heart, and robbing a helpless offspring at the same time, of their father and of bread: exhort him by appealing to his humanity, if he cannot meliorate, not to multiply the sorrows of life. Expostulate with the ambitious warrior, and remonstrate against the injustice of his campaigns; tell him that while he is building his throne with the bones of his subjects, he is filling the world with woe; represent to his imagination those scenes of horror which he has often with cold insensibility realized; the rural abodes of peace thrown into confusion by the din of arms—the verdant fields stained with human blood—Rachel weeping for her children, and searching for her first-born among the undistinguished heaps of the slain—pillaged edifices in flames—a merciless band let loose among the affrighted remnant of a slaughtered community.****We will turn from this dismal picture; it shades are too dark to be traced here; we will only say, it is impossible to excite generous sensations in a mind inebriated with the love of the world; it is impossible to awaken sympathy in a heart chilled beforehand with the frost of death.

Through the obstinacy of the human passions the most powerful motives fail to produce all the good requisite to human happiness: the heart must be affected before the character can be radically renewed.—But what are the motives drawn from human sources, compared with those derived immediately from the mouth of God—by whose word consequences more dismal than the miseries of life are affixed to the crimes of men? By his word the transgressor is taught that he stands in relation to God as well as man; that the magnitude of his offence is proportioned to the value of those interests which the law he has violated was designed to guard; that in trespassing upon the rights of his neighbour, he has opposed the honor of Jehovah, and that he stands before the tribunal of his eternal Judge, charged with guilt, which nothing but the blood of Jesus Christ can absolve. This revelation of a future state of retribution is the peculiar energy of the gospel, and evinces its emanation from a blessed Potentate.

As Christianity possesses a superior energy above every other system to awaken the conscience, so it has this peculiar virtue—its spirit quickens and sanctifies the heart.

It has been considered a question of importance, whether a community, favored with the knowledge of the gospel without its power, would surpass in virtue the heathen nations, who have only the light of nature, and even that eclipsed by a train of superstitious rights. Through the goodness of God a decisive experiment cannot be made, for wherever the unadulterated truth of Christianity has been faithfully dispensed, the agency of the Holy Spirit has given it access to the hearts of many, who by their pious example have in a great measure regulated the habits of the unconverted. If we can form a probable conjecture however, from the morals of a people whose faith is merely intellectual, we shall find it unsafe to rest our hopes upon a speculative religion of any kind. It is with the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation.

It is observable that St. Paul in his second epistle to the Thessalonians, has considered the moral tendency of heathenism and of papal superstition in every material respect the same. After extending his reflections forward to that period when the man of sin should be revealed, exercising usurped dominion over the consciences and rights of men, he immediately turned his attention to the persecutions of Nero, Domitian, and others, and observed that the mystery of iniquity did then already work—that there was no essential difference between that and the future period; only, that the pagan horn, which then ruled the Roman empire, would retain its power until it should be overcome; only he who now letteth, will let until he be taken out of the way.

This sentiment of the apostle was fully substantiated by the subsequent history of the church. The reins of government were held by men, who, though they adopted the faith of Christianity, made no other use of it than to accelerate their worldly projects; and being altogether unaffected in heart with the principles they avowed, were left without restraint, both with regard to their public edicts, and their private deportment.

The conversion of Clovis, king of the Franks, to the Christian faith, must have been considered an event highly auspicious to the church of Christ, had the doctrine he espoused held its dominion over his princely ambition, and his sensual appetites; but having embraced Christianity in the first place, to facilitate his worldly enterprise, who could suppose that the principles he had adopted would restrain his lusts, or smother the pride of his heart, or withhold his arm from shedding human blood?

By the addition of superstitious rites to the ordinances of the church; by the union of worldly maxims with the precepts of Christ, and especially by the prostitution of evangelical truth to serve the policy of state, fornication was early committed with the kings of the earth, and by an illegitimate increase of the church, thousands became nominally the sons of Zion, who were never lawful heirs to her incorruptible inheritance. A host of avaricious priests were spread over the world, who, not contented with their own personal gratification, encouraged in others the basest corruptions with the pretended authority of heaven, and exhibited the fruits of their arrogance as an article of merchandize. Had the morality of the church of Rome corresponded in purity with her doctrine, (which would have been the case, if her doctrine had been inculcated with reference to its original design,) less occasion would have been given for the enemies of the cross to charge the most salutary principles with the worst effects, and to arm themselves with the enormities of hypocrites against the power of evangelical conviction.

Divine truth, notwithstanding the abuses it has suffered, still retains its excellency, and extends its influence; where it is exhibited only as the test of worldly emolument, it may produce but little salutary effect: but where it is disseminated as the seed of piety, and cultivated accordingly, it will, through the spiritual influence of its great Author, soften the obdurate heart; it humbles that pride and subdues those passions which produce the greatest evils of life. Under its sacred energies a radical change is wrought in the whole man; the wandering sinner is brought to the communion of his God at the mercy seat. The persecuted saint, so far from retaliating the wrongs he suffers, moved by the love of God, and drawn by the love of his neighbour, prays for the blessing of heaven on the head of his enemies. The veneration and respect of the unconverted are gained; the realities of eternity are preserved in remembrance; the conscience is kept awake, and the general habits of mankind regulated. If we extend our reflections abroad, and contemplate the situation of those miserable beings who sit in the region and shadow of death, we are shocked at the contrast presented to our imaginations between light and darkness; the mind sickens at the thought of being left to make its way through this enchanted maze without a guide, and to form its ideas of futurity from mere conjecture. We bless the light of revelation which beams upon the bewildered mind, and under the genial influence of the gospel, we recognize the administration of a blessed Potentate.

2d. The lenity of Jesus Christ towards his subjects, is a further illustration of the blessedness of his government.

The humiliation and sufferings of the Redeemer have procured him the rightful scepter of the vast universe; all power is given unto him in heaven and in earth; he is set as a king upon the holy hill of Zion. He has however referred us to a future period for a full and visible display of his vindictive authority; his government is at present characterized by unexampled mildness.—A bruised reed he shall not break, the smoking flax he shall not quench, until he bring forth judgment unto victory. The suspension of those judgments with which idolatrous and oppressive nations have been threatened, is one of the numerous instances of divine compassion. The cry of innocent blood ascending from under the altar, though by no means a subject of indifference to him in whose cause the holy martyrs suffered, is nevertheless deferred for a season, through the divine forbearance; and where injured goodness has forbid a further delay, and the general good, connected with the glory of God, has demanded immediate vengeance, he has either delivered his servants by a premonition of his designs, or graciously supported them through their trials, and received them to himself. His lenity is no less visible in his dealings with individual sinners; though they have transgressed his law, and abused his gospel, he still protracts their space for repentance, and enriches their forfeited lives with the blessings of his bounty. He watches the first emotions of godly sorrow; he listens to the first sigh of repentance, and early answers the supplications of the contrite sinner, with the forgiveness of sin. Or if the stout-hearted transgressor refuses to bow to his scepter, and persists in rebellion until the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven in flaming fire, he assigns no heavier penalty in the world to come, than to reap eternally what has been voluntarily and deliberately sown in time.

II. Jesus Christ is the only Potentate.

The sentiments of the apostle were too well understood to admit of such a construction as would preclude the exercise of civil authority. Although he has in the text represented Jesus Christ as the only Potentate, he has elsewhere enjoined subjection to the higher powers on earth, and declared them to be ordained of God. The institution of civil government, so far from contradicting the supremacy of Jesus Christ, directly confirms it.—The precariousness of human power, evinces its derivation from a source higher than man, and shews at once its dependence on the King of heaven. Two arguments only are proposed to illustrate the entire sovereignty of Jesus Christ. The first drawn from the fate of nations; the other from the progress of that truth of which he has styled himself the king.

1st. The prosperity or declension of empires has ever been according to the extent in which the spirit of Christianity has characterized their government. The history of nations establishes the fact that the restless ambition of princes to enlarge their dominions, and to extend their authority by injustice, has been as repugnant to their own interest as it is contrary to the spirit of Christ. It has produced evils which the wisest policy of state could never avert; it has ever exposed them to the resentment of potentates equally as ambitious as themselves, and they have found at last, that a part of their glory was purchased at the ultimate expense of the whole.—Personal indulgence in those sensualities which the Christian religion so strictly forbids, by its own natural tendency paralizes the arm of temporal dominion, and often conducts to an ignominious death. Wherever the pride of monarchs, cherished by the illusive splendor of royalty, has led them to forget their dependence, and to trifle with the liberties of their subjects, they have blindly courted sedition, and provoked insurrections fatal to themselves and destructive to their government. Specimens of these uniform effects of pride and sensuality are furnished in the history of the Greeks, of the Romans, and of some of the more modern kingdoms of Europe, and substantially prove, that righteousness only, can for any length of time, exalt a nation. Could even the establishment and support of the Christian religion by the strength and emoluments of state, atone for the personal violation of its precepts, governments long since dissolved, might still have retained their glory and their strength; but experience has proved that nothing short of Christian humility and obedience, can meet the favour of Him to whom all are subject, and on whose smiles all are dependent for temporal prosperity and eternal salvation.

2d. The supreme power of Jesus Christ is illustrated in the success of his doctrine and institutions.

The prosperity of the Christian religion from its early dispensation, and especially for a few years past, has been too obvious to escape the notice of men of ordinary information, and supersedes the necessity of a particular detail of events. It has gladdened the hearts of its friends, and awakened the jealousy of its enemies. A cursory reflection however on the multiform opposition which it has withstood, and the multitudes it has gained to its standard, is sufficient to convince every mind that is not guarded against the light, of the excellency of its nature, and the divine power of its Author.

In the first triumphs of Christianity, Jesus Christ was the only potentate. His own arm brought salvation unto him: The kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers were gathered together against the Lord, and against his Christ. The most violent persecutions were raised against the disciples of Christ, and what could not be effected by formal indictment, was attempted to be done by fraud; but notwithstanding all that was done (and but little more could be done) to destroy the followers of Jesus, their numbers increased, and their religion flourished.

The immortal principle of piety, which had outlived the rage of Jews and Pagans combined, was next doomed to suffer the weight of papal vengeance. The history of the church, at one view, seems to represent those professors of the Christian religion, who had escaped the pagan executioner, reserved only for the rack, the fire and gibbet, prepared under the pretended authority of their own Master: while on the other hand, it represents them multiplying in proportion to their trials, and the very flames in which they expired, served only to enlighten the world, and develop the hypocrisy of their persecutors.

At length in her turn, arose that subtle adversary, justly styled modern infidelity; for the realities of a future state, which ancient rationalists acknowledged probable, she professed authority to deny; and having learned in the fate of the church of Rome, the consequences of propagating licentiousness with a pretence to divine authority, chose to distribute her indulgences with human credentials, under the forged signature of reason and philosophy. The open attack made upon Christianity at the time of the French revolution, threatened evils from which no human arm could deliver; but yet so far from being overcome by her enemies, the church gained extent and glory by the contest; infidelity became less successful in open combat, than it had been by clandestine efforts to make disciples in the dark; its noisy clamour awoke the slumbering talents of the friends of truth, and the result became, as might be expected, through the strength of her sovereign Potentate, prosperous to the church. Must not a religion which has withstood all these enemies be divine?

Jesus Christ has also displayed his power in the multitudes who have voluntarily consecrated themselves to the promotion of his religion.

There are two classes of people gained to the cause of the Christian religion, who we can hardly suppose would have embraced it, if they had not been influenced by its sacred energy. Among the first class are those earthly potentates, who are surrounded by the temptations and encumbered with the concerns of the court. Among the other, are those who from infancy have been trained up in idolatrous superstition.

It is not necessary to the present object, to investigate the motives of those, who amidst the grandeur of state, have availed themselves of their eminence in life, to commend the doctrine of the cross; admitting the motives of honour and self-interest, with which they are often charged, be justly applied—it may be with propriety asked, Whence happens it, that it is now the honor and interest of kings to recommend and aid a religion which it was once their glory and their policy to suppress? How happens it that hypocritical princes have found it necessary to assume the name of Christian, to secure the loyalty of their subjects, and gain the applause of the world, unless those whose applause they seek have been made favorable to Christianity by its own intrinsic charms?

In order to estimate the power of the gospel over the mind of pagans, trained up in superstition, it may be proper to calculate the number of souls instrumentally converted from idolatry by a single minister of Christ, and then enquire how many proselytes a Hindoo Brahmin would collect in a Christian land, in the same term of time—let him exhibit the evidence of the authority of his god, and commend by its excellencies his system of worship. In is conceded that men have been dissuaded from that belief of Christianity which they had been taught from childhood, and led to denounce all religion; but this does not afford a fair experiment of the comparative strength of the Christian religion and infidelity, for in order to estimate the weight of evidence in favour of infidelity, we must ascertain and deduct the assistance it has derived from the passions. Let us suppose that a man in order to become a complete infidel, must publicly espouse his cause at the expense of house or land, or parental affection, or whatever else rises to hinder him in his profession—that he must devote a seventh part of his time to the promotion of his religion, and consecrate his substance to defray its expence—that he must not revenge an injury—when reviled he must bless—that he must pray to the author of his faith for blessings upon his persecutors, and weep over the miseries of those who are deluded by Christianity, and who then, from the power of conviction only, would become a conscientious infidel?

The perpetuity of the Christian religion in its primitive simplicity, amidst the changes of the world, is a further proof of the power of its Author.

The philosophy of Aristotle held dominion over the intellectual world about two hundred years, until its imperfections were detected by new discoveries made from time to time. Every new hypothesis triumphed over the opinions that preceded it; the fall of one system seemed essential to the rise of another. But with the Christian religion it is not so; it has remained essentially the same from its first establishment. Improvements it is true, have been suggested, and exertions used to adapt the doctrine and institutions of Christ to the change of circumstances; nor have these exertions been altogether without effect: but the true standard has not been prostrated; every revolving year has added thousands to the number who have contended earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints. After all the corruptions which have tarnished the glory of the church, the simplicity of her doctrine still remains, and the spiritual arm of her Potentate is redeeming her captive sons. Upon present prospects we may safely rest our hope, that Jesus Christ will shortly manifest his sovereign power, and subdue all things to himself.

Improvement.
1st. The happy influence of the Christian religion in perpetuating the blessings of social life, urges every friend of mankind to embrace and support it; and if its chief energy depends on its establishment in the heart, the good of our fellow-men, as well as the final salvation of the soul, requires that we should be born again. In representing the religion of Christ as the only basis of real virtue, there is a sensation of delicacy; it seems to implicate a part of society, by charging them with indifference to the public good, or a want of discernment in the best means of promoting it. The truth is, the virtues upon which our present and future happiness depend, are not generally raced to their real source. The human heart, prolific in every evil, has taken advantage from the indolence of the mind, and generated a kind of neutrality of sentiment, which indeed is but another name for infidelity in embryo; and which, if not checked, may ripen into entire skepticism. We cannot but deprecate the growth of this indifference towards a system so pure in its nature, so beneficial in its effects, so blessed in the enjoyments it affords, and so essential to eternal happiness. A cordial reception of the blessed Saviour is urged by all that can render him adorable as a God, or lovely as a Redeemer. O! let us not be so unwise as to reject his blessed government, and remain forever in slavery to the prince of darkness.

2d. From the sovereignty of Jesus Christ, we learn the responsibility of those who are entrusted with authority.

It is not intended to encumber the sacred office, by incorporating with it the task of inculcating maxims of civil policy; nor would we so far implicate the wisdom of our rulers, as to suppose them under the necessity of repairing to the house of God to learn a knowledge of jurisprudence; I would therefore, know nothing on this occasion, but Jesus Christ and him crucified. The subject before us however, suggests the propriety of preferring a memorial before this honorable body in behalf of the Christian religion, respectfully representing the influence of a public character over the habits of private life, and praying them by their personal example, to shed a lustre upon the morals of the community; and in their official capacity to maintain a wise reference to the tribunal of the only Potentate, before whose impartial throne the ruler is distinguished from his subjects only by his superior advantages improved, or by the more aggravated crimes which his exalted station has enabled him to commit. It is too generally forgotten, and sometimes denied, that the transactions of life are to pass a solemn review in the coming world; but it is to be hoped that men whose weight of character has entitled them to a place at the head of a Commonwealth, will bear in mind the intimate relation of human actions to a future state.

3d. The sovereignty of Jesus Christ secures advantage to the church, from all the changes and events which take place in the world.

Every revolution in the kingdoms of the world involves certain questions, the merits of which occupy the minds of statesmen, and regulate their hopes and fears. But the Christian looks beyond all these things, and beholds the exalted Saviour working all things after the counsel of his own will, and causing all things to work together for good to them that love God. Every public event opens an avenue for the rays of evangelical light. The cession of territory to the Russian empire at different times, has prepared the way for the spread of divine knowledge, and particularly for the spiritual instruction of the Jews.—The accession of the Earl of Minto to the government of Bengal, gave facilities to the missionaries of the cross, to propagate the gospel throughout India.—The public career of Bonaparte, though tracked in human blood, excited in many instances an enquiry after the true principles of religious liberty. What benefit may accrue to the Christian church from the late revolution in Europe, remains yet to be revealed by the order of Divine Providence; but should this event pass by, and contribute nothing to the general interests of the truth, it must be pronounced an EVENT EXTRAORDINARY in the annals of the world.

How consoling the reflection, that through the influence of Him who sits regent on the throne of universal dominion, the best effects may be realized from causes in themselves afflicting, and often unrighteous. Who that possesses human, (not to say Christian sympathy,) can look with cold indifference upon the distresses of a convulsed world, and contemplate without lamentation the fate of nations, dashing to pieces like a potter’s vessel? But the Christian, with the ye of faith, enlightened by the rays of Divine revelation, while he weeps over the destinies of the world, doomed and hastening to destruction, can rejoice in the expectation of a new heaven and a new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness. Then let the wisdom of this world give place to the revelation of God.—Let wise men bring their offerings to the Babe of Bethlehem.—Let every human standard be prostrated at the foot of the cross.—Let every knee bow to the exalted Saviour, and let every tongue confess that Jesus is the Lord—of the increase of whose government and peace, there shall be no end. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1 Paine.

Sermon – Election – 1819, Massachusetts


Peter Eaton (1765-1848) graduated from Harvard in 1787 and was a classmate of John Quincy Adams. He was pastor of a Church in Boxford, MA (1789-1845). The following election sermon was preached by Eaton in Massachusetts on May 26, 1819.


sermon-election-1819-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

His Excellency JOHN BROOKS, Esq.

GOVERNOR;

His Honor WILLIAM PHILLIPS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL;

AND THE TWO HOUSES COMPOSING THE

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 26, 1819.

BY REV. PETER EATON,
Minister of a Church in Boxford.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
In Senate, May 27th, 1819.

Ordered, That the Hon. Israel Bartlett and William B. Banister, Esquires, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Peter Eaton, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon, delivered yesterday, before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two branches of the Legislature; and to request a copy thereof, for the press.

Attest,
S. F. McCLEARY, Clerk.

 

DISCOURSE.
THE officers of state will accept our congratulations, on the auspicious opening of the present political year. It has been the lot of some predecessors in office, to assemble under circumstances gloomy and forbidding, when rulers felt oppressed with their high responsibility, when a thick cloud darkened our political horizon, and no friendly star pointed out the path of deliverance and safety. If they looked abroad, they beheld impending dangers; if at home, disunion and discord.

It is the happiness of our constituted authorities, to assume the reigns of government, at a period of profound peace. Europe, which has drank of the cup of suffering, to the very dregs, is hushed to silence and repose. Peace, which is continually consolidating by time, has succeeded to noise, to tumult, confusion and blood. Our own country presents the most flattering prospects, and inspires the most animating hope. Conflicting opinions, and party prejudices, are yielding to the sway of better feelings; and we enjoy the reign of uninterrupted peace, increasing prosperity, and equal laws.

The speaker is happy, that his own inclination, and sense of duty, are in perfect unison. While the former would lead him to avoid all political discussions, the circumstances of the day forbid him, to combat party prejudices, or intermeddle with political creeds. It would be arrogance in him, to presume to dictate to our Legislators, the path of duty they are to pursue, or the measures to be adopted. We rejoice, that the civil affairs of the Commonwealth are confided to those, who are much better informed than himself; with whom, in the fullest confidence, we entrust our dearest privileges, and of whose capacity and disposition to guard them, the prosperous condition of the Commonwealth is the best proof.

Shall mine be the attempt, as it is the appropriate duty of my office, to exhibit the efficacy, the salutary influence, and enforce the principles of our holy religion. The tranquil state of the public mind, encourages this attempt: and I am animated with the hope, that my respected audience, are disposed with candor, to listen to such a discussion. For a guide to our meditations, I would select that passage of scripture, recorded in

ROMANS, III. 1, 2.
What advantage, then, hath the Jew? or what profit is there of circumcision? Much, every way: chiefly, because unto them were committed the oracles of God.

The apostle states and answers an objection anticipated from his preceding reasoning. This was the truth he endeavored to establish, that the want of privileges did not render the condition of the Gentiles utterly hopeless, nor the enjoyment of privileges, in which the Jews gloried, such as being the descendants of Abraham, and heirs of the promises, furnish them with a sufficient foundation of confidence. He expresses more hope of the virtuous heathen, than of the vicious Jews. If, then, the enjoyment of privileges would not avail to the felicity of the one, nor the want of them form an inseparable bar to that of the other, the inquiry was natural, what advantage does the enlightened Jew possess over the ignorant Gentile? The answer is, “chiefly, because unto them were committed the oracles of God.” This was a treasure granted to them, not vouchsafed to any other nation; a treasure, in the view of the apostle, of inestimable worth. Were the Jews favored, because they enjoyed the writings of Moses and the prophets; how much more highly are we favored, who enjoy the writings of the apostles, and of that Divine Teacher, who came from God?

The peace, order and prosperity of a nation, not less depend upon its religious than civil institutions; both are connected with the vital interest of the state.

It is well known to have been the object of certain philosophers, to prostrate religion, and bring it into contempt. So far from giving it the credit, of producing any salutary influence upon morals and the great interests of the community, it has been represented a mere political machine, managed by artful men, for the accomplishment of party purposes, and most fit to operate upon the weak, the credulous and the superstitious. It is my wish to rescue religion from this reproach. The object of the present discourse, is to trace the influence of religion upon the temper and conduct; especially, to exhibit the favorable tendency of the Christian religion, and consider its high claims to veneration and support.

My theme is noble and sublime; it not only claims the attention of the Divine, but of the Legislator and Statesman. What especially I regret it, my incapacity to do it justice.

If it be a fact, that religion is a delusion, the fruit of priestcraft and cunning; if it has no salutary influence upon the present life, upon our civil and literary institutions; if the hopes of future good which it encourages, are fallacious, let it be discarded forever. Let not a burden be imposed on the community, nor the credulous deceived by a fabulous theology. But, if it be a blessing, and one of the richest blessings of Heaven; if it has the best influence upon our present state, and future hopes, may it receive that support of which it is deserving.

We remark, that the professed religion of a nation, will have a powerful influence upon their temper and conduct, their customs and laws. The observation of the prophet may be admitted as a maxim; “all people will walk, everyone in the name of his God,” the general impression, in regard to the ruling Deity, cannot fail to have an operative influence, upon the temper and manners of the people. Hence, among Pagan nations, who have their thousand Gods, we find an infinite diversity of character, of customs and laws. The opinion formed of the presiding Deity, gives a cast and complexion to the worshipper. Some of the Pagans imagined heir Gods were vindictive and cruel. To appease them, when incensed, altars were continually moistened and smoking with the blood of human victims. Such were the Gods of Mexico, such the Gods of Carthage. How cruel, ferocious and barbarous were the people! Others viewed their Gods impure, the slaves of passion and lust. Shall we look for purity among the votaries, or wonder that temples were raised in honor of Venus? Will anyone hesitate to practice that, which is sanctioned by so high authority? Mercury was a thief, Jupiter a debauchee, Venus a prostitute, and Juno a scold. This we believe to be one reason of the low standard of morals among Pagan nations; the dishonorable views they had of their Gods. The natural tendency, then of the popular religion of the ancients, was to corrupt. So far from operating as a restraint upon the vicious propensities, it encouraged indulgence. The character of their deities was formed by their own polluted imaginations, and adapted to their depraved dispositions. The better informed, observing the superstition of the multitude, and its mighty influence upon their character and manners, incorporated with it certain virtues. To secure to them weight, to render them venerable, they were deified. Philosophers took an active interest in the religion of their country, and gave such a direction to the public mind, as would favor their own designs. Under their artful management, religion was made subservient to political purposes, and became an engine of state. Experience and observation had taught the wise and enlightened, that laws, the most rigorous, enforced only by human authority, were insufficient to restrain the ignorant populace. They were deeply impressed with the importance of an established religion; of something which should be held sacred by the people, to give security to civil institutions. It is believed the nation cannot be named, that enjoyed the blessings of a regular government, who were without a religion. That envied pitch of greatness to which ancient Rome attained, was not less owing to her religion than her patriotism. The favorable responses of her oracles, or predictions of the Haruspsex [ancient Roman religious official who interpreted omens], were considered as certain pledges of success. Lycurgus, having completed his system of laws, though not insensible to the weight of his influence and character; yet, dared not hazard them upon his own reputation, but repaired to the temple of Delphos, to obtain the sanction of Apollo. Not only, did the statesman avail himself of the influence of the popular religion, to give energy to law, and security to civil institutions; but the warrior had recourse to it, to enkindle the valor and encourage the hopes of his soldiers.

My business, however, is not with heathen mythology. Permit me to conduct your minds to that pure system of truth, with which we are favored, and trace its influence upon laws and customs, upon rulers and people. A cursory view of this system and its effects, must enhance its value in the estimation of every reflecting mind.

1. The Christian religion is favorable to the interest of science and literature. This remark is confirmed by the fact that all the science and literature in the world, at the present day, is confined to Christian nations. Who can place a finger, upon a spot on the globe, irradiated by science, where Christianity is not enjoyed? Wherever a door has been opened for the admission of Christianity, knowledge has followed in the rear; or, if preceded by science, it has meliorated the condition, and enlarged the views of the nations which it has visited. These are not vague assertions; we will recur to facts.

Many of the arts have been the result of necessity, and received their birth in the early ages of the world. The various condition of nations have led to inventions to remedy evils, which they experienced, or procure advantages of which they were destitute. The ancient Egyptians and Chaldeans, the Greeks and Romans have been justly celebrated for their discoveries and improvements; yet, in regard to general literature and science, how much do they lose in comparison with the moderns! In what did Egyptian and Chaldean learning consist? In what, the learning of the schools, in the early ages?

There is a prevailing habit, of attaching a kind of sanctity to everything that bears the mark of antiquity; names and discoveries are rendered venerable by time. We feel no disposition to derogate from the honor of the ancients, for they had to originate everything. Though they brought few things to perfection, they elicited light, they furnished a clue to direct future inquirers. Of their improvements in poetry, mathematical science, oratory and sculpture, they might boast. We also admire the systems of morals, established by their philosophers; not, however, so much on account of the perfection of those systems, as that they should have attained to such correct views, while they enjoyed very limited means of information. If in oratory they excelled, it is to be remembered, this is rather the language of nature, than art. The moderns have greatly improved upon their systems of mathematics and astronomy. If their Homer stands unrivalled, and their sculpture is unequalled; who will repair to them, for lessons upon jurisprudence, ethics, philosophy, or general literature?

Before the introduction of Christianity into Britain, Ireland, Germany, and Gaul, these nations were enveloped in ignorance. After enjoying its cheering light, how soon did they begin to emerge, from a state of gross darkness? It had a revivifying power and influence, upon every community which it visited. It found Europe drunk in barbarism. If we look back eighteen hundred years, what a spectacle is presented! Refined, enlightened Europe, was the habitation of savages. Nations who can now boast of their legislators, civilians, judges, philosophers, and theologians, were then the sport of druidical delusion. No sooner did the gospel shed its light on these benighted nations, than they were roused as from a slumber; the arts and sciences were cultivated, barbarous customs abolished, and the condition of nations meliorated. Its happy influence upon Ireland, was inevitably perceptible. The following honorable mention is made of her, after receiving Christianity. “The Hibernians were lovers of learning, and distinguished themselves in those times of ignorance, by the culture of the sciences, beyond all other European nations. They were the first teachers in Europe, who illustrated the doctrines of religion, by the principles of philosophy; among whom, were men of acute parts, and extensive knowledge, who were perfectly well entitled to the appellation of philosophers. They refused to dishonor their reason, by submitting it implicitly to the dictates of authority. 1 Who can doubt the auspicious influence of Christianity, upon the literary institutions of our own country? In proof of our position, that religion is friendly to science, we need only compare those sections of our country, where religious order and worship prevail, with those portions, which are destitute of religious instruction. It is somewhat curious to observe, how religion and literature go hand in hand. In those favored spots, where are to be found the most valuable religious institutions, you discover the most general information and improvement; where religious instruction is not enjoyed, what lamentable ignorance and darkness! Let us extend our views to our western regions, on which the sun of righteousness has scarcely dawned; we find the minds of the inhabitants rough and uncultivated, like the country in which they dwell. The dissemination of knowledge among the people, we believe to be friendly to the diffusion of religion. The mind being enlightened, is better enabled to discern the excellency of its spirit, principles, motives, tendency, and, of consequence, its value. Religion, in return, pays homage to knowledge, by fostering those habits which are favorable to its increase.

2. We will now trace the influence of religion upon government and laws. It is one of the firmest pillars and most effectual supports of civil government. Religious principle has the best effect upon rulers; it secures their faithful services, and is a guard and preservative from intentional error. The truth of the observation of Solomon, has been confirmed by the testimony of ages; when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; when the wicked bear rule, the people mourn. A sense of moral and religious obligation, is the surest earnest and pledge, that the legislator will enact equal laws, and that the judge upon the bench, will decide, without favor or partiality.

Religious sentiment in the ruler, not only encourages the expectation, that we shall realize our best hopes; not only impels him to consecrate his time and talents to the public good; but it has also the most salutary influence upon the governed; effectually binding them to the observance of law and order. The following considerations, may give authority and efficacy to law: self interest, popular opinion, fear of punishment, and religious sentiment. Self interest is an universally operative principle, pervading every breast, and acting with greater or less force. The requirements of public law and private interest, are sometimes in unison. When private interest enforces the observance of law, it cannot be clothed with greater authority. But, not unfrequently, they are at variance. The former, may be promoted by the violation of the latter. How often in this case, does experience teach, that human laws are feeble barriers in the way of the selfish passions of men? In vain you direct the views of those to the public good, who are destitute of patriotism.

It is acknowledged, that public opinion is a safeguard to human law and duty. Despotism wields an iron scepter; it can bear down all opposition; and enforce laws, the most contrary to public opinion. The community must yield to the yoke of oppression, and pay a forced homage to tyranny.

In a popular government, like that, under which we live, it is necessary that the laws should be accommodated to public sentiment, to secure to them a cheerful obedience. If condemned by public opinion, it is in vain to attempt to enforce them. Of this, the Grecian law giver was convinced, when asked, “whether the system of his laws, was the best which could be devised;” his answer was, “the best that the people were capable of receiving.” Under a free, popular government, a regard must be had to the temper, the feelings, and the habits of the people. When laws meet the public sentiment, that sentiment will give to them stability, yet not communicate to them a universal efficacy. The virtuous citizen can only obey for himself. What numbers are there, in every community, who are the enemies of all law, and impatient of every restraint?

A regard to character, may influence some to uprightness of conduct; yet, how many, are indifferent to personal reputation, and to public opinion; who neither esteem the applause, or fear the censure of the world? In this case, there remains only the lash of the civil law to operate a restraint. But even this restraint is removed, in the secrecy of retirement, when hope promises concealment of transgression. We contend, that religious principle only, will ensure the universal observance of public law. A sense of moral and religious obligation, is a more effectual security for upright conduct, than law, armed with the greatest terrors. Conscience exerts a mighty, an irresistible influence. She speaks with a voice he most deaf must hear. May it be further considered, it is religion only, which gives sanctity to an oath. It derives all its solemnity, all its binding power, and influence, from invoking an omniscient, ever present Deity, who abhors perjury. Lay aside religious principle, and what is there to secure the observance of an oath, but a principle of honor?

May I be permitted to repeat some observations of him, whom we delight to recognize as the father of his country. “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness; these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume would not trace all their connection with the private and public felicity. Let me simply ask, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? Let us with caution, indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education, on minds of a peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail, in exclusion of religious principle.” 2

Of the importance of religion to society, public peace, and social happiness, we have been taught by a modern example. A great and powerful nation, within our recollection, have made an experiment; an experiment, the simple contemplation of which, causes us to shudder. A sect of philosophers, entertaining the most exalted opinion of human nature, and flattering hopes of that state of perfection to which man might be raised, by the cultivation and improvement of reason; viewing religion as a clog to his progress, and a bar in the way of attaining to the perfection of his nature; by systematic and unwearied exertions, at length prepared the public mind for an awful crisis. An explosion took place, the restraints of religion were burst asunder, and man was free. What was the consequence? Too shocking to describe! All the ferocious passions were let loose. A nation distinguished for its philanthropy and refinement, became a nation of monsters. The land was deluged with blood and crimes. A standing monument, a solemn warning to every nation, to guard against a similar experiment.

There is this imbecility in human law, which is irremediable; the offender must be convicted, the charge proved by indisputable evidence, before it can punish. The consequence is, that numerous transgressors escape with impunity. Religious principle, in this respect, possesses a decided superiority. It takes cognizance of every action, inspects the motive, operates in retirement, when secluded from the view of the world, as well, as when under public notice. It raises a tribunal in every breast, before which it arraigns the transgressor, and pronounces sentence upon secret faults, equally, with open offences. Human laws do not so much address the hopes, as the fears of men. They derive their authority more from the penalty with which they are armed, than the reward which they promise. They are framed on the presumption, that mankind are influenced much by fear, little by hope. This may be the case with certain abandoned characters; those who have reached a high pitch of depravity. Still, it may be admitted as a question, in regard to the great mass of mankind, whether hope or fear is the most operative. Human law is armed with a lash; it has little to allure. It is clothed with everything to alarm fear, little to inspire hope. Religious principle possesses this important advantage, it addresses both hope and fear. It presents on the one hand, glory, honor and peace; on the other, infamy, disgrace and ruin. As mercy is a distinguishing attribute of religious sentiment, its tendency is to divest laws, of all unnecessary rigor and severity. The criminal code of our own State, is not only an evidence of the enlightened views and humane feelings of our legislators, but of the prevalence of religious sentiment. To our religion also, are we indebted for the cultivation of all those mild and amiable virtues, which sweeten human life and adorn the human character.

That the Christian religion should have a salutary influence upon all those, by whom it is believed and embraced, would be a natural expectation. A system, so mild and beneficent, breathing peace on earth, and good will to men, cannot fail to have the best influence on those, who acknowledge its authority. But the fact, we believe to be unquestionable, that it has a beneficial effect upon unbelievers themselves. Their tempers are softened, their manners improved, their vicious propensities restrained by that very religion, they profess to reject and despise. Religion sheds her savory influence over a whole community; the beneficial effects are not confined to open, avowed friends; it is the parent of innumerable blessings to its enemies; gives a cast to the manners, and a tone to the morals of a nation. The infidel is profited by its effects upon others; and if not made better himself, is restrained from those excesses in vice, to which, otherwise he would proceed.

3. We will consider the influence of Christianity on customs and manners. Wherever its cheering light has shone, it has abolished the barbarous customs of sacrificing human victims. This practice prevailed, not only among the most ignorant Pagans, but the most enlightened nations; was not confined to a narrow compass, but was of universal extent. The impression was received, that such sacrifices were acceptable to the Gods; were efficacious in averting their anger, in conciliating their favor; and the more honorable the victim, the more acceptable to the Deity. The Carthaginians reduced to an extremity, in searching for the cause of their pressing calamities, imputed it to the anger of Saturn; Saturn, indeed, was angry, because, only the children of slaves had been offered to him in sacrifice. To appease the enraged Deity, to atone for past neglect, two hundred children of the first families in Carthage, were immolated upon the altar of the cruel God. We turn with disgust and horror from such scenes, to bless our God for a religion which has taught us better. Wherever the Christian religion has been introduced, it has abolished this cruel rite. Let it not be said, that the progress of civilization must claim the honor. Numerous instances might be adduced, in which the abolition immediately followed the introduction of Christianity.

Suicide, abhorrent to the better feelings of our nature, is expressly forbidden by the divine law. This practice was defended by the greatest philosophers and moralists of antiquity. Seneca, Plutarch, Quintilian, gave to it the sanction of their high authority. Their disciples were taught, either to despise the ills of life; or if calamities were pressing, to quit their post. Poverty, misfortune, dishonor, were considered sufficient to justify self murder; indeed, that not any were required longer to preserve life, than life was pleasant. At the present day, among some Pagan nations, we see the torch applied to the funeral pile, and the deluded follower of a false religion, expiring amidst the shouts of an infatuated multitude. We cease to wonder philosophers should countenance the practice, while their religion presented to them, little to hope, or fear from the future; especially, when it furnished no adequate motives to endure with fortitude, the trials of life. Nor is it a matter of surprise, that their disciples should regard suicide as an innocent act, when recommended by those revered for their wisdom, and honored for their virtue. If our religion has not cured the malady; it has checked the progress of the disorder. This divine philosophy furnishes us with motives to suffer with patience, and inspires feelings which revolt at the thought of self destruction. It teaches us to consider afflictions of a medicinal nature, designed to cure our vices and improve our virtues. The public mind is so far enlightened by our religion, the public feelings so far improved, that the public voice, as the only apology, pronounces the suicide a lunatic.

Christianity is justly entitled to the honor of abolishing that barbarous custom, the show of gladiators. This became a mere pastime at Rome. As their Gods were cruel, this belief served to render mankind obdurate; to stifle all the tender feelings of human nature. The impression was received and cherished, that departed heroes were delighted with carnage. For their entertainment, and to honor their memories, tragedies were acted at their funerals, and their graves bedewed with blood. In some nations, the aged were exposed a prey to the beasts of the desert; in others, infants, in whom the torch of life just lighted up, were by violent hands destroyed, and the murderer was the author of their being. Our hearts sicken at the recital of numerous Pagan rights, so abhorrent to the spirit of our religion.

Shall I, however, request your patience, while I mention one custom more, sanctioned by public opinion in the dark ages, now condemned, but still existing—dueling. We blush, that this relic of barbarism is still preserved. It originated in ignorance, under the false impression, that divine interposition would decide with rectitude. Competitors for office decided their claims with the sword; controversies between individuals were decided in a similar manner. This practice was encouraged by the highest authority of state. Their ignorantly, yet firmly believing, that truth and ignorance would be made manifest by the result, that divine interposition would decide with rectitude, pleads strongly in their favor. Their sin was the sin or ignorance. They did not contend under the false notion of honor; they were not hurried into the field by wounded pride, but it was an honest, sincere appeal to an higher power. Not so with our modern duelist. He outrages all law, human and divine. Is he a husband? He pierces the heart of the wife of his bosom. Is he a parent? His tender mercies to his children are cruelty. Is he a son? He brings down to the grave, the grey hairs of those he is bound to reverence and honor. He rushes to his solemn account, stained with blood. We are impressed with surprise, that a custom founded ignorantly upon principles which are now exploded, forbidden by human, divine law, and public opinion, which subjects families to such acuteness of sorrow, should still exist. While religion and humanity reprobate the custom; the tears of parents, widows, and orphans, plead against it; we are unable to find a single argument in its support. Is it such a virtuous and noble deed, shedding the blood of a fellow being, that it can wipe away dishonor? Standing as a mark to shoot at, will this save a sinking character? If this is honor, the assassin may die on the bed of honor.

If we contemplate the effects of Christianity upon the customs of war, it will appear that its influence has been highly beneficial. Since its introduction, wars have been less frequent. During seven centuries, the temple of Janus was but thrice closed. In reviewing the history of ancient nations, we feel almost compelled to subscribe to the sentiment, “a state of nature is a state of war.” Battles were fought with a savage ferocity. Victors became demons, deaf to the cries of mercy, and callous to the feelings of compassion. Captives were subjected to every kind of torture imagination could invent, and the scene closed with a carnival too horrible to relate. It is recorded to the honor of the “first Christian prince, that he offered a premium to the soldier who should save a captive alive.” Comparing the customs of Christian and Pagan nations, we learn how much we are indebted for our religion. It has enlarged the minds, improved the manners and softened the temper of men. Its spirit is pacific. To its influence may be attributed the tranquil state of Christendom and our own country. It has meliorated the customs of war, impressed the hearts of kings, who have avowed the purpose of governing according to its spirit and laws, honorable to their hearts, and an honorable testimony to our religion. Though Christianity has not proved efficacious in abolishing the custom of war; our hopes are sanguine, it will ultimately accomplish the object. Various appearances indicate the present, to be the dawning of a brighter day. The societies formed in different kingdoms, to give effect to the pacific principles of Christianity, prove an increase of enlightened views and good feelings. Success to those, the object of whose exertions, is to aid in the operation.

4. We beg leave to remark, religion is the surest basis of moral virtue. France has taught Christian nations, a practical lesson, upon this subject; and, by a melancholy experiment, has shown, how feeble are the restraints of moral virtue, separate from religious principle. These philosophers, who prevailed upon her to burst asunder the bonds of religion, were the perfect advocates of moral virtue, which furnishes the most powerful, operative motives to the practice. Would the moralist give the fullest effect to his system, let it be connected with religious principle.

“Talk they of morals!
Oh thou bleeding love,
The best morality is love to Thee.”

If pleasure and satisfaction may be derived from any particular course of action, an inducement is presented to pursue that course. “Happiness is our being’s end and aim.” It is the pole star, toward which human beings are directing their views. Virtue is the pursuit of one, because it promises happiness; sensual pleasure of another, because this is happiness. The greatest apparent good determines the choice of the mind. He who practices self denial, and he who indulges his vicious inclinations, both have the same object in view. And this choice must depend upon the moral complexion of the mind. That the practice of virtue affords pleasure to the pure in heart, is acknowledged; but not to him, who has contracted a high degree of moral depravity. In proportion to the increase of depravity, the moral sense is weakened, the power of conscience diminished, the mental taste corrupted, perverted; of consequence the pleasures of virtue lessened. Does the practice afford satisfaction to a pure mind? Revenge is sweet to a depraved mind. Does the enjoyment of one, consist in suppressing the benevolent feelings, in controlling the evil passions? The enjoyment of the other, consists in their gratification and indulgence. When, then, the violation of the principles of moral virtue promise happiness, what is there to give security to its laws, separate from religious obligation?

“But the beauty of virtue, its consistency with the reason and nature of things, must give to it a binding power.” What interest will the mass of the community take in philosophical discussions of the nature of virtue? Incapable of reasoning themselves, they will listen with no interest to a strain of reasoning from others, which they do not readily comprehend. Would you impress them, truth must be presented so clearly to the mind, that it may be discerned at the first glance, and so forcibly, that it shall be instantly felt. That persons of improved minds, of refined feelings and sentiments, are sometimes influenced to the practice of virtue, from a sense of its fitness, is unquestionable. The conviction produced in the mind, by their own reasoning, is operative. Yet, how large a portion of mankind are incapable of reasoning upon the subject; who are as insensible to the beauty of virtue, as the blind to colors. Display its propriety, utility, fitness; but what will be the effect upon minds indifferent to utility, and blind to moral fitness? That the obligations to virtue may be felt, it must be enforced by the high authority of Him who made us.

Permit me to conduct your minds a step further, to that eventful period, when time will close, and human distinctions be leveled. Who has not been a witness of the consolations religion has imparted, of the patience and fortitude with which it has inspired the mind, and the hopes it has cherished? We cannot recollect the tranquility of an Addison, his dying testimony in favor of our religion, without interest. To him, and to thousands, it has been of more worth, than crowns and diadems. Will it be objected that it is all a delusion? What an innocent delusion! a delusion, if you will have it so, which humanity forbids us to wrest from anyone, when it softens the dying pillow, and comforts the last sad hour. God forbid, we should deprive man of his last hope. The age in which we live, and the country in which we dwell, are distinguished for benevolent exertions to meliorate the condition of man. Systems are in operation to diminish the aggregate of human misery; to lessen the sufferings of the poor; to extend the means of moral and religious improvement, by a mild and gentle discipline; to reform that debased class of the community rendered obnoxious to her laws; to restore the lunatic to reason, and teach the dumb to speak. To the spirit of our religion are we indebted for these humane exertions, these benevolent institutions.

To Christianity it is objected, that it is found inoperative to a large portion of those by whom it is enjoyed. This objection cannot militate either against its truth or moral excellence. That it has a salutary influence upon all those by whom it is cordially embraced, must be conceded. Not having a favorable practical influence upon those, by whom it is rejected, no more disproves its value, than the virtue of a medicine is disproved, because refused to be taken. To test the value of a medicine, it must be taken; to test the value of our religion it must be received and practiced. The increased attention paid to sacred literature, must afford the most sincere satisfaction to the friends of our religion. Christianity has never suffered by investigation and research to the speaker, the supposition appears unreasonable, that no improvements can be made in theology; that we should rest precisely in the spot, where the first reformers left us. Indeed, they were not agreed. Luther, Calvin, and Zuinglius [Zwingli – Swiss Protestant reformer], differed in their conceptions of certain parts of Scripture. In the present age of literary improvement, when the best talents are employed in theological research, is nothing to be learned? Is every art and science susceptible of improvement, except divinity? It is not with Christianity as with mathematical science. The mathematics have for their basis certain unalterable principles. The theorems of Euclid admit of demonstration, being founded in nature. Improvements may be made in mathematical science, the superstructure may be enlarged, yet its fundamental principles remain unaltered. The process of reasoning is different, in establishing physical and moral truths. The former will admit that demonstration, of which the latter is not susceptible. Though the first grand principles, on which Christianity rests, is capable of satisfactory proof, yet, from that volume which contains our religion, numerous systems have been formed, the result of the inquiry and reasoning of fallible men. In mathematics, we recur to first principles; in theology we are often necessitated to recur to ancient customs, manners, laws. In fact, we know not the precise meaning attached to certain words. On this account, the field for improvement in sacred literature is widely extended. One important advantage must be the result of theological research; the better the Scriptures are understood, the more rational and consistent will be our religious system.

If such as have been stated, are the advantages of Christianity to the world, especially to our own country, we earnestly entreat for it the countenance and patronage of those who are advanced to offices of honor and trust. We recollect with gratitude, that the civil rulers of this Commonwealth have been uniformly friendly to religious order. This is recorded to their honor, as well as to the honor of the state. The greatest men, who have adorned any age, have been the patrons of religion. Christianity can claim in the number of her friends, an Addison, Boyle, Grotius, Bacon, Locke, Newton, Washington, Jones. What statesman will feel dishonored to be enrolled upon this catalogue? These men were not only her avowed friends, but placed themselves in the front rank of her defenders. To treat religion with cold civility and decent respect, is not all we ask of rulers. Permit us to say, we wish you to throw the weight of your influence into the scale. This will strengthen our hands, and encourage our hearts, who are her appointed guardians. And this, we believe, would be no less an act of patriotism than piety. My respected auditors cannot be insensible of the weight of their influence and example. Rulers may give a cast, a complexion, a tone to the body politic.

We beg leave to express our high satisfaction in seeing his Excellency again invited to the chair of state. Repeatedly clothed with the first office in the gift of the people, is the best evidence of their confidence. Nor could it fail to have been a source of pleasurable reflection to his Excellency, that under his administration, the asperity of political prejudices and party feelings have been yielding to mutual confidence. It has been the lot of no predecessor in office, to have witnessed the country in a state of greater prosperity. A consciousness of having contributed to allay the spirit of party, and increase the public prosperity, must afford comfort to the benevolent, patriotic mind. An administration, distinguished by enlightened views, guided by a wise policy, and animated by a spirit of moderation, has been duly appreciated by a discerning community. It is our prayer to God for his Excellency, that the evening of his life may be cheered and comforted, in beholding the rising glory, progressive improvement, and uninterrupted prosperity of a country, which has been the object of his best hopes, and shared in his best services.

We rejoice in those expressions of undiminished confidence, which his Honor is annually receiving from his fellow citizens. Religious sentiment being the best pledge of fidelity, we are assured that the Commonwealth will receive all the advantage of his talents and support. Though not insensible to the honor conferred by his fellow citizens, we are happy in claiming those high in office, practically subscribing to the sentiment. “A Christian is the highest style of man.” May a life, which has borne testimony to the truth, and in which so many of the virtues of our religion have been exhibited, experience its consolations, when earth and all its scenes shall be withdrawn. We tender our congratulations to the honorable Council, and are happy, that the important concerns of the Commonwealth are to share in the deliberations, and pass in review of those, who have been taught by experience, and whose knowledge of our civil and political concerns, must render them useful in Council.

The honorable Members of the Legislature, collected from various parts of the Commonwealth, bring with them the feelings and sensibilities, and know the wants of their constituents. Highly important and responsible is this branch of our government. You are not the minions of a chief, whose humble employment it is to receive projects of laws for discussion, or to adopt them without discussion. Yours, is the honorable, responsible office to originate them, to perfect them, to adapt them to the state of the times, to the habits and security of the people. Our protection and prosperity are intimately connected with this branch of our government. To you, we look for equal laws, security of life property, liberty, the encouragement of education, the preservation of order and protection in the enjoyment of that religion, the surest basis of morals, national order and happiness, and individual enjoyment. In the discharge of official duty, you have the example of statesmen and legislators of ancient and modern times. You will profit by their wisdom and their folly, their virtues and their vices. Such long experience have we had of the wisdom of our legislators, the equity of their laws, their careful attention to every part of the community, their attachment to order, learning, and religion, that with perfect confidence we commit to them our dearest rights. Happy the people who are favored with legislators, in whom, with so much confidence, they can confide. May God bless your labors, and your labors be rendered pleasant.

It has been remarked, that in America, our lofty mountains, majestic rivers, and extended forests, show that nature has wrought upon her largest scale. Our country affords the productions of every clime. Its rapid growth and increasing prosperity encourage the most flattering hopes. Blessed with constitutions of civil government, tested by experience, to be equal to the exigencies, and adapted to the habits and character of the people; favored with statesmen distinguished for talents, patriotism, and love of order; enjoying a religion, mild and beneficent; originating numerous institutions whose bounty flows in the channel of Christian charity, forming a swelling stream, which not only enriches and fertilizes our own country, but remote nations; with laws, just and equal, and numerous seats of science for the education of youth, what expectations may we not form of the rising glory of this western world? Some of the nations of Europe are on the decline; all probably have reached the zenith of their glory; while America is rapidly advancing to national eminence. May she be for a name and a praise.

 


Endnotes

1. Mosheim.

2.Washington.